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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #53748 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53748)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Diplomatists of Europe, by M. (Jean
-Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue, Edited by William Monteith,
-Translated by William Monteith
-
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions 
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at 
-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-
-
-
-Title: The Diplomatists of Europe
-
-
-Author: M. (Jean Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue
-
-Editor: William Monteith
-
-Release Date: December 17, 2016  [eBook #53748]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-
-***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DIPLOMATISTS OF EUROPE***
-
-
-UTF-8
-
-
-
-Note: Images of the original pages are available through
-      Internet Archive. See
-      https://archive.org/details/diplomatistsofeu00cape
-
-
-
-
-
-THE DIPLOMATISTS OF EUROPE.
-
-From the French of
-
-M. CAPEFIGUE.
-
-Edited by
-
-Major-General Monteith,
-K.L.S. F.R.S. &c.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-London:
-G. W. Nickisson,
-215 Regent Street.
-
-M.DCCC.XLV.
-
-London:
-Printed by George Barclay, 28 Castle Street,
-Leicester Square.
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS.
-
-
-                                                       PAGE
-
-PRINCE METTERNICH                                         1
-
-M. DE TALLEYRAND                                         58
-
-COUNT POZZO DI BORGO                                    109
-
-M. PASQUIER                                             172
-
-THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON                                  197
-
-THE DUC DE RICHELIEU                                    223
-
-PRINCE HARDENBERG                                       252
-
-COUNT NESSELRODE                                        289
-
-LORD CASTLEREAGH                                        327
-
-
-
-
-AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
-
-
-The sketches now offered to the reader have most of them been already
-published in parts, in magazines and reviews. I have been advised to
-collect them into one work, in order to make their tendency and their
-spirit better understood.
-
-The end I proposed to myself at the time I wrote them, was to efface
-the prejudices which the decrepit schools of the Revolution, and of the
-Empire, had cast over the vast intellects who have had the direction
-of the government in various countries, or who still continue to guide
-the state. This end, I think, was partly gained by the four sketches of
-the career of Prince Metternich, Counts Pozzo di Borgo and Nesselrode,
-and the Duke of Wellington. I have considered it the more essential to
-complete this publication at present, because, for some years past,
-people appear only to take pleasure in extolling those who have been
-engaged in the work of destruction. The most illustrious public bodies
-take pleasure in listening to the praises of those who have ruined
-the old state of society, and no man is considered clever, learned,
-or virtuous, unless he has been at least half a regicide. As for me I
-request a little space for the politicians who create, preserve, or
-add to a state,--for the men whose works still endure, and survive all
-those who declaimed against them. I would give all the fame of the
-Radicals of 1791, of the year III., or the year VIII., for the smallest
-portion of the abilities of Cardinal Richelieu.
-
-It was not at random that I selected the names of the statesmen of
-whom an account is here to be met with; they each represent an idea--a
-system--a policy. Prince Metternich is the creator of the theory of
-the balance of power and armed neutrality, which has obtained a very
-exalted rank for Austria among European powers; Prince Talleyrand
-brought back among us the temperate diplomacy of the Empire, of the
-first days of the Restoration, and of the Revolution of 1830; Count
-Pozzo di Borgo personifies the persevering tact of European policy and
-the Russian system since the year 1814; the chancellor, M. Pasquier,
-exhibits the administration of the latter part of the reign of
-Napoleon, and he was, also, the moderate minister of the Restoration;
-the Duke of Wellington is England under arms, and the active spirit of
-the Tories; the Duc de Richelieu is the symbol of probity in affairs,
-and of great unrequited services--he is the man who delivered his
-country from the dominion of a stranger, and yet with whose name
-the present generation is, perhaps, less acquainted than with that
-of any orator at the hustings; Prince Hardenberg represents Prussia
-at first holding a neutral course, then advancing with her poetical
-universities; Count Nesselrode has been Chancellor of Russia for the
-last thirty years; and, finally, I have raised to its proper exalted
-position the much-belied character of Lord Castlereagh, the faithful
-interpreter of the views of the Tory party, the worthy successor of Mr.
-Pitt, and who preserved England and added to her power. These sketches,
-therefore, by their account of the different ministers, form a vast
-history of the cabinets of Europe.
-
-Many new details will be found in these portraits, and my admiration
-for intellectual and powerful minds has made me strive to perfect
-them. Being quite unconnected with the agitations of the present
-times, I have not mentioned in these pages any name mixed up with
-the dissensions of the press and the tribune. Some of the politicians
-of the present day were, however, the noble friends of the Duc de
-Richelieu, and others afforded him the aid of their talents and
-sagacity. May they continue their career, without becoming weary and
-discouraged in the difficult paths of Conservatism and order! May
-they persevere, in spite of the misery of holding office in changeful
-times! The heart of Pitt was often deeply pained while arranging
-his magnificent work, and England now pronounces him the prince of
-statesmen. Toil and trouble are the condition of man, and nothing
-strong or durable ever was created, without raising a clamour of
-opposition from beings of inferior intellects, violent tempers, and
-disappointed ambition.
-
-      _June 1843._
-
-  NOTE.--The following pages being merely a translation, the Editor
-  has found it necessary to abstain from any observations on the work
-  of M. Capefigue, and from offering any remarks upon the sentiments
-  of this able writer, even where he may materially differ with him.
-
-      _June 1845._
-
-
-
-
-PRINCE METTERNICH.
-
-
-The Austrian government, which is composed of old hereditary states
-and conquests of a later date, a sort of chequer-work of provincial
-privileges and immunities, may be said to be the creation of a
-statesman, who must be placed in a superior rank to all others.
-
-It is not only under the aspect of a long and brilliant diplomatic
-career that we must regard the life of Prince Metternich, we must also
-look upon him as the head of the executive organisation, which includes
-so many various interests, and such a diversity of national characters
-and feelings, under the government of one sceptre.
-
-Cast your eyes over the provinces which extend from the centre of
-Germany into Poland, from the extremity of Gallicia as far as Venice
-and Milan, from Zara on the Adriatic to Mantua, the key of Lake Garda
-and of the Tyrol, an assemblage of richer countries or more opulent
-cities cannot be met with. To Metternich belongs the honour of having
-already, for above thirty years, maintained his hold upon these
-various nations; he has realised the most difficult system of local
-administration and of a central government, great domestic liberty,
-with, at the same time, careful surveillance, an active police with
-very indulgent toleration, the most extensive credit with the least
-oppressive taxation. One might compare the Austrian government to the
-father of a family, anxious and rather strict with his children; the
-elder ones are tractable, the younger sometimes unruly, over whom he
-keeps a tight rein, in order that it may as seldom as possible be
-necessary to have recourse to chastisement.[1]
-
- [1] Nothing can exceed the paternal government of Austria to her
- hereditary states, or the severity of the police in her Italian
- dominions. In Hungary the Austrian power has never been sufficient to
- enable her to ameliorate the prominent defects of their still feudal
- system. The Italians, Sclavonians, and Hungarians, are still far from
- being amalgamated with the Austrians.
-
-Railways and industrial establishments are becoming numerous in
-Austria; her navy is increasing on the Adriatic, and is a means of
-circulating her flourishing manufactures. Metternich has thus caused
-the age of labour to succeed to that of war and conquest. The ancient
-constitution of Germany was destroyed at the peace of Presburg, during
-the time of the contemptible and fragile assembly of the Confederation
-of the Rhine. The house of Austria then renounced the old imperial
-crown; but a new existence has opened for it, and, after innumerable
-reverses under the Republic and Napoleon, it again reared its head with
-a new state of political life and of military power. Since the year
-1813, Austria has been constantly called upon to play a great part in
-the affairs of Europe, and Metternich has succeeded in giving to her
-politics a character of perseverance, or, rather, of immutability, the
-result of an idea nobly conceived, and then worked out like a mission
-he felt intrusted to accomplish.
-
-The political life of a statesman is bound up in the work he has
-undertaken. It is not my habit as a historian to adopt the narrow views
-inspired by party-spirit or worn-out declamation: when a minister has
-achieved the greatness of an empire, resisted vassalage under Napoleon,
-and furnished the most extensive field for the page of history, I will
-not, from a weak patriotism, raise my voice against this master-mind.
-We may meet with enough men who destroy; we ought to feel respect for
-those capable of creating, and then maintaining their work.
-
-Clement Wenceslaus, Count of Metternich-Winneburg-Ochsenhausen, was
-born at Coblentz, on the 13th of May, 1773, of a good German family,
-whose ancestors have served in former times against the Ottomans. I
-also find there were several officers of the name of Metternich in
-the company of Lanzknechts, in the time of the Reformation and of the
-League. His father, Count Metternich, a man of very moderate abilities,
-was greatly in the confidence of Prince Kaunitz, and his name is
-mentioned in all the business transacted concerning the Low Countries.
-Young Metternich received the names of Clement-Wenceslaus, after the
-Prince of Poland and Lithuania, Duke of Saxony, who stood godfather to
-him. At the age of fifteen he went to the university of Strasburg, at
-that time very celebrated, and the most frequented academy in Europe.
-
-The philosophy of Voltaire, Helvetius, and Rousseau, was then in
-the ascendant--that empty sensualism which filled young heads with
-effervescing fancies. The university of Strasburg was under the
-direction of Koch, the celebrated lecturer upon international law;
-and, by a singular chance, another youth, whose name has since been
-well known, was also pursuing his studies at the same university; this
-was Benjamin Constant de Rebecque. Some degree of friendship sprung up
-between the students, and it is curious to observe what a different
-career was opened by the caprices of Fortune to the two pupils of
-Professor Koch. Count Metternich concluded his philosophical studies
-in the year 1790; the rest of his education was completed in Germany.
-When he reached the age of twenty he visited England and Holland, and
-afterwards went to live at Vienna, where he married Maria Eleonora, of
-Kaunitz-Rietberg.
-
-Metternich's first entry into the diplomatic corps was merely as a
-secretary at the Congress of Rahstadt,--a singular negotiation, which
-had a most tragical termination;[2] he afterwards accompanied Count
-Stadion in his missions to Prussia and to St. Petersburg, and was
-at the latter court at the time of the alliance between Russia and
-Austria, which fell to the ground in consequence of the rapidity of
-Napoleon's military investment of Ulm, and the revolt of Bavaria,--an
-admirable campaign, which at once placed the French emperor in the rank
-of the greatest military commanders.
-
- [2] The French commissioners were attacked on leaving the city and
- many killed.--_Editor._
-
-Even at this early period it was the opinion of Metternich that the
-triple alliance between Russia, Prussia, and Germany, would not be
-too much to restrain the power of Napoleon; and a striking evidence
-of the importance of France and of her leader had just been afforded
-by the battle of Austerlitz. Count Metternich was called upon to take
-a part in all the treaties concluded at this time; and, up to this
-period, his opinions appeared to belong to the same school as those
-of Count Stadion, who was shortly afterwards appointed minister for
-foreign affairs. By him Metternich was proposed as ambassador to the
-court of Russia; but, the treaty of Presburg having completely altered
-the position of Austria in Europe, Francis II. preferred sending the
-young diplomatist to Napoleon; and, on the 15th of August, 1806, the
-day of the solemn national anniversary, the ambassador presented his
-credentials, and first appeared before the favourite of fortune and
-glory.
-
-The political system of which Count Metternich was the representative
-at Paris was very complicated. Since the first coalition against
-France, Austria had suffered the most severe reverses, having been
-twice deprived of the Milanese by Buonaparte, general and consul;
-then driven back on the banks of the Danube by Moreau, and having a
-second time entered the lists, after the alliance with Russia, this new
-coalition was dissolved by the battle of Austerlitz, and the Austrian
-cabinet was obliged to sign the treaty of Presburg,--a covenant
-submitted to through necessity alone, which broke up the old empire of
-Germany, and, in some measure, made an end of that of Austria.
-
-It was the politics of this treaty, so fatal to the interests of
-the emperor, that Metternich was deputed to represent at Paris. The
-Confederation of the Rhine had overturned all the German system of
-affairs, which was as ancient as the Golden Bull. Wirtemberg and
-Bavaria, instead of being mere electorates, became kingdoms; when
-Bavaria received, at the expense of Austria, a territory of more
-than 12,000 square miles, a population of above 3,000,000 of souls,
-and a revenue of above 17,000,000 florins; and the aggrandisement of
-Wirtemberg, also prejudicial to Austria, though, no doubt, in a less
-degree, cost her about 150 square miles. Austria also lost the Venetian
-states, the Tyrol, the five cities of the Danube, Venetian Dalmatia,
-and the mouths of the Cattaro.
-
-The act of the Confederation of the Rhine, which was the work of
-Talleyrand, Otto, and Reinhard, tore away the last remains of the old
-imperial mantle: and Francis II. was obliged to lay aside this ancient
-dignity, which would have been, in time to come, nothing but an empty
-title. Napoleon's system was to invade every thing, and a treaty was to
-him but an opportunity of launching out into fresh conquests. He had
-planted his family in Germany by instituting the kingdom of Westphalia;
-and, by means of marriages, he connected himself with Wirtemberg and
-Bavaria: all the stipulations in the treaty of Presburg had been
-insisted upon with the most inflexible haughtiness.
-
-After these terrible reverses, Metternich considered the best means
-of regaining a little influence in Europe was to keep on good terms
-with Napoleon, or rather to preserve a strict neutrality, which might
-allow Austria to trace out an advantageous line of conduct for herself,
-should any decisive circumstance occur, as it could hardly fail to do
-sooner or later. The diplomatic system of Metternich was consequently
-one of expectation and inquiry; his special mission was, to become
-intimately acquainted with the most trifling peculiarities of this new
-and singularly constructed court, and to discover the thoughts and even
-the caprices of the powerful Emperor of the French.
-
-Fresh successes had just crowned the arms of Napoleon. After some
-unfortunate hesitation, Prussia had cast herself headlong into the
-Russian alliance; and, after her subsequent defeat at Jena, the peace
-of Tilsit had laid the foundation of a temporary truce, for treaties
-with Napoleon could only possess that transitory character. Metternich
-received orders from his court to endeavour, by means of a respectful
-deference, to conciliate the favour of the great sovereign. The
-almost magical influence which Napoleon had obtained over the mind
-of Alexander at Tilsit had excited great apprehensions at Vienna:
-an interview was about to take place at Erfurt, and the probable
-consequences that might result from it were a source of serious alarm
-to Austria. Metternich was constantly seen at the Tuileries. He was
-the representative of a very ancient European court; himself a man
-of good birth, and with aristocratic manners, every thing was in his
-favour, and he was perfectly successful in his mission. At the court
-of Napoleon there existed much formality, a tone of society combining
-at once a degree of constraint with the blunt manners of the camp. It
-was a mere collection of puerile ceremonies; and a man of good family
-enjoyed an incontestable superiority there from the good taste and
-ease communicated by education, and the constant habit of society. The
-ambassador was then thirty-four years of age, his countenance was noble
-and intelligent; he went to all the court entertainments, and attracted
-universal attention by the elegance of his equipage and his expensive
-habits. Young, brilliant, gifted with a ready wit and an easy flow of
-language, with a slightly emphatic manner of speaking, Count Metternich
-had the reputation of being a successful gallant, and highly in favour
-with the Parisian ladies.
-
-The ambassador had recourse to the pleasing species of politics which
-reaches the secrets of the cabinet--through the heart. His fascinating
-manners had gained him the good-will of Napoleon, who took pleasure
-in distinguishing him in the crowd of foreign ministers, and liked to
-converse with him, though with an occasional observation that he was
-very young to be the representative of one of the oldest courts of
-Europe. "At the battle of Austerlitz you were scarcely older than I am
-now!" was one day the reply of the ambassador. The Emperor was never
-hasty in his language to Metternich, for he considered him as the means
-by which an idea of the French system could be conveyed into Austria;
-and more than once the subject of their debate was the question of the
-balance of power in Europe, which assumed in the mind of Napoleon such
-gigantic proportions. Metternich's scheme was to represent the alliance
-between France and Austria as indispensable; and he spoke of the treaty
-of 1736, concluded under the influence of the Duc de Choiseul, as the
-basis of all political grandeur in Europe. The conference of Erfurt
-was, however, a source of constant uneasiness to him, and Napoleon had
-just departed for the meeting which was to reconcile the two empires
-of the North and the South. Promises had been exchanged between the
-emperors, and in these plans the sacrifice of Austria was determined
-upon. They were not ignorant of this at Vienna: had, then, all the
-efforts of Metternich in Paris been in vain? The Spanish war had just
-broken out, and another sovereign had been hurled from his throne.
-Was not this a fresh warning to the House of Austria? The alarms it
-inspired were confessed at the court of London, and England fed their
-fears in order to induce them to take a vigorous part in the war;
-for which purpose a report was circulated of a projected change of
-succession in the Austrian dynasty, favoured by Napoleon.
-
-The peace of Presburg, by placing every where in the Germanic
-Confederation French principles, and almost French administration,
-had excited strong dissatisfaction, and the general detestation had
-been increased by large military contributions, and numerous vexatious
-oppressions indulged in by the generals and their subordinates. In
-every direction burst forth the anti-Gallic spirit in favour of the
-liberty of Germany, especially among the nobility and the secret
-associations, which had become formidable as early as 1808. The
-liberal impulse against Napoleon had been awakened in Europe, and it
-was not one of the least influential causes of his downfall. England
-encouraged these views; subsidies were promised to a government deeply
-involved in debt; the resistance of the Peninsula was pointed out to
-Austria, and the difficulties thereby opposed to the military power of
-Napoleon, especially after the capitulation of Baylen. Why should they
-not take advantage of this opportunity to burst through the conditions
-imposed by the treaty of Presburg? England engaged to subsidise the
-Austrian army, if, uniting their efforts to the common cause, they
-would seize that moment for declaring against France; and she also
-promised a simultaneous diversion in Holland and Spain. These warlike
-propositions soon found friends among the German nobility, and Count
-Stadion entered completely into the English views. The levies were
-immense, for the fate of the empire was at stake.
-
-At this period the business of the young ambassador was to mask by
-flattering promises the military preparations that were making in
-Austria. His papers were full of protestations of confidence: and how
-could he act otherwise? Is it not the duty of a diplomatist to soften
-the course of events, and to moderate the first bursts of anger and
-vengeance of one nation against another? Austria did not wish to engage
-in war until Napoleon should be completely absorbed in his Spanish
-expedition. But as soon as the Emperor and the Old Guard had left
-Paris, to raise the puppet throne of Joseph at Madrid, she no longer
-dissembled her warlike preparations; hostilities were commenced against
-Bavaria, the close ally of Napoleon, and the Austrian standard was
-unfurled at Ulm. Napoleon, informed of this unexpected movement, made
-but one step back to Paris. Metternich was still there.
-
-The ambassador was now placed in a very delicate position, for the
-Austrian war had really been a surprise. Napoleon thought himself the
-dupe of Metternich, and he commanded Fouché, the Minister of Police,
-to cause him to be seized, and marched from one military station to
-another, until he reached the frontier. The order was harsh, brutal,
-and contrary to all diplomatic usages. Is not an ambassador bound to
-obey the instructions of his government, and to serve its interests?
-and is it not his duty to conceal every thing that may injure his
-court? Fouché, with his usual regard to his own interest, and who
-considered what the future might bring forth, executed the orders of
-Napoleon with delicacy and politeness. He went to the ambassador's
-house, told him the occasion of his visit, and expressed the most
-lively regret for it. A degree of dissatisfaction had already begun
-to arise in the mind of this minister, who looked forward to the
-time when the insatiable ambition of Napoleon must have a limit, and
-he and Metternich expressed to each other, in mutual confidence,
-their feelings on the miseries of war and the rapacious spirit of
-Napoleon; and Fouché, whose disposition was generally communicative and
-incautious, went so far as to give utterance to most singular opinions
-concerning the probable downfall, or even death, of his master. In
-order as far as possible to soften the rigorous orders he had received,
-a single captain of gendarmerie, chosen by Marshal Moncey, accompanied
-the travelling-carriage of the ambassador to the frontier. Prince
-Metternich takes pleasure in relating the curious occurrences of this
-journey, which, like that of the aide-de-camp Czernicheff in 1812, was
-not devoid of peril.
-
-Then the earth was shaken! The Austrian army, under the Archduke
-Charles, fought valiantly for the defence of their country and
-their sovereign, and the battle of Essling menaced the fortunes of
-Napoleon. The disastrous event of this day was never fully published in
-France; but elsewhere it was perfectly known. Preussisch-Eylau, the
-capitulation of Baylen, and the battle of Essling on the Danube, appear
-to me to be the three culminating points, which first taught the world
-that the armies of Napoleon were no longer invincible: these battles
-had a great moral influence upon the affairs of Europe, and Wagram was
-necessary to restore the powerful effect of the Emperor's name; the
-field of battle on this occasion was doubtful, but nothing could be
-more decisive than the result; great discouragement was manifested in
-the councils of Vienna, and the party in favour of peace carried the
-day.
-
-Victory had then decided between France and Austria, proving the star
-of Napoleon to be utterly irresistible. The two parties which divided
-the court of Vienna now became more marked, the opinion in favour of
-peace, represented by Count Bubna, prevailed in the Emperor's council,
-and Count Stadion, who had hitherto had the direction of affairs
-under the influence of the English system, was obliged to retire from
-the cabinet. The ministry for foreign affairs having thus become
-vacant, Francis II. thought to conciliate France by the appointment
-of Metternich, who had displayed great abilities during his embassy
-to that country. The count, having been reconciled with Napoleon,
-had since then carefully maintained a middle course between peace
-and war, and he had also begun to adopt in politics the attitude of
-armed neutrality, which, ever since 1813, has been the characteristic
-of Austrian policy. This was a period of deep humiliation for the
-old imperial crown. The _Moniteur_ had announced that _the House
-of Lorraine had ceased to reign_; the Austrian monarchy had been
-vanquished in the struggle, its armies had experienced terrible
-reverses; but there still remained to the Emperor Francis the devoted
-affection of his people, and the indignation they felt at the prospect
-of French domination.
-
-Count Metternich was sent as minister plenipotentiary to Napoleon,
-together with Count Bubna, and interviews took place for the purpose
-of treating of peace. The victor was excessively irritated at the
-vigorous conduct of Austria, and never were conferences attended with
-more violence or more fiery disputes; so that Metternich was obliged
-to apply all the powers of his mind towards inspiring the haughty
-conqueror with more moderate sentiments. If Napoleon bore in mind his
-silent and skilful conduct in 1809, he knew, that by favouring his
-elevation at the court of the Emperor of Austria, he should secure to
-himself an ally and a representative of his system. These motives,
-joined to dark hints of assassination, and to the uneasiness caused
-by the religious brotherhoods among the people, which were already
-beginning to stir for independence, all contributed to hasten the
-conclusion of the treaty of Vienna. Is it necessary to remind the
-reader that the French every where made use of their victories with the
-inflexible right of the conqueror?
-
-On the occasion of this treaty, Count Metternich received the title of
-Chancellor of the State, with the direction of foreign affairs,--an
-office of immense responsibility under existing circumstances. The
-population was exhausted by the war; the treasury without resources,
-having been completely drained by the contributions levied by the
-French; and the monarchy was deprived of all influence in Germany, the
-treaty of Vienna having robbed it of the last remains of importance
-towards the south; so that, as I have elsewhere[3] remarked, beside
-her was the Confederation of the Rhine, that is to say, Napoleon; in
-front the Helvetic Confederation, again Napoleon; to the south the
-kingdom of Italy, still Napoleon. There remained but a choice of two
-plans to Austria, either again to try the chance of war, or to appease
-the Emperor of the French by the most profound submission to all his
-wishes. Such was the idea of Metternich, when he suggested the marriage
-of the archduchess, when, as it was said by the implacable Lady
-Castlereagh, it was necessary to deliver up a daughter of the house of
-Austria to satisfy the Minotaur.
-
- [3] See "Europe during the Consulate and the Empire of Napoleon."
-
-If the French emperor were to choose a wife among the grand-duchesses
-of the house of Romanoff, the plan proposed at Erfurt would be quickly
-accomplished, that is to say, the formation of two great empires,
-around which there would be a number of small intermediate kingdoms, in
-some degree dependent upon them; and, to avoid this peril, Metternich
-hastened the marriage between Napoleon and Maria Louisa: by this
-means the house of Austria would secure a real protector in the
-French emperor, and the suit of a brilliant adventurer, at the feet
-of the daughter of a royal line, might be advantageous to the future
-prospects of the German crown. It is allowable in politics to calculate
-to what extent human passions may affect the course of affairs, and
-therefore the new chancellor of the state, when negotiating the union
-of the archduchess with Napoleon, looked forward, by means of a family
-arrangement, to recovering the position of which Austria had been
-deprived by the fortune of war. The marriage of the archduchess was
-arranged and concluded entirely by Metternich.
-
-Still, however, he carefully pursued the course towards which there
-appeared at that time to be a general bent in Europe. In the beginning
-of the year 1811, certain symptoms appeared to indicate to the court
-of Vienna that a rupture was about to take place between France and
-Russia, and these suspicions were changed ere long into certainty:
-M. Otto, the French ambassador at Vienna, opened his mind completely
-to Metternich, and, acting on the principle of the late alliance, he
-proposed they should form a kind of league of offence and defence in
-the war Napoleon was about to commence against Russia. The French
-emperor only required a detached corps of 40,000 Austrian auxiliaries
-as an active force, who were to attack the eastern extremity of
-Gallicia, at the same time that the French army should proceed to the
-Vistula. This treaty farther stipulated that the Austrian possessions
-in Poland should remain untouched, and certain territorial cessions in
-favour of Austria were agreed upon, in the event of the war against
-Russia proving successful; thus Metternich began to reap the advantages
-of the French alliance.
-
-The campaign of 1812 began. The Austrian corps of 30,000 auxiliaries
-was posted on the Vistula, and, if not required to take an active part
-in the operations, it still was a check upon the Russian army, which
-already threatened the flanks of Napoleon's troops. Metternich watched
-with extreme anxiety the movements of the invading army in Russia; its
-disastrous retreat was an appalling and unlooked-for catastrophe, and
-Prince Schwartzenberg went to oppose the Russian troops.
-
-A new train of ideas, a new series of negotiations were now to be
-entertained. The retreat from Moscow had been so calamitous, that it
-had not spared to the French enough troops to protect the line of the
-Oder, far less to retain possession of that of the Vistula. If Prussia
-and Austria had been faithful to their alliance with Napoleon, they
-ought immediately to have combined their forces, and opposed all their
-strength to the Russians, who were already making incursions on every
-side. The situation of the two courts was very difficult, for the
-whole German nation was so unanimous in their dislike to the French,
-that it would have been impossible for the cabinets of Berlin and
-Vienna to take any steps in their favour, without placing themselves
-in direct opposition to the people they governed; and, besides, after
-the deep humiliation they had both endured at the hands of Napoleon,
-was it not natural they should seek some motive, or, if the expression
-be preferred, some pretext, for delivering themselves from a state
-of subjection so fatal to them? Prussia, who was foremost, had no
-hesitation in abandoning an alliance that was so dishonourable to her.
-Metternich did not immediately follow her contagious example, but, a
-cessation of hostilities having taken place between the Russian and
-Austrian armies, the eyes of France fell upon the cabinet of Vienna,
-as the mediatorial power which was to prepare a peace, on a foundation
-in better keeping with the general equilibrium of Europe. In his
-conferences with M. Otto, the imperial chancellor gave him clearly
-to understand, that the Austrian government would not depart from
-the principles of the French alliance, but that the nature of their
-situation had been altered by the late military events, and, as the
-frontier of Austria might become the theatre of war, the cabinet of
-Vienna would naturally assume a more decided attitude, in order to
-bring to a conclusion a struggle which would for the future so closely
-affect the empire.
-
-The mission of Prince Schwartzenberg and Count Bubna, at Paris, was
-conducted in the same spirit. Without giving up the alliance, the
-Austrian government signified that it could no longer rest upon the
-same basis, in fact, that they must take a more decided part in
-the approaching military crisis. Metternich's object in this new
-negotiation was to lay the foundation for a general peace. Such a
-resolution was by no means disinterested on his part, for, in the new
-settlement of the boundaries of the different states of Europe which
-must ensue, Austria would obtain an accession of territory, as a
-consequence of the position in which the course of events had placed
-her. The English party was gaining ground at Vienna, and Lord Walpole
-had arrived with offers of subsidies and augmentation of territory;
-in proportion, also, as the French army met with fresh reverses, the
-popular feeling of Germany assumed a more decided character; still
-Metternich persisted in his mediatorial system, from the conviction
-that it would be for the real advantage of his country.
-
-These negotiations continued all through the winter of 1812-13. In
-the meanwhile, M. Otto had been replaced by Count Louis de Narbonne,
-the representative of the family alliance. He had been appointed by
-Napoleon, in the hope that his presence would remind Austria that an
-archduchess sat upon the throne of France; and, by the decree of the
-senate and the emperor, this same archduchess had just been officially
-proclaimed regent during the absence of Napoleon: the government being
-placed in her hands was a fresh guarantee to Austria of the personal
-feelings of the emperor's son-in-law. In politics alliances are
-formed upon positive interests, and Napoleon had too greatly abused
-his victories; the decree had gone forth, the empire, which extended
-from Hamburg to Venice--the protectorate, which pressed heavily upon
-Germany, Prussia, Italy, Switzerland, and Holland--the diplomatic
-oppression which burdened Sweden and Denmark--all must have an end:
-after action, a reaction must be expected.
-
-During this time considerable levies took place in every part of the
-Austrian territory, for it was determined the army should be made up to
-its full complement of 300,000 men. Metternich justified these warlike
-preparations by the natural position in which Austria was placed:
-when the belligerents came so closely in contact with the territory
-of a neuter party, it appeared quite natural that the neuter should
-take precautions to preserve its own independence. The position which
-Metternich had given to Austria had made her a predominant power, with
-the right of insisting upon real advantages, by way of indemnity; this
-was an admirable change of circumstances, which left Austria at liberty
-to come to a definitive decision.
-
-Baron Weissemberg then started for London, under the official pretext
-of bringing about a general peace, but in reality for the purpose of
-sounding the English cabinet upon the advantages likely to be offered
-to Austria, in the way of subsidies and accession of territory, in
-case she should declare openly in favour of the coalition, and should
-be willing to furnish so considerable a force as 450,000 men. Now all
-this occurred in the month of March 1813, and the armaments of Austria
-received a fresh augmentation, when the thunders of the artillery
-were heard at Lutzen and Bautzen; 200,000 men were already located
-in Bohemia: against whom could these immense bodies of troops be
-intended to act? At this juncture, Metternich again appeared in his
-mediatorial capacity, to prepare the armistice of Plesswitz, afterwards
-definitively settled at Nieumarch: Austria constantly declared that,
-as the conflicting armies occupied four hundred leagues of her
-frontiers, it was impossible she should any longer refrain from taking
-an active part in the struggle, if the belligerent powers would not
-agree to terms of reconciliation. A step was thus taken, from a state
-of alliance with Napoleon, towards a condition of armed neutrality,
-and how could so powerful a country as Austria long continue in this
-situation? In the heated state of the public mind in Germany, how was
-it possible to calculate the exact point where the mediation would stop
-for the _casus belli_?
-
-It was the interest of Russia and Prussia to keep on good terms with a
-court capable of drawing up a body of excellent troops 200,000 strong.
-After some bitter and ill-advised observations, Napoleon also accepted
-the mediation; it was a sort of break in the military operations, an
-expression of the weariness felt by an army now worn out with battles.
-We may see how great a part Metternich had created for Austria in these
-negotiations, for, on former occasions, the plenipotentiaries could
-treat the Austrian interests as a separate concern, while in her new
-position Vienna became the indispensable intermediate agent in any
-treaty that might be contemplated. The question was, Did Austria offer
-her mediation in good faith, with a sincere wish for peace? or was it
-merely as a lure, to enable her to render her military establishment
-more complete? This becomes an important question for history.
-
-It must be remembered that, after the battles of Lutzen and Bautzen,
-the desire for peace was universal, even in France, and in the tent
-of Napoleon, in the military night-watch, as well as on the morning
-of battle; the troops still fought, but it was no longer with the
-willingness, the enthusiasm of the victories of Austerlitz and Jena.
-Napoleon submitted to the powerful voice of public opinion, but could
-his iron disposition bend to circumstances? Until that time as general
-and consul, and afterwards as emperor, he had been accustomed to say to
-the vanquished states, "These are my conditions, you have no choice
-but to accept them; and, if there are any alleviating circumstances, it
-is to my clemency alone that you will owe them." In 1813, the tables
-were turned: cabinets now appeared with powers quite equal to that of
-France, animated, too, with the ardour of battle, and burning with the
-desire of repairing their former humiliation, and reconquering their
-independence. The allied powers had signed the armistice of Nieumarch,
-one great inducement being the opportunity gained for carrying on a
-secret negotiation with the crown prince of Sweden, and also for the
-sake of persuading Austria to join the league. I think their anxiety
-for peace was less than their wish to gain the time necessary to
-complete their vast military arrangements, by detaching Austria from
-her part of mediator, and inducing her to join them in the war against
-the common enemy; pious Germany, having gained her feet, now wanted
-to make an end of her oppressor. Now, would Metternich continue to
-preserve this neutral position? would not the Austrian government be
-inclined for a change of system?
-
-Let us not forget how Austria was at that time situated. Had she not
-a right to obtain, by diplomatic means, all the advantages offered
-by her present position? We know the heavy losses she had sustained
-in Italy; the Milanese, the Tyrol, and the Illyrian provinces, had
-been successively torn from her: and was it not natural she should
-take advantage of her armed mediation, a favourable position in which
-Metternich had contrived to place her? Had she derived the expected
-advantages from the general peace, she would not have joined the
-coalition against Napoleon; failing in that, she must endeavour to
-recover by force of arms all she had been deprived of during the war.
-It was for the purpose of justifying this delicate situation that
-Metternich first introduced the elegant system of high and noble
-diplomatic language, a style of which Baron Gentz has since been the
-most distinguished organ--Gentz, whose life has been so busy, and so
-full of disappointments, who, in his old age, came to utter soft love
-speeches at the feet of Miss Fanny Elssler.
-
-Metternich unfolds in his papers his ideas upon the balance of power in
-Europe, which tended to diminish the prodigious influence of Napoleon,
-to the benefit of the allied states. I am not aware of any thing
-written in a more remarkable style than these despatches; they are,
-perhaps, rather loose in their details, but all the expressions are so
-carefully guarded, that they never compromised either the cabinet or
-the writer.
-
-After signing the armistice of Nieumarch, Napoleon had fixed his
-head-quarters at Dresden. Successive despatches, from the French
-cabinet, requested the Emperor Francis II. to affix his signature to
-the preliminaries of a treaty of peace; at last, Metternich, bearing
-an autograph letter from his sovereign, in answer to the overtures
-that had been made to him, repaired to Dresden, commissioned to find
-out what might be the definitive intentions of Napoleon with regard
-to peace. The conference lasted nearly half a day; the emperor,
-in his military dress, strode hastily up and down the room, with
-flashing eyes, and sharp, hurried gestures: he took up his hat, then
-laid it down again, and threw himself into a large easy chair, while
-the perspiration started on his brow; he was evidently disturbed
-in mind, for he burst forth, in no measured terms, to Metternich:
-"Your government," said he, "wants to take advantage of my perplexed
-situation; and the question with you is, whether you can exact so
-much from me without fighting, or whether you must decide in ranging
-yourselves among my enemies? Well, let us see! Let us negotiate--I am
-perfectly willing. What do you want?"
-
-To this abrupt sally, to this demand so little in accordance with
-the usual diplomatic forms, Metternich merely replied, "That Austria
-was desirous of establishing an order of things, which, by the wise
-distribution of power, should place the preservation of peace under the
-protection of an association of independent states; that the object of
-the cabinet of Vienna must be to destroy the sole predominancy of the
-Emperor Napoleon, by substituting to his colossal influence a balance
-of power, which should establish Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on a
-footing completely independent of the French empire." As a summary of
-these conditions, Austria claimed Illyria, and a more extended frontier
-towards Italy; the Pope was to be reinstated in his dominions; Poland
-to be subjected to another partition; Spain and Holland were to be
-evacuated by the French army; and the Confederation of the Rhine and
-the mediation of Switzerland were to be given up by the Emperor, who
-was already overwhelmed with ill-fortune.
-
-Thus was to be accomplished the dismemberment of the gigantic work
-erected by the toils and victories of Napoleon. Shall I venture
-to describe this scene as it has been depicted to me by the sole
-eye-witness, Prince Metternich himself? As the Austrian plenipotentiary
-unfolded the views of his cabinet, the sallow complexion of Napoleon
-gradually assumed a crimson hue; at last he exclaimed, "Metternich, do
-you attempt to impose such conditions upon me without drawing a sword?
-These demands are most insulting! And it is my father-in-law who agrees
-to such a plan! What kind of position does he wish to place me in with
-regard to the French people? Ah, Metternich! how much has England
-given you to play this part against me?"
-
-To this offensive language, Metternich, retaining his calm and
-dignified demeanour, replied not a word; and Napoleon, in the violence
-of his gestures, having let fall his hat, the Austrian minister did
-not stoop to pick it up, as politeness would have induced him to do
-under any other circumstances. There was a silence of half an hour.[4]
-Afterwards the conversation was resumed in a cooler and calmer tone;
-and, in dismissing Metternich, the Emperor, taking his hand, said to
-him, "After all, Illyria is not my last word, and we may be able to
-arrange better conditions."
-
- [4] Prince Metternich told me the Emperor had locked the door.
-
-This dialogue is of importance to history, for it decided the fate of
-Napoleon.
-
-The Emperor's habits of command made his language hasty and his summons
-for an answer abrupt; and, when he addressed himself thus to a person
-in an elevated position, it naturally gave great offence. Metternich
-retained the strongest resentment for his behaviour--he had been deeply
-insulted; and, besides, so experienced a minister could not fail to
-discover the secret thoughts of the Emperor, and must have been well
-convinced that, with such a character as his, there was but little
-reason to hope for the re-establishment of the balance of power in
-Europe.
-
-Nevertheless, Austria consented to the conferences at Prague, and, by a
-fresh agreement, the suspension of hostilities was prolonged till the
-10th of August. Metternich, as the representative of the mediatorial
-power, was by right president of the congress, in the same manner as it
-had fallen to the Swedish minister at the congresses of Nimeguen and
-Ryswick. M. Maret first raised difficulties on the score of etiquette,
-because Baron Humboldt and Baron d'Anstett, the representatives of
-Russia and Prussia, were only ministers of the second rank, while
-M. de Caulaincourt and M. Maret belonged to the first. They next
-discussed the order of precedence and little questions of detail; they
-considered whether the negotiation should be carried on in writing or
-_viva voce_, and the forms of the congresses of Nimeguen and Ryswick
-were called for. The object of each party was to gain time, in order
-that hostilities might recommence. At last, Metternich, seeing the
-indefinite turn affairs were taking, resolved to join the military
-Congress of Trachenberg, where the Crown Prince of Sweden, Bernadotte,
-was employed in tracing out the vast plan of the campaign of the
-allied armies against Napoleon. They decided upon marching straight
-upon Paris, without a moment's hesitation, and making an appeal to
-the people, dissatisfied with the Emperor. At Trachenberg, Russia and
-Prussia received all the propositions of the Austrian minister without
-the slightest difficulty; they agreed, whatever might be the personal
-pretensions of the Emperor Alexander, that the general command of the
-allied troops should be conferred upon Prince Schwartzenberg. The
-importance of securing the co-operation of the Austrian army was fully
-appreciated, and no sacrifice was spared to attach an additional force
-of 200,000 men to the coalition.
-
-With a view to avoid this immense co-operation, Napoleon had addressed
-himself at once to the Emperor Francis II., recalling to his mind the
-alliance of their families. Maria Louisa had gone to Mayence, and
-her husband, taking advantage of one or two days which the armistice
-still left at his disposal, went to meet her there, to give his last
-instructions to the daughter of the Cæsars, and to confirm to her
-all the powers of the regency. France then would be governed by an
-archduchess, and, according to all dynastic ideas, could Austria fight
-against a country ruled by the daughter of her emperor? They were
-mistaken; the cabinets no longer stood in awe of Napoleon, and this
-was a circumstance which the French plenipotentiaries at Prague had
-not understood. M. Maret, in particular, had shewn his insufficiency,
-or, at all events, an inferior capacity, unable to bear a comparison
-with a statesman of the school and character of Prince Metternich. One
-of the greatest misfortunes of the Emperor Napoleon was, that he was
-surrounded by a crowd of people constantly at his feet, and dazzled
-with his glory: these were clerks, not statesmen.
-
-Thus the negotiations continued to assume the character of indecision
-and ill-humour, which had marked their origin. The slightest proposal
-called forth anger, the most trifling insinuation gave offence.
-Metternich retained the character of mediator, which had been
-recognised by the other powers; he resisted all idea of overturning the
-French government, and, when General Moreau arrived on the Continent,
-the first words the Austrian minister said to M. Maret were, "Austria
-has nothing to do with this intrigue; she will never approve of the
-proceedings of General Moreau." At last, the ultimatum of the allied
-powers, communicated by Metternich, was as follows. The dissolution of
-the duchy of Warsaw, which was to be divided between Russia, Prussia,
-and Austria (Dantzic was given to Prussia); the cities of Lubech and
-Hamburg were to be reinstated in their independence, the kingdom of
-Prussia was to be remodelled, and one frontier was to extend to the
-Elbe; all the Illyrian provinces, including Trieste, were to be ceded
-to Austria, and a reciprocal guarantee was to be given, that the
-condition of the sovereignties, both small and great, should not be
-subject to alteration, except by common consent, but should continue
-such as they might be settled by the peace. The Emperor of the French
-at first refused to accede to these terms, which were afterwards
-modified, and at last received a reluctant and tardy assent; for
-Austria was then entering with all her strength into the coalition.
-
-I have consulted upon the events of this period the two men who played
-the principal parts in the diplomatic transactions of the war, Count
-Pozzo di Borgo and Prince Metternich. I asked them, "Was there really
-a sincere desire for peace at Prague?" They both answered in the
-affirmative. Pozzo di Borgo, in his hatred for Napoleon, described
-to me the anxiety he felt at witnessing the hesitation of Austria;
-and Metternich justified himself to Europe for the indecision of his
-conduct by his desire to bring his diplomatic mediation to a happy
-issue, for the interests of Napoleon, Austria, and the general peace.
-
-A notification from the court of Vienna announced to Count Nesselrode
-and Prince Hardenberg, that, for the future, Austria, as a member of
-the coalition, would locate 200,000 men, in large bodies, behind the
-mountains of Bohemia. The joy of the Allies was not to be expressed;
-one should have heard Count Pozzo di Borgo recount the magical effect
-produced by this letter of Metternich; it arrived in the middle of
-the night at a barn, in which were reposing the Emperor Alexander,
-the King of Prussia, Count Nesselrode, Prince Hardenberg, and all the
-staff of the allied troops. They arose and embraced each other, as if
-the salvation of Europe were achieved, and Napoleon tumbled from his
-throne. The manifesto of Austria, which was the work of Metternich,
-appeared ten days later. In spite, however, of this rupture,
-Caulaincourt remained at Prague, and the chancellor of state still
-assured him he was ready to proceed with the negotiation if France
-would agree to the independence of the Germanic Confederation and of
-Switzerland, and to the reconstruction of the dominions of Prussia on
-a scale of greater importance. Napoleon, still unwilling to give in,
-applied to Count Bubna, in the persuasion that he would be able to
-exercise a favourable influence over his father-in-law, the emperor; at
-last, on the 14th of August, he gave his consent to the proposals of
-the Austrian cabinet, and his answer was despatched to Prague; but it
-was too late. Metternich declared the impossibility of entering into a
-separate treaty, and said it would be necessary to refer simultaneously
-to the three courts whose political interests were henceforth
-inseparable.
-
-Still Napoleon did not abandon all hope of drawing Austria over to his
-interests, and he proposed entering into a negotiation, even after the
-commencement of hostilities, when the Austrian army was actually in
-motion. 200,000 Austrians came forth from the mountains of Bohemia, and
-turned the flank of the French army. Then the general rising in Germany
-took place; a transitory lustre was conferred by the admirable battle
-of Dresden, but Leipsic witnessed the last expiring gleam of the French
-glory. By the end of 1813, the line of the Elbe was lost, and even that
-of the Rhine was compromised. All Germany was in arms, and the whole of
-Europe had assumed a threatening posture.
-
-Austria had hardly joined the coalition before difficulties arose
-in this vast body, agitated by so many different interests. Some
-jealous feelings had already been entertained concerning the title
-of generalissimo of the armies, which had been conferred upon Prince
-Schwartzenberg, and other questions were subsequently started as to the
-object of the campaign. As long as the French occupied Germany, the
-most pressing anxiety was to get rid of this heavy yoke. Having once
-reached the Rhine, there was no confederation, no imminent danger; the
-soil was covered with the wrecks of Napoleon's empire, and Germany had
-recovered her ancient independence. The sole remaining possessions of
-the French in that country were some fortresses, which, after a siege
-of longer or shorter duration, must revert to their ancient sovereign.
-The house of Austria had ceased to be afraid of France, but had begun
-to entertain some apprehensions with regard to Russia. The Russians had
-been taught the road towards the south of Europe, and they were likely
-to remember it.
-
-In the opinion of Metternich, France, with a certain degree of power
-and a definite extent of territory, was necessary to the balance
-of power in Europe; and he took care this should be mentioned in
-the manifesto published by the allied armies on the Rhine. This
-manifesto, of which the idea belonged to Metternich, was executed by
-Gentz. Austria, being now free from danger in Germany, could, without
-risk, lend assistance to the threatened empire of France. The family
-connexion with Napoleon was not yet broken; his moral influence, it is
-true, was greatly weakened; but his powerful mind was in its pristine
-vigour, and he was still capable of making some daring attempt. These
-long-sighted views were clearly displayed in the conversation between
-Metternich and M. de St. Aignan. Austria, already embarrassed by her
-position with regard to France and Russia, would gladly have withdrawn
-from a war which no longer closely affected her own interests; but a
-principle, fatal to Napoleon, had been admitted,--the allied powers
-were no longer at liberty to enter into a treaty the one without
-the other. When Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent, he gave
-additional solidity to this tendency to unite in a common cause; and
-the implacable enemy of Napoleon, Count Pozzo di Borgo, had been
-despatched to London to request the presence of the prime minister of
-England on the Continent. They were desirous of rendering the alliance
-incapable of future alteration, for the first successes beyond the
-Rhine had naturally given birth to two separate questions: one relating
-to territory in the new settlement of the boundaries in Europe; the
-other, a moral question, as to the form of government which should be
-established in France in case the allied armies should take possession
-of Paris. The interests of England and Austria were differently
-affected from those of Russia and Prussia by the arrangements that
-might be entered into.
-
-In the first place, what would they do with the most important
-conquests? Russia was in possession of Poland, Prussia of Saxony, and
-Austria of a great portion of Italy. Should the Emperor Alexander
-attempt to set up a sort of kingdom in Poland, the interests of
-Austria would suffer. Again, could Prussia be permitted to enlarge her
-dominions by the addition of Saxony? All these questions were already
-subjects of debate in the diplomatic body, which, to all outward
-appearance, was still perfectly united; the most unlimited confidence
-in each other was expressed by all parties, but, in reality, interest
-and selfishness were the prevailing feelings. Lord Castlereagh shewed
-great ability at this juncture by constituting himself the general bond
-of union of the coalition.
-
-With regard to the questions connected with the government of France,
-it was hardly possible to suppose Austria would agree to a project of
-a change of dynasty, when an archduchess held the reins of government
-as regent. The Emperor Alexander had entered into a private contract
-with Bernadotte, whose feelings against Napoleon were very bitter.
-Alexander would agree to any form of government that might be proposed,
-but in the conference at Abo all possibilities had been discussed, even
-one which might place Bernadotte at the head of affairs in France.
-England, though well inclined towards the Bourbons, did not make their
-restoration so indispensable a condition as to render debates upon
-matters of more personal interest subordinate to it. Lord Castlereagh
-had explained this to the exiled princes; they had not yet been
-permitted to land upon the Continent, and the Comte d'Artois did not
-arrive at Dole until January, 1814.
-
-It is particularly in this point of view that the history of the
-Congress of Chatillon is deserving of a serious study. At this meeting
-there was still an evident desire on the part of Austria to conclude
-a treaty on the basis of the balance of power in Europe; but, from
-the very commencement, Metternich must have discovered that the
-position of Austria was no longer the same as at the beginning of the
-campaign. All moral influence had now passed over to the side of the
-Emperor Alexander, who had become the arbiter of the destinies of the
-coalition; Prussia and Austria only appeared in the light of useful
-auxiliaries, the principal influence and popularity rested with the
-czar; he alone was talked of, and the negotiations were especially
-addressed to his cabinet. The military treaty of Chaumont, which fixed
-the number of troops to be furnished by the coalition, was dictated by
-Lord Castlereagh, who was afraid of a dissolution of the alliance. It
-was then declared that the allied powers would never sheathe the sword
-till they had reduced France within the limits it occupied in 1792;
-and, for this purpose, each cabinet promised a contingent of 150,000
-men under arms, England agreeing to furnish a subsidy.[5]
-
- [5] The sum of 5,000,000_l._ sterling was to be furnished for the year
- 1814, to be increased if necessary.--_Editor._
-
-From this period Metternich found himself in a very delicate position.
-As the events of the war gradually brought the allies nearer to
-Paris, the Emperor of Austria could not with any degree of propriety
-take a part in military operations whose object was the capture of
-a metropolis governed by the archduchess. Metternich, who was in
-correspondence with Maria Louisa, could no longer control the course of
-events, and, perhaps, this princess, weary of seeing herself surrounded
-by so much littleness of mind, avidity, and folly, as were exhibited
-by the relations and supporters of Napoleon, when the regency was at
-Blois, might not have been sorry to get rid of her fictitious dignity.
-The Emperor Francis II. remained at Dijon, while the bold advance of
-Schwartzenberg laid Paris at the mercy of the allies.
-
-A reproach has constantly been cast upon Metternich for his conduct
-upon this occasion; how, it is said, could he sanction a proceeding
-which rent the imperial crown from the brow of Maria Louisa? I
-believe, at this time, all idea of the continuance of the empire had
-been abandoned, its time had passed away: there are seasons when the
-force of public opinion carries every thing before it, and now there
-was a sort of weariness of mind, people were tired of Napoleon and
-his military system, the string drawn too tight had snapped asunder.
-A retrospect must be taken of that time, and it will explain the
-resolution of the allies. It would have been difficult to maintain
-even the regency of the empress, and at the same time carry out the
-military engagements entered into at Chaumont. In France all were tired
-of the war, a general rising had taken place in Europe, nor would
-Napoleon have submitted to the degradation of a kingdom bounded by
-narrower limits than the Rhine. No doubt the regency would have been
-the most complete triumph of the Austrian system, but what would have
-become of Napoleon under the regency? would he have resigned himself to
-so humiliating a situation? would he not have been stifled in the small
-kingdom of France? The proceedings in Paris were quite independent of
-Metternich, who was not even present at them. The Emperor Alexander
-had acquired so overwhelming an influence in the senate with the
-patriots of 1789, that no cabinet, even of the first order, would have
-contended with it. The archduchess had been conducted from Blois to her
-father, Francis II., without any discussion taking place concerning the
-regency or the empire. Talleyrand had said, "The restoration of the
-Bourbons is a principle; every thing else is an intrigue:" and this
-expression put an end to all negotiations that had not the return of
-Louis XVIII. for their object. The diplomatic corps were occupied with
-the Treaty of Paris, which produced the re-establishment of order, the
-general peace, the restoration of the Bourbons, and the settlement of
-the boundaries of the French territory, which had been the principal
-object and most important result of the campaign. But this was not
-all; the immense empire of Napoleon was in ruins, and how should these
-important fragments with which the world was overspread be divided?
-Might Francis II. resume the old imperial crown, which he had resigned
-at the treaty of Presburg? In spite of the strong predilection then
-entertained for ancient customs, Metternich felt that the crown of
-Charlemagne would be merely an empty title unsupported by any real
-influence, and it would have been a cause of offence to Prussia, whose
-jealousy would have been roused by the existence of a German empire in
-close contiguity with her own kingdom, which embraced nearly a third of
-the population of Germany. With the strong instinct which forms part
-of his character, Metternich felt that, for the future, Austria, while
-retaining a great general influence over Germany, had better strive
-to become a southern sovereignty, having Gallicia at one extremity,
-and Dalmatia at the other, and including the Lombardo-Venetian
-territories, under the ancient and magnificent iron crown. He carried
-this idea into the Congress of Vienna, when the new constitution of the
-European sovereignties was to be established on a general basis, and
-he took care to bring it forward again upon every occasion in which
-the diplomatic system of Austria was displayed. This alone affords an
-explanation of the extreme and constant solicitude evinced for the
-possession of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, and the constant tendency,
-both by means of conquest and commerce, towards the shores of the
-Adriatic.
-
-At the Congress of Vienna, Metternich exercised a prodigious influence.
-The Emperor Francis had made a great family sacrifice, by abandoning
-the cause of Maria Louisa, and, in honour of this conduct, Europe fixed
-the assemblage of the sovereigns at Vienna. In the midst of balls,
-elegant amusements, and entertainments, Europe was to be remodelled
-on a different basis; the long conferences, which were to decide
-the fate of nations, were intermingled with flowers and pleasure.
-Prince Metternich, then in his forty-first year, saw the object of
-his anxieties and wishes fully accomplished; Vienna afforded the most
-brilliant spectacle; the sovereigns were assembled there, accompanied
-by a myriad of persons of princely rank, with their families, their
-courts, and their numerous suites. Love intrigues contended with
-the more serious business of this Congress, which had become the
-rendezvous of all the most distinguished characters in Europe. In the
-evening people assembled at the Royal Theatre, or in the brilliantly
-illuminated saloons, where, at the gaming-table, Blucher was employed
-in completing the ruin of his affairs, which he had begun in Paris.
-
-Prince Metternich had the direction of the diplomatic party, while the
-empress, wife of Francis II., received the august strangers with the
-grace and dignity she was so well known to possess. The splendours
-of the Congress of Vienna left a strong impression upon the minds of
-the diplomatic characters who were present at it; they are associated
-in their memory with the fresh and pleasing recollection of the
-days of their youth, and, when you converse upon the subject with
-those whom death has spared, they speak in enthusiastic terms of the
-chivalric entertainments, the fancy balls of the empress, and the
-_galanteries_ of the sovereigns. What brilliant parties were those of
-Lady Castlereagh, a female diplomatist, as active as the English prime
-minister in all negotiations relating to the management of the world!
-
-In walking through the streets of Vienna, it was no uncommon sight to
-meet the three sovereigns of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, shaking
-hands, and giving each other marks of mutual confidence, and yet the
-most serious dissensions already prevailed in the Congress concerning
-the territorial arrangement of Europe. The quadruple alliance, as it
-had been settled in the treaty of Chaumont, was nothing but a military
-convention, intended to overturn the power of Napoleon; more a kind of
-plan of battle, or strategic stipulation, than a regular and political
-negotiation. After the fall of Napoleon, the allied powers resumed
-their natural interests. Thus, on the question of German supremacy,
-Prussia would naturally be inclined to side with Russia, and draw off
-from Austria; England, to oppose Russia in every thing relating to
-the sovereignty of Poland, which the Czar had already appropriated to
-himself; and France, though so terribly shaken by the late invasion,
-must endeavour to regain some degree of credit in Europe, by keeping
-on good terms with England and Austria. I must say, to the honour of
-the eldest branch of the Bourbons, that it always exhibited the most
-perfect dignity in its foreign relations, and perhaps the critical
-situation of our internal affairs was only produced by a fatal reaction
-of foreign dissatisfaction upon ourselves. From the first assembling
-of the Congress, private conferences had taken place between Lord
-Castlereagh, Metternich, and Talleyrand, to take into consideration
-the conditions of a treaty which might afford a counterpoise to the
-immense ascendancy Russia had obtained during the invasion of France
-and the events of 1814. By this treaty, which was signed in the month
-of March 1815, subsidies were agreed upon in the event of certain
-occurrences, and an engagement was entered into, that a fixed number
-of troops should always be in readiness for the _casus belli_, should
-Russia and Prussia attempt to disturb the equilibrium established among
-the European powers, and, according to a despatch of M. de Talleyrand,
-France was to maintain a half war establishment.
-
-Metternich was the principal author of this secret treaty, because,
-after things had been replaced in their original state by the
-restoration of Louis XVIII., he began to be afraid of Russia and
-her immense weight: the question of Poland was the pretext. France
-manifested particular anxiety for the re-establishment of the King of
-Saxony, whose territory Prussia was desirous to absorb; while England,
-on the other hand, but little inclined to favour Russia, considered
-it indispensably necessary that Prussia should possess very extensive
-territorial strength, that she might serve as a constant barrier
-against northern invasion. It was necessary Metternich should combat
-this opinion for the sake of Saxony, and he did so in a series of
-papers opposed to those of Prince Hardenberg and Baron Humboldt. On
-the Polish question he perfectly agreed with England: at the bottom
-of Alexander's good-will towards the Poles, there lurked an idea of
-political aggrandisement; for, by making a kingdom of Poland, he well
-knew that the portion of that country that had accrued to Austria, as
-well as what had fallen to the share of Prussia, would sooner or later
-all unite under one sceptre. On no account would Alexander resign his
-paramount influence[6] over Warsaw. Things reached such a pitch, that
-Metternich issued orders that the Austrian armies should be maintained
-upon a war establishment, while Russia kept her troops in readiness,
-and appealed to the Poles to stand by their country. Whilst Metternich
-warmly opposed the establishment of Russian Poland as a kingdom under
-any circumstances, England was desirous it should be placed on so firm
-a foundation, as to serve as an obstacle to the encroachments of the
-Russian cabinet.
-
- [6] Suzeraineté.
-
-Serious events already obliged Metternich to turn his attention towards
-Italy, and here we must look back upon events of a rather earlier
-date. As far back as the month of February 1813, England had taken
-advantage of some dissatisfaction entertained by Murat, and still
-more by Caroline, Napoleon's own sister, to hasten the downfall of
-the French empire. All the good people of Buonaparte's family appear
-to have taken their royalty in good earnest, and to have fancied they
-possessed some consequence of their own, and might remain kings and
-queens independent of the great emperor. England, clever at taking
-advantage of these little absurdities, reminded Murat of the example
-of Bernadotte, and suggested the possibility of his becoming king of
-all Italy. While Napoleon was abusing his brother-in-law in his haughty
-and violent letters, reminding him that "the lion was not dead," the
-English cabinet soothed with the most flattering hopes the imagination
-of Murat, who had but a poor head for politics, and every thing was
-brought into play that could flatter the vanity of the most theatrical
-soldier of the imperial era.
-
-At the close of the year 1813, Murat was already in the occupation of
-the Roman States, making an appeal to the patriots, for it was the
-custom of Europe at that time to march forward invoking the liberty of
-the people. To detach him from a bad cause, Metternich had particularly
-recourse to a gentle and tender influence, a pleasing reminiscence
-of his embassy in Paris, and he guaranteed to Murat the peaceable
-possession of the kingdom of Naples. After the re-establishment of
-the Bourbons in France gave rise to the strongest uneasiness in his
-astonished mind, King Joachim deputed the Duke of Serra Capriola to the
-Congress of Vienna, pleading his treaties with Austria and England;
-but his envoy was not admitted to the assembly, for a negotiation
-was on foot to replace the old dynasty of Sicily upon the throne,
-a negotiation conducted by Prince Talleyrand. Louis XVIII. had
-recommended the interests of his family to the Congress of Vienna, and
-M. de Talleyrand was to receive from the Neapolitan branch of the
-Bourbons a rich equivalent for his sadly compromised principality of
-Benevento. Austria was a little unmindful of her promises, and defended
-her engagements with Murat but very feebly; indeed, the general bent
-towards the restoration of the former order of things was so strong,
-that he who had usurped the crown of Naples was actually declared
-guilty of treason. In the English House of Commons, Lord Castlereagh
-read a private correspondence, carried on with Napoleon at the very
-moment when Murat was negotiating with the Alliance, which afforded
-evidence of a double policy having been pursued. Having become uneasy
-concerning the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna, he made vast
-military preparations, in concert with the patriots and the secret
-societies, with the intention of assuming the great crown of Italy.
-Metternich caused the Austrian armies to assemble _en masse_ in the
-Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, where they awaited under arms the coming
-events.
-
-The storm soon burst.
-
-Napoleon then landed in the Gulf of Juan to attempt his heroic exploit
-of the Hundred Days. Matters were in a strangely complicated state
-at the Congress of Vienna, and Napoleon, looking at the affairs of
-Europe under one point of view only, had formed a fair judgment of the
-condition of the allied powers with regard to each other, without,
-however, comprehending that his presence on the Continent would unite
-them all in a terrible coalition. The very name of Buonaparte filled
-the old European sovereignties with so much alarm, that they recovered
-themselves with the utmost haste, in order to take measures for the
-general safety.
-
-They owed to the activity of Talleyrand and Metternich the official
-declaration of the Congress of Vienna, which placed Buonaparte at
-the ban of Europe, simultaneously roused against the common enemy.
-The mystic spirit of Alexander entered willingly into the idea of a
-Christian alliance and a European crusade, and Metternich, after the
-system he had adopted ever since the rupture in 1813, could not depart
-from the military agreement entered into at Chaumont. Napoleon was
-declared at the ban of the empire by a revived custom of the ancient
-assemblies of the German Diet.
-
-The pretended agreement between Napoleon, Austria, and England, at
-the time of his landing in the Gulf of Juan, was a romance invented
-afterwards by the imperialist party. Napoleon, who was well informed
-concerning the diplomatic state of things, might imagine a separation
-of interests among the cabinets a probable thing, but beyond this
-there was nothing. One of his first steps was to endeavour to place
-himself in communication with Metternich, and we again find Fouché in
-correspondence with the chief of the Austrian cabinet: they had never
-lost sight of each other since their memorable conference in 1809,
-and their acquaintance was renewed in 1813, when Fouché was appointed
-Governor-General of Illyria. I have reason to believe, that they had
-even then spoken to each other in confidence concerning the decline of
-power of _that man_, as the disaffected called Napoleon, and of the
-possibility of a regency under Maria Louisa; in 1813 the subject they
-would select for their conversation would probably be the abdication
-of the Emperor, which was one of the favourite ideas of the senatorial
-party. At the same time Napoleon wrote to Maria Louisa, he despatched,
-by means of some secret agents, confidential letters from intimate
-friends of the minister, and even from a princess of the imperial
-blood, between whom and Prince Metternich a tender feeling had existed:
-and finally, in order to sow dissension throughout the whole of
-Europe, he transmitted to the Emperor Alexander a copy of the treaty
-of the triple alliance, concluded against Russia in the month of March
-1815, and signed by Lord Castlereagh, Talleyrand, and Metternich: his
-primary object was to break the powerful union among the sovereigns.
-
-At this period, the Austrian armies had marched into Italy against
-Murat and the Neapolitans, and General Bianchi had obtained the most
-brilliant victories over the wavering and ill-organised troops of
-Joachim. Metternich caused all the fortresses of the kingdom of Naples
-and the Roman States to be garrisoned by Austrian troops; for he had
-decided, in concert with the French legation, upon the re-establishment
-of the House of Bourbon at Naples as completing the scheme of the
-government of Europe.
-
-While Fouché was negotiating with Metternich a plan for substituting
-the regency under Maria Louisa to the empire, organised as it had
-been during the hundred days, French agents were contriving means
-of carrying off the child who had been saluted in his cradle with
-the title of King of Rome. A great deal of mystification went on in
-all this; there was even one of these gentlemen, otherwise, too, a
-man in good society, who received a large sum of money, but who had
-in reality no other object than that of joining M. de Talleyrand at
-Vienna. Napoleon had promised that his wife and son would be present
-at the Champ de Mai, but Metternich's police baffled the intentions
-of the French agents, and, with the politeness which characterises
-all his actions, the minister conducted the daughter of the emperor
-and the Duke de Reichstadt to the palace of Schönbrunn, under an
-escort of the most trustworthy servants of the house of Austria. It
-was one of the most delicate circumstances that occurred during the
-life of Metternich, a man, too, always remarkable for his attention
-to propriety; for Maria Louisa did not at that time feel the cold
-indifference for Napoleon which she afterwards exhibited, and she was
-a party to the project formed for carrying her off, by some attendants
-who had remained with her, but who now all received an order to quit
-Schönbrunn.
-
-The Austrian armies proceeded from Italy across the Alps, and took a
-part in the melancholy invasion of the south of France; they afterwards
-occupied Provence and Languedoc as far as Auvergne, their head-quarters
-being at Lyons and Dijon. On the dissolution of the Congress of Vienna,
-after the second fall of Napoleon, Metternich repaired to Paris, to be
-present at the conferences which were to precede the treaty of November
-1815. Prussia and England had been victorious at Waterloo, and their
-interest had proportionally increased. In the negotiations of Paris,
-the two cabinets of Berlin and Vienna acted in concert to represent the
-interests of Germany, which were very hostile to the French nation.
-The German population had been greatly irritated during the gigantic
-efforts that Europe had made against Napoleon; the secondary princes
-on the banks of the Rhine demanded Alsace and a portion of Lorraine,
-marked upon a map drawn in 1815 (which now lies before me), under
-the name of Germania, as the representation of Germany. There was a
-terrible reaction in that country against France, one of those refluxes
-of the people and the national feeling by which various periods of our
-history have been distinguished.
-
-Nevertheless, what organisation, exterior or interior, did they intend
-to establish, to form a general constitution in Germany? How could they
-restore to the Emperor Francis the influence in that country which he
-formerly possessed, but of which he had been deprived by Napoleon?
-Germany had arisen with the double cry of liberty and unity on her
-lips. Unity! how was it to be established among principalities of
-which the power and the population varied so greatly, and who still
-maintained the feudal principle in the midst of civilised Europe? And
-liberty! it was an indefinite expression; how could it be applied
-to so many different systems of government, and to so many various
-localities whose interests were so distinct from each other? The scheme
-of the Confederation of the Rhine had been formed by Napoleon solely
-with a view of increasing the importance of all the petty states, and
-of inducing them to enter into a coalition hostile to Austria and
-Prussia. Now circumstances were altered; Austria and Prussia were
-the great predominant powers, whose business it was to establish
-their own influence, and govern the whole confederation by means of a
-protectorate, more or less clearly defined; Prussia assuming the power
-in the northern provinces, Austria to the south. It was necessary,
-when the fatherland should be threatened, that its mixed population
-should be capable of being called forth to serve indifferently in the
-armies of Prussia and Austria. The unity of the German states was thus
-opposed as a barrier against Russia and France, and served equally as a
-protection against both those nations.
-
-Metternich, when he gave up the old imperial mantle in the name of
-the emperor, obtained for him a more real advantage as president of
-the diet; a number of votes were awarded to Austria and Prussia, in
-proportion to the importance of their position; and either by means of
-their command of the army of the confederation, or by their influence
-in the diet, these two countries held undisputed sway over the
-deliberations and the employment of the troops. No doubt, many little
-acts of injustice were committed, and some caprice was exhibited in
-the repartition of the states and of the contingents. Sovereignties
-were sometimes aggrandised because they were protected by the Emperor
-Alexander, and, sometimes, even by Metternich; but where are the
-human operations over which perfect justice presides? Since they were
-desirous of unity, this sacrifice of some to the cause of all was the
-natural consequence of it; and should it now be asked, what is to be
-the result of this confederation, I reply, that Austria has reason to
-fear lest Prussia should assume a constantly increasing importance in
-Germany. The destiny of Austria henceforth is elsewhere, her future
-lies in the south; Prussia is too singularly situated not to strive to
-agglomerate her dominions; she will undoubtedly do so, either in point
-of fact, by means of conquest, or morally, by the influence she will
-exercise. It is towards the shores of the Adriatic that Austria will
-find herself indemnified for the diminution of her influence in central
-Germany.
-
-The cry of liberty had been raised in Germany when it roused itself
-against Napoleon; and the secret societies of Schill and Stein still
-had representatives in old Blucher and General Gniesenau. What did the
-government propose doing for the liberty they demanded? Constitutions
-had been promised, and representative states were granted to some
-principalities, but, the victory being once obtained, there was
-hesitation about proceeding any farther.
-
-Now that experience has made us perfectly acquainted with the spirit of
-revolutions, it is easy to understand how, in the rapid alteration of
-political situations, the promises of to-day are violated to-morrow.
-It is in vain to imagine that these periods of transition, when the
-people struggle for crochets of sovereignty, can bear a comparison with
-seasons when the proceedings of the government are calm and regular;
-after victory the popular excitement shews itself unreasonable, and
-wants to insist upon promises the government is no longer able to
-perform.
-
-In 1813, during the period of battles and revolutions, many things
-had been promised to Germany; but was it possible to perform them in
-1815 and 1816? Suppose that in Germany, that country of excitement
-and mystical spirit, the utopias of the secret societies had been
-realised,--a political existence given to the universities, and a
-turbulent representation to all the states,--that they had granted them
-the liberty of the press and an organised democracy,--would Germany
-ever have reached the high degree of prosperity and public tranquillity
-she now enjoys? We must take customs as they exist, and minds with
-the habits they have formed; we must not give a people institutions
-which would be a torment to their existence without increasing their
-well-being. I do not say that the governments of Austria and Prussia
-acted rightly in not fulfilling their promises--I merely say, that
-time alone can shew whether this conduct proceeded from prudence, or
-from a calculating spirit of selfishness. The events of 1814 and 1815
-had considerably increased the possessions of Austria in Italy, and,
-as this was really a country obtained by conquests, it was natural
-and necessary that an armed surveillance should be established in the
-Lombardo-Venetian territory, as well as a police capable of controlling
-the provinces united to the Austrian empire. The utmost ability will
-be required to slacken successively the springs of this police, in
-proportion as the victors may be more firmly established in their
-foreign possessions. To have granted free constitutions to the people
-would have been an imprudent generosity, for this conquest, like those
-of Napoleon, could only be maintained by military occupation, which it
-was desirable to render as little oppressive as circumstances would
-permit. The Italians, a hot and enthusiastic people, had driven out the
-French in the day of their calamity; the Austrians should endeavour to
-avoid a similar misfortune, and keep carefully upon their guard.
-
-Here begins the melodrama which has been cast around the person of
-Prince Metternich, with the picture of the cruel prisons and Piombi of
-Venice. I appeal to the Christian sincerity and good faith of Silvio
-Pellico, whether there be one word of real truth in his book, _Le
-mie Prigioni_. Does he call to mind the terrible Piombi of Venice,
-which, in his case, consisted of a room on the fourth floor in the
-ducal palace, commanding a most extensive view over the Great Canal,
-and for which Lord Byron would have paid some hundreds of sequins?
-He was deprived of his liberty, it is true; and this is, no doubt, a
-deplorable misfortune: but had he engaged in a conspiracy?--had he
-attempted to overturn the established government? He avows that he had
-done so, and in attempts of this kind a man sets his liberty and
-
-                    "Life upon a cast,
-And he must stand the hazard of the die."
-
-The Austrian cabinet, no doubt, takes ample precautionary measures, but
-there is no cruelty or oppression in its system; and whoever has had an
-opportunity of conversing with Prince Metternich ought to ask himself,
-whether it is possible a man of so calm and reasonable an intellect
-should be guilty of an act of barbarity without even a motive for his
-conduct?
-
-The strict repressive measures upon which the system of Prince
-Metternich in Germany and Italy is founded occasioned a movement of
-reaction; for liberty, that master passion of the mind, does not
-allow itself to be crushed without making some despairing efforts.
-Far from the secret societies having been dissolved in Germany, they
-were regularly organised in the universities among the students,
-and the heated state of their minds was encouraged by the influence
-of poetry and the political writings, which called upon the courage
-and patriotism of all those who possessed noble hearts to lend their
-assistance to the German unity. This unity, so loudly appealed to
-by the young generation, was in reality only a sort of federative
-republic, in which all the states, while enjoying their individual
-freedom, were to be united by the practice of virtue, and would thus
-tend to the general happiness of mankind. The old German sovereignties
-were obliged to curb these associations, which burst forth in the
-assassination of Kotzebue.
-
-Metternich had just been travelling in Italy when the universities
-distinguished themselves by this sanguinary crime. He was loaded
-with the benefits of his sovereign; he now bore the title of prince,
-and stars of almost all the orders of knighthood in Europe glittered
-on his breast. The state of fermentation which existed in Germany
-had not escaped his statesmanlike penetration, and it was solely at
-his suggestion that a congress took place at Carlsbad, where severe
-and distrustful measures were adopted against the organisation of
-the public schools in Germany. The conduct of the universities, the
-repression of seditious writings, the establishment of a political
-police,--nothing was neglected in this regular crusade, undertaken by
-the government against the revolutionary feelings by which the heated
-imaginations were then inflamed. After great disturbances have taken
-place in a state, the sole anxiety of the government is to check any
-disposition to disorder, and they are excited to do so by public
-opinion, and by the middle classes, who entertain a dread of fresh
-revolutions, and with good reason.
-
-In the year of the Congress of Carlsbad, the Propaganda menaced the
-kingdoms of Europe with a fresh revolution. Let us observe accurately
-their situation in 1820. Towards the south there was the insurrection
-of Spain and the Cortes, and the proclamation of a government more
-liberal than even that of England; at Naples, almost by a magical echo,
-the constitution was also proclaimed; from Naples the cry of liberty
-was heard in Piémont, and the king was deprived of his throne. In Paris
-the disturbances were so great that the government was exposed every
-evening to a change in its political system. This year of 1820 might be
-considered as the first edition of the stupendous event of July, which
-took place ten years later with all the fracas of an insurrection.
-
-Austria was particularly endangered by these revolutions, for the
-extremities of the kingdom of Naples and Piémont came in close contact
-with her Italian possessions. The people had declared themselves; the
-sovereigns then became aware of the danger, and roused themselves for
-their defence; congresses were held at Troppau and at Laybach, and
-Metternich, without hesitation, urged the adoption of powerful measures
-to quell the revolutionary spirit now manifested; he was so deeply
-convinced of their indispensable necessity, that he opposed every kind
-of delay, and only required the moral support of Prussia and Russia,
-declaring at once that an Austrian army was about to march into Italy
-and occupy Naples and Piémont. The Emperor Alexander, whose mind was
-full of the dread of secret societies and plots in Europe, lent his
-support to Metternich. There was but one single instance of opposition
-with regard to Piémont, and it is known from whence proceeded these
-objections. To such a degree has history been disfigured! It proceeded
-from the dignity of Louis XVIII., and the despatches of the Duc de
-Richelieu and M. Pasquier. The revolutionary spirit was breaking out in
-the streets of Paris in 1820, and the restored sovereign declared to
-Metternich, that if the Austrian army entered Piémont their occupation
-could not be of long continuance, as France could not allow of the
-Austrians upon the Alps.
-
-In this _wrestling_, to use the old expression of M. Bignon, the
-cabinets had the advantage over the people. Naples was overcome in
-a few marches, and Piémont was occupied by the Austrian troops. The
-repressive impulse being once given, a combined system was every where
-manifested with the design of suspending political liberty. War was
-declared by the cabinets against all forms of government which owed
-their birth to military excitement or to an exclusively revolutionary
-spirit. Metternich was present at the Congress of Verona, a meeting
-which appears to me to have been the final expression of the will of
-Europe regarding the spirit of insurrection. France was charged with
-the suppression of the Spanish Cortes, as Metternich had executed by
-force of arms the will of the allied powers against Naples and Piémont.
-Here the cabinets were again successful, the revolution was completely
-suppressed, as far as regarded its power of action, and only kept a
-place in the disordered imagination.
-
-All these acts of government, and all the proclamations which followed
-the assembly of the Congress, were the especial work of Prince
-Metternich. The Chancellor of Austria possesses a remarkable flow of
-language, a pure taste, and a noble manner of expressing his ideas,
-even in a diplomatic despatch, where the sense is almost always hidden
-under technical, and, it may be added, heavy modes of speech. To him
-is owing the style distinguished by the elevation of ideas, which
-always appeals to posterity and to the justice of future times, from
-the opinion formed by contemporary passions. He even allows himself
-to be carried on too far by his anxiety to express his meaning, and
-by the literary ornament he is desirous of conferring upon the most
-trifling despatch that leaves his cabinet; he takes the principal part
-in their composition, he writes in French with extreme elegance and
-precision, and he reads all the newspapers regularly, even to the part
-which contains merely literary and theatrical critiques. Those who saw
-him in 1825, when the unfortunate illness of his wife obliged him to
-visit Paris, were surprised to find him possessed of the most exquisite
-literary taste. He was acquainted with all our good authors, and shewed
-remarkable sagacity in the judgment he formed of the writers of our own
-times. One could hardly imagine how a politician, whose life had been
-spent in affairs of so much importance, could have found time to study
-the most trifling productions of literature.
-
-Affairs were now settled in Europe. The governments began to emerge a
-little from the undecided political condition proclaimed by the Holy
-Alliance. From the beginning of the year 1827, Metternich had felt some
-uneasiness concerning the proceedings of Russia with regard to the
-Ottoman Porte, which was likely to be productive of extreme danger to
-the Austrian influence. If the Russian projects were realised, Austria
-would see herself deprived of her ascendancy over the Porte, which was
-nearly as old as that of France. At this time Metternich caused the
-French ministry to be sounded, but he was hardly listened to, for the
-most decided negotiations were in progress between the three cabinets
-of Russia, London, and Paris, on the Greek question; and here it
-is well to explain the refusal of Metternich to interfere with the
-transactions which led to the treaty of July 1827.
-
-Since the year 1824, the cause of the Greeks had assumed a degree of
-consistency and a European character. Every era has its policy of
-sentiments, and people were now infatuated with a classic fanaticism
-for the Greeks. No doubt there was something glorious in the heroism
-which strove to burst the chain of the barbarians; but the enthusiastic
-declarations of Russia, her strong and pressing despatches in favour
-of the Greeks, were, in their main object, less the expression of a
-religious sympathy than the proceedings of a skilful policy, which
-sought to abase the Ottoman Porte, in order subsequently to reduce it
-into a state of vassalage. Russia, therefore, applied to Charles X.,
-by speaking of the cross which had brought salvation to the world. In
-England it roused into action the Greek committee, and it was under
-the influence of these philanthropic prepossessions that the treaty of
-July 1827, and the battle of Navarino, which was the consequence of
-it, led to serious uneasiness on the part of Metternich. This minister
-instantly divined the full consequences of this shortsighted policy.
-The battle of Navarino, by crippling the power of the Porte, killed
-it, in a political sense, for the advantage of Russia: it was the
-prelude to the campaign of 1828 to the Balkan. Russia had succeeded in
-getting M. de la Ferronays placed at the head of foreign affairs in
-France: he was an honest man, but rather Russian in his inclinations
-and habits; consequently, Metternich could not draw France into a
-scheme of confederation and armed league against Russia. He was more
-fortunate in England with the Duke of Wellington, who acknowledged the
-mistake into which Mr. Canning had fallen, and pronounced the battle
-of Navarino _an untoward event_. England had thus returned to a perfect
-understanding of which were her real interests.
-
-People may ask, why did not Metternich at this time decide upon war?
-how came it that he did not at once take part with the Ottoman Porte?
-It was in consequence of the fixed system of the Austrian chancellor;
-he has gained every thing through peace. The conquests of Austria are
-owing to her pacific principles--to the species of armed neutrality
-which is always ready at the proper moment to obtain some advantage.
-A war would have compromised its general position in Europe. Being on
-good terms with England, and in concert with that nation, the Austrian
-cabinet stayed the victory; it was gaining something during the Russian
-expedition of 1829, but it was not enough.
-
-During this time events were advancing in France towards an unavoidable
-crisis; the ministry of M. de Polignac had just been formed. Under a
-merely political point of view, this was an advantage for Austria,
-for the Russian system had been abandoned, and they had entered into
-all the English ideas concerning the Eastern question; still a mind
-possessed of so much penetration could not fail to entertain great
-anxiety while watching so earnest a struggle between the political
-powers in a country like France, which had been accustomed to give an
-impulse to the rest of Europe. It is said that Metternich advised a
-_coup-d'état_: does this idea evince an acquaintance with the spirit
-of moderation and the capacity of the prime minister of Austria? A
-_coup-d'état_ is too decided and too noisy a step ever to enter into
-the mind of Prince Metternich: when a difficult situation occurs, he
-does not attack it in front--he turns it; and, when he shews himself
-very determined in a strong and firm resolution, it is because people's
-minds are already made up, and there is no longer any risk in having
-recourse to it. The Chancellor of the Empire was too well aware of
-the folly of M. de Polignac, and of the want of firmness of Charles
-X., to be ignorant that they were incapable of conducting a perilous
-undertaking to a prosperous termination. In the Foreign Office there
-is a despatch on this subject from M. de Rayneval, then ambassador at
-Vienna, who details one of his conversations with Prince Metternich,
-precisely upon these _coups-d'état_; it was much the subject of
-conversation at Vienna, and the uneasiness entertained concerning the
-system followed by M. de Polignac is revealed in more than one despatch
-addressed to M. d'Appony, the Austrian ambassador at Paris.
-
-Then broke out the revolution of July, an event of prodigious
-importance. Europe had never been in so much danger; for what were the
-ideas that led to the eruption? Was it not the spirit of the secret
-societies?--republicanism again triumphant in France, the country
-which, for the last forty years, had been accustomed to give the
-general impulse to continental Europe? The Propaganda principles had
-for their leader that old and obstinate spirit, General Lafayette, who
-again went to make an appeal to the independence of the people, as he
-had done in 1792. A few Frenchmen, and the tricoloured flag displayed
-every where, might have caused a general conflagration. What was to
-be done? A young, ardent, and inexperienced minister would, perhaps,
-have engaged in a war; what a happiness it was for the friends of peace
-that Prussia was governed by a wise king, whose mind was rendered
-moderate by age, and Austria by a minister who had witnessed so many
-storms without being frightened by them! One of the principal traits of
-Metternich's character is his perfect freedom from prejudice, either
-against or in favour of persons or events, so that he forms a judgment
-of them all with a degree of superiority. He therefore awaited the
-event of the revolution in a posture of defence; Austria merely held
-herself in readiness, and military precautions, combined with the
-renewal of political alliances, enabled her to oppose a barrier to all
-the invasions of a revolutionary spirit. This moderation was carried
-so far, that, as soon as a regular government was established in
-France, Metternich hastened to recognise it, without expressing either
-dislike or predilection, solely upon the principle that a regular
-government is always a protection to order and public peace. Since this
-time, Metternich has appeared to follow three rules of conduct, which
-govern the whole tenour of his political life. First, to enter into
-a close alliance with Russia and Austria for the suppression of all
-disturbances in Europe, and, consequently, to renew all the military
-contracts entered into at Chaumont in 1814, and Vienna in 1815;
-secondly, to combat the spirit of Propaganda, under whatever form it
-may appear; and this was a very laborious task, for the revolution of
-July had not only dispersed mischievous principles in Europe, but its
-money, its emissaries, its flag, and its hopes, had been circulated
-in every direction; and, thirdly, the Propaganda spirit having been
-every where diffused, Metternich had felt the necessity of augmenting
-both the military forces of Austria, and also her vigorous police
-establishment. The executive government has every where become more
-severe, because it was exposed to more danger. Liberty has sometimes
-been confounded with a revolutionary spirit in the system of strict
-repression that has been adopted; and it was unavoidable, perhaps,
-even necessary, in the complete overthrow of every thing that had been
-contemplated.
-
-The empire of Austria is composed of so many different nations,
-that political unity would be as impossible in that empire as in the
-Russian, which extends over the half of two hemispheres. All that
-can be looked for is liberty in their local constitutions, and in
-establishments quite in accordance with the spirit of the States,
-and more especially with their situation with regard to the Austrian
-government. The most prejudiced people agree that no country can be
-more peaceably governed than the hereditary states; the other provinces
-which have been successively attached to it require more active
-precautions and a more watchful police; but civil liberty, which is,
-indeed, the first of all, is even there complete and entire. Let us not
-exaggerate; I do not propose the Austrian government as a model--I am
-too great an admirer of liberty and of the institutions of my country
-not to remain deeply attached to them, but I also give their due to
-the manners and customs of the people; and we well know that there are
-some countries that require to be governed, because they are utterly
-incapable of governing themselves. When travelling in Italy, I have
-often asked myself whether all these nations, indolently at variance
-with each other, who possess more genius than national vigour, more
-liveliness and intelligence than strength and reason, could ever aspire
-to a laborious liberty under the dominion of the greatly extolled
-Unity, which must have been obtained sword in hand--in fact, if this
-rich and lovely Italy, like a charming coquette, was not under the
-necessity of submitting to the rule of some one, because she has not
-sufficient energy to master either her love or her hatred.
-
-The administration of Prince Metternich appears to be deeply imbued
-with this sentiment, which has been severely put to the proof by him,
-that if civil liberty is necessary to all, political liberty is only
-desirable for a few, so far as it does not affect the character and
-the safety of government. Protection should be granted to talent, but
-it ought to be serious talent, which will not evaporate in pamphlets;
-improvement, no doubt, is desirable, but it should take place without
-turbulence. The house of Austria has a great dread of noise, she is
-afraid of being talked of; never striving after _éclat_ or clamorous
-liberty, she resembles those German professors who amass a store of
-erudition and science in some dusty corner of the university, and who
-only publish a few scarce copies of their works for the use of the
-learned.
-
-The private life of Prince Metternich has been repeatedly visited
-with domestic affliction. Mourning has darkened his dwelling, and the
-distractions of the busy world have not always been able to mitigate
-his grief. In private society his manners are affable, and he enjoys
-the repose of home after the fatigues of his vast ministerial duties.
-A clever writer has observed that he spends great part of his time
-in conversation; it is a propensity indulged in by men who have seen
-every thing--they take pleasure in _talking history_ in their fireside
-conversations, which are carefully preserved by their auditors. And
-who has not listened with delight to M. Talleyrand, when he used to
-give vent to his recollections? Prince Metternich has written long and
-curious memoirs, full of justificatory notes, for he considers himself
-at the bar of posterity. His work is a great one, and, as I said at the
-commencement of this sketch, all the glory and all the responsibility
-of it will rest with him. When we look back upon what Austria was
-after the peace of Presburg, and that we contemplate her now, greater
-than she had ever been, with her public credit, her ascendancy among
-the European states, the peace and the government of her provinces,
-her civil and military organisation, and then consider that all this
-is the work of _one_ minister, who has governed the empire for the
-last thirty years, we may easily form an idea of some of the judgments
-of posterity. We are ourselves surrounded by ruins, both of men and
-things; government, administration, ministry, every thing, has fallen
-to pieces, and when, from the midst of the wreck the revolutions have
-brought upon us, we turn our eyes upon a countenance which has remained
-unmoved among all the ravages of time, it appears as if it did not
-belong to the present period; we look back upon Richelieu, upon those
-ministers who laid down a system, and then carried it onward to its
-completion.
-
-Prince Metternich has reached an advanced age, yet he preserves all
-his faculties perfectly, with a ready wit that is admirable, and a
-freshness of recollection, which turns with extreme pleasure to the
-time of the French Empire and his embassy to Paris during the reign of
-Napoleon. We have all some favourite period of our lives, and we love
-particularly to dwell upon the days of our youth, before the illusions
-which charmed us had entirely faded away. He always speaks with great
-respect of the Emperor Napoleon, whose noble countenance exercised an
-unspeakable influence over his future life. Wherever that great genius
-passed, it left an indelible impression; and it was by the desire of
-Metternich that the remains of the Duke de Reichstadt were placed
-beside those of Maria Theresa and Francis II. in the vault of the
-Capuchin Church. It is a fine idea of the emperors of Austria to choose
-their last abode in the church of the most lowly of religious orders,
-to humble their greatness before the poorest brethren of the Christian
-church. The Capuchins have every thing in common, among them there is
-no property, no distinction between mine and thine. Babœuf was only
-a plagiary from them without the moral idea of heaven, which purifies
-and sanctifies every thing.
-
-The house of Austria is accustomed to be governed by old ministers,
-and its traditionary spirit takes pleasure in it. In politics it is
-often better to do well than to do a great deal, to act after due
-deliberation than to act hastily, and then return to deliberate. Prince
-Metternich is not an enemy to any form of government that has order
-for its basis; and this offers an explanation of his conduct since
-the revolution. When the Propaganda was heard every where, he decided
-strongly in favour of war, and his expression to the French ambassador
-at Vienna is well known: "If we must perish, it is just as well to die
-of apoplexy as to be suffocated with a slow fire; we will declare for
-war."
-
-The wisdom of the French government, its salutary repression of
-every Propaganda spirit, maintained peace. Since that period the
-Austrian minister, in all questions of any importance, has preserved
-the position of an armed mediator, with the invariable desire of
-preserving peace, and what he terms the European _status quo_. He does
-not consider the present time requires agitation, war, or conquest.
-According to him, it is a season of organisation, and, by the position
-he gives to his monarchy, he holds the balance even, so as to prevent
-any conflict between the north and south of Europe. He said to me
-wittily one day: "I am, to a certain degree, the confessor of all the
-cabinets; I give absolution to those who have committed the fewest
-sins, and I thus maintain peace in their souls."
-
-In this situation it is easier for Metternich to employ himself
-in particular improvements. Austria is in a remarkable state of
-prosperity; we ought to be proud of our France, and it undoubtedly is
-a fine country, but, with our national pride, we form singular ideas
-upon the state of other people; and yet, among them also, we may every
-where observe signs of very forward civilisation, commerce, industry,
-railroads, with pleasing and kind hospitality, all are to be met with
-in the Austrian states; without speaking of the intellectual movement
-more sober, and as far advanced as in our country of little romances,
-novels, theatrical, and literary critiques.
-
-Men who like to bring circumstances together have sometimes instituted
-a comparison between Prince Metternich and Prince Kaunitz, who was so
-long at the head of the Austrian government. Although these parallels
-are always rather arbitrary, and that the different shades in the human
-character are innumerable, we may safely affirm in this instance,
-that there never existed two minds more completely opposed to each
-other; the only point of resemblance consists in the duration of their
-administration. Prince Kaunitz, altogether weakened by the ideas of the
-eighteenth century, allowed the Austrian empire to degenerate into a
-state of supineness and indolence. Prince Metternich, on the contrary,
-has reconstructed and consolidated this monarchy; he has retained
-nothing of Prince Kaunitz's system, except its extreme moderation, and
-the traditions of _status quo_, adopted after the great reign of Maria
-Theresa. After Metternich, will Austria follow a different system? Will
-the statesman that appears likely to succeed him adopt a less prudent
-and more advanced plan? We do not believe it. It is in Austria with
-the ministers as with the heirs of the throne in England; before their
-accession they aim at popularity, and, when once at the head of the
-government, they continue the proceedings of the former reign, because
-reason and experience are of some value, and that the magnificent
-part of Austria is to place itself as an idea of pacification between
-empires which would strike against each other with too much violence.
-
-
-
-
-M. DE TALLEYRAND.[7]
-
- [7] M. de Talleyrand, who had naturally an inclination in favour of
- ancient honours, preferred his title of duke of the old monarchy to
- his principality; for the title of prince, unless in connexion with
- the Blood Royal, was considered as of foreign extraction, and not to
- possess any aristocratic importance.
-
-
-One of the torments of a statesman who has played a great part in
-politics is to see his conduct subjected to the judgment of ignoble
-minds and the discussions of people incapable of forming a just
-estimate of it. How much has been written concerning M. de Talleyrand!
-how many _bons mots_, and how many rude sayings have been attributed to
-him! His biography has been made a sort of _Ana_, for the amusement of
-idle people; he has been represented as a kind of facetious personage,
-almost a mountebank, abounding in all the little wit of society, and of
-provincial towns. Few men have pierced through the mysteries of that
-long existence; still fewer have read in the wrinkles of this old man,
-and in his eyes, still sparkling under his slightly contracted brows,
-the secret thoughts, the powerful motives that swayed his life, which
-was one of unity and system.
-
-If you have ever travelled in the southern part of France, you must
-have lingered in the Périgord, the province which still comprehends
-the best and the most numerous nobility of very ancient descent in the
-whole kingdom. There you will on every side meet with memorials of the
-Bosons and the Talleyrands, the sovereign princes of the province of
-Quercy: the keepers of the old records will recount to you the exploits
-of the Bosons of Périgord, under the Wolf dukes during the Carlovingian
-dynasty, who received this name from their wild exploits in the
-forests. The families of Talleyrand and Montesquiou-Fezensac disputed
-with each other the precedence over all the southern nobility. M. de
-Talleyrand sprang from the younger branch of the Grignols, who were
-of the stock of André de Talleyrand, Comte de Grignols, the youngest
-branch of the Périgord family; the eldest branch became extinct upon
-the death of Marie Francoise, Princess of Chalais, and Marchioness of
-Exideuil.[8]
-
- [8] The arms of M. de Talleyrand were, Gules, three lions, or, langued,
- armed, and crowned azure, prince's coronet on the shield, ducal crown
- on the mantle. Device, _Re que Diou_ (Nothing but God above us).
-
-I have been particular in dwelling upon the high nobility of his
-origin, because it greatly assisted his position in diplomatic affairs.
-Noble birth, however people may declaim against it, facilitates
-negotiations with European powers. Be it a weakness, be it a habit,
-when a man takes his place as a titled nobleman, among so many
-foreigners of illustrious birth, it is an advantage to his position; he
-treats on a footing of equality, he obtains more because he is among
-his peers, misfortune does not upset him, because he preserves his name
-in spite of every thing; he cannot be degraded, for revolutions no more
-deprive him of the nobility of his race, than the royal confiscations
-that formerly took place could destroy the old family coat-of-arms.
-
-Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord was born at Paris in the year
-1754; his maternal grandmother was the clever and witty Princess
-des Ursins, that eminent person who directed the councils of Philip
-V. of Spain, as her friend Madame de Maintenon governed the mind of
-Louis XIV. M. de Talleyrand, being the youngest of the family, was
-intended for holy orders, according to the custom of the nobility,
-who devoted themselves to the profession of arms, to the church,
-or the manor; an active life was necessary to men of family. There
-had always been a high prelate of the house of Talleyrand, and this
-ecclesiastical dignity was intended for the young Abbé of Périgord,
-who was accordingly sent at the age of fourteen to the seminary of
-Saint-Sulpice. One ought to have heard Talleyrand himself, in his hours
-of gaiety and unreserve, recount the pranks and first love-affair of
-the young abbé; his scaling the walls, his visits to the roof of the
-house,--all of them things little suitable to the serious profession
-for which he was intended by his family. I think that in reading his
-Memoirs in the year 1827-28, at which time he was out of favour, he
-made some concessions to the little philosophers of the eighteenth
-century, who surrounded him under the Restoration.
-
-His ecclesiastical studies were limited; he occupied himself but little
-with theology, but already very much with business. The situation of
-general agent for the clergy was given him by the custom of his family,
-which was a very lucrative appointment, for he might be considered
-as the _chargé d'affaires_ of that great body, and he exhibited
-great method and remarkable judgment in the skilful application of
-the revenues of the church, which amounted to above one hundred and
-thirty-six millions of livres. The clergy met in a chapter every year,
-and the Abbé de Talleyrand gave an account of their revenues, of the
-steps he had taken, and the duties he had performed with regard to the
-court; his reports are remarkably exact, with a clearness of style that
-is very uncommon.
-
-At the age of five-and-thirty, after having attained the majority
-required by the Church, he was raised to the bishopric of Autun,--a
-fine appointment, which would afterwards lead to the archbishopric of
-Rheims and a cardinal's hat. The revenue of the see amounted to 60,000
-francs, a magnificent situation for a young bishop, but such was the
-custom of the nobility; nevertheless, the bent of his inclinations
-led him to belong to the philosophical society, and the followers of
-the English school, which began to appear upon the horizon in 1789;
-among these were Mirabeau, Cabanis, Lally-Tollendal, and Mounier, in
-fact all the men who were dreaming of a reform in France. People said
-wittily that M. de Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, with his prebend and
-his bishopric, looked upon himself as an abuse. At this time people
-were animated with a glorious passion for suppressing themselves;
-and when one recollects that the proposal to abolish the titles of
-nobility was made by De Montmorency, De Montesquiou, La Rochefoucauld,
-De Talleyrand, and Clermont-Tonnerre, those illustrious elders of the
-French nobility, one must honestly confess that an incomprehensible
-spirit of vertigo had taken possession of the French society. There
-was in this something so insane, so eccentric, that I imagine the
-ancient nobility must have been led by an interested motive towards the
-suppression of titles: during the last three centuries so many patents
-of nobility had been conferred, that the really illustrious families
-were no longer distinguished: there were too many titled plebeians.
-Now, if all titles were abolished by a decree, all this nobility of
-a modern date would be entirely suppressed, for it depended solely
-upon royal grants and letters patent written according to the caprice
-of the sovereign; whilst those who bore a historical name, as the
-Rochefoucaulds, the Montmorencys, and the Montesquious, had no need of
-deeds to prove their genealogy; it was part of the soil.
-
-The Abbé de Talleyrand was in possession of his rich bishopric of Autun
-when the States-General were convened, and he was appointed deputy of
-the clergy of his diocese to the Constituent Assembly, so remarkable
-from its adventurous spirit, the boldness of its conceptions, and its
-total want of connexion, and absence of all kind of unity or method,
-either moral or political. The Constituent Assembly was a great chaos,
-where the opinions of men of talent clashed with each other, where all
-sorts of extravagances were proposed in the executive government, and
-all the ideas most fitted to overturn the monarchy and the society of
-France were encouraged; Rousseau's social contract was applied to a
-people already old in its customs and civilisation.
-
-The Bishop of Autun shewed himself the most zealous protector of all
-these innovations; he proposed the abolition of titles, and vehemently
-advocated the civil constitution of the clergy; he also introduced into
-the public system of education all the ideas of false and mischievous
-philosophy which the eighteenth century had diffused in human minds.
-Along with the Marquis of Condorcet, and Cabanis, he was one of the
-adepts, and of the friends of Mirabeau, whom that statesman and popular
-orator used to employ for the furtherance of the interests of his
-intellectual dictatorship. They were accustomed to meet in the evening
-at Mirabeau's house, to prepare the projects which would resound the
-next day from the tribune of the assembly. Without being very well
-educated, the Bishop of Autun was gifted with an extremely fluent
-style, and a mode of expression remarkable for its clearness, and its
-elegant precision: the ancient high nobility certainly always possessed
-great natural talents; they had but little information, and yet they
-were eminently gifted with the power of expressing what they wished to
-say.
-
-The solemn festival of the confederation took place at this
-period, a singular proceeding of which the spirit has been greatly
-misrepresented: it was theatrical, for such is always necessary in
-France. In the Champ de Mars an altar was erected, surmounted by
-tricoloured flags, upon a scaffolding fifty feet high, ornamented with
-ribands, also of the national colours. Then came M. de Lafayette,
-at that time a very handsome man, with his courteous and somewhat
-hypocritical countenance beaming with smiles, mounted upon his
-snow-white, slender, prancing steed, and wearing the uniform of the
-National Guard with long skirts and a three-cornered hat on his head,
-as it was the fashion at the time of the American War. He was then
-trying on his royal dignity. Around him crowded the deputations from
-the Departments with their flags; there were many drunken people, as it
-was natural there should be, and others tired with having wheeled earth
-from the Champ de Mars; and there was a plentiful exchange of kisses
-and embraces, according to the system so approved by Lamourette. At the
-foot of the altar of which I have spoken appeared M. de Talleyrand,
-bishop of Autun, dressed in his pontifical habits, his mitre on his
-head, a crosier in his hand, and with manners as elegant, as much
-refinement, and as studiously dignified a demeanour, as he afterwards
-discovered when carrying his crutch stick into the assembly of the
-corps diplomatique: kneeling beside him was the Abbé Louis (afterwards
-Minister of Finance) one of the curates, in his alb and surplice.
-
-The mass was celebrated with due solemnity by the Bishop of Autun; but
-there is a tradition which, for the honour and character of Talleyrand,
-we will believe to be unfounded, that when Mirabeau passed beside
-the altar the officiating pontiff addressed to him some expressions
-of mockery and irreligion, which must have weighed heavily upon
-his conscience on his death-bed. There are, unfortunately, seasons
-of youth and evil passions, when people give way to anti-Christian
-ideas, and at that time a degree of impiety was the fashion. Was
-it not then considered good taste to ridicule the holy and noble
-ceremonies of the Catholic religion? Talleyrand took a part in all
-the anti-religious proceedings of the Constituent Assembly upon the
-situation of the clergy in France, and he was commissioned to apply the
-civil constitution to his diocese, but the powerful opposition of his
-clergy did not permit him to accomplish his purpose, for the greater
-part of the parish priests refused to take the oath. He was present
-at the consecration of the first constitutional bishops, and, if this
-devoted conduct was considered deserving of praise by the assembly, it
-was regarded in a very different light elsewhere, and drew upon him the
-excommunication of the holy see. Pope Pius VI. published a bull against
-the Bishop of Autun, in which he declared him out of the pale of the
-Church, for having become an adherent of the civil constitution of
-the clergy. This step needs no explanation, such a constitution being
-in its very essence subversive of all Catholic faith. It was a work
-of the ultra-Jansenist party, and so thoroughly overstepped all the
-established rules, that it allowed the Jews and Protestants belonging
-to various districts and corporations to participate in the election
-of the Catholic clergy. A bishop or a schoolmaster was appointed in the
-same manner that a deputy was elected for the National Assembly, for
-the whole electoral body discharged their duties in the same manner.
-An absurd principle of equality had levelled every thing; the people
-appointed the mayors, the bishops, the parish priests, the deputies,
-and the municipal officers. It was disorder in equality; the levelling
-principle had trampled down society.
-
-Talleyrand was the intimate friend of Mirabeau, or, to speak with
-more precision, the great tribune made a tool of him. They had lived
-together, and together had prepared their works for the Assembly. The
-popular orator had just been attacked by the mortal disease which
-carried him off in so rapid and mysterious a manner, and the Bishop
-of Autun was present when his friend breathed his last. It was not as
-a ghostly comforter affording him the consolations of his ministry,
-it was not as a Catholic bishop pointing to a world beyond the grave
-when those eloquent lips were about to be sealed in death; M. de
-Talleyrand sat by the bedside of the dying man as the depository of
-his last thoughts and of his political labours, which led to the
-destruction of the monarchy. Mirabeau had committed to writing a work
-upon the equal division of inheritance among the different members of
-a family, and on the right of making testamentary dispositions, it
-being the object of the Revolutionists to overturn civil rights as
-they had already destroyed political ones, because it was well known
-they were intimately connected. The Bishop of Autun undertook to read
-the discourse of Mirabeau in the name of his friend at the National
-Assembly, and excited the most lively enthusiasm while repeating the
-last words of the orator whose career was now at an end. The life of
-Mirabeau had been, in some respects, the reaction of a mind filled
-with strong passions against the persecutions he had endured as a son
-from the hand of a severe and inflexible father, and his discourse
-upon limiting the right of making a will and on the equal division of
-inheritance affords the most certain proof of it. The gift of eloquence
-was held in the most enthusiastic estimation by the Constituent
-Assembly, it resolved the greatest part of its business into brilliant
-oratorical theories, resting upon the ideas of demolition, which were
-the offspring of the eighteenth century, and as Talleyrand had some
-difficulty in ascending the tribune, he played but a secondary part
-at that time. He excited attention principally by his management of
-business and by his assiduous attendance on committees; it does not
-appear that he had attained, even at this period, to the reputation of
-taciturn ability enjoyed by the Abbé Siéyès, and I seldom meet with his
-name in important and brilliant discussions.
-
-When the Constituent Assembly had concluded their work, Talleyrand
-quitted France for England. M. de Chauvelin was ambassador there
-from the unfortunate Louis XVI., and the Bishop of Autun received
-a commission, of which the object was to draw the two governments
-of France and England into a nearer resemblance to each other, by
-establishing a system of two legislative chambers exactly upon the
-model of the English houses of parliament. There was already some idea
-of a revolution like that of 1688, and Talleyrand might serve as an
-agent for the attempt, for there was a good understanding between him
-and M. de Chauvelin, and a still better between him and the clubs of
-England. But opinions travelled too fast to allow proper consideration
-being given to the due balance of power, and the sovereignty of the
-people had given rise to the scheme of a single chamber. Diplomatic
-business now went on in a singular manner; instead of the clever and
-prudent system, which since the commencement of the reign of Louis XVI.
-had secured so many advantages to France, so many favourable treaties,
-so many important annexations of territory, the diplomatic corps now
-amused themselves in encouraging the propaganda and spreading every
-where the spirit of Jacobinism. M. de Talleyrand had some interviews
-with the principal leaders of the Whigs, and his intimacy with Earl
-Grey began from this date. Shortly after this, being concerned in the
-intrigues of Danton, he returned to Paris on the 11th of August, and he
-always took pleasure in saying that his not having perished on the 2d
-of September was owing to the efforts of that singularly energetic man,
-as well as his having been able to obtain a passport for England.
-
-As the course of events was progressing towards war, and that the trial
-of Louis XVI. was considered by the Tories as a total subversion of
-every thing, Talleyrand received an order to quit Great Britain in
-virtue of the alien act, and was only allowed twenty-four hours to
-make his arrangements. In the year 1793 people were in the midst of
-revolutionary excitements; he, therefore, did not return to France, but
-embarked for the United States, the country that was then pointed out
-as a model, a pattern government, which the republican party in the
-Legislative Assembly always cited as the most perfect that political
-ideas could conceive, and which M. de la Fayette never ceased to
-extol. At that time two schools prevailed, the American system and
-the revolution of 1688, both of which have been since renewed and
-perpetuated both in men and events.
-
-Talleyrand settled in the United States, and during some years he
-devoted himself to commerce, and engaged in speculations with a
-considerable degree of activity. There always was something adventurous
-and bold in his disposition in money matters; to use a familiar
-expression, no one ever made his fortune oftener than M. de Talleyrand,
-without being particularly scrupulous as to the means he employed.
-His property in France was sequestered, it was, therefore, with very
-limited funds that he commenced his mercantile operations in the United
-States; and it was certainly singular enough to see a bishop of 1789,
-afterwards a popular orator, then a secret diplomatist acting as a spy
-for a party of the National Assembly, finally transforming himself into
-a merchant in a counting-house at Boston or New York. The shades of the
-ancient Bosons of Périgord, those great feudal barons, must have been
-horrified and have indignantly grasped their lances and their coats
-of arms when they contemplated their descendant seated amid bales of
-cotton in a republic of shopkeepers. In this manner do revolutions
-take hold of a man's destiny, play with it, and raise and abase it by
-turns; but the nobility had already accustomed France to still more
-extraordinary courses: had not men of noble birth in Brittany and
-Gascony become freebooters and buccaneers under Henry IV., Louis XIII.,
-and Louis XIV.?
-
-A commercial profession in a country so distant from important
-events did not suit Talleyrand's inclination, and when order was a
-little restored, he lost no time in soliciting permission to return
-to France, the scene of his earliest days. He had left many friends
-there, among the partisans of what was called the moderate republic
-and constitutional system; such were Chenier and Madame de Staël,
-belonging to the literary and philosophical portion of society under
-the Directory, who had regained some degree of importance after the
-Reign of Terror was past, for in calmer times the different shades of a
-party become more evident.
-
-It was particularly to the earnest solicitations of Madame de Staël
-that Talleyrand owed his return, and we know that her influence was
-at that time very great. Chenier undertook the report, and a decree
-was passed revoking the rigorous measures that had been adopted in
-1793 against the late Bishop of Autun; it was also declared that he
-had not emigrated. Talleyrand had at that time entirely left off
-the ecclesiastical habit, and appeared every where as a layman. He
-enjoyed in the world a great reputation for wit and talent; there was
-something noble in his countenance, without its being exactly striking;
-he carried his head remarkably well, and his hair fell in curls upon
-his shoulders. He was no longer a young man, still his reputation for
-gallantry and for agreeableness in society had procured for him a great
-ascendancy over some women of that period, in the midst of that most
-singular society in the time of Barras and the Directory, in which were
-jumbled together men of high rank, contractors, renowned characters,
-and courtesans. Talleyrand had brought with him Madame Grand, with
-whom he had become acquainted at Hamburg, and, by a whimsical
-contrast, it was said no woman ever was possessed of less sense or
-less intelligence. We know how many capital stories were told of her
-in the Fauxbourg St. Germain, of which even the republic was so much
-afraid. The reason is, that the spirit of good society possesses great
-influence at the time that a bad state of society prevails. Jests were
-uttered, and the most charming _naïvetés_ were attributed to Madame
-Talleyrand, of which that regarding _M. Denon and Robinson Crusoe_ is,
-perhaps, the most inimitable.
-
-As soon as he arrived in Paris, Talleyrand joined the Constitutional
-Club, which used to meet at the Hôtel de Salm. Many thinking people
-saw the republic was gradually coming to an end, it had then but
-very little root in France. It was no longer possible to maintain a
-feeble and violent democracy, which gave way to the most fantastic and
-extraordinary paroxysms in the public assembly; people returned to
-the system of the balance of power, and to the English ideas that the
-school of Mounier and Lally-Tollendal had been desirous of rendering
-prevalent in the Constituent Assembly, and that Talleyrand had been
-commissioned to represent in London, in his secret mission, in which,
-as I before observed, there was mingled some idea of a revolution like
-that of 1688.
-
-The institution of an executive directory had been the first step
-towards an oligarchic system, where, in default of an unity of power,
-a centre of action, reduced to five persons, had been established.
-Talleyrand applied all his credit to the support of the Directory, for,
-not being strong enough at that time to resist or to try to overturn
-the government, his only object was to draw some advantage from it.
-He refused steadily to join the royalist party, which, before the
-18th Fructidor, was preparing the downfall of the Directory; still
-less would he belong to the Jacobin faction, for which he felt a
-strong antipathy, on account of its construction and its inclinations;
-accordingly, when the 18th Fructidor burst over France, with the
-proscription of the councils and the press, he was appointed to the
-ministry for foreign affairs; and the _Moniteur_ announced that citizen
-Talleyrand, devoted to the interests of the republic, was about to give
-a powerful impulse to our relations with foreign powers. To accept
-office under a republic was a singular employment for the heir of the
-Bosons of Périgord; but then was not the heir of the Barras, a family
-as old as the rocks of Provence, the chief of the five directors? A
-curious history might be written by following the career of the old
-nobility during the French revolution; they assumed the position that
-men of gentle blood had done in former times during civil disturbances,
-every thing adventurous suited the younger branches of a noble family.
-
-We must now consider what was the state of France with regard to
-foreign affairs. The Directory was at war with Austria, Russia, and
-England; Belgium was ours, we occupied part of Italy, and the rest was
-transformed into little republics, after the model of the executive
-directory; for there was at that time, as during all revolutions, a
-great propaganda mania. Money was the principal instrument of the
-Directory, every thing was accomplished by means of bribery, and people
-made haste to achieve a fortune, that they might afterwards spend it
-in miserable debauchery. When a negotiation was opened with a foreign
-power, the first step was to impose contributions, and to demand secret
-presents; and the minister for foreign affairs was a sort of agent
-commissioned to receive all this _spolia opima_, which afterwards went
-to fatten the friends of Barras and Siéyès, or some women who invaded
-the saloons of the Luxembourg, and presided over their sensual rites.
-It was a time when modesty was banished; the state of society resembled
-the Greek courtesans of the Directory, who, while they almost dispensed
-with clothing, covered even their feet with precious stones. Talleyrand
-began afresh to work at his fortune, but, no doubt, he manœuvred
-with too little discretion, for at the end of some months he was
-openly denounced by Charles de Lacroix, and was obliged to give in his
-resignation, after having published a rather curious pamphlet, which I
-have succeeded in obtaining; it bears the name of "Eclaircissements."
-A pamphlet written by him is a very rare book, for he has written
-very little in the course of his life. This little work contains an
-exposition of the conduct of Citizen Talleyrand, from the time of the
-Constituent Assembly to his appointment to the ministry for foreign
-affairs, and is couched in very moderate language. The ex-minister
-replies to his calumniators with remarkable clearness and simplicity,
-appealing to the testimony afforded by the past, during the whole
-course of his life. This pamphlet excited a vast controversy. Citizen
-Talleyrand was also impeached as an extortioner from the tribune of
-the Five Hundred, even by Lucien Buonaparte, and he was overwhelmed
-under the evidence produced against him, with the view of applying
-the principle of ministerial responsibility to his case. He had great
-difficulty in escaping from this unpleasant situation, in which he had
-been placed by rather too much avidity during his ministry for foreign
-affairs. I must confess, one of the defects of his character was his
-public indifference to all charges brought against him with regard to
-money; it often compromised his reputation, and sometimes placed him in
-a very awkward situation.
-
-Having quarrelled with the Directory, we now find him working with all
-his might for the establishment of the consular government. Buonaparte
-had surrounded himself on his return from Egypt with all the men who
-possessed any political talent or any idea of order in society, and he
-did not disdain the extensive abilities of M. de Talleyrand. The Abbé
-Siéyès had no predilection for the Bishop of Autun; there was an angry
-feeling between them on clerical subjects; but Napoleon required them
-both, he indulged in no feelings of repugnance when the triumph of his
-ambition was at stake; he therefore employed them both, each according
-to his abilities, so as to render them subservient to his designs. The
-influence of Talleyrand over the constitutional party was not devoid
-of utility upon the 18th Brumaire, and when the consular government
-was established, the provisional commission appointed him minister for
-foreign affairs as a recompense for the service he had rendered, and
-Buonaparte confirmed him in his situation as soon as he was proclaimed
-First Consul.
-
-A more extensive field was now open before him; the consular government
-was founded on a principle of unity, there was no longer in their
-relations with foreign powers the unrestrained violence exhibited by
-the National Convention, or the unconnected measures pursued by the
-Directory. It was possible to negotiate with decency and moderation,
-the relations of one state to another were assuming a character
-of regularity they had never possessed under any of the preceding
-governments, and then commenced the great diplomatic arrangements which
-were at last to bless Europe with repose.
-
-The glorious commencement of the consulate was distinguished by
-numerous treaties; at Lunneville peace was concluded with Austria, at
-Amiens a covenant was made with England; other treaties were succeeded
-by peace with Russia and the Porte, and in all these negotiations
-Talleyrand evinced great skill and knowledge of what was proper and
-advisable. He placed the correspondence between governments upon an
-excellent footing, keeping aloof from the extravagant system which the
-agents of the Directory introduced into foreign negotiations during
-the time of the _Carmagnole_ diplomatists, who levied so many forced
-contributions upon the pictures, the gold crucifixes, and the little
-property of the poor in the Mont de Piété.[9]
-
- [9] A pawnbroking establishment in Paris under the protection of the
- government.
-
-These treaties were a great assistance to the fortune of Talleyrand,
-being almost all followed by presents of considerable value, according
-to the custom observed in negotiations between one state and another.
-
-On these occasions the minister did not exhibit sufficient modesty,
-I might say, sufficient discretion, for people had a tolerably good
-idea how much he had gained by each treaty, in money and diamonds. No
-doubt there was some exaggeration in the charges brought against him
-by discontented people, but I repeat it, one great defect of M. de
-Talleyrand was an inclination to play with bribery and corruption, and
-to establish it as a theoretic principle, even in his conversation:
-the stain remains upon his name. He held men in too much contempt, and
-this is a sentiment which society always returns with interest. It was
-now necessary he should lay the foundation of a new fortune; he entered
-boldly into various speculations: while avaricious and economical in
-little things, he gambled in the stocks with a perfect frenzy, and even
-lost considerable sums of money in them. Immediately after the peace
-of Amiens he had speculated upon a rise, and his gain appeared almost
-certain, but it happened by one of those caprices which stock-jobbing
-can alone explain, that the public funds fell more than ten per cent
-after the signing of the treaty, and he lost several millions of francs
-in a single turn of the stocks. These caprices of fortune occurred
-repeatedly in the course of his long life, and explain the necessity he
-was constantly under of repairing his fortune.
-
-The late Bishop of Autun had just been entirely restored to secular
-life by permission of Pope Pius VII. While the negotiation concerning
-the concordat was in progress, the First Consul insisted M. Portalis
-should write to Rome, and request a brief from the pope authorising the
-secularisation of M. de Talleyrand; and the venerable Pius VII., who
-made so many sacrifices to obtain peace for the Church, consented to
-the act, though he rather exceeded his powers by so doing, as according
-to the canon the character of priest is indelible. It is said that
-this brief was not entirely explicit, the pontiff did not establish
-a principle permitting the marriage of priests; he merely, in virtue
-of his discretionary power, granted an act of indulgence and personal
-pardon to M. de Talleyrand for a deed he had already committed.
-
-The ex-bishop had hardly laid down his crosier before he was
-compelled to submit to the imperious requisitions of the First
-Consul. Buonaparte, who piqued himself upon his strict morality,
-insisted he should enter the state of matrimony--a most grievous yoke
-to impose upon a man of wit and good taste, for, with his habitual
-tact, Talleyrand had been well aware of the amusement afforded to the
-Fauxbourg St. Germain by the silliness and ignorance of Madame Grand,
-and when she should be legally invested with the title of Citizeness
-Talleyrand, how she would expose herself to the sarcasms and the
-ridicule of the aristocracy! But there was no help for it, for the
-First Consul had decided it should be so. The marriage was accordingly
-celebrated at the municipality and in the church, and as people
-expressed it, _the Bishop of Autun took to himself a wife_.
-
-The ministry of the First Consul now comprehended two men of great
-importance, Talleyrand and Fouché. The one represented at the court
-of Buonaparte the ancient aristocracy restored--he was essentially
-the man of diplomatic forms and traditions; Fouché, on the contrary,
-was the representative of Jacobinism and the revolutionary principle,
-which the First Consul considered as an internal malady fatal to his
-power. A deeply-rooted and continual competition could not fail to
-arise between two characters who had been led to accept office by
-such different ideas, and who met in the presence of Napoleon as the
-expression of such different systems. Both were men of incontestable
-ability, and were constantly informing against each other, or, at
-least, keeping a careful watch over the proceedings of their rival
-colleague; in addition to which, Fouché was very anxious to obtain the
-direction of Foreign affairs. Buonaparte was perfectly aware of the
-hatred that existed between them, but he was too wise to sacrifice one
-of the ministers to the other; each served as a check upon his rival,
-and he listened to the information they gave him, quite certain that
-neither would allow the treacherous dealings of the other to escape.
-It was in this manner Fouché delivered to Buonaparte the minutes of
-the secret treaty with Paul I., which Talleyrand had communicated to
-the court of London through the medium of one of his agents. The agent
-was sacrificed, but Buonaparte did not venture to touch his principal,
-because there was some danger in making known the treachery. Talleyrand
-afterwards employed the same agent in several subordinate negotiations;
-indeed, it is well known that he rather preferred people who were not
-much incommoded by scruples of conscience, men of whom he could boldly
-disclaim all knowledge if necessary, and who were content he should do
-so.
-
-We now come to the lamentable affair of the Duc d'Enghien; and there
-is not the slightest doubt that Talleyrand was as well acquainted as
-General Savary with Buonaparte's determination to seize the prince.
-He denied it in vain, for positive proofs exist of the truth of our
-assertion; amongst others, his letter to the Baron of Edelsheim,
-minister of Baden, which has been preserved in an entire state. The
-following is an extract from it: "The First Consul has considered
-it necessary to order two detachments to proceed to Offemburg and
-to Ettenheim, to secure the authors of so odious a crime, which is
-sufficient to deprive the persons who have been concerned in it of the
-benefit of the law of nations."
-
-After the arrest of the unfortunate prince, Talleyrand was acquainted
-with all the proceedings of this horrible affair, and he was present
-at the privy council where his condemnation was determined upon, or,
-at least, discussed. I dare not believe the cold and laconic reply
-attributed to him in the drawing-room of his old friend, the Duchess
-of ***, the very evening the Duc d'Enghien was tried at Vincennes.
-This reply was not only an atrocious expression, but it also involved
-a degree of imprudence which did not make part of his character. It is
-bad enough to have been concerned even indirectly in so fearful a crime.
-
-In the midst of the active negotiations in which Talleyrand felt
-obliged to appear and to take a part, was there a political system
-formed in his mind, or merely a general principle? He still retained
-a strong bias towards English ideas, and a wish for an alliance with
-that country. This system, on which his earliest diplomatic plans
-were based, was constantly in his mind; he had not forgotten his
-residence in England at the beginning of the French revolution under
-M. de Chauvelin; he was also intimately connected with the Whig party,
-and considered Great Britain as the political ally of France against
-Russia, which last appeared to him, of all the powers in Europe, the
-most dangerous, as far as the civilisation of the world was concerned.
-He had not observed that by her situation Russia is our easiest, our
-most natural, and our most disinterested ally, for France and Russia do
-not clash either in a political or commercial point of view. But there
-are some early impressions which never wear out, and Talleyrand had
-passed some of the best years of his life in England, and on terms of
-friendship with Lord Grey, Lord Russell, Fox, and Sheridan.
-
-He received the title of Grand Chamberlain at the accession of
-Napoleon to the throne, for which event his diplomatic correspondence
-had already prepared Europe, and he had also entered into a solemn
-justification of it to all the different cabinets. Napoleon liked to
-be surrounded by people of illustrious birth, and it appeared useful
-to the brilliancy of his crown to have a Boson de Périgord among the
-officers of his palace; it was in accordance with his passion for
-aristocratical honours, and his wish to restore the old state of
-society. M. de Talleyrand played a great part in the first negotiations
-with Germany, before and after the peace of Presburg, that peace
-which effected such a radical change in the political and territorial
-situation of the German nation. It was he who, with the assistance of
-M. Reinhard, contrived to bring about the Confederation of the Rhine,
-which made an end of the predominancy in Germany of the ancient house
-of Austria. After these negotiations were concluded, he received the
-title of Prince of Benevento, with a real feudal authority under
-the protectorate of France, which afforded him a revenue of 150,000
-livres per annum, and made with his salary as minister for foreign
-affairs about 500,000 francs.[10] The peace of Presburg was certainly
-a most brilliant epoch in his ministry. As the representative of the
-magnificent military government whose grandeur overshadowed the earth,
-he assumed a certain degree of majesty in his manners and habits. The
-Prince of Benevento held a _cour plénière_ for the German electors, who
-came to request from him a fief, or a portion of his supreme power. At
-the summit of his greatness, Talleyrand's mind still turned to the
-English alliance, and when Fox succeeded Pitt at the head of affairs,
-he again conceived the project of opening negotiations with a view to
-peace; he was firmly convinced that no general peace could be concluded
-in Europe without the concurrence of England, and he was desirous a
-vast system of compensation should be arranged, which might incline
-her towards pacific measures, for no treaty can be durable that is not
-based upon equity. But these projects were interrupted by one of the
-most serious circumstances that occurred in the whole course of his
-life.
-
- [10] About 20,000_l._
-
-It has been said that Talleyrand retired from office because he did not
-agree in the opinions of Napoleon regarding the war in Spain. I have
-deeply studied the question, and I believe this report to be utterly
-untrue. There is but a slight approximation of dates between his
-resignation and the treachery of Bayonne; it is this approximation that
-has been laid hold of to gild the disgrace of the minister. Talleyrand
-was, in fact, replaced by M. de Champagny a little before the Spanish
-war, but he took part with the cabinet in all the intrigues which
-led to the events of Aranjuez. The reunion of the Peninsula in one
-political system with France agreed well with his historical ideas upon
-the family compact, and several letters are still in existence from
-the Prince of Benevento which confirm his participation in all these
-events, as well as a curious report to the Emperor, demonstrating the
-advantages that would accrue from reuniting both crowns in his family,
-in imitation of the grand political scheme of Louis XIV.
-
-The real cause of Talleyrand's disgrace was the active attempts he made
-to negotiate peace with England independent of Napoleon. The Emperor
-did not at all like men who acted upon their own opinion; he liked
-every thing to originate with himself alone. He got rid of Talleyrand
-as, in succeeding years, he shook off Fouché, minister of police.
-
-There are times when men of consideration are a source of
-embarrassment, when advisers are no longer required: devoted servants
-alone are necessary. The Prince of Benevento took advantage of the
-circumstance, and as the Spanish war was very unpopular, he assumed
-the attitude of a martyr to his love for peace and moderate measures.
-He was always clever enough to account for his being out of favour
-by attributing it to some motive which might secure him a good place
-in public opinion, and he then profited by his situation to wage an
-underhand, but murderous war, against the power which had rejected
-him from its circle of activity. When he was no longer at the head of
-affairs for the purpose of directing them, he took care to bring up the
-rear, for the sake of causing hinderance and annoyance. Nevertheless,
-his dismissal was now covered with a golden mantle; he received the
-title of vice-grand elector, with the same salary of 500,000 francs,
-that he enjoyed during his ministry. The activity of his mind led him
-afresh into commercial pursuits, he gambled in the stocks, became
-a partner in a banking-house at Hamburg and in Paris, he invested
-considerable sums of money in the English funds, and awaited patiently
-the course of events. To know how to wait is a great mark of political
-knowledge, and it was one of Talleyrand's favourite axioms, that
-patience often leads to favourable situations: he never would be in a
-hurry.
-
-A secret opposition was beginning to form against Napoleon, even in the
-highest ranks, among the heads of the senate, of the government, and of
-the army. Fearful of yet making itself manifest by any overt act, it
-only ventured upon apparently trifling remarks and half confidences;
-but people conspired in their _minds_, expressions were used, which
-were repeated as apophthegms and prophecies of society. "It is the
-beginning of the end," said Talleyrand, at the time of the disastrous
-expedition to Moscow; and this just appreciation had been warmly
-applauded. What a terrible opposition is that of the _salons_ and the
-gay world! It kills with a lingering death, it upsets the strongest
-ideas, it destroys the best-laid plans; it would be far better to be
-compelled to engage in a pitched battle face to face. This opposition
-was gradually increasing, and the police establishment of General
-Savary, which tended more to the employment of brute force than the
-adoption of intelligent precautions, was incapable of restraining
-it; it was gradually appearing on every side, besides which the men
-who placed themselves at the head of the resisting party were of too
-much consequence for the Emperor to venture to touch them. Talleyrand
-and Fouché now did whatever they pleased with perfect impunity--they
-were acting against the Emperor, and he did not dare to shew his
-displeasure. It has always been supposed that Napoleon when at the
-summit of his greatness might have put down any one; yet, great as he
-was, there were some men too powerful for him. The day that he had
-touched Talleyrand or Fouché, all the officers of government would have
-considered themselves at the mercy of a caprice; Cambacérès, Lebrun,
-Regnault de Saint-Jean d'Angely, feeling themselves henceforth without
-any security against a master whom they detested, would, perhaps, have
-shaken off the yoke.
-
-As early as the beginning of the year 1813, Talleyrand had opened a
-communication with the Bourbons. The venerable Cardinal de Périgord,
-grand almoner to Louis XVIII., was his uncle, but there was a
-considerable degree of coolness between them; still it may be easily
-imagined that it facilitated an exchange of hopes and promises,
-against the chances of a future restoration to the throne; but all
-this was done secretly and in strict confidence, as the idea of the
-restoration was not yet sufficiently matured. Talleyrand had never
-ceased to maintain a communication through his agents with Louis
-XVIII., who was himself at that time engaged in a confidential
-correspondence with all the great officers of the state, even
-including Cambacérès himself. Paris was filled with these letters,
-notwithstanding which, Talleyrand was one of the council appointed
-to assist the regency of Maria Louisa, whom the Emperor had placed
-at the head of affairs. He always exhibited the greatest interest in
-all questions relating to the government, he attended assiduously the
-meetings of the council, and appeared the most zealous of the Emperor's
-servants: the plan of the regency also was congenial to his mind, and
-he would have been satisfied with it as a political idea. He still,
-however, carried on an underhand correspondence with Louis XVIII., who,
-with his perfect knowledge of mankind, engaged to maintain him in his
-magnificent position, to which he added a promise that he should be
-placed at the head of the ministry. As to the regency of Maria Louisa,
-it involved a project for a closer alliance with Austria, and was
-suggested by the most able men in the council of Napoleon, who were
-desirous of exciting dissensions among the allied powers by giving rise
-to divers interests.
-
-The misfortunes of war had now brought the enemy near the capital;
-and, as the powers of Napoleon became more feeble, people learned to
-estimate probabilities with a greater degree of certainty: first the
-regency, then a provisional government, and, finally, the restoration
-of the Bourbons. Since the year 1812, all illusion concerning the
-invincible power of Napoleon was over. The burning of Moscow, the
-snows which had covered the grand army as with a vast shroud, the
-conspiracy of Mallet, all had tended to place the imperial power in a
-tottering condition. The negotiations of Talleyrand began to assume
-an indescribable boldness; the plenipotentiaries of the allied powers
-had fixed a congress at Châtillon, more for the sake of appearances
-than to discuss really diplomatic questions; and M. de Coulaincourt,
-whose devotion to the Emperor was undoubted, was to propose a treaty
-determining the limits of France under the government of Napoleon,
-or the regency of the archduchess. This was the moment selected by
-Talleyrand to despatch a secret agent to the head-quarters of the
-Emperor Alexander. This agent, who was, I believe, M. de Vitrolles, was
-commissioned to describe the condition of the metropolis, the anxiety
-there was to get rid of Napoleon, and, above all, the imperative
-necessity there appeared to be for the restoration of the old
-dynasty, as the only certain step that could be taken under existing
-circumstances. M. de Vitrolles evinced great zeal and ability in the
-discharge of this secret mission, which exposed him to extreme danger;
-he succeeded in conveying to the Emperor Alexander some letters written
-in cipher, and a very detailed memorial upon the state of the public
-mind; but--must I confess it?--the allies, who cared but little about
-the Bourbons, did not perfectly understand the scope of this movement,
-neither did they know what might be the result. It was then Talleyrand
-exerted himself to demonstrate that these two ideas, the ancient
-territory and the ancient dynasty, were correlative; and the same
-system had been forcibly represented at Châtillon by Lord Castlereagh.
-
-The disaffected party continued to gain strength in Paris. Talleyrand
-had made friends with several of the senators who still retained some
-recollections of the Republic, and professed an especial hatred
-towards Napoleon; such were M. de Lambrechts, Languinais, and Grégoire,
-and the Prince of Benevento could rely upon their assistance in any
-rising that might be organised against the empire. At the same time he
-had collected around himself the Duc de Dalberg, the Abbé de Pradt,
-and a multitude of Royalist agents, who were in communication with MM.
-de Noailles, de Fitzjames, and de Montmorency, all engaged in secret
-machinations for the Bourbons. The time was come when the Empire must
-terminate--there was so much disaffection among the citizens of Paris
-and in the provinces. Great precaution was shewn in taking the first
-steps in favour of the Bourbon restoration, and the greatest secrecy
-was observed; as soon, therefore, as it was decided, according to
-the instructions of Napoleon, that the Empress should leave Paris,
-and establish her regency at Blois, Talleyrand hastened to declare
-his intention of shewing his zeal by following the regency, it being
-necessary he should offer a pledge to the imperialist party in order
-to prevent suspicion, but by a piece of duplicity, perfectly in
-keeping with his character and position, he apprised the allies of his
-pretended flight. Accordingly, Prince Schwartzenberg posted a small
-body of cavalry at the first stage on the road to Blois, which stopped
-the carriage of Prince Talleyrand, and obliged him to return to Paris,
-where the wily diplomatist also declared himself compelled by force to
-remain. By this means he was enabled to place himself as the head and
-the nucleus of the general rising against the Emperor; his saloon was
-open to all the disaffected, and he encouraged the idea of Napoleon's
-downfall in a manner which charmed the hearts of the Republicans; for
-Buonaparte's violation of the constitution was the only circumstance
-that appeared to occur to their minds. The ground was well chosen, and
-Talleyrand worked at his ease and on an extended scale at the ruin of
-his master; every thing had tended towards it since the year 1812, and
-the moral strength of the Empire was gone.
-
-Talleyrand's grand intrigue even began in the senate. He well knew
-the simplicity and the instinctive repugnance felt by Grégoire,
-Lambrechts, and Languinais, for Napoleon, and he determined they should
-serve as a pivot for the new order of things. Some of them thought
-they were making preparations for a regency. Talleyrand promised them
-constitutional forms and the sovereignty of the people, those old
-visions of the Republic, and they welcomed all these recollections with
-ecstasy: there was not much difficulty, certainly, in inducing these
-second-rate minds to act in concert with him. The patriot party were
-the first to demand that the Emperor should be deposed; they enumerated
-all the grievances, upon which they had observed so prudent a silence
-in the days of his prosperity; they fell upon Napoleon, his forfeiture
-of the crown was pronounced by the senate in the month of April 1814,
-and he was thus sacrificed by the party which had obeyed his will
-with apparent alacrity during the ten years of the Empire. Nothing
-is so violent or so rancorous in its hatred as an assembly which has
-long been humbled under a despotic rule: it afterwards takes signal
-vengeance upon the fallen power.
-
-When the Emperor Alexander entered Paris, Talleyrand's ascendancy
-over his mind was sufficient to induce him to inhabit the Hôtel de la
-Rue Saint-Florentin, an unheard-of honour, which gave an undeniable
-proof of the great estimation in which he was held! The czar occupied
-the apartments, still to be seen, with the long stone balcony at
-the extremity of the Rue de Rivoli. It was in the blue drawing-room
-in this hôtel that the plan of the Restoration was organised,
-according to the ideas and principles which I have depicted in a work
-especially devoted to that purpose.[11] Talleyrand's influence over
-the proceedings of that time was unbounded; he induced the Emperor
-Alexander to reject all proposals for continuing the regency of Maria
-Louisa, as well as the loyal endeavours of Marshal Macdonald. He
-instigated all these refusals, and had adopted a maxim admirable for
-its clearness and precision, which he took pleasure in repeating as a
-means of putting a stop to all negotiations. "The restoration of the
-Bourbons," said he, "is a principle; every thing else is an intrigue."
-In after years, he forgot none of the services he had rendered to
-the old dynasty, and, when out of favour under the Restoration,
-he took pleasure in shewing this blue drawing-room which had been
-inhabited by the Emperor Alexander, and would repeat in a tone of
-affected bitterness and ridicule, as if to brand the ingratitude of
-the Bourbons, "Nevertheless, gentlemen, it was here the Restoration
-was accomplished." And then he would describe in his admirable manner
-the proceedings of that time, and point out the spot occupied by each
-of the party in the month of May 1814. "At the corner of the table,"
-he would say, "sat the Emperor Alexander, there the King of Prussia,
-and here the Grand Duke Constantine; a little farther off were Pozzo
-di Borgo, Nesselrode, and Hardenberg--yes, gentlemen, it was here, in
-this little room, that we restored the throne of the Bourbons, and
-the monarchy of 1400 years." And this he would repeat with a sardonic
-smile which marked his dissatisfaction, and perhaps was an index of
-some future design of overturning what he had so easily raised. When a
-monarchy has been restored within the narrow limits of a drawing-room,
-it cannot be supposed to inspire very great confidence. Such was the
-secret thought of this great contriver of events.
-
- [11] Histoire de la Restauration.
-
-Up to the arrival of Louis XVIII. Talleyrand was at the head of the
-provisional government; all the responsibility rested with him, and
-he had cause to reproach himself with many evil actions which were
-connected with the spirit of that period, for there are seasons when
-the human mind does not belong to itself; it is hurried on by the
-rapid course of ideas, it is imbued with a spirit of reaction. Has
-the mission of M. de Maubreuil ever been perfectly explained? What
-was its object? Some people will tell you he received no orders,
-except to prevent the crown diamonds from being carried away; but
-other accounts tell a very different story, and assert that he was
-intrusted to perform a deed of blood, similar perhaps to that which had
-destroyed the last of the Condés. I can positively declare that M. de
-Maubreuil never had any direct conversation or personal interview with
-Talleyrand. He took care never to appear in deplorable circumstances of
-this kind; and all that passed was as follows: One of the confidential
-secretaries of the minister said to M. de Maubreuil, in perfectly
-plain language, "This is what the prince requires of you; here is your
-warrant and a sum of money, and as a proof of what I say, and of his
-assent, remain in the _salon_ to-day, and he will pass through and
-bend his head in token of approbation." The sign was made, and M. de
-Maubreuil considered himself perfectly authorised to undertake the
-mission. What, I repeat, was its object? The time is hardly yet arrived
-which makes it allowable to tell and to publish every thing; I judge no
-man's conduct, I only repeat that there are times when people do not
-appear to belong to themselves.
-
-On his arrival in Paris, Louis XVIII. appointed Talleyrand
-prime-minister with the direction of foreign affairs; thus leaving
-him the supreme charge of all diplomatic negotiations, as a mark of
-gratitude and a pledge of general peace. A treaty was signed, France
-returned to her ancient territory and her ancient dynasty, as it had
-been decided after the events of Paris; all diplomatic questions of
-general interest were afterwards to be settled in the congress of
-the allied powers, fixed to take place at Vienna, where Talleyrand
-was appointed ambassador extraordinary to represent the King of
-France,--a mission he was certainly fully entitled to expect. In the
-month of November all the French legation arrived at Vienna, and
-the ambassador displayed great activity. It was necessary to place
-France in a favourable position, which was very difficult after all
-the wars and the disasters she had had to encounter; and we must do
-justice to the great abilities and exertions of Prince Talleyrand,
-for, in spite of the state of humiliation to which she was reduced, he
-succeeded in establishing her in the first rank; it was also owing to
-his intervention that the younger branch of the Bourbons was restored
-at Naples. Louis XVIII. was the means of saving Saxony from imminent
-danger, and finally, towards the close of the congress, Talleyrand
-entered into an intimate league with Metternich and Lord Castlereagh
-to prevent the encroachments of Russia in Poland, and concluded in the
-month of February[12] 1815 a secret treaty with England and Austria,
-where the possibility of war was looked forward to, and the necessary
-arrangements made for such a contingency. I have given the curious
-original elsewhere.[13]
-
- [12] Signed in the month of March, _vide_ Metternich.--_Tr._
-
- [13] Histoire de la Restauration.
-
-During the whole time of the Congress of Vienna, the desire for an
-alliance with England and a feeling of antipathy for Russia never
-ceased to possess the mind of Prince Talleyrand; he followed up this
-system of regard and hatred with the utmost tenacity; he even went so
-far as to write, in his secret correspondence with Louis XVIII., "that
-a Russian princess did not come of a sufficiently good family for the
-Duc de Berri, and that it ought not to be thought of, as the house of
-Romanof could not place itself on a level with that of Bourbon." This
-circumstance was never forgotten by the Emperor Alexander, who from
-this time forward entertained an extreme dislike for Talleyrand, and
-his aversion became still more violent after the events of 1815, when
-the secret treaty concluded in the month of March came to his knowledge.
-
-Napoleon landed in the Gulf of Juan, and his rapid march upon Paris
-excited the greatest alarm in the Congress of Vienna. The activity
-of the French ambassador redoubled its vehemence, for Napoleon had
-outlawed him in his decrees dated from Lyons, and he in his turn
-revenged himself by causing Buonaparte to be placed at the ban of the
-empire. He took great pains to obtain this result, the declaration
-of the Congress of Vienna was his work, and it was he that induced
-Lord Castlereagh and Metternich to sign it. From this moment the
-coalition was in motion, and France was again threatened with an
-irruption of myriads of armed men, when the battle of Waterloo a second
-time terminated the sway of Napoleon. When a power is at an end,
-all attempts to restore it are in vain, it is merely the flash that
-precedes the extinction of an expiring light.
-
-Talleyrand returned to Paris with the Bourbons, but his authority
-was no longer what it had been. Louis XVIII. had discovered that his
-plenipotentiary, and the Duc de Dalberg, in his name, had received
-overtures concerning the possibility of the younger branch of the
-Bourbons succeeding to the throne of France, and it was not likely he
-should forget it. The king, with his habitual sagacity and experience,
-would never have chosen for his minister the man who had been
-plenipotentiary at Vienna; but the influence of the Duke of Wellington,
-which placed Fouché at the head of the police, also restored to
-Talleyrand the direction of foreign affairs. The cabinet of July 1815
-was entirely favourable to English ideas and interests.
-
-As long as Talleyrand had only to treat with Lord Castlereagh and
-the Prussians, he preserved his ascendancy; but how hard were the
-conditions imposed by those powers! The Duke of Wellington had a
-regard for him as the old representative of the English alliance, and
-supported him with all his influence, which was very great; however,
-in the month of August 1815, the face of every thing was changed; the
-Russians joined with 350,000 bayonets; the Emperor Alexander took
-a part in the negotiation, and as Russia alone was kindly disposed
-towards the house of Bourbon, as she alone defended the integrity of
-our territory, and did not exact the sacrifices required by England and
-Prussia, she soon became the predominant power. The first condition
-imposed by the Emperor Alexander, before he would enter into any
-negotiation, was the dismissal of Prince Talleyrand. He has since
-pretended that he voluntarily retired from office to avoid signing the
-Convention of Paris, that hard necessity to which France was compelled
-to submit through the heavy calamities which had fallen upon her, but
-this fact is as untrue as his opposition to the Spanish war in 1808.
-He has on every occasion striven to invest his dismissal with a degree
-of interest, but in this instance he had unavailingly had recourse to
-all his influence with the Duke of Wellington and Prussia to obtain the
-direction of a treaty, and he only retired because it was impossible
-for him to carry on a negotiation. He had submitted to every thing, he
-had made a thousand concessions to the czar, even going so far as to
-recommend Count Pozzo di Borgo as Minister for the Interior; it was all
-in vain, Alexander never would consent to see or to treat with him. Had
-Russia withdrawn her influence we should have lost Lorraine and Alsace,
-which had been claimed by the Germanic Confederation, but when the czar
-took the negotiations in hand, he stipulated for better conditions than
-those proposed by Prussia and England. Louis XVIII. took pleasure in
-relating the scene, at the close of which he asked for or accepted the
-resignation of the Bishop of Autun, and he described it with all the
-malicious wit he possessed in so admirable a degree. The king was quite
-delighted, for he did not at all enjoy the imperative and arbitrary
-style of proceeding adopted by his minister, who was more apt to
-request he would affix his signature to the papers he laid before him
-than inclined to consult him upon any political business; and besides,
-though the king was a little of a free-thinker, he could not quite
-forgive the utter disregard of the laws of the Church evinced by a
-married priest. This feeling was so strong at court, that the Cardinal
-de Périgord, grand almoner of France, never would recognise any dignity
-but that of bishop as belonging to his nephew. The Royalist party, now
-very powerful, lost no opportunity of turning him into ridicule, and
-clever caricatures always represented him with the crosier in his hand.
-They wanted to get rid of him as they had already contrived to do of
-Fouché, the former regicide orator. One day at a party in the Faubourg
-Saint-Germain Talleyrand said in a loud voice to some Royalists,
-"But, gentlemen, you want to bring back the old order of things,
-and that is not possible." The caustic and clever M. de Sallaberry
-replied, "Why, monseigneur, who would think of making you Bishop of
-Autun again? It would be an absurdity." The shaft was well aimed, and
-it _struck home_. In spite, however, of personal feelings, the king
-gave him the appointment of Grand Chamberlain of France, with a salary
-of 100,000 francs, at the suggestion of the Duc de Richelieu, who had
-declared in the royal council that, after all the services rendered
-by M. de Talleyrand, the Bourbons ought to present him with a noble
-mark of their gratitude. One would think that Louis himself, must have
-remembered that he owed the defence of his dynasty to him, at a time
-when the Restoration was regarded with coolness by all the cabinets of
-Europe.
-
-Talleyrand continued to hold the situation of grand-chamberlain during
-the reign of the restored family. He was not a favourite at the
-Tuileries, where he went every day through etiquette to fulfil his
-office, standing behind the king's chair with admirable punctuality;
-and he was received with great coolness by Louis XVIII. Charles X.
-was more kindly disposed towards every body, and occasionally entered
-politely into conversation with him on some trifling subject. He also
-performed his duties at the _diners d'apparat_. The king was seated
-at table, the grand-chamberlain occupying a small chair at a little
-distance, and while Louis was discussing a pheasant, or other game,
-with an excellent appetite, Talleyrand dipped a biscuit in old madeira
-wine. It was a scene of considerable interest, and used to pass in the
-most profound silence. Every now and then the king would look fixedly
-at the grand-chamberlain with a sneering expression of countenance,
-while the latter, with his impassibility so coarsely defined by
-Marshal Lannes, would go on soaking his biscuit and slowly sipping
-his madeira with a look of respectful deference towards the king his
-master. Not a word was addressed by the sovereign to the chamberlain
-during the short repast, after which Talleyrand used to resume his
-place behind the king's chair in a cold, ceremonious manner, that
-reminded one of the statue in the _Festin de Pierre_, only with this
-difference, that the grand-chamberlain's mind was filled with the most
-inveterate hatred, a feeling which he extended to all the members of
-the royal family.
-
-In the Chamber of Peers he adopted a system of opposition, which
-assumed a greater degree of solemnity, from all the statesmen of the
-various epochs who had been engaged in the management of affairs and
-vast negotiations being included in it. He very rarely spoke; indeed,
-I believe only two speeches delivered by him are on record. The first
-was on the occasion of the war in Spain in 1823, when he entered
-rather awkwardly into the question and foretold a disastrous event to
-our arms, whereas they were in reality crowned with success, shewing
-how great a mistake it is ever to give utterance to predictions in
-politics. The second time was on the occasion of the law of election
-and the liberty of the press; he then reminded the assembly of the
-promises entered into at Saint-Ouen, at which he had himself been
-present. He appeared at this time to be held in little estimation in
-the upper house, and there were not above five or six peers whose votes
-were at his disposal. The case was very different in his drawing-room
-and at his toilet, where he was in the habit of receiving a great deal
-of company and listened to confidential communications from men of all
-parties, flattering in turn the liberal societies and the aristocratic
-coteries; for the latter, especially, he entertained a strong
-predilection. His fortune was now very much involved in consequence
-of an immense bankruptcy, by which his friend the Duc de Dalberg alone
-lost the sum of 4,000,000[14] francs, and he passed but little part of
-his time at Paris, but lived at Valençay, or at his great estates in
-Touraine; these were deeply mortgaged, and without the management of
-the Duchess of Dino, who was a woman of wonderful ability in business,
-he would, probably, have been obliged to part with some of them. He
-occasionally made an excursion to a greater distance, and once passed a
-whole season in the south of France, in a pleasant habitation selected
-for him at Hyères, in the country of fragrant flowers, of vanilla,
-and orange, and citron groves. His wit and noble manners are still
-recollected with delight in that part of the country; and, indeed,
-it is impossible to express the charm he infused into the evening
-conversations at his house.
-
- [14] About 160,000_l._
-
-His social existence was, in fact, passed entirely during the night.
-He rose late, and it was near eleven o'clock before he rang for his
-_valet de chambre_, who brought him his morning gown. He was obliged to
-lean upon his stick as he walked from one chair to another, until he
-reached the fireplace; and he breakfasted after the English fashion,
-making a very trifling repast. Then followed his toilet, which
-occupied a long time, and was almost public, according to the fashion
-of former times, when dressing the hair was a perfect operation. His
-servant put on his cravat, still worn with all the pretension of an
-exquisite of the Directory, and he then went out for an airing. After
-dinner, and to conclude the evening, he generally joined some of his
-old intimate friends, and played a rubber, very late and always very
-high. He sometimes dozed a little in an easy chair, for he possessed
-an admirable faculty for closing his eyes, and, perhaps, of indulging
-in a waking sleep. His conversation was generally brilliant and
-clever, sometimes very communicative, and he took great pleasure in
-talking over the events of his life, dwelling with especial delight
-upon the Congress of Vienna, which had been such a brilliant period
-for his diplomatic talents. Thus passed his life, full of a feeling
-of discontent and a constant looking forward to change; nothing was
-hurried, but he was constantly in a state of expectation, or carrying
-on one of those vast conspiracies which no one can lay hold of.
-
-At the time of the breaking out of the revolution of July, Talleyrand
-was deeply irritated against the elder branch of the Bourbons, whom
-he termed ungrateful and forgetful of his services; and there is no
-doubt of his having worked industriously towards establishing a new
-monarchical system. He had a horror of anarchy, power was his element.
-The time is not yet come when we may venture to tell every thing, but
-it is an undoubted fact, that Talleyrand was consulted and examined
-on the 9th of August, and his answer was altogether favourable to the
-new project. Did not this revolution carry him back in recollection to
-the period of the Congress of Vienna in 1814, when an arrangement of
-this kind had been suggested by him as a possible event and a means
-of solving a difficulty should such occur? Some secret conferences
-were held on this delicate subject; Talleyrand took upon himself
-the negotiation with the _corps diplomatique_, and also the duty of
-setting clearly before them that the peace of Europe depended upon the
-establishment of a monarchy in France,--a vast undertaking, to which
-a prince of very superior abilities was willing to devote himself.
-Talleyrand succeeded in the object he had in view; the despatches of
-the ambassadors were all in favour of royalty, it was considered as
-a guarantee of the principle of order in Europe, as an efficacious
-means of repressing the revolutionary spirit, and maintaining the
-treaties already concluded--in short, as the strongest opposition
-to the Propaganda tendency, and the most serious scheme of general
-conservatism.
-
-Talleyrand at this time refused the ministry for foreign affairs, as
-it would merely have added to his responsibility without increasing
-his power of action; but he accepted the embassy to London, which was
-a much more important office, as affairs of the greatest consequence
-would necessarily come under consideration there, it being upon
-the prompt decision of this cabinet that must mainly depend the
-consolidation of the new order of things; for, although England had
-been the first to recognise the events that had taken place, she had
-shewn some disposition to reserve regarding an alliance with the new
-government. The affairs of Belgium occasioned so much difficulty in
-the negotiations, and added so greatly to the danger of the political
-crisis, that it was necessary a person possessed both of talent
-and great consideration should be deputed to London, to secure the
-support of the English cabinet in the negotiations that had been
-begun, especially as the despatches received from Russia rendered the
-necessity for a good understanding with England particularly urgent.
-
-When Talleyrand arrived in London, the Duke of Wellington was still
-in the ministry, and the violent Tories had the direction of the
-cabinet,--a state of affairs which prevented his carrying on his
-manœuvres as he wished; he was perfectly aware of the attachment of
-the Tories to the secret treaties concluded in 1815, and, therefore,
-used all his efforts to overturn the Duke of Wellington. He also
-renewed his old intimacy with Lord Grey, he sought the society of Lord
-John Russell, and lived in a most magnificent style.
-
-The revolution of July had produced an effect in England; the march of
-opinion became too powerful for the Tories, and Lord Grey was placed at
-the head of the cabinet, affording a complete triumph to the moderate
-Whigs. The course being now clear, Talleyrand could assume the position
-he wished: and hard had he laboured to prepare it! He now was able to
-work openly for a treaty with France.
-
-It ought to be known that, during the embassy of Prince Polignac, a
-conference had been arranged in London between the plenipotentiaries
-of Russia, England, and France, to decide upon all the questions
-relating to Greece; and the same course had been pursued afterwards,
-under the Duc de Laval. England attached great importance to it, and
-Talleyrand proposed its renewal, for the purpose of watching and
-deciding upon the general affairs of Europe, and also advised that
-the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia should be admitted. They
-were to take the Belgic question into consideration, and decide what
-course should be pursued, in consequence of the dismemberment of the
-kingdom of the Low Countries, established in 1815; and Talleyrand being
-personally acquainted with all these plenipotentiaries, his position
-soon became as brilliant in London as it had been at Vienna in 1815. He
-was connected with Prince and Princess Lieven by the ties of old and
-intimate friendship, and the families of Talleyrand and Esterhazy had
-also long been well acquainted: Baron Bulow, the Prussian minister, was
-one of the second-rate diplomatists, who all entertained the greatest
-respect for Talleyrand and his long experience in public affairs.
-
-Conferences were, therefore, undertaken upon very indefinite subjects,
-for their principal object was to seek the opportunity of meeting and
-maintaining peace. No doubt there was something very undecided in the
-numerous protocols signed at that time upon the affairs of Belgium, and
-the greater part of them were never put in force. In addition to this,
-though they had been the result of a common agreement, the Russian and
-Austrian plenipotentiaries never received the formal assent of their
-governments: the conduct of Prince Lieven and Prince Esterhazy was, in
-the first instance, disclaimed on the part of their courts, and they
-were shortly afterwards recalled; but the result of these conferences
-in London, the happy consequences of their developement, was the
-maintenance of peace, whose existence had at one time been greatly
-threatened. In 1831, when the foreign ministers met in such close
-communication with each other, it was almost impossible explanations
-should not take place, and that there should be any misapprehension
-between the governments; the proceedings of Talleyrand were, therefore,
-successful; for his main object was the preservation of the European
-_status quo_, by preventing those conflicts among the cabinets, those
-clashings among people, which fill history with tales of bloodshed; and
-the conferences in London were of service, because the close contact
-into which men were brought with each other was a means of reconciling
-affairs.
-
-According to his general custom, the French ambassador received a
-great deal of company; his entertainments were splendid; his evening
-parties, in particular, were remarkable for the good taste and
-distinguished company so much prized in England. I should not exceed
-the truth if I were to say that his wishes influenced certain votes in
-the House of Commons. No ambassador had ever before enjoyed so much
-consideration. But Lord Grey was aware of an approaching storm: the
-difficulty of his political situation had not consisted in overturning
-the Tory ministry--that was a simple and natural victory, for the
-agitation of minds and events had been sufficient to displace the Duke
-of Wellington, but the really dangerous part of Lord Grey's position
-was, on the contrary, the inevitable and powerful progress of the Whig
-principles, which sought to proceed to extremities; for when a nation
-lays its hand upon its ancient institutions, one change often leads to
-another. After having reformed the state, and given a greater latitude
-to elections, must they not reform the Church? did not the situation
-of Ireland require modification? The Dissenters complained, and with
-justice, of their grievances; it would have been an absurd attempt to
-set a limit to a reformed parliament, to say to the nation "Thus far
-shalt thou go, and no farther." The parliament became impatient, while
-religious scruples arose in the mind of Lord Grey, in the old party of
-which Canning was formerly the head, now represented by Mr. Stanley,
-and, above all, in the heart of William the Fourth.
-
-Talleyrand was as well aware of the danger as Lord Grey himself, for
-he well knew the powerful influence exercised by young and ardent
-opinions; it soon became impossible to arrest the parliamentary
-agitation. The venerable Lord Grey was suddenly seized with disgust for
-the whole proceeding; he would not raise a sacrilegious hand against
-the Church; he sent in his resignation, and England well remembers the
-touching explanations he gave upon his own ministerial conduct in the
-House of Lords. From the time of the appointment of Lord Melbourne,
-the French ambassador foresaw the invincible tendency of affairs, the
-triumph of the Ultra-Whigs, and, perhaps, of Lord Durham,[15] and
-began to think of retiring, for he no longer played the principal part,
-of which he was always ambitious.
-
- [15] I speak of the time before Lord Durham had taken the side of
- Russia and of Conservatism.
-
-Another circumstance added to this feeling. In the revolution just
-encountered by the ministry, Lord Palmerston had still retained the
-Foreign Office, his opinions being of a less moderate cast than those
-of Lord Grey; and as his disposition was one rather difficult to
-deal with, serious dissensions had already arisen between him and
-Talleyrand. From the first formation of their ministry, the Whigs had
-felt the necessity of augmenting their consideration with foreign
-powers; they were not ignorant that the English nation, which preferred
-them for their popular opinions and their patriotic sentiments, did
-not feel equal confidence in their habits of business and their
-comprehension of the situation of Europe. Lord Palmerston considered
-that, after the treaty of the 8th of July, which secured such great
-advantages to Russia, a certain armed demonstration was inevitable upon
-the Eastern question, and he, therefore, proposed to Talleyrand that
-the squadrons of France and England should be united, and sail under
-the flags of both nations in the Black Sea.
-
-Talleyrand perfectly understood the interest felt by the Whigs in this
-armed demonstration, but he considered it far too bold a step to be
-ventured upon in their actual situation. As a continental power, France
-might well call upon the alliance of England if necessary, or, on the
-other hand, afford to her all possible assistance; but then the whole
-of the Holy Alliance was close upon her, and this demonstration might
-lead to a real war. In the opinion of Talleyrand it was necessary
-to fortify the moral alliance, and place a barrier to resist the
-encroachments of Russia; but it would be a hazardous undertaking to
-make a direct attack on her flag in the Black Sea. He, therefore, held
-back from the propositions of Lord Palmerston: he explained to him
-that, instead of an armed demonstration, which would be of doubtful
-advantage, nay, possibly altogether useless, it would be desirable to
-prepare an act, expressive of future policy; and made it evident to him
-that a treaty of quadruple alliance, which would unite the south of
-Europe against the north, could not fail to lead to great results, even
-in the midst of the various but transient events of a party war. The
-treaty concluded between France, England, Spain, and Portugal, owed its
-existence to this idea, this favourite conception of Prince Talleyrand;
-he would, however, have been much better pleased could he have also
-included Austria, according to the desire he had cherished in his mind
-ever since 1814.
-
-Lord Palmerston entered into Talleyrand's plans. England confined
-herself to a few nautical parades in the Black Sea, but from this time
-a coldness sprung up between the two diplomatists. The English minister
-is a person of very irritable temper, touchy, and of a changeable
-disposition, and Talleyrand took a great dislike to him; and as, on the
-other side, the cabinet of which Lord Melbourne was the chief was drawn
-on from one concession to another, he soon resolved to leave England.
-It was announced that his health was failing, and he went into the
-country to seek peace in retirement. Like Pythagoras when the thunder
-is heard from afar, Talleyrand preferred the desert and the echo.
-During his last journey to Paris he became friends with Count Pozzo di
-Borgo, that is to say, with the Russian idea. The two diplomatists did
-not venture as yet to hold any official communications, but they often
-met in little mysterious banquets, in a diplomatic retreat at Bellevue.
-
-Talleyrand quitted London, popular clamour was a source of annoyance
-to him; it was no longer a dispute between one portion of the
-aristocracy and another, from henceforth it appeared to be the people
-against the aristocracy itself: and the stake was too great. He
-therefore left England definitively for Valençay, explaining, in a
-most dignified letter, the reason of his retirement. There is a period
-with politicians when they begin to live for posterity; they then all
-seek an opportunity of explaining themselves, of laying open their
-conduct, and striving to rectify the judgment of future times--they
-feel a desire of revealing themselves solemnly to the public; and such
-was the motive which induced Talleyrand to speak at a meeting of the
-French Institute. He said but a few words on the occasion of an _éloge_
-that had been pronounced, but those few afforded an explanation of the
-motives that had actuated a long and busy political life, passed in the
-midst of governments, passions, and parties.
-
-After this time Talleyrand lived either in Paris or on his estates in
-the country, and was always consulted with the most profound veneration
-by all the thinking heads of government. He at one time had some idea
-of going to Vienna to accomplish a plan suggested by the Duchess de
-Dino, which would unite the two families of Talleyrand and Esterhazy.
-The latter, it is well known, is the richest family in Austria, and
-during the last seven years Madame de Dino had paid great attention to
-her uncle's affairs, and had been so successful in her management that
-his property was quite free from debt, and one of the most considerable
-of the present day. The fortune of M. de Talleyrand, after so many
-reverses, is said almost to resemble one of the fairy tales in the
-"Arabian Nights."
-
-There are few political characters with whom the press has been more
-busy than with Prince Talleyrand, during the latter years of his
-life. Every step he took, every gesture, every action, was made the
-subject of the most contradictory reports. He had now attained his
-eighty-fourth year, and it was evident his faculties were beginning to
-suffer considerably from his advanced age. He was merely the shadow
-of his former self. Every now and then there would be a gleam of his
-powerful intellect, but they would soon disappear again in the weakness
-caused by extreme age, and so busy and exhausted a life. He could no
-longer walk a single step, but was carried about or wheeled in a chair,
-and the slightest jolt drew from him tears of suffering--most miserable
-resemblance that exists between decrepitude and childhood! In fact, his
-career was come to an end, though they in vain strove to prolong it by
-endeavouring to rouse him.
-
-That career had indeed been marvellous, and though Prince Talleyrand
-be reproached with the constant changeableness of his opinions, we may
-observe the same principle predominant under all circumstances--the
-alliance with England. I have selected the Duc de Richelieu as the
-type of the Russian alliance, and in comparing the services of these
-two political characters, we shall easily discover that the duke did
-more service to his country during the short time that he held the
-reins of government than Prince Talleyrand in his lengthened career,
-because Richelieu had adopted a more national plan, one more favourable
-to our foreign interests. Talleyrand never was subservient to any
-particular government or doctrine. He had a sort of personal feeling
-which degenerated into selfishness. He did not betray Napoleon in the
-literal sense of the word, he only quitted him in time; neither did he
-actually betray the Restoration, he abandoned it when it was abandoning
-itself. No doubt there is a good deal of selfishness in this system,
-whose first thought is of its own situation and fortune, and afterwards
-of the government it serves; but, perhaps, it is hardly to be expected
-we should find in men of very great talent the degree of self-denial
-which leads to a blind devotion towards a person or a cause. Talleyrand
-was a little inclined to apply to himself the expressions he was
-accustomed to address to his _employés_ when he was minister for
-foreign affairs: "There are two things, gentlemen, which I forbid in
-the most positive manner,--too much zeal and too absolute devotion,
-because they compromise both persons and affairs." Such was the mind
-of Talleyrand; with a cold heart and barren imagination, he was
-compared to a real tactician, judging men and parties with mathematical
-precision. He reserved all his activity for the decisive moments which
-overturned thrones and governments, when he considered prompt action as
-of importance. In revolutions his experience had been very great; he
-immediately understood the value of a situation, and decided upon it by
-an apophthegm, which at once struck home. His was, perhaps, the mind
-which was most capable of foreseeing, least able to prevent, and most
-skilled in deriving advantage from the different phases of empires.
-
-But now his life was drawing to a close, and symptoms of approaching
-death appeared on every side. For a long time he had been afflicted
-with a painful complaint, which he bore with less resignation than he
-had exhibited under political events; the attacks were very violent,
-and the prince became subject to constant fainting fits--warning
-symptoms of the approach of his last enemy. The total decay of
-Talleyrand was apparent to every body; the sharpness and delicacy of
-his wit every now and then shot forth a dying gleam, but the _man_
-was at an end. His visits to the Tuileries were a most melancholy
-spectacle, a sad memorial of the nothingness of human greatness.
-Alas! that vast intellect was fast sinking into second childhood.
-His complaint was incurable; it was in the first place old age, and
-then, also, an old affection of anthrax, or white gangrene, for which
-he was obliged to undergo a very painful operation, and after it was
-performed the agonies of death followed in rapid succession. He was
-perfectly aware of the danger of his situation, and considered it
-a point of dignity not to appear alarmed, but went through all the
-proper etiquette with death. For a considerable time he had been in
-communication with a pious ecclesiastic in Paris; before him was the
-example of his family, and the recollection of his uncle the Cardinal,
-of blessed memory; and of late years his benefactions to the chapel
-of Valençay had been very great, both in magnificent donations and
-pious endowments. Though he had forgotten his religious obligations,
-he had never made an open profession of impiety, and had preserved a
-considerable degree of loftiness of mind, so that when the thought of
-death was presented to him he did not shrink from a retractation. No
-person was better aware of the weakness and puerile vanity of professed
-free-thinkers.
-
-This retractation was not the offspring of a sudden impulse; on the
-contrary, it had been concerted three months before with infinite
-care, as if it had been a diplomatic paper sent to the church. Full
-of submission, yet with a mixture of dignity, the prince addressed
-it to the sovereign pontiff, repenting all his participation in the
-scandals by which his life had been stained, particularly his adhesion
-to the civil constitution of the clergy; and he now acknowledged the
-jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Paris, and submitted to the Catholic
-laws of the holy see. This was the manner in which he prepared for
-death. Accounts of the state of his health were incessantly despatched
-to Neuilly; he had rendered great services to Louis Philippe, who had
-often consulted him and derived the benefit of his experience, and who
-was now resolved to pay a last visit to the last descendant of the
-Périgords. When the king was announced, the prince said with a feeble
-voice, but without any appearance of emotion, as if the attention were
-due to him,--"It is the greatest honour my house has received."
-
-There was a strong aristocratic feeling in the expression, 'My house;'
-it signified that, though the visit was honourable to his family, there
-was nothing to cause surprise in it. Neither did he forget, even at
-that moment, the etiquette which forbids that any body should stand in
-the presence of a sovereign without being presented, and he immediately
-added, in a calm tone, "I have a duty to fulfil--it is to present to
-your majesty the persons who are in the room, and who have not yet had
-that honour;" and he introduced his physician, his surgeon, and his
-_valet-de-chambre_. This behaviour when at the point of death bore
-the stamp of high aristocratic manners, perfectly in keeping with the
-visit with which his last moments had been honoured; it was part of
-the decorum and ancient ceremony observed between noble families; the
-escutcheons of both bore the same relative rank; the youngest branch
-of the Bourbons went to visit the youngest branch of the Périgords. In
-ancient times the houses of Navarre and De Quercy had met together on
-the common field of battle, and the cry _Re que Diou_ had been uttered
-at the same time with the war-cry of Henry IV., by the old southern
-nobility, the language of _Oc_ being common to both.
-
-People expressed surprise at the signal honour conferred upon
-Talleyrand, but it shewed that the customs of gentle blood were not
-comprehended by the spirit of inferior society. No one was more
-attached to his illustrious descent than the old diplomatist, and
-the younger branch of the Bourbons came itself of too good a stock
-to forget it; the two cadets of De Quercy and Navarre had met in the
-recollection of their race, as in their political life.
-
-Surrounded by his family in his last moments, and assisted by the
-pious offices of the Abbé Dupanloup, vicar-general of the diocese of
-Paris, Prince Talleyrand received the sacraments of the Church, for
-he had been again admitted into her bosom, and, before expiring, he
-again uttered one of those happy expressions which were so often upon
-his lips. Observing one of his grandnieces dressed entirely in white,
-according to the custom observed before the first communion, he raised
-his heavy eyelids, kissed her forehead, gave her his blessing, and then
-turning to the spectators, he said, "See the way of the world--there is
-the beginning, here the end!" In a few minutes afterwards he expired,
-on the 18th of May, 1838, at ten minutes before four o'clock in the
-afternoon, having just completed his eighty-fourth year. He left a
-will, by which his immense fortune was well and wisely disposed of. Has
-he also left memoirs? I think I know; but these memoirs are deposited
-in the hands of his family, or of other people of whose discretion he
-was quite secure.
-
-Well, then, must I confess it? I do not believe them to be in any way
-curious. People talk a great deal about these pretended revelations,
-but I still repeat that they are few in number. Talleyrand only wrote
-what he pleased, he only committed public transactions to paper; and
-it is well known that, in reading these memoirs, he used to dwell
-with pleasure on the mischievous pranks of the young abbé. Was it
-the reminiscence of his youth that he enjoyed? I am inclined to think
-so, for I have always observed that this feeling is very strong among
-statesmen. Would you wish to awaken in the mind of Pozzo di Borgo
-all the vigour of his intellectual powers?--speak to him of Corsica
-and Paoli; would you bring a ray of delight and unreserve to unbend
-the brow of Metternich?--talk to him of his embassy to Paris in the
-beginning of the Empire, those days of pleasure and dissipation.
-
-My idea is, that the memoirs of the man who played so conspicuous a
-part in the political history of the world will consist principally
-of two parts--emotions and justifications: emotions, because people
-always remember them, they filter through the whole tenour of their
-lives, they dwell in the brain of man, and rule over his thoughts; and
-justifications will undoubtedly be required for the several fatal deeds
-committed during the life of Prince Talleyrand.
-
-In the course of that long life too much regard was shewn to customs
-and ceremonies, which are merely the trappings of life, and too little
-to duty and conscience, which are its foundation and object. He
-attended too much to the outward matters of existence--to riches, to
-honour, to decency of behaviour, but he thought nothing of the delicacy
-of mind, which is the strongest pledge of an honest man employed in
-public affairs. I am not fonder of simpletons in politics than other
-people, but, for the honour of mankind, I am willing to believe men may
-be clever and still retain perfect probity and good faith. It would
-be too dreadful to suppose that one cannot be a statesman without a
-complete abdication of the government of one's heart. Surely a strong
-head and powerful abilities are not the sole requisites for regulating
-the affairs of a government.
-
-
-
-
-COUNT POZZO DI BORGO.
-
-
-There is no county in Europe whose national character is so ancient,
-so thoroughly peculiar, as the Island of Corsica. Imagine a vast
-landscape of Salvator Rosa's, with all the features which he alone was
-capable of depicting, and whose type he has sought in Calabria and the
-Abruzzi; add to this a people whose disposition is hardy and obstinate;
-whose affections, love, hatred, or jealousy, are perpetuated from one
-generation to another; whose proud and patriotic attachment to their
-native soil forms part of their earliest existence, and terminates only
-with their life; also cities cheerful as those of Tuscany, and wild,
-uncultivated, mountainous districts; you will still have but a feeble
-representation of Corsica, that picturesque and fertile island of the
-Mediterranean.
-
-The population is divided into two distinct races; the one
-comprehending the old aboriginal families, the other composed of
-foreign colonists, the greater part descended from refugees who were
-compelled to fly from revolutions in Piémont, Genoa, and Tuscany, and
-were successively deposited in the island, like the layers of lava
-around a volcano. To the first of these races belong the Paolis and
-the Pozzo di Borgos; to the second, the Buonapartes and the Salicettis.
-According to the usual custom among primitive nations, each family
-forms a clan, and each village a community; sentiments are inherited
-like the patrimony of the family--it is like ancient Rome suckled by a
-wolf in the time of the companions of Romulus.
-
-The family of the Pozzo di Borgos, as I have already stated, belongs to
-the aboriginal races; its antiquity may be ascertained by consulting
-the book of the statutes of Corsica, and also the history of the
-feudal war between the Castellans of Montechi and the city of Ajaccio,
-of which they even disputed the sovereignty. One of the family is
-mentioned in the charters as orator of the people, and at the time
-the island was under the dominion of Genoa, the illustrious Pozzo di
-Borgo is described as attorney-general for the provinces of Ajaccio and
-Sartene; his name, like that of the Paolis, was Pascal. His opponents,
-even at that period, were from the family of the Bacciochi, then
-merely merchants of Ajaccio; and his notary was Jerome Buonaparte, who
-certifies the mission of Captain Secondos Pozzo di Borgo, deputy to
-the republic of Genoa.[16] There is some pleasure in relating these
-circumstances, because the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo, during its
-whole course, appeared to be connected with ancient times. Nothing
-is forgotten on that burning soil, and we shall again meet with
-the Paolis, the Buonapartes, the Pozzos, the Bacciochis, and the
-Salicettis, engaged in the most important conflicts on the theatre
-of the great world, as they had formerly been in the little town of
-Ajaccio.
-
- [16] "Il nobile Pasquale Pozzo di Borgo, oratore dei popoli di là da'
- monti in Corsica...." 1584.
-
- "... Per egregium virum Pasqualem Pozzo di Borgo, civem Adjacii,
- oratorem et procuratorem populorum provinciæ Adjacii et Sartenæ, et
- aliorum hominum ultra montes Corsicæ."
-
- "Tutta la provincia di là da' monti nell' isola di Corsica in
- generale, ha eletto per oratore il Capitano Secondo Pozzo di Borgo
- sì per assistere presso le VV. SS...." 1597.
-
- All these charters are extracted from the work published by the wise
- and judicious magistrate, C. Gregori, _Statuti Civili e Criminali di
- Corsica_.
-
-In disturbed times European diplomacy employs two powerful engines of
-political research; in the first place, accredited ambassadors, who
-examine and decide upon affairs in a regular and almost a classical
-manner; and secondly, active agents, the greater part of whom are
-military men employed to travel about in Europe, for the purpose of
-ascertaining accurately the strength and the resources of each power.
-During the time of the French Republic and the Empire of Napoleon,
-England and Russia considerably augmented the number of their military
-diplomatists, and this may be said to have been the first employment of
-Charles Andrew Pozzo di Borgo, before the Russian cabinets had decided
-upon pursuing a regular and comprehensive system. The people of the
-south of Europe are especially gifted with a quick, subtle, and acute
-understanding, and the Corsicans add to these qualities an obstinate
-adherence to their purpose, and a rugged sentiment of their own rights,
-which formed such prominent features in the character of Buonaparte.
-Metternich is fond of repeating, "It was not the armies of Napoleon
-that occasioned us the most uneasiness; it was his inventive spirit,
-his acute subtleties, in short, his diabolical intellect, by which we
-Germans were hemmed in and entangled on every side." Count Pozzo di
-Borgo possessed the same species of sharp and sagacious activity; in
-that country there was a sort of general type common to all, like the
-bronzed complexion and the sparkling, searching eyes.
-
-A few leagues from Ajaccio lies a small village, which bears the name
-of Pozzo di Borgo (well of the city); tradition says, however, that the
-family of that name inhabited the little fort of Montechi among the
-mountains: the Pozzis, the Poggis, and the Pazzis, were all families
-of the middle ages. As it was in Germany with the Castellans of the
-Seven Mountains, so also in Corsica the nobles reckoned their pedigree
-from some of the highest peaks in the island, under the shelter of
-rocks and wild fig-trees, where so many black crosses, symbols of
-_Vendetta_, are still to be seen. When Corsica was annexed to France,
-the noble descent of the Pozzos was substantiated by a supreme council
-of the island. The subject of this memoir was born the same year as
-Napoleon, if we rectify a little the date assigned by chronologists to
-the latter event. He first saw the light on the 8th of March, 1768, and
-had, therefore, attained his majority at the time of the revolution,
-when the popular agitation produced a most startling and arousing
-effect upon Corsica; and as if awaking from slumber two parties started
-up--a national party, and one devoted to the French interests. Paoli
-and Pozzo di Borgo indulged in dreams of the independence of their
-country, but without the intervention of foreign aid. The Buonapartes,
-who had for a short time ranged themselves under the banner of Paoli,
-afterwards joined the Arenas and the Salicettis, partisans of the
-French and Jacobin school. Before these divisions had assumed a
-very decided complexion, they contented themselves with giving an
-enthusiastic welcome to the revolution; intoxication prevailed every
-where, and at the age of twenty-two years Pozzo di Borgo, secretary to
-the corps of the nobility, was despatched as deputy-extraordinary to
-the National Assembly.
-
-This primary office afterwards led to his appointment to the definitive
-deputation; and as the friend of Paoli, a circumstance which at that
-time conferred the greatest popularity, young Pozzo took his seat in
-that insane convocation, which, under the name of the Legislative
-Assembly, and in the midst of tumults and massacres, soon made an
-end of the French monarchy. He was appointed one of the diplomatic
-committee, at the time their proceedings were conducted in so singular
-a manner by Brissot, under whose management despatches to foreign
-powers consisted of speeches borrowed from the tragedy of "Brutus,"
-and directed against Austria and Prussia. Such language ought to have
-been backed by victories, but the Legislative Assembly had not as yet
-the internal strength of which, at a later period, the convocation
-became possessed, through the energy of its committee of public safety.
-The Legislative Assembly threw every thing into disorder: at war with
-the ministers of the king, governed by the idea of a republic, yet
-without daring openly to proclaim it, they permitted the horrors of the
-10th of August, and the 7th of September, to take place before their
-eyes. This wretched meeting possessed neither the brilliancy of the
-Constituent Assembly nor the terrible authority of the Convention, but
-always represented a state of transition, which is invariably one of
-mediocrity, because men dare not undertake any thing, nor, indeed, are
-they capable of doing so.
-
-Pozzo very rarely appeared in the tribune, but whenever he had occasion
-so to do, for the purpose of expressing the opinions of the committee,
-he had recourse to the favourite phraseology of the period, for
-which less blame is due to the orators than to the general bent of
-the public mind: it was the pleasure of society to be governed after
-that fashion. I have preserved some fragments of a speech made by
-him on the 16th July, 1792, with the object of inducing the assembly
-to declare war against Germany. It is well known that two different
-parties were at that time equally desirous of commencing hostilities
-in Europe--the court party, who, being desirous of placing Louis
-at the head of an overpowering public force, considered war as the
-most probable means of attaining a military dictatorship; while, on
-the other hand, the republican faction, headed by the Girondists,
-entertained hopes that the democratic principle would be more easily
-rendered triumphant in the midst of tumults and excesses. Pozzo di
-Borgo was the willing representative of the Girondist party at the
-tribune. "The German confederation," said he, "whose independence is
-naturally protected by France, the only power capable of preserving
-it from the insatiable ambition of Austria, has beheld with joy
-the formation of that formidable league intended to overturn your
-constitution: their territory is already overrun by the enemy's troops,
-the northern league seeks to reduce the whole of Europe into a state of
-servitude, and exhibits every where a menacing appearance, supported
-by a strong force of mercenaries covered with iron and greedy of gold,
-to whom all usurpations will become easy. To the French nation belongs
-the task of preserving the world from this terrible scourge, and of
-repairing the mischiefs occasioned by the shameful carelessness, or the
-perfidious malignity of those, who view with indifference the utter
-destruction of all kinds of liberty. The French nation, by combating
-all the common enemies of mankind, will have the glory of restoring
-the political harmony which will preserve Europe from general slavery.
-We have contracted a vast debt towards the whole world, it is the
-establishment and the practice of the rights of man upon the earth;
-and Liberty, fertile in virtues and talents, affords us abundant
-means of discharging it in full. Our enemies' hopes, no doubt, have
-been raised by the transient dissensions that disturb our unanimity;
-they augur from thence the disorganisation of our government, but we
-will not accomplish their guilty desires. We are well aware that in
-the present state of affairs a change in our political institutions
-would necessarily occasion an interregnum in the laws, a suspension of
-authority, licentiousness, mischief in all parts of the kingdom, and
-the inevitable loss of our liberty. Our vigilance will preserve without
-destroying; it will place the traitors in a state in which they will
-be incapable of injuring us; and by the stability of our government
-we will deprive the ambitious of all the opportunities they hope for,
-in the incessant changes and revolutions incident to empires. By thus
-uniting energy and wisdom, we may attain to perfect and glorious
-success."
-
-It may be observed that in the midst of these expressions, set forth in
-the phraseology then in fashion, the stability of the government and
-the necessity for preserving order were spoken of by M. Pozzo di Borgo,
-both of which principles were afterwards displayed in the highest
-degree in his mind.
-
-The mission of the Legislative Assembly being concluded, the deputy
-returned to Corsica, and was associated with General Paoli for the
-direction of the administration of the island. The shocks sustained
-by the people had added fresh energy to their patriotic character, a
-public spirit was aroused, a proud independence in accordance with the
-national feelings of the ancient Corsica. Does not every people long
-for liberty? The Girondists had dreamed of federalism for France; and
-Paoli, in his turn, took a pride in forming a republic which should be
-perfectly independent and detached from the surrounding sovereignties.
-Paoli was a man of powerful understanding, completely the child of
-nature, and already old in years, though young in energy. He delighted
-in the idea of a Corsican republic, as being in some measure a return
-towards primitive habits; and this motive was strengthened by the
-horror inspired by the revolutionary events that were taking place in
-France. So ardent an enthusiasm never was known as that with which he
-inspired the Corsican families dwelling among the most rugged peaks
-of that mountainous country, and whose sole passion appeared to be a
-vehement love of liberty, acquired by the most laborious efforts.
-
-The families of the Arenas and Buonapartes, who were inhabitants of
-the plains and the cities, had sided warmly with the French party;
-they were connected with the clubs; and Salicetti was their organ
-at the National Convention, to denounce Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo as
-propagators of a system tending to separate Corsica from France;
-and as that island had been declared an integral part of the French
-Republic, they were both summoned to the bar of the nation to offer
-a justification of their conduct. In this lay one of the first germs
-of the deeply rooted hatred entertained by Salicetti, Arena, and
-Buonaparte, against Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo; from thence arose the
-enmity which, in their inflamed minds, overstepped the limits of the
-island of Corsica, and contributed, more than people suspected, to the
-marvellous events of the Revolution and the Empire.
-
-When Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo received this terrible summons, they
-were together at Corte, the capital of the mountainous district. It
-was not unexpected, and they were both well aware of the consequences
-of a refusal to obey the commands of the Convention, for the conduct
-of this inexorable tribunal was that of a victor with whom lenity and
-forgiveness are unknown. What was to be done? To obey would be to
-submit at once to the yoke of the territorial unity, which sought to
-reduce all the various nations comprehended within it to one level.
-Resistance would, perhaps, be a still more dangerous course, for the
-French Republic had an army which they would be utterly incapable of
-withstanding, and it was also supported by a considerable party in
-Corsica. A few regiments occupied the city of Ajaccio, and a battalion
-formed the garrison of the fort of Corte and several posts on the
-sea-coast. Signals announced the arrival of a squadron bearing the
-tricoloured flag. Under these circumstances, the commissioners of the
-departments declared themselves a permanent assembly in a meeting of
-the people of Corte, and the tumultuous _comitia_ of the national party
-unanimously invited their chief, Paoli, and Pozzo di Borgo, to continue
-their administration. Finally, they declared _that it was beneath the
-dignity of the people of Corsica to trouble themselves with the two
-families of Arena and Buonaparte, and that they should be abandoned to
-their remorse and to infamy for having deserted the public cause_. I
-here copy the expressions of the national _consulta_.[17]
-
- [17] I saw all these papers, which were printed in 1793, in the hands
- of Count Pozzo di Borgo; he took pleasure in shewing the curious
- decree against Napoleon, afterwards the pride and glory of Corsica.
- The _consulta_ was composed of 1200 deputies.
-
-The popular energy, which sways in all instances the first movements in
-favour of liberty, was here very evident. What steps did they propose
-taking to maintain themselves in this _improvisé_ independence, as well
-as to uphold the decrees published by the assembly of Corsica? In the
-meanwhile fearful intelligence arrived among the mountains: Toulon,
-hitherto in the occupation of the English, had just fallen into the
-hands of the French Republic, whose orders Corsica had treated with
-contempt; and, to crown the whole, a young officer of twenty-six
-years of age, even the Buonaparte devoted to infamy and remorse by the
-Corsican council, had taken part in that memorable enterprise, and had
-been the principal cause of its success. The port of Toulon being now
-in the hands of the Republic, in thirty-six hours a squadron might
-arrive, and threaten with entire destruction the companions of Paoli.
-
-Just at this difficult juncture the English Mediterranean fleet
-appeared off Ajaccio, bringing news from Toulon and tidings of the
-warlike preparations going on there; the admiral also offered his
-protection to Corsica, agreeing to recognise her independence, under
-the sovereignty of the king of Great Britain. Paoli went on board the
-squadron to treat with the admiral regarding his country, and a general
-assembly was convoked to meet on the 10th of June, 1794, for the
-purpose of determining upon the form of constitution to be established.
-Their plan tallied nearly with the ideas of the English Magna Charta,
-proposing the establishment of a parliament which should consist of two
-chambers, a council of state, and a viceroy supported by responsible
-ministers. Paoli proposed Pozzo di Borgo as president of the council.
-When the latter was presented to Admiral Elliott he gazed upon his
-swarthy complexion, his sparkling eyes, and meagre and active figure,
-and asked Paoli whether that was the person he proposed placing at
-the head of the government. "I can answer for him," said Paoli; "he
-is a young man as well fitted for the government of a nation as he is
-capable of leading his countrymen unflinchingly on the field of battle.
-You may place implicit confidence in him." Upon this testimony the
-admiral confirmed his choice.
-
-The state-council being the executive portion of the Corsican
-government, the duty devolved upon Pozzo di Borgo of remodelling the
-institutions of his country, which was henceforward to be free. I have
-seen the complete code of this administration: it is a summary of the
-public rights of the nation, a collection of primitive laws, one of
-those codes which regulates the most trifling circumstances affecting
-the interests of the people; among us it is a great historical
-curiosity, for we are too far advanced in civilisation to be capable of
-forming an idea of the first requirements of a people of such primitive
-habits.
-
-The national government in Corsica lasted, however, barely two years;
-the protection afforded by England was at too great a distance, and
-a few regiments despatched from Gibraltar did not possess sufficient
-influence to restrain the population of the cities devoted to France,
-which was at that time every where victorious, and, by its proximity,
-constantly held a sword suspended over the government of Paoli and
-Pozzo di Borgo. The latter embarked on board the English fleet when
-it became evident the crisis could no longer be averted, and that the
-standard of the French Republic was about to be planted at Ajaccio.
-This squadron quitted the shores of Corsica, bearing with it all the
-sad remains of the ruined government; it touched at the island of
-Elba, sailed towards Naples, and from thence again to Elba--rather a
-curious circumstance, which long held a place in the recollection of
-Pozzo di Borgo, and which may possibly have in some degree influenced
-the resolution of the Allies, in 1814, to confer upon Napoleon the
-sovereignty of Porto Ferrajo. The Corsican president completed his
-voyage to England in the Minerva, which formed part of the squadron of
-Nelson, who lost an eye in Corsica, and was afterwards so celebrated;
-but he was then only in the dawn of his fame, and had not attained to
-the renown which crowned his name at Aboukir and Trafalgar.
-
-Pozzo di Borgo remained eighteen months in London, where he received
-great attention from the English ministry, who considered him to have
-displayed great method and ability during his short administration.
-Having become intimate with some old French families, he then began
-his career of diplomacy and secret negotiations; which, at a late
-period, led him into a more extended sphere of action. He was at Vienna
-in 1798, at the time of the campaign of Suwarof, when foreign courts
-were agitated by so many various projects. Tremendous shocks had been
-experienced in France. On emerging from the reign of terror, and the
-formidable system of unity proclaimed by the Convention, a strong and
-deeply rooted reaction towards the restoration of the royal family
-had taken place; the royalist colours were worn in good society, and
-the most extreme detestation was felt for the revolution, because
-it had not as yet given birth to any regular system of government.
-At this time Buonaparte was in Egypt, with the greater part of the
-brave legions who had conquered Italy and the Rhine; all our foreign
-conquests were lost to us; on the Alps we were hardly able to retain
-a few posts, and they were closely pressed; and, as a climax, Suwarof
-appeared with victory in his train--Suwarof, the hero and saint of
-the Russian army--Suwarof, around whom rallied all the hopes of
-the coalition! Pozzo di Borgo was engaged in all the diplomatic
-arrangements that accompanied the military proceedings.
-
-The antipathy that existed between the Austrians and Russians, far
-more than the battle of Zurich, put a stop to the progress of the
-coalition, and Pozzo di Borgo remained some time at Vienna, receiving a
-pension there as a French emigrant of noble birth. It was at the time
-when one of that family of Buonapartes, proscribed by the Assembly of
-Corsica, was elevated to the Consulate, and being now in the position
-of a powerful dictator, he had established an efficient government in
-France, and was engaged in repairing the wrecks of the administration
-by means of his steady energy. The power of the laws once more became
-manifest; the executive administration was lodged in the hands of a
-few, and was active and advantageous to the people; and, by a singular
-chance, which the caprices of fortune can alone explain, the old
-friends of the Buonapartes, the Arenas of Ajaccio, were proscribed by
-the young Corsican, and delivered over to military law, or driven into
-exile. Other destinies, besides those of a city, or a population of
-about 100,000 souls, claimed the attention of Napoleon Buonaparte, now
-completely detached from his native country; but, in spite of all these
-commotions, his thoughts more than once turned upon his old personal
-enemy, Pozzo di Borgo, then on his journey from London to Vienna, and
-who must have shed some tears of vexation when he saw the power of
-the young consul extend so far as to prescribe to Europe the peace
-of Amiens. The shade of Paoli arose to protest against this immense
-advancement of the Buonapartes.[18]
-
- [18] This observation appears to indicate some inaccuracy regarding
- the date of Paoli's demise. It took place in Feb. 1807.--_Editor._
-
-When war again resounded on the earth, Pozzo di Borgo entered the
-service of Russia, and devoted himself to the diplomatic line. The
-firmness of character, the quick apprehension of facts, and the
-knowledge of mankind which he evinced, together with an extreme
-delicacy of judgment, were certain pledges of his success in the
-conduct of business between one government and another. He received the
-title of Conseiller d'Etat at St. Petersburg, and was soon despatched
-to the court of Vienna, charged with a secret mission. The prince
-whose service he had entered was that Alexander whose generous and
-mystical mind was sadly employed in veiling, by the uprightness of his
-conduct, and the exalted tenor of his life, a mournful recollection
-which weighed upon his heart and his conscience. The revolution of the
-palace, that had placed Alexander on the throne, had been directed
-by England; and consequently must have been inclined to favour the
-coalition against Buonaparte, who was about to place the imperial crown
-upon his heroic brow; and Pozzo di Borgo was one of the diplomatic
-agents charged with special and secret missions to the allied courts,
-once more united against France.
-
-We now find him at Vienna; but he only remained there a few months,
-for the Czar was desirous of acting with great vigour, and therefore
-despatched him, as Russian commissioner, to the Anglo-Russian and
-Neapolitan army, which was about to commence operations in the south
-of Europe under the influence of the noble Queen Caroline, so grossly
-slandered in the pamphlets issued by Napoleon. This army had hardly
-assembled at Naples, when the artillery of Austerlitz and the shouts
-of victory filled the air; and, as an immediate consequence, the peace
-of Presburg was signed. As this treaty separated Austria from the
-coalition, it occasioned the dissolution of the army of Naples; and
-Pozzo di Borgo returned to Vienna, and from thence to St. Petersburg,
-where great military events were in preparation.
-
-During the campaign crowned by the battle of Austerlitz, when Napoleon
-had advanced so boldly into the interior of Moravia, Prussia had
-hesitated whether she should join the coalition. It was impossible to
-deny her public conduct in that respect, and Napoleon had borne it in
-mind; this indecision, however, ceased after the battle of Austerlitz,
-and a twelvemonth afterwards the united force of the Russians and
-Prussians was drawn up together.
-
-Pozzo di Borgo was called upon to accompany the emperor in this
-campaign, and the Czar offered him rank in the army; such being the
-custom of Russia, where there is no advancement except by means of
-military rank: he therefore received the title of Colonel in the
-suite of the emperor, a post which attached him to the person of the
-sovereign. Being, for the fourth time, despatched to Vienna, after the
-battle of Jena, he strove to arouse Austria from the torpor into which
-the peace of Presburg had plunged her, but in vain; for the Austrian
-cabinet was then desirous of peace at any price. Colonel Pozzo received
-a commission to proceed to the Dardanelles, to treat for peace with the
-Turks, in conjunction with the English envoy; he was received on board
-the Russian fleet, under the orders of Admiral Siniavim, stationed at
-the entrance of the Dardanelles, and off the island of Tenedos; he was
-present in the admiral's ship at the battle of Mount Athos, between
-the Russian fleet and that of the sultan, and there received his first
-military decoration.
-
-Napoleon was now approaching the apogée of his glory: the French and
-Russian armies had bravely measured their strength, and the French
-emperor had so greatly risen in Alexander's estimation that, at the
-peace of Tilsit, Napoleon was saluted with the title of Brother, at the
-very time the old Russian aristocracy were accusing their sovereign of
-abandoning the cause of his country. In the interchange of projects
-which took place at Tilsit--in those friendly meetings, when the
-waters of the Niemen flowed beneath the two emperors, locked in each
-other's arms, was it possible Colonel Pozzo should not be aware that
-his services would henceforth be an embarrassment to Russia? Upon his
-arrival at St. Petersburg he held a conversation with the emperor,
-full of confidence and unreserve on both sides, when each party took
-a candid survey of his position. The Emperor Alexander declared to
-Colonel Pozzo that there was no reason he should leave his service, and
-that the ties of friendship he had contracted with Napoleon did not
-oblige him to make such a sacrifice. The colonel replied that he could
-no longer be useful to his sovereign; on the contrary, he should be a
-source of embarrassment to him, for Buonaparte had not forgotten the
-feud of his early days: sooner or later he would demand the banishment
-of his old enemy, the Czar would be too generous to agree to this, and
-his refusal would raise difficulties for his government. "Besides,"
-said he, "the alliance between your majesty and Napoleon will not be of
-long duration; I am well acquainted with the deceitful character and
-insatiable ambition of Buonaparte. At this moment one of your majesty's
-hands is held by Persia, the other by Turkey, and Buonaparte presses
-upon your chest; get your hands free in the first instance, and then
-you will cast off the weight that now troubles you. Some years hence we
-shall meet again."
-
-Count Pozzo requested permission to travel; and he was again at Vienna
-in 1808, when Austria, with her patient resignation, was preparing
-fresh armaments against Napoleon, and declaring the rupture that had
-taken place with him. I am not aware if history records a longer or
-more honourable struggle than that of Austria against the Revolution
-and the Empire. She submitted to every sacrifice, then prepared for
-battle; vanquished, she had recourse to negotiation; then again tried
-the fortune of war, until victory finally decided against her, and
-she was crushed under the weight of the French eagles. Patient and
-laborious German nation, never didst thou despair of thy cause!
-
-Pozzo di Borgo remained at Vienna during the whole campaign of 1809,
-and when peace was again imposed, Buonaparte did not forget him. He had
-taken an active part in all the diplomatic proceedings of Austria and
-Russia, and Napoleon was a person who always retained the remembrance
-of his enemies; accordingly, after the peace of Vienna, his first
-step was to demand the banishment of Colonel Pozzo di Borgo from the
-Austrian dominions. Alexander, warmly attached to Napoleon, had the
-weakness to consent, and this gave occasion to the fine and energetic
-letter, in which Colonel Pozzo already prophesied the invasion of
-Russia, and said to the Czar, "Sire, it will not be long before your
-majesty again summons me to your presence." In order to escape the fate
-which awaited him if his enemy of Ajaccio should succeed in seizing his
-person, he took the precaution of retiring to Constantinople, the only
-spot which still afforded him the power of quitting continental Europe
-and seeking refuge in England.
-
-He was now a proscribed man, travelling in Syria, visiting Smyrna
-and Malta, and from Malta proceeding to London, where he arrived in
-October 1810. He was already an agent of some importance, on account
-of the missions upon which he had been employed; and the limited
-intercourse between England and the Continent made her set a value
-upon the information to be obtained from a man of political talent and
-experience, who had just arrived from the principal capitals of Europe.
-In several conferences with Lord Castlereagh, Colonel Pozzo explained
-to him the hopes he still entertained of a continental rising against
-the colossal empire of France: in the midst of all his great qualities,
-Napoleon had still some vulnerable points, and nobody was better
-aware of them than Pozzo di Borgo, because he had studied them through
-the medium of his resentment. Who could be so well acquainted as he
-with that Buonaparte, whom he had had such opportunities of observing
-in the closest manner, with his infirmities, his fits of anger, his
-weaknesses, and his ambition?
-
-At last the terrible war of 1812 broke out, and the French armies
-passed the Niemen. Russia was invaded; the battles of Moscowa and the
-Mojaisk drove back the armies of Alexander towards the sacred city
-of Moscow, and the ancient capital was reduced to ashes. During the
-whole of this campaign Pozzo di Borgo remained in London, and his
-influence was of service in promoting the union between Alexander
-and the English cabinet; he did not join the army of the Czar,
-because a revolution had taken place in the ideas of the cabinet of
-St. Petersburg. The fact was, that when Alexander found his finest
-provinces invaded, and the murderous war which was desolating his
-territory, he summoned to his assistance the old Russian spirit and
-the ancient traditions of the country; the banner of St. Nicholas
-was unfurled, the churches resounded with prayers and calls to arms
-against the invader, and the Czar placed himself at the head of the
-army: but this popular appeal had precisely the effect of rousing the
-national spirit against foreigners. Ever since the time of Peter the
-Great, the ideas of civilisation had favoured in Russia the influence
-of the Italians, the Germans, and the French, who filled many important
-military situations, and were raised to the first dignities of the
-state; and the old Russian families naturally entertained a jealous
-feeling regarding this influence. This colony of courtiers offended
-their pride, and interfered with their interests; therefore, when
-Alexander had occasion to invoke the shades of his country at the foot
-of the Kremlin, and to rouse the devotion of the Muscovite nobility,
-who lived among their serfs in the central provinces, he was obliged
-to sacrifice the strangers to their prejudices. Pozzo di Borgo was not
-recalled till the close of the campaign, when the impulse had ceased
-to be entirely Russian, but had become more eccentric and inclined
-towards Poland and Prussia, and he returned through Sweden just at the
-time when Bernadotte was becoming more nearly connected with England,
-and, without however openly committing himself, had begun to lend a
-favourable ear to the overtures of the court of London. The Russian
-councillor was commissioned to encourage the inclination of Bernadotte,
-and to strive to forward a decision which would afford his sovereign a
-new opportunity of taking vengeance for the invasion of his country by
-the Emperor of the French. This was the first beginning of his intimacy
-with the Crown Prince of Sweden.
-
-The Emperor Alexander received Pozzo di Borgo at Kalisch, after a
-separation of five years. They had parted immediately after the
-interview of Tilsit, which had so greatly reconciled the Czar to the
-politics of Napoleon. Now, how different was the situation of affairs!
-Alexander had seen his empire invaded by his ancient ally, his cities
-in flames; and, according to the excited ideas of Alexander, it was
-the sainted spirits of the ancient Russians who had raised the stormy
-tempests, and engulfed the immense army of Napoleon in the icy floods
-of the Beresina. The language of Alexander to Pozzo di Borgo reminded
-him of his sagacious prophecies, and the colonel made great efforts
-to win him back to simple and positive plans against the power of
-Napoleon; for having been one of the patriots of 1789, Colonel Pozzo
-perfectly understood the importance of the conspiracy of Mallet,
-and of the discontent that was beginning to pervade France. He was
-opposed to all species of compromise, and his view of the case was
-to strive to effect a separation between the interests of France and
-her leader. Whilst Alexander, still prepossessed with the idea of the
-stupendous power of Napoleon, hesitated to plunge into the perils of a
-distant campaign, Pozzo di Borgo advised him to induce Prussia to take
-advantage of the secret societies, which proudly raised their heads at
-the cry of _Germania_ or _Teutonia_, and to assemble all Buonaparte's
-rivals in glory under their banners, so as to occasion confusion and
-disorder in his preparations for war.
-
-A threefold negotiation was now opened; the first with Moreau, whom
-they were desirous of drawing into France, to rouse the Republican
-party by the influence of his name; the second with Eugène and Murat,
-between whom they wanted to divide the kingdom of Italy; the third
-and last with Bernadotte, who was to join with the Swedish troops
-and effect a division in the French army. Pozzo di Borgo was charged
-with this last mission, furnished with full powers from the Emperor
-Alexander, while the Russians were advancing into Saxony. Without
-clearly explaining the views of the alliance with regard to France, or
-on the distinctive and positive results of the war, he was directed to
-suggest, in his conversations with the crown prince, all the possible
-events which might encourage the emulation of the old companions of
-the Emperor Napoleon; and he engaged, in the name of the Czar, to
-acknowledge Bernadotte as Crown Prince, and eventually, according to
-the order of succession, as King of Sweden: in the same manner he
-had promised to Moreau the presidency of a republic, if it should
-arise from the order of affairs, or from a popular anti-Buonapartist
-movement in Paris. One ought to have heard the ambassador himself
-recount all the trouble and anxiety he experienced during this
-negociation; the vacillations of the Crown Prince, his ill-humours
-and discontent. Still he hesitated. At last, when the Swedish army
-was embarking at Karlscrona and landing at Stralsund, the artillery
-of Lutzen and Bautzen were heard in thunders through the whole of
-Germany. These brilliant victories had astonished the Crown Prince,
-and the Russian army was in full retreat through Upper Silesia. Still,
-though his troops were already assembled, he did not dare to come to
-a final decision; he could not forget the star of his former master,
-the remembrance of his victorious eagles, the irresistible influence
-of his glory; the Swedes, therefore, halted at Stralsund, and awaited
-the course of events. Bernadotte was a powerful ally; not only did he
-bring into the field 20,000 brave Swedes, but also his name, like that
-of Moreau, might be the means of sowing dissension and uneasiness in
-the French army, if the invasion were to take place; when, therefore,
-in the interval afforded by the armistice of Neumark, Colonel Pozzo
-observed the hesitation he still exhibited, he hastened to Stralsund,
-by the desire of Alexander, to endeavour to persuade him to march at
-once. He had, however, the greatest difficulty in inducing him to
-join the military congress of Trachenburg, where the plans were laid
-for the campaign against Napoleon, and it was necessary he should
-exhibit, at the same time, firmness with Bernadotte and forbearance
-towards Sir Charles Stewart, afterwards Lord Londonderry, a young and
-rather presumptuous officer, who was commissioner from England, and
-was always ready to give offence to an old soldier like Bernadotte.
-His efforts were crowned with success; the Crown Prince had already
-had an interview with Moreau, and Pozzo di Borgo afterwards held
-a confidential conversation with both those personal enemies of
-Napoleon, in which they reciprocally exchanged their hopes, their
-present hatred, and old resentments, Pozzo against the adversary of
-Paoli, Moreau against the Consul, and Bernadotte against the Emperor.
-The plan adopted by the allied powers at the military congress of
-Trachenburg was very simple. Colonel Pozzo di Borgo maintained that
-they ought to march at once upon Paris, the central point of Napoleon's
-strength or weakness, where the question would speedily be settled; and
-this was the opinion entertained by all those military men who mingled
-any political ideas of the decline of Buonaparte's power and of his
-personal character with the question of war. Besides, in the opinion of
-the Russian envoy, Buonaparte and France were not synonymous terms; and
-it was to save France and her liberty that he so closely pursued the
-Emperor.
-
-At this time the congress of Prague was assembled, which was in reality
-nothing more than an armistice required by all the forces. Metternich
-had assumed for Austria a position of armed mediation, being the
-commencement of a new political system, a wary and provident plan,
-which, in her state of relative weakness and isolation, gave her a
-predominant influence over cabinets far more powerful than her own.
-All the negotiations of this congress tended to one point only; the
-endeavour to detach Austria from this mediatorial system, and to induce
-her to decide in favour of one side or the other,--either for the
-coalition, or for France. In the army of Napoleon, as well as among
-the allies, a strong desire for peace existed, with this difference,
-that the victorious soldiers of the Emperor were thoroughly weary of
-war; for them the illusions of conquest had no longer any charms, and
-their generals, in the midst of the wonderful success that had crowned
-their arms, regretted the life of luxury and enjoyment they had been
-accustomed to lead in Paris. The sons of Germany, ardent in their
-desire for liberty, flocked to the ranks of the allied armies, under
-the command of old Blucher, whose mind was also full of enthusiasm
-for the German unity; while the general officers of the French army
-indulged in dreams of their hotels, in the Chaussée d'Antin, or the Rue
-de Bourbon, or their delightful retreats at Malmaison and Grosbois,
-while their brothers-in-arms were falling under the enemy's fire,--that
-fire which no longer respected the marshals. An unanimous cry of bitter
-accusation was heard among the staff, "That man will make an end of us
-all!" Exaggerated accounts of disaffection were brought to the Emperor.
-At one time some thousands of conscripts were said to have mutilated
-their fingers, in order that they might be sent back to their homes;
-at another they reported the desertion of the brave fellows who had
-cried "Vive l'Empereur!" under the grape-shot of Lutzen and Bautzen.
-The allies were well aware of this decline of military ardour in the
-French camp, and they knew a feeling of weakness and a disposition to
-discord were connected with it. The proposals for peace at Prague never
-were sincere on the part of Russia and Prussia, and the Emperor was
-thoroughly deceived in imagining them to be so.
-
-The main object was to prevail upon Austria to declare herself openly;
-and here Napoleon was guilty of many faults. In the situation assumed
-by the cabinet of Vienna, a good deal was naturally exacted, and with
-perfect justice, for upon them depended the strength, and we may almost
-say the success, of the coalition. In offering herself as a mediator,
-Austria was desirous of regaining the position she had lost during the
-struggle with Napoleon, and the law was now in her own hands, for she
-could throw the weight of 300,000 men into either scale. Napoleon
-committed the great oversight of not acceding to the offers of the
-cabinet of Vienna: he went farther still; he deeply offended the
-minister who directed the fates of that cabinet--Prince Metternich, a
-man of extraordinary ability and consideration, and whose inclinations
-had previously tended towards France. I have elsewhere related the
-stormy and imprudent scene which broke up the conference between
-Buonaparte and the Austrian minister.[19]
-
- [19] _Vide_ the article "Metternich."
-
-The allied sovereigns awaited the decision of the cabinet of Vienna
-with indescribable anxiety. It was eleven o'clock at night, and they
-were all assembled in a barn; the ministers, Count Nesselrode, Pozzo di
-Borgo, and Hardenburg, in the lower apartment; the Emperor Alexander
-and the King of Prussia on the first floor: the rain descended in
-torrents, and it was one of those stormy nights which add even to the
-horrors of war, when all at once a courier arrived, bearing a letter
-for Count Nesselrode, which contained merely these words,--"Austria
-has decided, and four armies will be at the disposal of the Alliance."
-Imagination may picture the shouts of joy, the transports of the
-coalition, on thus receiving the support of 300,000 men, who were to
-join the rest of the army by the mountains of Bohemia. The chances of
-war were now clearly against Napoleon; and General Pozzo di Borgo,
-for he had lately been raised to the rank of major-general, was
-again despatched, in the character of commissioner, from the Emperor
-Alexander to the Crown Prince of Sweden, who at this time covered
-Berlin at the head of an army, composed of 40,000 Prussians, 30,000
-Russians, and 20,000 Swedes.
-
-The most glorious events recorded in the military history of France
-have nothing that can bear a comparison with the admirable defence
-of Dresden by Napoleon, when all the armies of the coalition went
-successively to try their strength under its walls. They were repulsed
-with considerable loss, and Moreau was mortally wounded on the field of
-battle; but this admirable manœuvre of concentration was followed
-by a very great fault--the division of the main body of his army, one
-portion being intrusted to General Vandamme, the other to some marshals
-upon whose deeds the star of Napoleon's fortune did not shine. At Gross
-Beeren, Bernadotte broke the brilliant line of the French, at the same
-time that the corps of Vandamme was cut to pieces or taken prisoner by
-the coalesced enemy, and the Emperor was obliged to retreat beyond the
-Elbe. I cast a veil over the mournful catastrophe of Leipsic, where so
-many faults were committed, and so much want of foresight exhibited,
-both on the part of Napoleon, and also of those who were charged with
-the execution of his orders; the sad disorder, the horrible confusion
-that prevailed, when the soldiers were decimated at once by sickness in
-the hospital, the steel of the enemy, and the hordes of peasants raised
-by Blucher along his path, and which swallowed up the French army,
-already perishing with hunger, without guns, and barefooted, in the
-midst of the cold rains of October.
-
-The coalition was now victorious; its advanced guard had reached the
-banks of the Rhine. Still they could not refrain from a degree of
-secret terror as they approached the French territory, which was still
-pervaded by the presiding genius of Napoleon. The army of Bernadotte
-was separated from the allies to march against Holstein, invade
-Denmark, and prepare a rising in Holland; and General Pozzo di Borgo
-quitted him to proceed on a mission to Frankfort, to concert military
-operations with the allies. They had there a better opportunity of
-judging of the state of public feeling in France, and were able to
-study the progress that had been made by the different opinions and
-parties against the imperial government. The Emperor's administration
-had surpassed itself; the Senate had voted troops upon troops, the
-levies proceeded with extraordinary energy, and they sought by every
-means, pamphlets, songs, operas--in short, nothing was neglected to
-re-awaken the cry of national independence in the breasts of the French
-nation. But though from the powerful organisation of the empire every
-thing appeared clear on the surface, its stability went no deeper;
-there was an under-current of murmurs, complete dissatisfaction, and
-weariness of mind; commerce was annihilated, leaving the unemployed
-workmen no resource but a musket, and no choice but of seeking bread
-or death with the army. Secret agitations began to be whispered about
-every where; the legislative body had separated itself from Napoleon by
-a protest, executed under the influence of discontent, and of MM. Lainé
-and Reynouard, and it had in consequence been dissolved; the council
-of the regency of Maria Louisa was composed of timid, hesitating
-men; some, like Talleyrand, ready to abandon a falling cause; the
-people called for a termination of this state of affairs, and gloomy,
-foreboding clouds hung on the brow of Napoleon.
-
-Existing circumstances certainly offered a favourable opportunity for
-invading the imperial territory; but were the allies well agreed upon
-the end they proposed to themselves? Were they all actuated by the
-same interests? Although Austria had made an effort to shake off the
-enormous power of Napoleon, would she be willing to ruin the son-in-law
-of her own emperor, Francis II., especially when the advantages
-resulting from it would fall principally to the share of Russia and
-Prussia, whose power had been already excessively augmented by the late
-events? Having regained the territories of which Napoleon had formerly
-deprived her, why should she join in the invasion of France, and aim a
-last blow at a nation so necessary to the balance of power in Europe?
-Even England, though the determined enemy of Buonaparte, could not
-fail to entertain some degree of uneasiness in observing the immense
-increase of the Russian influence, and the ministers were assailed
-with incessant questions as to the object and probable termination of
-the war. All these circumstances caused a dread that the coalition was
-ready to fall to pieces at the very moment its great object had been
-attained. This state of affairs soon became evident to the diplomatic
-chiefs assembled at the conference of Frankfort, and Pozzo di Borgo was
-despatched by the three sovereigns on a mission to the Prince Regent to
-request the presence of Lord Castlereagh, the English prime minister,
-at head-quarters, in order to strengthen the bands of the coalition and
-determine its object. The general lost no time in accomplishing his
-voyage, and arrived in London in the beginning of January 1814, while
-parliament was sitting, and just at the time when Lord Castlereagh had
-been obliged to enter into an explanation in answer to the pressing
-requisitions of the Whigs. He was the bearer of an autograph letter to
-the Prince Regent from the allied sovereigns, by which they engaged
-to follow the most moderate measures, and as far as possible to keep
-the balance of power in Europe in view, so as to remove any fears on
-the part of England. It was just six years since Pozzo di Borgo, as
-a proscribed person, had last visited that country, and under what
-different auspices he now returned to it! He came as the organ of
-the triumphant coalition, and his reception was distinguished by all
-the magnificence and joy inspired by the late victories. With what
-cordiality Lord Wellesley pressed his hand! "I believe, my dear Pozzo,"
-said the marquess, "you and I are the two men who most earnestly
-desire the fall of Buonaparte." Lord Castlereagh had already begun to
-entertain some thoughts of the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty,
-and he communicated his idea to General Pozzo di Borgo, who replied,
-"You are well aware, my lord, that we must never present any but a
-perfectly simple idea to the sovereigns; complicated matters do not
-take hold of their minds. Let us first overturn Buonaparte,--this is
-a thing we shall easily make the Emperor of Russia and the King of
-Prussia understand,--and then afterwards, when the coast is clear,
-we can return to examine the second difficulty." "Very well," said
-Lord Castlereagh, "whom do you wish us to send to the Continent?" "If
-Mr. Pitt were alive," replied the general, "I would tell him to hold
-himself in readiness; it is sufficient to make you understand that we
-are most anxious to see you in person on the Rhine, that the question
-may not get perplexed and confused."
-
-It was with these opinions that Pozzo di Borgo visited the French
-princes, especially the Comte d'Artois. His royal highness was anxious
-to appear at head-quarters, and blend the idea of a restoration with
-the plan of the campaign of the allies, but General Pozzo strongly
-opposed his design. "Monseigneur," said he, "you are well aware of
-my devotion to your person and to your interests, but do not come to
-spoil our game; we still have great difficulties to overcome effecting
-the fall of Napoleon, when that point is gained it will be necessary
-to turn to something else, and your turn and your name will naturally
-occur."
-
-It was a matter of some delicacy to obtain the departure of Lord
-Castlereagh and the full and entire adhesion of England to the
-coalition; they were obliged to work at it a long while with the
-Prince Regent and some influential members of parliament; at last, at
-a dinner given by Lady Castlereagh, the English minister, on rising
-from table, said to the emperor's messenger, "Well, my dear Pozzo, it
-is decided that I am to accompany you; the Prince Regent has given me
-an autograph letter for the sovereigns, and we shall act in concert and
-good fellowship with you." The two diplomatists embraced each other
-with delight, two days afterwards they embarked for the Continent, and
-in three weeks rejoined the sovereigns at Baden.
-
-Lord Castlereagh's arrival at head-quarters strengthened the unity of
-the alliance and enabled them to form some resolutions for the general
-benefit, and also to decide upon the plan of the political campaign
-about to be commenced against Buonaparte. England had never recognised
-the Emperor of the French, and in all the acts of parliament, as well
-as those of the cabinet, he had no other designation than that of _the
-common enemy_, or _the head of the government_, a circumstance which
-facilitated Pozzo di Borgo's labours with Lord Castlereagh towards
-gaining the object he had in view, viz., the complete overthrow of
-Napoleon. The English minister, who was armed with full powers, laid
-down as the fundamental principle of all their diplomatic transactions,
-that France, although necessary to the balance of power in Europe,
-must be reduced within her ancient territorial limits, a principle
-which almost inevitably involved the restoration of the ancient
-dynasty. This, however, was only mentioned in the acts, both public
-and secret, of the congress, as a _possibility_ reserved for a further
-consideration of the French question.
-
-One of the most important principles laid down in the political plan
-of the alliance was the separation of the question concerning Napoleon
-from those regarding the interests of France. This line of conduct was
-recommended by Bernadotte, Pozzo di Borgo, and the patriot party, who
-were the enemies of the emperor, and it was formally announced in the
-public acts of Frankfort and the proclamations of all the allied troops
-who crossed the Rhine. Their great object was to weaken the common
-enemy, at the same time that they promised France that her ancient
-territory should remain untouched, and hinted at the possibility of
-establishing a constitution independent of the emperor. By adopting
-this plan they summoned all disaffected persons to the assistance of
-the coalition; and, without entering into engagements with any one
-party, they offered to _all_ the hope of bringing their pretensions and
-wishes to a favourable issue; they even contrived to conciliate the
-partisans of a republican form of government as well as the advocates
-of the regency of Maria Louisa.
-
-Pozzo di Borgo continued attached to the person of the Emperor
-Alexander during the whole of the operations of 1814, that glorious
-but melancholy campaign where the military genius of Napoleon shone
-with so brilliant a lustre--a bright ray emanating from that star which
-appeared but for a fleeting moment, soon to grow dim and set for ever!
-During the negotiations at Chatillon, General Pozzo urged the rejection
-of all the propositions of the French emperor, and also that the time
-and circumstances granted by the coalition to him whose attempts had so
-often been crowned with victory, should have a limit defined with the
-utmost accuracy. "Grant no armistice, but march _en masse_ straight to
-Paris!" Such was the advice of Pozzo di Borgo, to whom some overtures
-had already been made by Talleybrand and the disaffected party in the
-capital. Had the preliminaries of peace been accepted, a treaty might
-possibly have been entered into at Chatillon with Napoleon and Maria
-Louisa; but how would it have been possible for the emperor to submit
-to the ancient limits of France, without exposing himself to inevitable
-ruin in the interior of his kingdom? M. de Caulaincourt, it is true,
-received orders to accede to the proposed conditions, but it was then
-too late. It would, however, have been impossible for Napoleon to have
-continued peaceably on the throne, even had pacific terms been granted
-him, under existing circumstances; for his government would have
-been overturned by an internal revolution. How could the victorious
-emperor, who had given laws to the world, now in his turn submit to
-receive laws from the whole of Europe combined against him? And,
-supposing he had returned to Paris with the humiliating treaties which
-deprived France of all her conquests and reduced her within the narrow
-limits she formerly occupied, would not the loss of his throne have
-been, sooner or later, the inevitable consequence of such a change of
-circumstances? Would not discontent have reared its head at every step
-he took? Or would his government still have retained sufficient power
-and influence to secure him the possession of absolute dominion? As
-soon as peace had been proclaimed, the adverse parties would have burst
-forth with violence, and Napoleon have been overcome by a republican
-insurrection. They would have said to the emperor, "What have you done
-with the conquests of the republic and with the legions it bequeathed
-to you?" And, to escape from the tumult of public opinion, the emperor
-would have been forced again to engage in some military enterprise.
-"The peace you grant to Napoleon," said Pozzo di Borgo, "will merely
-be giving him an opportunity of recruiting his strength, and in less
-than a year you will find him again engaged in an attack upon your
-territories; with the spirit of a gambler, he will stake his last crown
-upon his last card."
-
-For the sake of giving a powerful unity to the alliance, the sovereigns
-signed the famous treaty of Chaumont, which was a general coalition of
-the whole of Europe against the common enemy; they declared, in the
-first place, that they would not separate until they had attained the
-objects they proposed to themselves, which were a general peace and the
-establishment of independence and of the rights of all the nations of
-Europe. In addition to this, it was agreed that each power was to keep
-up a standing army of 150,000 men besides those in garrison; England
-undertook to furnish immense subsidies; and they engaged mutually to
-support each other with a formidable armed contingent, in case any
-of the governments should be threatened. The campaign then proceeded
-with fresh vigour, and the advance upon Paris produced all the effect
-anticipated by the sovereigns. I will not describe the sad events that
-succeeded; they are, alas! but too well known. General Pozzo di Borgo
-was in the suite of the Emperor Alexander when he entered the city, and
-from that time forth he assumed the part of a mediator between France
-and the allies.
-
-We must take a retrospect of that melancholy period of our disasters
-in order to form a reasonable judgment of the events about to be
-accomplished. The hearts of the whole nation were filled with weariness
-to a most painful degree. Some few soldiers might, perhaps, have been
-ready to range themselves around the emperor and defend his eagles
-which, though now abased, had so often led them to victory; but the
-great mass of the population was no longer desirous of war; a feeling
-of hatred towards Napoleon had gradually arisen among the republican
-party and the Royalists, who were in a state of commotion; while, on
-the other hand, the proclamations of Schwartzenburg, and the promises
-he had made at the time of his entry into Paris, had inspired hopes of
-repose and reasonable liberty. Pozzo di Borgo exerted all his influence
-over the mind of Alexander to lead him towards the liberal system,
-upon which his resolutions appear to have been formed. The whole idea
-of the constitutional charter, and all the plans breathing a spirit of
-liberty, were suggested at the meetings in Talleyrand's house, where
-the patriots used to assemble to give vent to their dissatisfaction
-with the conduct of Napoleon. I must here mention a curious
-circumstance relating to the famous proclamation of Schwartzenburg
-which first made open mention of the Bourbons. It was the work of Count
-Pozzo, and Schwartzenburg had not signed it when Alexander said to him
-in a meeting at the head-quarters of Bondy, "My dear prince, you have
-written an admirable proclamation--it is perfect; sign it, you will get
-great credit for it." And the prince, partly through self-love, and
-partly through respect for the Emperor Alexander, affixed his signature
-to the document.[20]
-
- [20] I have seen the rough copy of this proclamation written in
- pencil by Count Pozzo and corrected by Alexander himself.
-
-General Pozzo di Borgo had kept up his acquaintance with all the
-patriots of 1789, whose noble and generous principles of independence
-met with a sympathetic feeling in the breast of Alexander. Napoleon,
-the representative of a powerful and united system of government,
-would only be overcome by the principle of liberty. "Europe," said
-Talleyrand, "was then on the highroad to emancipation; it was with the
-name of Fatherland, with the enthusiasm for free institutions, that
-the people had been excited to rise against him, who was termed by the
-Germans _the oppressor of mankind_." These ideas prevailed, and Count
-Pozzo di Borgo was appointed commissioner from the Emperor Alexander to
-the provisional government.
-
-That government certainly stood in need of the support of the friend of
-Paoli, who pursued with relentless perseverance the last glimmering ray
-of Napoleon's fortune. Some of the marshals had just made an attempt to
-induce the Emperor Alexander to treat with the regency, and, moved by
-the recollection of his ancient friendship, and by the influence which
-the noble countenance of Napoleon exercised over his mind, the Czar
-would, perhaps, have agreed to the proposal, when Pozzo di Borgo was
-despatched in haste by the provisional government to Alexander, to put
-a stop to the treaty, and he worked on the mind of the Czar by means of
-the same considerations he had formerly presented to his view, and of
-which he had acknowledged the justice. "The regency was still Napoleon,
-and France no longer desired his rule; to sign a peace with him was
-merely to expose themselves to a repetition of hostilities; if Europe
-was desirous of rest, they must have done with the imperial system
-altogether." The commissioner spent two hours in this conversation,
-and, by his perseverance, he obtained the important declaration of
-the allied sovereigns, that they would enter into no treaty with the
-emperor or his family. Having gained this point, he returned with
-speed to the provisional government, and gave vent to the picturesque
-expression of his triumph in his communication to Talleyrand. "My dear
-prince," said he, "I certainly cannot be said single-handed to have
-politically killed Buonaparte, but I have cast the last clod of earth
-upon his head."
-
-Thus was played the drama of life between these two men: Pozzo,
-formerly proscribed by Buonaparte, now came in his turn to be present
-at the obsequies of his rival's power! Born within a few months of
-each other, the one had quitted Ajaccio merely with the rank of a
-sub-lieutenant, and had ascended the greatest throne under heaven;
-the other, as an exile, had traversed Europe, to rouse the spirit
-of war and vengeance against his compatriot, and, after unheard-of
-efforts, had at last succeeded in realising the plan which had always
-kept possession of his mind. He had his foot on his enemy's neck, and
-had him banished to the island of Elba, which he had himself twice
-sailed past, pursued by the fortune of his rival. General Pozzo never
-would admit the hypothesis that France and Buonaparte were the same
-thing; and in this respect he was as good a patriot as Moreau, Lannes,
-Bernadotte, Massena, Dessoles, and Gouvion St. Cyr.
-
-As soon as the senate had decided upon the restoration of the ancient
-dynasty, and laid the foundations of the constitution, Pozzo di Borgo
-was commissioned by the sovereigns to go to London, to meet Louis
-XVIII. This was not only an honourable mission of congratulation to
-the new French sovereign; the general's special duty was to explain to
-Louis the real state of public opinion in France, and the necessity
-of adopting the constitutional forms and liberal ideas of a charter,
-to answer the public expectation. He went with all possible speed to
-London, for the provisional government were well aware that the ardent
-royalist party would immediately surround the French king, and it was
-necessary to prevent his being guilty of any imprudence; and this
-they hoped to effect by means of the salutary intervention of Pozzo di
-Borgo, especially as his being the confidential servant of the Emperor
-Alexander would naturally invest him with a considerable degree of
-influence over the mind of Louis XVIII. When the general arrived at
-Calais, he engaged a packet-boat for his sole use, and at the moment of
-his embarkation, an episode occurred, which he often related as a proof
-of the instability of human opinions. He was standing on the sea-shore,
-when a stranger accosted him, and requested a passage in his little
-vessel to enable him to go and meet the king. "Who are you?" asked
-Pozzo di Borgo. "I am the Duc de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt," replied
-the stranger; "and I am going to the king to resume my ancient office."
-One may imagine the amazement of the ambassador; the Duc de Liancourt
-had not only deeply insulted the Comte de Provence at the Constituent
-Assembly, but he had afterwards carried his offence still farther, by
-sending back to him, from the United States, the ribbon of his orders,
-as a mark of his contempt for what he called the _crotchets_ of the old
-school: Louis XVIII. could not forget this contemptuous bearing in a
-man of noble birth.
-
-The ambassador did not refuse a passage to the noble duke; and it was a
-most curious circumstance that the first step taken by M. de Liancourt
-when they reached the royal yacht in which Louis had embarked, was
-to adorn himself with the blue ribbon he had formerly sent back to
-the king during his sojourn in the land of equality and liberty. It
-is impossible to describe the despair of the duke when he found he
-could not be received by Louis XVIII., while Count Pozzo was welcomed
-in the warmest manner, and the king expressed himself in the most
-flattering language, with tears in his eyes. The ambassador from the
-allies explained the orders he had received. "Though the constitution
-proclaimed by the senate might have fallen into contempt, it was no
-reason for abandoning the principles of liberty upon which it was
-founded." Pozzo di Borgo remained with the king during his voyage,
-and assisted him in preparing the declaration issued at St. Ouen,
-containing the plan of such a representative system as the liberal
-party were desirous of establishing in France. Let us imagine that
-country passing from the military rule of Napoleon into constitutional
-principles, finding herself free, on emerging from the firm, but
-despotic government of the emperor, had she not already gained an
-immense step in securing the advantages of a public representation? The
-treaty of Paris was based on the diplomatic scheme determined upon at
-Chaumont and Chatillon: it restrained France within her ancient limits,
-and placed her under the government of the ancient dynasty, thus
-offering a pledge of peace and the maintenance of order, so necessary
-to the tranquillity of Europe.
-
-General Pozzo di Borgo remained in Paris as Russian ambassador to the
-new French government, until the meeting of the Congress of Vienna,
-where all the diplomatic chiefs were summoned to attend. I will not
-recount the events of that period, having related them in a work
-especially devoted to the history of those times;[21] I will only
-observe, that had they listened at Vienna to the warnings, derived
-from the former experience of the friend of Paoli, France would never
-have suffered the misfortunes inflicted by the reign of the Hundred
-Days. The _corps diplomatique_ received intelligence that Napoleon was
-seeking the opportunity of returning from exile, and reappearing in
-Europe, and General Pozzo, who well knew the energy of his countryman,
-proposed removing him to a more secure spot,--as, for example, one
-of the islands of the African Ocean, from whence escape would be
-impossible, so as to prevent any risk of his again throwing the whole
-of Europe into a state of danger and revolution.
-
- [21] "Histoire de la Restauration."
-
-At Vienna, a coldness took place for the second time between Alexander
-and his confidential _employé_, occasioned by the difference of their
-opinions on the question of Poland. The Czar had taken it into his
-head that Poland must be formed into a vast kingdom, separated by its
-constitution from Russia, and even comprehending its ancient provinces
-within its boundaries, and Pozzo di Borgo was strongly opposed to the
-whole scheme: he foretold the consequences of such a proceeding in an
-exceedingly well-written memorial, full of sound judgment, and evincing
-a deep and extensive consideration of the subject. "The creation of
-such a kingdom," said he, "would only be encouraging the spirit of
-rebellion, and this would eventually involve the nobility and people
-of Poland in a deeper slavery; for if an insurrection were to take
-place, it would be necessary to repress it with severity."[22] Alas,
-he spoke but too truly! What has been the ruin of Poland, and caused
-the dispersion of her generous nobility? Was it not the insane project
-of an impossible revolution? The Emperor Alexander withdrew for a
-short time his confidence from General Pozzo, to place it in Count
-Capo d'Istria, a man of rather a dreamy and visionary cast of mind,
-and whose opinion exactly coincided with his own, concerning the
-emancipation of Greece and Poland, under the _suzeraineté_ of the Czar.
-
- [22] This memorial was found again some years afterwards at Warsaw.
- The Emperor Nicholas wrote to Pozzo di Borgo in 1830, "How rightly
- you foresaw what would happen! You would have saved us much
- difficulty and embarrassment."
-
-But all these occurrences were suddenly interrupted by the landing of
-Napoleon in the gulf of Juan. It was like the fall of a thunderbolt.
-Pozzo di Borgo, however, received the intelligence without any
-appearance of surprise; and when the _corps diplomatique_ sought to
-remove the fears that had been excited as to the probability of war, he
-replied, "I well know Buonaparte; since he has landed, he will proceed
-to Paris, and if so, there must be no delay, no attempt at pacific
-measures; Europe should march at once against the common enemy." The
-Emperor Alexander sent for Pozzo di Borgo, to whom he restored his
-perfect confidence, and then despatched him to Ghent to Louis XVIII.,
-charged with a military mission to the Anglo-Prussian army of the
-Low Countries. A general cry for war now arose at Vienna, and the
-allied powers made preparations for a fresh campaign, in spite of all
-the endeavours of Napoleon to separate Austria and Russia from the
-coalition. With this view, it is well known that he transmitted to
-Alexander a copy of the secret treaty concluded in March 1814, between
-England, France, and Austria, against Russia, relative to the Polish
-question; and from this point dates the extreme antipathy of Alexander
-for Talleyrand--an antipathy which more than once stood in the way of
-diplomatic transactions after the second invasion of France.
-
-General Pozzo arrived in Belgium, now the inevitable theatre of war,
-as Russian commissary to the Anglo-Prussian army, which formed the
-advanced guard of the coalition, at the very moment Napoleon made his
-appearance on the frontier. The Duke of Wellington was informed of the
-sudden arrival of his terrible adversary, in the midst of a brilliant
-ball, under the thousand lustres of the palace of Laeken: the English
-troops were assembled in all haste, and a courier was despatched to
-Bulow, to desire him to quicken his march, and join the rest of the
-army. The Prussians, under Blucher, received a check at Ligny, and the
-English took up their position at Mont St. Jean. Pozzo di Borgo arrived
-there in a state of considerable anxiety. "How long do you think you
-can hold out?" said he. "I do not put much faith in the Belgians,"
-replied the Duke of Wellington; "but I have a dozen British regiments
-with me, and I will engage to maintain my ground all day; but Bulow
-must come to my assistance before five o'clock in the evening." In
-the middle of the battle a note arrived from Bulow, promising his
-arrival in less than three hours; the news flew along the ranks, and
-the English army, feebly supported by the Belgians, resisted with an
-obstinate courage, which gained them the victory. At the funereal
-battle of Waterloo, Count Pozzo di Borgo received rather a serious
-wound.
-
-Napoleon's last battle-field was fought and lost! still Count Pozzo
-felt uneasy, and with reason, for the army of Alexander had taken no
-part in these events, indeed it had scarcely reached Germany; and was
-it not probable that the Duke of Wellington and Blucher, profiting by
-their successes, might take upon themselves to decide alone upon the
-fate of France? Pozzo di Borgo sent for a young Russian officer serving
-in the Prussian army, and said to him, "Spare not your horses, but
-in forty-eight hours let the czar be informed of this victory! Your
-fortune awaits you at the end of your journey." Though suffering from
-his wound, the diplomatist followed the Duke of Wellington closely
-to Paris: he resumed his office of ambassador to Louis XVIII., but
-without the same favourable circumstances in regard to credit, as he
-had enjoyed in 1814. As he had foreseen, the occupation of Paris by the
-English and Prussian generals had rendered them all powerful there,
-the Fouché-Talleyrand ministry was almost entirely formed by the Duke
-of Wellington, and both those political characters were known to be
-devoted to England. Russia thus played but a secondary part, which it
-was very desirable should be augmented; but the arrival of the Emperor
-Alexander at the head of 230,000 bayonets soon changed the face of
-affairs.
-
-Talleyrand had evidence of this from the very first steps taken
-towards the preliminaries of peace; the Czar had an old grudge
-against the French plenipotentiary at Vienna, and he would not hear
-of any negotiation carried on by him; still Alexander's mediation was
-indispensable to our interests, in the discussions preparatory to
-a treaty of peace. England, Prussia, and Germany, exacted the most
-exorbitant conditions, being apparently desirous of making the most
-of their victory, and vieing with each other in the pillage of our
-unfortunate country. Lord Castlereagh's first minutes demanded the
-cession of a chain of fortresses along the Belgic frontier from Calais
-to Maubeuge; while the Prussians and Germans claimed Alsace and part
-of Lorraine; who but the Czar could defend us from the greediness of
-our conquerors? Talleyrand tried to appease Alexander by promising a
-high political situation to his ambassador; he offered Pozzo di Borgo
-the ministry of the interior, combined with that of the police, now
-vacant by the resignation of Fouché, or any other appointment he might
-prefer; but Count Pozzo declined his offers, declaring he could only be
-useful to France as an intermediate agent between the two governments;
-a Frenchman in his affections, and a Russian in his position and duty,
-he would appear as a type of alliance between the two cabinets and
-the two nations. Talleyrand's plans fell to the ground, owing to the
-invincible objections of the Emperor Alexander, who persisted in his
-desire of seeing the ministry for foreign affairs intrusted to a man of
-his choice, and in whom he could place confidence; and he recommended
-the appointment of the Duc de Richelieu, designating him as the best
-of Frenchmen, and the most upright of men: Talleyrand was, therefore,
-obliged to give way; he gave in his resignation to Louis XVIII., who
-intrusted the Duc de Richelieu with the formation of another cabinet.
-
-From this moment the influence of Russia on public affairs became
-clearly defined. The Czar placed himself as the intermediary in all
-questions regarding territory, and he had, in point of fact, some
-object in wishing to uphold the active power of France in the south
-of Europe, in order that he might hereafter meet with an ally and
-supporter there. Pozzo di Borgo's influence increased with that of
-his emperor, and he always exercised it in a kind and favourable
-manner towards France. Let us take a retrospective glance of that most
-disastrous period, when the country, invaded by 800,000 foreigners,
-was completely crushed under the burden of military contributions; but
-Alexander threw the weight of his opinion and his power into the scale,
-as opposed to the demands of the English, Prussians, and Germans, and
-the question of the cession of Alsace, Lorraine, and a great part of
-the northern provinces, was at an end.
-
-In the secret conferences of the plenipotentiaries, the Russian
-minister pressed the necessity of not exercising too much severity in
-the conditions exacted from France and the new dynasty; because, when
-dishonour, weakness, or degradation, are imposed upon a king or a
-nation, a natural reaction takes place against a yoke too oppressive
-to be borne. The treaty of Paris, the result of these conferences, was
-no doubt a very hard measure; when the Duc de Richelieu signed it,
-the trembling of his hand shewed the pain and grief he endured, and
-he wrote a most noble letter, which is still extant, deploring this
-cruel necessity; still, compared with the conditions imposed by the
-Anglo-Prussians, a great step had been gained. France underwent no
-partition; though she lost some posts on the frontier, though she was
-obliged to submit to a military occupation, though a contribution of
-seven hundred millions[23] of francs was levied, at least she could
-look forward to a limit, however distant, to the evils of war, she
-neither lost Lorraine nor Alsace, she still was a great nation.
-
- [23] About twenty-eight millions sterling.
-
-When the Emperor Alexander quitted Paris, he invested Pozzo di Borgo
-with full power to uphold the government of Louis XVIII., to watch his
-first proceedings and prevent his first faults. A powerful royalist
-reaction had taken place; the greater part of the Chamber of 1815 had
-decided in favour of a system of unbounded energy, in which parties,
-when left to themselves, are always apt to indulge in the first joy of
-victory. This chamber was strongly opposed to the Richelieu ministry,
-and made political order of impossible attainment, though it was the
-only means of realising the loans, and, consequently, of fulfilling the
-terms imposed by the army of occupation. Under existing circumstances,
-moderation was not merely a natural impulse of elevated minds, it
-was an actual law of necessity; besides which, reactions do not
-create real resources, they only disturb people's minds, and destroy
-public prosperity. Pozzo di Borgo upheld the Duc de Richelieu in the
-plan common to both, of endeavouring to arrest the ultra-royalist
-movement, which threw obstacles in the way of the fulfilment of their
-engagements towards the allies; and the _ordonnance_ of the 5th of
-September altered the course of ideas, and political principles of
-the Restoration. The despatches of Pozzo di Borgo had prepared the
-Emperor Alexander for this change, being altogether in favour of the
-moderate royalist system, which the duke was desirous of following;
-"It was necessary," said he, "to put a stop to the reaction of 1815;"
-and the emperor perfectly agreed with him in opinion. The Russian
-minister considered this _ordonnance_ as an act evincing the royal
-will, likely to be favourably received in Europe, and thus to advance
-the deliverance of the country from foreign occupation; the event
-shewed he was not mistaken, for Louis soon received letters from the
-Czar, congratulating him upon the act of firmness which enabled his
-government to pursue the path of salutary moderation.
-
-The Russian influence continued to increase. The military occupation
-was still in force, and France, which had to arrange pecuniary
-conventions resulting from various treaties, was exposed to very severe
-trials: war was succeeded by famine, famine by internal disorders, and
-simultaneous revolts. In his despatches to the emperor, Pozzo di Borgo
-endeavoured to convince him of the necessity of alleviating the burden
-of the military contributions, unless they wished to drive to despair
-a nation which they might find it difficult to bring into entire
-subjection. I never met with a collection of documents better reasoned,
-or more thoroughly imbued with the desire of putting an end to the
-military occupation of the country; perhaps his strong and patriotic
-anxiety on that head often made him form too severe a judgment of the
-royalist party.
-
-The influence of the Russian ambassador was favourable to all
-the negotiations of the French government, and at the Congress
-of Aix-la-Chapelle it assumed the character of a most generous
-intervention. Before starting for the congress he had received full
-authority from his sovereign to endeavour to prevail upon the Duke of
-Wellington to declare himself arbiter and mediator in the delicate
-question regarding the debts claimed by foreigners from the French
-government. These liabilities exceeded all bounds; and Pozzo di
-Borgo, appealing to the generosity and military honour of the Duke of
-Wellington, persuaded him to give over the military occupation which
-injured and tormented France, and to make an end of these liquidations,
-which appeared to have neither limit nor probable termination. Though
-the Duke of Wellington had an interest in keeping up a command which
-invested him with such vast authority in France, he consented to
-become the arbiter of the different interests; and affairs were thus
-arranged beforehand, that no obstacle might arise to interfere with the
-resolutions already formed, and which were to be finally settled at the
-Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle.
-
-The result of that congress was the liberation of France, the credit
-and trouble attending which are due to the Duc de Richelieu; but the
-exertions of Pozzo di Borgo also contributed greatly to calm the fears
-of Alexander, which had been excited by the liberal tendency at that
-time so vehement in Europe.
-
-The disposition of the Czar always evinced a greater degree of warmth
-and generosity than of deep reflection; a bias had been given by
-education, and he was also surrounded by timid people, constantly
-ready to be alarmed at the posture of affairs, and more especially
-uneasy at the excited state of the German universities. During his
-brief stay in Paris, after the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, Alexander
-had entered into an explanation on this subject with the French king.
-According to his ideas, the principal danger in Europe at that time
-arose from Jacobinism, and this was an evil above all others to be
-avoided; it was a disorder of a new species, against which the Holy
-Alliance would have some difficulty in acting so as to preserve the
-world from its contagion. The instructions left with Pozzo di Borgo
-bore the stamp of the same opinions; and what must have been the
-disappointment of the emperor, when, upon his arrival at Warsaw, he
-received intelligence that the Richelieu ministry was dissolved, and
-that a political system more decidedly liberal had been adopted by
-France! The Russian ambassador felt no repugnance for General Dessole,
-and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, who formed part of this administration,
-for they both belonged to the military opposition which had formed the
-basis of the restoration; but, when the choice fell upon M. Grégoire,
-and when the Duc de Berri was assassinated, terror and amazement
-took possession of the _corps diplomatique_, and Pozzo di Borgo was
-not unacquainted with the resolutions which again placed the Duc de
-Richelieu at the head of affairs. The influence of the ambassador was
-then neither very strong nor important, for a very simple reason; from
-the year 1815 to 1818 it was impossible the French government should
-act independent of foreigners; they occupied the country; it was
-necessary to consult their diplomatic agents, and be in a great measure
-decided by their opinion; but, when France was delivered from them, the
-influence changed its nature, there was then no material action, only
-a moral, and consequently limited, influence exercised by the _corps
-diplomatique_.
-
-The revolutionary spirit began to be manifest in Europe: Spain, Naples,
-Piémont, had all proclaimed the constitution with arms in their hands;
-the assassination of Kotzebue, the excited state of the universities,
-the mysterious societies in the Russian army, the riots at Manchester,
-the commotions of the active population of Paris in the month of
-June 1820, all were presages of a popular movement against crowned
-heads. The thrones of Europe were never more shaken than in those two
-years of 1820 and 21; it was necessary they should defend themselves.
-Pozzo di Borgo, therefore, received orders to uphold the royalist
-system of the Duc de Richelieu's second ministry, and he entered into
-it with a loyal ardour which proceeded not only from the personal
-friendship he entertained for that minister, but also from his profound
-conviction that certain limits would not be overstepped. Nevertheless,
-from the hands of M. de Richelieu the government fell into those
-of MM. de Montmorency and De Villèle, the representatives of the
-ultra-monarchical and religious opinions, and who had a bias towards
-the English system. Count Pozzo felt some annoyance in viewing the
-triumph of men with whom he was well acquainted, and whom he had even
-been called upon to oppose in the _ordonnance_ of the 5th of September;
-but the orders of his sovereign were imperative, and he became their
-organ at Paris. He approved of the occupation of Piémont by the
-Austrians; and his advice principally decided the question of the war
-with Spain, which had been suggested at the congresses of Troppan and
-Laybach, and finally resolved upon at Verona.
-
-The royalist party returned in triumph from Cadiz, having replaced
-Ferdinand VII. on his throne. In that country, where moderation either
-in politics or religion is unknown, the power had fallen into the hands
-of Don Saez, the king's confessor; and the object of Russia being
-always to exercise a powerful influence in the south of Europe, in
-order to counterbalance that of England, Count Pozzo received orders
-to repair to Madrid and use all his endeavours to push M. Hirujo
-into the ministry, who was a man of moderate views, and consequently
-inclined to favour the Russian interests. A perfect understanding on
-this head existed between the Russian minister and M. de Villèle. M.
-de Hirujo, forerunner of M. Zéa, gained the ascendant at Madrid, and
-people could reckon upon the government of Ferdinand being conducted
-with some degree of order and regularity. Pozzo di Borgo then returned
-to Paris; he was on intimate terms with MM. Pasquier and Molé, friends
-of the Duc de Richelieu, and disapproved highly of the folly of the
-royalist party, who tormented France every year with fresh laws,
-still more remarkable for their silliness and want of importance than
-for their unpopular tendency; but the ambassador had now hardly any
-influence upon the government; it was almost entirely confined to the
-opposition formed in the diplomatic circles and in good society, which
-before long extended to the conduct of the sovereign. Although he
-approved of the law regarding the conversion of the _rentes_,[24] he
-had no hesitation in giving utterance to his opinion concerning the
-extreme unpopularity the measure would naturally be attended with. "The
-King of France," said he, "wishes to become the richest sovereign in
-Europe; but I greatly fear this measure will lead to some unfortunate
-catastrophe. People do not play with impunity with the _pot-au-feu_
-of the citizens." And the event shewed his opinion to have been well
-founded.
-
- [24] On the 5th of April, 1824, the minister of finance brought
- forward a plan to substitute _rentes_ at three per cent for those
- already existing at five per cent, reserving to the holders of the
- five per cent _rentes_ the option between the repayment of their
- nominal capital and its conversion into three per cents at the rate
- of seventy-five. Some modifications were suggested, but the plan
- failed at the time. In the following year it was renewed, and then
- it was decreed that the proprietors of five per cent _rentes_ should
- be allowed till the 22d of June (afterwards extended to the 5th of
- August) the faculty of demanding from the minister of finance their
- conversion into three per cents at the price of seventy-five, and
- till the 22d of September the faculty of requiring their conversion
- into four and a half per cent stock at par, with a guarantee in both
- cases against being paid off till September 1835. The _rentes_ so
- converted were to continue to bear interest at five per cent until
- the 22d December, 1825.--_Editor._
-
-At this period the Russian ambassador lost his protector, I may
-almost say his friend. Alexander died on his journey into the Crimea,
-a pilgrimage enveloped in mystery,[25] and which was immediately
-followed by the revolutionary movement in St. Petersburg. Some officers
-were desirous of throwing the government into the hands of the old
-Russian nobility, always ready to enter into any measure calculated
-to restore the predominance of the Muscovite aristocracy, which was
-a sort of republic formed of the great vassals of the crown. Would
-the Emperor Nicholas repose the same confidence in Pozzo di Borgo
-that his predecessor had done? He had not like Alexander a sort of
-brotherhood in arms and affairs with his ambassador, but as Count
-Nesselrode remained at the head of affairs, he retained his situation
-and presented his renewed credentials to Charles X. at the time when
-the storms of the opposition assumed every where a menacing aspect. Two
-years afterwards the ministry of M. de Villèle was at an end, and the
-king formed a fresh administration, at the head of which he intended
-placing M. de Martignac and M. de la Ferronays. The latter was at that
-time ambassador at St. Petersburg, and enjoyed the confidence of the
-Emperor Nicholas, who was therefore likely to be satisfied with his
-appointment to the ministry, and Pozzo di Borgo considered it necessary
-to support him with all his power; for the interests of Russia had at
-that time assumed so complicated a form, that the concurrence of France
-was a matter of the greatest importance to her.
-
- [25] Alexander had gone on a tour of inspection to the southern
- parts of his empire, and on arriving at a village in the Crimea,
- he insisted upon attending the service in a church which had long
- been shut up, in spite of the remonstrances of his attendants, who
- represented the danger arising from malaria. He was shortly afterwards
- seized with the fever common in the Crimea, and refused to submit to
- the strong measures recommended by his medical attendants, resolving
- to trust to abstinence and the mild remedies he had usually found
- successful when attacked by illness, but which were insufficient in
- this instance; and when he at last resigned himself into the hands of
- his physicians, it was too late. Reports were raised of his having
- been poisoned, but they were totally devoid of foundation.--_Editor._
-
-Russia had deeply offended the Porte by signing the treaty of the
-month of June 1827, which established the independence of Greece; and
-the Mussulmans, proud of their ancient glory, had been still further
-irritated by the battle of Navarino. The occupation of Moldavia and
-Wallachia had given rise to fresh dissensions, which ended by the
-Russian ambassador's quitting Constantinople. Every thing was thus
-progressing towards a war likely to involve Russia in considerable
-danger, especially if England were to take part with the Sultan: the
-Emperor Nicholas was determined to pass the Balkan, for he found it
-necessary to employ the superstitious and turbulent disposition of the
-old Russian nobility in active military operations, to prevent its
-bursting out in revolutionary attempts.
-
-Under these circumstances Count Nesselrode commissioned Pozzo di
-Borgo to sound the French cabinet as to the conditions they would
-require,--not for an armed alliance, but simply to observe a friendly
-neutrality during the oriental war. Count Pozzo proposed that France
-should keep up a force of 100, or 150,000, to act as a check upon
-Austria, and augment her armaments, so as to restrain England; he also
-hinted that should any important advantages result to Russia from
-the events of the campaign, the frontiers of France might possibly
-be reconsidered and the natural boundary of the Rhine granted to her
-without expense, by arranging an indemnity for Prussia and Holland; and
-that indeed it was not impossible the Morea might be given her as a
-compensatory measure, with the same rights as those enjoyed by England
-over the republic of the seven islands. What a magnificent portion this
-would have been for France!
-
-The first operations of the campaign were not attended with success:
-there were sanguinary sieges and doubtful battles. During this time
-Count Pozzo exhibited the utmost activity in Paris, where the checks
-sustained by the Russians were the general subject of conversation, and
-General Lamarque had even published a series of articles to prove that
-the destruction of the army was inevitable. General Pozzo entered much
-into society, and at every fresh disaster or difficulty he strove to
-remove the fears they excited as to the consequences of the war: "Wait,
-have patience," repeated he incessantly, "and then you will see." The
-best understanding existed between him and M. de la Ferronays, who
-exerted himself to calm the minds which England took equal pains to
-disturb.
-
-The following year the Russian armies were more fortunate, having
-advanced upon Constantinople, and the position of the ambassador
-became less difficult; but to counterbalance this advantage, the
-ministerial revolution took place in the month of August, which placed
-Prince Polignac, and consequently the English system of precedents and
-opinions, at the head of affairs. Pozzo de Borgo was much annoyed at
-this change; the cabinet of St. Petersburg entered into an explanation
-on the subject with M. de Mortemart, and in proportion as the French
-ministry advanced in the adventurous path of _coups d'état_, Count
-Pozzo multiplied his despatches to his government to warn them of an
-impending catastrophe. The information he gave on this subject was so
-positive, that the Emperor spoke to M. de Mortemart, telling him he was
-well aware some foolish steps were about to be taken in Paris. "The
-king of France," added he, "is at liberty to act as he pleases in his
-kingdom, but if evil comes of it, so much the worse for him. Give him
-warning that he will not be supported, and that Europe will not engage
-in a quarrel on his account."
-
-The Russian ambassador only became acquainted with the _ordonnances_
-of July the evening before they were promulgated; he had neither been
-informed confidentially, nor had he received any official intimation;
-only a few days before the event he said in a conference with Polignac,
-"Prince, I do not wish to inquire into your secrets, I do not ask you
-what you are about, only take precautions not to compromise Europe;"
-and then Prince Polignac replied with his habitual smile, so expressive
-of perfect security, "All we ask is, that Europe will not compromise
-us." At these words the ambassador turned his back upon him. When the
-fatal _ordonnances_ appeared the next day in the Moniteur, Pozzo di
-Borgo expressed great dissatisfaction and alarm at seeing the utter
-carelessness of the government in the midst of so much difficulty and
-danger, and the total absence of any military force or precaution.
-"How," said he, "are there no troops? The bridges are not occupied!
-Have no military precautions been taken?" "Every thing is quiet,"
-replied they, "nobody stirs." "Every thing quiet!" repeated the
-ambassador warmly, "yes, every thing will probably be quiet to-day, but
-to-morrow we shall have firing in the streets, and the next day who
-knows what may happen? I shall be obliged to ask for my passports."
-
-Here was the commencement of another series of events. It is necessary
-to judge the conduct of the ambassador during the latter days of the
-government which was about to expire, and the commencement of that
-which succeeded to it.
-
-The events of July were characterised by so much agitation and
-importance, that the _corps diplomatique_ must have found itself
-placed in an embarrassing position: Charles X. had quitted St. Cloud
-and sought refuge at Rambouillet, and a municipal commission had
-restored order in the midst of the insurrection. If Prince Polignac had
-possessed the slightest political forethought, he would have notified
-to the _corps diplomatique_ that the king proposed removing his menaced
-government to such and such a part of the kingdom; this resolution
-would have served as an official order to all the ambassadors, to
-accompany the sovereign who had received their credentials, and by whom
-they were officially accredited, and their presence at St. Cloud would
-have been a sort of protest against the events then taking place at
-Paris; it might also have facilitated the negotiation between the royal
-party and the Hôtel de Ville, for the provisional government would
-have been afraid of committing itself with Europe, and being exposed
-to a general war. But with the utter carelessness he displayed in the
-whole business, Prince Polignac, minister for foreign affairs, made no
-official communication to the _corps diplomatique_, but treated every
-thing with a degree of levity quite in keeping with his predestinarian
-character.
-
-The ambassadors naturally hesitated what course they should pursue in
-the midst of so many difficulties. Should they proceed to St. Cloud?
-But it was necessary the translation of the government should be
-officially notified to them by the minister for foreign affairs; ought
-they to make observations, to mix themselves up with the withdrawal
-of the _ordonnances_, or the negotiations of the Hôtel de Ville and
-the provisional government? That was not their duty, nor had they any
-right to interfere. The only plan, then, they could adopt was to await
-the end of the struggle, and not concern themselves with the plan of
-the government, until it placed itself in communication with their
-respective courts by requiring to be recognised.
-
-In a meeting at the residence of the Nuncio, they decided upon
-remaining at Paris until further orders, and taking no part in events
-until they should receive an official communication from Charles X.
-Couriers extraordinary were despatched to the different courts to keep
-them constantly informed of the progress of this important affair, and
-request further instructions; generally speaking, all the despatches
-blamed Prince Polignac's carelessness, and described the events
-that had taken place in Paris in moderate language; mentioning the
-order that prevailed in the midst of disorder, the appointment of a
-lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and the abdication of the King and
-of the Duke of Angoulême: they then awaited patiently the termination
-of the insurrection, without compromising themselves, and without
-either giving or receiving an impulsion.
-
-Here we must take a general view of the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo
-to explain the constantly serious and temperate direction of his
-despatches. He had never belonged to the ultra royalist party, but
-being a man of moderation and principle he had restricted himself to
-measures, corresponding with the events brought to pass by the French
-revolution: in this consisted the bond of union between him and the
-Richelieu party, composed of Pasquier, Molé, and de Rayneval, who
-were all strongly opposed to _coups d'état_. The despatches of Count
-Pozzo evince at all times a spirit of forethought and moderation. In
-1816 he supported the Duc de Richelieu; in 1828, the ministry of M. de
-Martignac and the Comte de la Ferronays; when the ministry of Prince
-Polignac was formed, he, like every one else, foresaw the disasters
-likely to ensue, and his correspondence made such an impression at St.
-Petersburg, that the Emperor Nicholas thought it necessary to speak to
-M. de Mortemart on the subject. The Czar entertained a strong dislike
-to the ministry of Prince Polignac, because he believed him to be
-devoted to the English system, and the fall of M. de Martignac appeared
-to him a sort of check to his eastern policy; he repeated several times
-to M. de Mortemart, "Are they preparing anything in Paris against the
-charter? Write to the King to take care what he is about; above all,
-let him avoid _coups d'état_." In considering the attitude assumed by
-the _corps diplomatique_ at this juncture, it is very important to bear
-in mind, that in the transactions of 1814 and 1815, as well as in the
-minutes of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, the charter and the dynasty were
-considered equally under the protection of Europe, and were viewed as
-inseparable.
-
-They had not long to wait for the recognition of most of the various
-courts of Europe; England, though governed by the Duke of Wellington
-and the Tories, approved in many successive despatches of a revolution
-conducted on the plan of that in 1688; Prussia came next, then Austria,
-without any symptom of hesitation; and, lastly, Pozzo di Borgo received
-credentials from his sovereign, which he presented with confidence and
-dignity, one idea being constantly predominant in his mind,--that order
-and peace were the first requisites in an European government.
-
-Matters were in this state when the Polish question placed Pozzo
-di Borgo in a situation of great difficulty; perhaps under no
-circumstances of his diplomatic life was more discretion required and
-displayed. The ardent sympathies of the mob had been roused in favour
-of the Poles; a commotion took place in Paris, and spread in that city
-scarcely recovered from the agitation occasioned by the revolution
-of July; the cry of "Success to Poland! Down with the Russians!" was
-heard under the windows of the ambassador, stones were thrown at the
-hôtel, and the Russian legation surrounded their chief, endeavouring
-to persuade him to demand his passports, a step that would have
-announced a complete rupture. The ambassador appeased the impatience
-of his legation: "Our sovereign," said he, "is just now in a ticklish
-situation, and we must take no rash steps with regard to France, so
-as to involve ourselves in a fresh difficulty; let us wait for the
-apologies which will soon be made us; the mob is not the government; we
-are not ambassadors to the street, but to a regular authority. Let us
-turn the popular fury, not attack it in front." The next morning the
-minister for foreign affairs paid an official visit to Count Pozzo,
-to apologise on the part of the government, and a body of troops was
-ordered for his protection against any violence that might still be
-attempted by the mob.
-
-From his earliest youth Pozzo di Borgo had been accustomed to dwell
-in the midst of political crises, and he was therefore not disturbed
-by the symptoms of insurrection around him, especially as he had full
-confidence in the wisdom and decision of the cabinet; some secret
-conferences had also made him aware, that France would not interfere
-in favour of Poland, but would allow Russia, Austria, and Prussia,
-the free exercise of their rights over that unfortunate country. The
-treaties of 1815 were still more firmly established than before, a
-few empty words of sympathy or encouragement were bestowed upon the
-insurgents, and Europe viewed with satisfaction the conduct of the new
-government, whose moderate measures had been rendered more difficult,
-by the threatening attitude assumed by different parties, and the
-prevalence of excited opinions armed with sufficient power to make
-them dangerous. Is no credit due to the wisdom which was the means of
-preserving peace? the forethought and moderation which averted the
-evil tendency of party spirit? Count Pozzo was loaded with compliments
-and expressions of gratitude, for he had probably saved Europe from
-a general war by not quitting Paris. The Polish insurrection was put
-down, after which all the forces of Russia were available against any
-foreign interference; and the ambassador who had safely passed through
-the dangerous crisis, had great cause to congratulate himself upon
-results, which left the cabinet of St. Petersburg at liberty to decide
-at once upon the fate of Poland. That country received no assistance
-from France; the interference of the French Chambers was limited to
-some barren protests in answer to which Pozzo di Borgo represented that
-Poland had been the aggressor, having torn asunder the bands of the
-constitution by her revolt, and that the Propaganda alone would be to
-blame should Poland now cease entirely to exist: that great efforts
-had been made since the year 1815 to overcome the natural antipathy
-entertained by the Russians for the Poles, which was as strong as
-the dislike existing between the Jews and Christians in Poland. What
-exertion and anxiety it had cost the generous heart of Alexander to
-give a national constitution to Poland! it was a subject on which he
-had consulted rather his feelings than his understanding, and the old
-Russian nobility had never forgiven his conduct on the occasion.
-
-In the midst of all these serious political occurrences, of the
-disturbances in Paris, the various plots both foreign and domestic, the
-Russian campaign against Constantinople, and the imperative,--I might
-almost say, the capricious orders of his court, Count Pozzo always
-preserved the character of a man of impartial moderation, and of a
-skilful statesman who conceives and works out a system, without giving
-way to any of the crotchets formed by prince or courtier capable of
-endangering more serious interests. He who had resisted the Emperor
-Alexander by expressing his opinion with firmness, always continued
-to refuse obedience to instructions irreconcilable with the rules
-of general policy, which form the basis and regulate the relations
-between one state and another. Such was the constant tenor of his
-despatches after the year 1830. He was convinced that France, to the
-rest of Europe must serve as a principle either of order or disorder,
-possessing either way very great influence; and to all requisitions
-which did not tally with these ideas, he replied by writing to his
-court, "You have other agents besides me for affairs of this nature; I
-am only fit for moderate and conciliatory measures."
-
-When the Turkish war was concluded, the ambassador received orders to
-proceed to London for the purpose of forming a just estimate of the
-state of affairs, and the position of the Whigs and Tories; having been
-successful in his endeavours to prevent France from taking part against
-Russia, it now became equally essential to sound the Tories, and
-become acquainted with the bent of their views, should parliament and
-the march of public opinion again place them at the head of affairs.
-The official ambassador from Russia to London was Prince Lieven, or
-rather it was said _Princess_ Lieven, a woman of great ability, whose
-brilliant assemblies were the favourite resort of the Tory nobility,
-and the centre of political intelligence. Count Pozzo had very little
-communication with the Whig ministry; his acquaintance was principally
-with the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Aberdeen, who was
-minister for foreign affairs, for the Tory interest; for that party,
-although out of office, still retained some representatives among the
-ministry. The conversations between the Duke and Pozzo di Borgo, were
-an interchange of recollections and hopes, together with the means
-of regulating the probabilities of the return of the Tories into the
-ministry. It was already in contemplation, although public opinion had
-strongly opposed a premature attempt made by the Duke of Wellington
-to resume the direction of affairs. In political life it is a mark of
-great ability to know how _to bide one's time_.
-
-Still a kind of slight was about to cloud the life of Count Pozzo.
-Hitherto whatever missions might have been assigned to him exclusive
-of his official functions in Paris, he had always retained the title
-of ambassador to the court of France, and his tastes and inclinations
-led him to consider that country as his own. When he was despatched to
-Madrid, and more recently to London, his sovereign had not withdrawn
-his credentials, his post was still Paris: what was the reason a
-different course of proceeding took place upon this occasion, and that
-he received the title of ambassador extraordinary to his Britannic
-Majesty? It would be in vain to deny that it was a mark of his being
-out of favour, nor was this the only occasion upon which such had been
-the case in the course of his life. His disposition was not one that
-would bend to caprices or submit to demands which did not concern him.
-I have heard him complain of being watched by a number of special
-envoys, whose employments did not fall within the range of the regular
-communications between two governments, two nations naturally formed
-to esteem each other. This somewhat haughty disposition, led to the
-ambassador's loss of favour; it was however covered by a purple robe,
-by the appointment of ambassador to London.
-
-Count Nesselrode entered into an explanation of the duties connected
-with the ambassador's new appointment. It was intended he should use
-all his influence to support the menaced Tory interest; his intimacy
-with the Duke of Wellington was well known, but it was considered that
-a merely provisional title, would not be sufficient to confer the
-necessary _éclat_ and importance upon the Russian ambassador, for which
-reason he was to receive the definitive and official appointment. As
-soon as the mission should be accomplished, when the Duke of Wellington
-should have been dissuaded from his inclination to unite with Austria
-on the Eastern question, and the Tories have been actively supported,
-Pozzo di Borgo was to be reinstated in his appointment in Paris, and
-permitted to follow his tastes and habitual pursuits in the country
-he considered as his home. This despatch afforded some consolation to
-the ambassador, who was affected by a feeling of sadness in breaking
-the ties that bound him to a society in which he had so many intimate
-friends, but in these mournful separations he was now supported by the
-hope of a speedy return. Every thing around was dear to him, even the
-palace whose gradual embellishment he had taken pleasure in watching;
-the verdure of the gardens, the shade of exotic trees, the fragrant
-flowers, the vast and well-chosen library of Italian authors, whose
-works he was so fond of reciting from memory, and the views of Corsica
-suspended in his apartments, the gulf of Ajaccio which recalled the
-early youth of the friend of Paoli.
-
-When admitted to any degree of intimacy with Count Pozzo, you were
-particularly struck with the energy of his manners and his vigorous
-mode of expression; his handsome though swarthy countenance was shaded
-by greyish hair, always arranged in a picturesque manner, as Gerard has
-represented him in one of his admirable portraits. His conversation was
-at first reserved and guarded, but gradually became animated and full
-of imagery and wit which sparkled through a slightly Corsican accent;
-his memory resembled a vast bazaar, full of the varied recollections
-of a long and troubled life. If you were desirous of seeing the mind
-of Count Pozzo in its full glory, you had only to speak to him of
-Corsica, ask him questions concerning the history of Paoli, or turn the
-conversation upon the national republic established in the island, and
-the _Consulta_ which chose him as secretary to the government, and then
-you would be struck with the animation of his voice and gestures; his
-piercing eyes seemed to seek in your mind the emotions that glowed in
-his own, till you actually felt as if present with him at the assembly
-where the Corsican people proclaimed their independence. He did not
-indulge in anecdotes to the degree Talleyrand used to do in his long
-evening conversations, but he was more serious and truthful in his
-reminiscences, and did not play with facts, but always took a serious
-view of them. Without the habitual tact that characterised him, he
-might have been drawn into further confessions, for he was scarcely
-master of himself when speaking of his early political life. He was a
-man whose memory was so full of facts, that they oozed out at every
-pore; a spirit I took great delight in consulting, because the great
-struggle of Europe against Napoleon was shadowed forth by him, in a
-very different point of view from that assumed by the bad pamphlets of
-the imperial school.
-
-I saw him depart for London in the full enjoyment of his powerful
-faculties, retaining his eagle glance, the elevated expression of
-his noble brow, and his bright searching eyes, while his mouth was
-expressive of mildness and goodness. But he was evidently out of
-spirits, and he quitted Paris with the idea that some misfortune would
-occur before he should see it again. In London he transacted the
-affairs of his government with the same devotion and activity as ever,
-but he took no pleasure in his employment; the friendship of the Duke
-of Wellington, his companion in more than one battle-field, was his
-only enjoyment; they passed whole days together at Apsley House talking
-over the affairs of Europe, and their recollections; speaking, the one
-of the caprice of the people who broke his windows, the other of the
-ingratitude of a court incapable of comprehending that order, and peace
-with a powerful nation like France, are essential to the tranquillity
-of Europe.
-
-Weary of so long a diplomatic career, he had at last obtained
-permission to seek the retirement he so ardently coveted, when a letter
-from the Emperor apprised him of the intended journey of a Czarewitch
-to London, and requested him to act as a guide to the young prince
-during his stay in England. This involved a degree of responsibility
-and of moral fatigue which shortened the life of Count Pozzo. How would
-the heir to the Russian throne be received by the English nation,
-so capricious both in their affections and their hatred? The trial
-terminated happily, but it may be safely asserted that the last remains
-of strength possessed by the ambassador sunk under the exertion.
-
-I saw him on his return to Paris: what a sad alteration from his former
-self! and what mere worms we are in the hand of God, who disposes at
-His pleasure of the mind and intellects of man! He no longer found any
-enjoyment or ease except in the society of his nephew, Count Pozzo di
-Borgo, and his amiable niece, a daughter of the noble house of Crillon.
-Was the old ambassador desirous of shewing that he had never ceased
-to be a Frenchman, by quartering his Corsican coat-of-arms with the
-escutcheon and honourable devices borne by the brother-in-arms of Henry
-IV.?
-
-
-
-
-M. PASQUIER.
-
-
-The administration of the Empire was, generally speaking, strong, full
-of energy and unity of purpose; it was composed of two elements, the
-ruins of the republican party now rallied around the dictatorship of
-Napoleon, and became submissive under his iron rule, such as Treilhard,
-Merlin, and Thibaudeau, and the pure and elevated remains of the
-old monarchical school, like Molé, De Fontanes, and De Narbonne.
-According to the custom observed in all governments possessed of any
-portion of strength and intelligence, Buonaparte collected around
-himself all the persons whose names were honourably connected with
-past events, or exercised any influence over the present or the past;
-he indulged neither in fear nor repugnance, because he had perfect
-confidence in his own power of restraining and managing every thing.
-Before the revolution of 1789, some parliamentary families existed,
-who transmitted the highest magisterial offices from one generation
-to another, forming a sanctuary in which public morals, duties, and
-learning, were preserved and perpetuated. There were no doubt some
-little party prejudices among them, together with a tendency towards
-the feelings of the patricians of Rome; considering themselves to have
-succeeded to the assemblies of the states-general. But though the
-parliament sometimes threw difficulties in the way of the executive
-government, still they maintained the spirit of liberty and probity
-through the lapse of ages, and people considered them as a political
-guarantee, upon occasions when a degree of confusion and disorder
-prevailed in the constitution of the country.
-
-The family of the Pasquiers were descended from Etienne Pasquier, a man
-of great talent and erudition, author of a celebrated work entitled
-"_Recherches sur la France_." His character was very remarkable from
-the versatility of his talents and occupations; he wrote clever verses,
-and displayed the greatest ability in the important correspondence
-in which he was engaged, and during the troubles of the League, he
-strove to find a middle course from whence he might offer himself as
-a timid mediator among the opposing parties. In my writings upon the
-events of the sixteenth century, I have often spoken of that good
-Etienne Pasquier, with his ingenious talents and the exquisite tact he
-displayed in the evil times of civil war.
-
-The direct progenitors of the subject of this memoir held an
-appointment in the parliament, and his father, Etienne Pasquier,
-councillor in the parliament of Paris, was denounced at the
-revolutionary tribunal and condemned to death on the 21st of April,
-1794. His son was brought up at the College of Juilly, a fine
-institution, which has produced many distinguished characters. I have
-always admired the mild and careful system pursued by religious bodies,
-where the education of the heart and mind is as carefully attended to
-as that of the head, and which invested each professor with so paternal
-a character, that even the most ungrateful of his pupils could never
-entirely shake off the recollection; witness Voltaire and Diderot.
-
-M. Pasquier had scarcely left college before he was appointed to
-a situation in the Parisian parliament, according to the custom
-observed in families of the legal profession, where the office of the
-father was inherited by the son. He did not long continue to wear the
-parliamentary habit; he was, however, enabled to be present at the
-solemn debates which took place in that assembly, and were terminated
-by the convocation of the States-general, and he there received his
-first lesson in political life. The magistracy were carried away in the
-general tempest, and the parliaments were destroyed by the revolution;
-the resistance to the royal prerogative had originated with them, and
-both were abolished at the same time.
-
-Popular excitement is always ungrateful, and deals its first blow upon
-those by whom it has been assisted or fostered, thus affording an
-important lesson to demagogues or flatterers of the populace.
-
-M. Pasquier did not emigrate during the revolutionary troubles; he
-was proscribed like all persons bearing a historic name, and at the
-age of twenty-six years he received a summons to appear before the
-committee of public safety, which was soon after succeeded by his
-being placed under arrest at St. Lazare, on the evening before the 9th
-Thermidor. The close of the reign of terror restored him to liberty,
-and the restoration of the property of condemned persons enabled him
-to retire to the estates of his family, which like those possessed by
-all the parliamentary races were covered with thick woods, in whose
-impenetrable retreats they were accustomed to seek shelter, in the evil
-days of exile, from their accustomed employments.
-
-When order was restored under Napoleon, M. Pasquier returned to Paris,
-and appeared in society, especially at the house of M. Cambacérès, who
-was partial to the old magisterial families, and his remarkable talents
-soon brought him into notice. At that period the Emperor was desirous
-of establishing a monarchical system upon elevated principles, and
-sought every where among men and things the materials for his purpose;
-every noble or influential name attracted his attention, for he was
-well aware of the power exercised by hereditary rank, and knew that
-past recollections have as much influence as present energy in the
-restoration of States. The Arch-chancellor Cambacérès agreed in the
-Emperor's sentiments; and he, who was himself one of the enlightened
-magistrates of the _Cour des Aides_ at Montpelier, suggested the name
-of M. Pasquier for the situation of Master of Requests. It is rather
-a remarkable circumstance that the memorial of the Arch-chancellor
-contained the names of three candidates, MM. de Molé, Pasquier, and
-Portalis; they all received appointments on the same day, and have
-never been separated in the course of their political life, their
-career having been facilitated and its importance augmented by the
-strong political friendship that subsisted between them, in spite of
-the difference in their age and capacity.
-
-M. Pasquier, while master of requests at the _Conseil d'Etat_, was
-distinguished by his laborious attention and assiduity, at the time
-when improvement had assumed a serious and reflective form; he had
-passed his fortieth year when he was appointed attorney-general of the
-great seal, and afterwards Councillor of state. The State council was
-a powerful and important school; the Emperor, who entertained a strong
-antipathy towards all bodies that deliberated under the sanction of
-publicity, had a perfect horror of the representative system, and
-public speaking; he liked to collect suffrages, to listen to all
-opinions, reserving to himself the right of deciding upon them, and
-weighing them against each other in such a manner, that an imperial
-decree should never sanction an equivocal project or a bad measure. The
-council of state, composed of very eminent men, was the real _corps
-politique_; and even the title of Master of requests was not a common
-rank granted to aspirants of an inferior grade. In this anxious and
-laborious situation, the Masters of requests, attached to a section of
-the council, devoted their existence to it, and the great end and aim
-of their executive career was the situation of Councillor of state, a
-title of which the characters best known to fame were ambitious.
-
-This close and incessant every-day application suited perfectly the
-studious mind of M. Pasquier; a generation of young men had sprung up,
-whose souls were entirely given up to assiduous attention to business,
-and who devoted themselves to the active and deliberative portion
-of the administration. The Master of requests had already received
-the title of Baron and officer of the legion of honour in reward of
-his services, when the dismissal of M. Dubois, after the melancholy
-burning of Prince Schwartzenburg's palace, left vacant the prefecture
-of police, an appointment originally instituted during the Consulate.
-The police was divided into two parts:--the political police, which was
-charged with the general safety of the kingdom and the surveillance
-of political parties, constantly in a state of commotion even under
-the heavy hand of Napoleon; it was always intrusted to the minister
-of a department, and the situation was at that time filled by General
-Savary; and the prefecture of police, an appointment of a more simple
-order, circumscribed within the walls of Paris, whose chief had charge
-of the _édilité_, that is to say, of the safety and cleanliness of
-the city and the inspection of the markets and provisions, all duties
-of considerable importance. The prefect of police also regulated the
-bulletins concerning the state of the public mind, so as to act as
-a check upon the minister of police. During the time of the Empire,
-each of these situations involved serious duties and considerable
-responsibility.
-
-When appointed to the prefecture of police, M. Pasquier devoted himself
-entirely to the discharge of his official duties, and voluminous
-writings still exist upon the provisioning of the capital, and the
-method of multiplying magazines in the time of abundance; this had now
-become a question of great anxiety, occupying the serious attention
-of the government, for in the year 1811, the first symptoms of an
-alarming scarcity made their appearance. The price of bread had reached
-an exorbitant height, and people were constantly on the brink of a
-disturbance owing to the dearness of grain of all kinds. I have perused
-and analysed with the greatest attention the important writings of M.
-Pasquier under the empire, deposited in the archives of the prefecture
-of police.[26]
-
- [26] See "L'Europe pendant le Consulat et l'Empire de Napoleon."
-
-It must be recollected that Napoleon was then about to depart upon
-his Russian expedition, and it may easily be imagined that contending
-parties would give occasion to extreme anxiety during his adventurous
-campaign: how great was that entertained by the prefect of police! his
-nights were devoted to quieting the alarms excited by false bulletins,
-and strengthening the confidence of the people, for the _prestige_
-that surrounded Napoleon was beginning to disappear, a certain spirit
-of independence and animadversion was gradually gaining ground, and
-numerous caricatures, _bons mots_, and epigrams, attacked the moral
-power of the Emperor.
-
-The romantic enterprise of General Mallet took place at this juncture;
-it was a prodigious act of boldness, shewing how slight was the tenure
-of Napoleon's power; one hour more, or one man less, and the most
-powerful empire of modern times would have been at an end! M. Pasquier
-has been reproached with having allowed himself to be surprised by
-the insurrection, but, in the first place, he had nothing to do with
-watching the formation of plots, that duty devolved upon M. Savary,
-the minister of police; and besides, to do justice to all parties,
-what vigilance can possibly foresee or control the plans conceived by
-_one_ man in the silence of a prison? General Mallet was armed with
-a military power which it was in vain to resist, and M. Pasquier was
-surprised at the prefecture, hurried into a _voiture de place_ and
-conveyed to the prison of La Force, with injunctions that he should be
-detained there until the provisional government was established. He was
-not liberated until after the suppression of the conspiracy, having
-steadily refrained from making any concessions to the conspirators,
-but merely submitting to the fate prepared for him by a military
-insurrection. A magistrate who gives way to the commands of unlawful
-authority, is guilty of betraying his trust; he ought to remain
-steadfast in his duty, even should violence cast him into a dungeon.
-
-Napoleon formed a favourable judgment of the conduct of M. Pasquier,
-and continued him in his appointment of prefect of police, while M.
-Frochot, prefect of the Seine, was dismissed by the council of state,
-assembled to examine into the degree of culpability and negligence,
-to be attributed to the different functionaries in the sad affair of
-Mallet. The Emperor viewing matters from his elevated position, judged
-the prefect of police to be perfectly undeserving of blame or censure,
-as he had merely yielded to force, and it was utterly impossible for
-him either to foresee or to prevent a disturbance conducted in so
-unusual a manner; the most subtle and watchful mind could not have
-suspected the meditations indulged in by so adventurous a person as
-General Mallet; besides which, as I said before, General Savary had
-charge of the political police. This severe trial soon afforded M.
-Pasquier an opportunity of rendering an important service to the city
-of Paris, by the creation and organisation of the gendarmerie, which,
-under a different name, has on so many occasions greatly contributed to
-maintain the peace and security of the capital. He had before, in the
-year 1811, remodelled the corps of firemen,[27] whose devotion to their
-duty and noble courage deserves the highest praise.
-
- [27] Sapeurs-pompiers.
-
-The difficult circumstances of the times were increasing; if the
-management of the Parisian police was a hard task while the glory and
-prosperity of Napoleon were at their height, how much more delicate,
-and consequently more odious and watchful, was its office during the
-season of reverses and misfortune? Parties were now in commotion,
-people were no longer silent upon their desire of a change, and
-the probability such might be the case, and the enemy was rapidly
-approaching the capital: M. Pasquier fulfilled his duties to the very
-last moment, by the wise and firm administration of his office; he
-reduced the duties of his prefecture to the maintenance of public
-tranquillity, and the careful management of every thing relating to
-the repose and well-being of the city; thus returning to the original
-charge he had received from the Emperor,--attention to the safety
-and cleanliness of Paris, which were formerly almost the only duties
-required from the lieutenant of police.
-
-When the artillery was heard in thunders upon the capital, the
-senatorial party and Talleyrand invited him to support the political
-alterations produced by circumstances, but it was not until the evening
-before the allies entered Paris, that he, like M. Chabrol,[28] prefect
-of the Seine, joined the movement which led to the restoration. The
-enemy were about to enter Paris, and it was necessary the public
-safety should not be endangered by any popular tumult; the influence
-of the prefect of police was therefore most essential, but it was
-merely passively exerted with regard to political events; it received
-an impulse from them, but did not communicate any. Talleyrand had
-formed a just estimate of the character of M. Pasquier, and attached
-great importance to obtaining his concurrence. It was he who prepared
-the proclamations urging the citizens to the maintenance of order;
-and he entered into a communication with Count Nesselrode and the
-allied generals, then taking possession of Paris. His connexion with
-diplomatic affairs dates from this difficult period, as well as his
-political career under the restoration; and when afterwards appointed
-minister for foreign affairs, the reminiscences of Paris in the year
-1814 rose to his mind and were of great service to him in assisting the
-diplomatic arrangements of his cabinet.
-
- [28] The Comte de Chabrol had been appointed prefect of the Seine
- upon the dismissal of Frochot after Mallet's conspiracy, and had
- distinguished himself by the most inflated expressions of devotion
- to the Emperor. "What is life," said he, "compared to the immense
- interests which rest upon the sacred head of the heir of the Empire?
- For me, whom an unexpected glance of your imperial eye has called
- from a distance to a post so eminent, what I most value in the
- distinction is the honour and right of setting the foremost example
- of loyal devotion!"--_Editor._
-
-A conciliatory character was manifested at the accession of the
-Bourbons, and the police ceased to possess the importance attached to
-its active administration during the reign of Napoleon; it was no
-longer a fit situation for a man of such abilities as M. Pasquier,
-he therefore resigned the prefecture, and was appointed by the king
-one of the council of state, and received, a few days afterwards, the
-situation of inspector-general of the bridges and causeways, an active
-and important appointment in a country where so much remained to be
-done for the improvement of the roads, and internal communication of
-the kingdom. He displayed in his new office the activity and laborious
-attention which characterised the imperial school, and the principal
-part of the great enterprises with regard to roads were executed under
-his direction. In France we think a great deal of public speeches and
-very little of improvement; and it is a singular fact that we, who are
-the most intelligent and industrious of nations, are at least twenty
-years behind our neighbours in every thing relating to roads: even
-Germany and Switzerland are far in advance of us. The commissioners for
-bridges and causeways, while they spend large sums of money, are faulty
-in their mode of administration, and do not make the most of their
-resources; M. Pasquier exerted himself to improve this vast branch of
-the public service, but his appointment was of short duration, for the
-march of Napoleon upon Paris put an end to all executive existence, and
-he was unemployed during the hundred days.
-
-When the white flag of Louis XVIII. floated above the tower of St.
-Denis, M. Pasquier offered his services to the king; he was included in
-the first ministry of Talleyrand as keeper of the seals, and exercised
-at the same time the functions of minister for the interior, an
-appointment of extreme delicacy and difficulty in the crisis of that
-period. France was invaded by 700,000 strangers, the public mind was in
-a state of constant agitation, and the principles of the restoration
-had excited a deplorable reaction in several of the provinces; it thus
-became necessary to organise the system of the prefects, to repress
-the too ardent zeal occasionally exhibited, prevent the sanguinary
-vengeance of parties, and prepare and advance the election of upright
-persons of moderate views, in order to heal the wounds of the country.
-Nothing is easier than to judge people with severity after a lapse of
-years, and when events are long over; and thus the services rendered
-by some statesmen in seasons of peril are soon forgotten, or are but
-imperfectly appreciated by people, who are in the full enjoyment of
-peace and security, and therefore inclined to exercise a mathematical
-rectitude in their judgment of facts. If we look back upon the year
-1815, after the double invasion and heavy military contributions, we
-shall see that it was impossible for a government to display more
-exemplary moderation, before the face of a victorious party, to whose
-conditions it had been compelled to submit. M. Pasquier followed the
-fortunes of Prince Talleyrand; he gave in his resignation and was
-succeeded by M. de Barbé-Marbois.
-
-He had however, always been strongly inclined towards the moderate
-system which gained the ascendant under the Richelieu ministry,
-and shortly after its formation he was appointed one of the
-commissioners for the liquidation of the foreign debts; it was a
-post of great confidence, for if the laws of honesty were set aside,
-enormous fortunes might soon be amassed. M. Pasquier's integrity was
-unimpeachable, and he was the worthy colleague of M. Mounier, the most
-honest man belonging to the noble Richelieu school.
-
-He was elected by the department of the Seine as their representative,
-and on taking his seat in the chamber of deputies, after the ordonnance
-of the 3d of September, he was nominated president; from this
-parliamentary position, he again passed into the ministry in the month
-of January 1817, the Duc de Richelieu having caused him to be appointed
-keeper of the seals.
-
-A conciliatory system was predominant in the whole of M. Pasquier's
-ministerial conduct at this period, and he was the first to enlarge
-at the tribune upon the principles of the liberty of the press and
-the responsibility of editors. There was still too much irritation
-in people's minds, and the country still too much overwhelmed, to
-allow the independence of the newspapers to be safely established
-as a principle; books and pamphlets only were free, for a gradual
-approach was making towards liberty, and the opinions laid down by M.
-Pasquier are still considered as law upon the subject. The degree of
-responsibility was perfectly well regulated, and the minister's motives
-are clearly explained, and expressed with an elevation of principle and
-closeness of reasoning which distinguish the true parliamentary style.
-In England statesmen are in the habit of publishing their speeches,
-because they form the record of their lives.
-
-When the Duc de Richelieu's ministry was dissolved in the latter part
-of the year 1817, M. Pasquier had no hesitation in retiring from office
-with the noble negotiator of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. M. Dessolle
-was at the head of the new ministry, and M. Decaze naturally filled a
-post of the highest importance in it; but the movement which was about
-to incline them towards the ideas of the _parti gauche_ was too decided
-to make it possible M. Pasquier should join them; and it soon became
-apparent to him that the law of elections, although commendable for its
-simplicity, was still liable to produce evil results. He possessed very
-remarkable influence over the course of affairs, in spite of his having
-retired from office; and one of his political habits was always to
-compose a memorial upon every situation that occurred, for he liked to
-observe men and circumstances as from an eminence, so as to enlighten
-those in authority. In the month of October 1819, he presented a
-memorial to Louis XVIII. upon the proceedings of the ministry, calling
-attention to the faults they had committed and the bad effects of the
-law of elections; and he considered the situation of affairs to be such
-as to render an immediate change necessary in the government of the
-country.
-
-Accordingly when the ministry of M. Decaze decided upon modifying
-the law of elections, M. Pasquier was offered an appointment; he did
-not resume the situation of keeper of the seals, but undertook the
-direction of foreign affairs; our situation with regard to our foreign
-relations having assumed a serious aspect, it was necessary they should
-be under the charge of a minister quite resolved to resist any tendency
-towards a spirit of revolution. M. Decaze lost office after the
-assassination of the Duc de Berry; and on the formation of the second
-Richelieu ministry, M. Pasquier retained the situation of minister for
-foreign affairs, only with the proviso that he was to consult the noble
-duke upon points relating to diplomatic matters. The Duc de Richelieu,
-from his connexion with the various cabinets of Europe, must have
-inspired great confidence in diplomatic proceedings of importance.
-
-From this period the existence of M. Pasquier was divided into two
-distinct portions, the one being passed at the tribune, and the other
-devoted to business. I am not acquainted with any session when the
-debates were more violent or more contested than that of 1820; the
-speeches were remarkable for their eloquence, the names of General
-Foy, of Camille Jordan, and Benjamin Constant, appeared, beside those
-of Casimir Périer and Lafitte; each question was decided by a small
-majority, and it was necessary to modify the law of elections, and
-determine upon measures rendered indispensable by the circumstances
-succeeding the death of the Duc de Berry. The superiority of M.
-Pasquier's abilities was evident during this long session, where
-he was incessantly in the tribune, opposing, in the most decided
-and authoritative manner, the orators of the liberal party. When an
-alarming tumult took place in the public square, M. Pasquier appeared
-at the tribune to denounce the instigators of the disturbances,
-undismayed by the threats and vociferations of the revolutionary
-_parti gauche_. He spoke without disguise or circumlocution, and
-as to the phrase with which he has been so much reproached, _sur
-l'arbitraire_,[29] is it any thing beyond a simple declaration of what
-the government was desirous of obtaining, and requested from the power
-authorised to grant it? Every thing that was obtained had demanded
-incredible efforts, and whatever may have been said of the session of
-1820 by those under the influence of party spirit, it was undoubtedly
-the finest period of the representative system, recalling the times of
-Pitt, Grenville, and Dundas, opposed to Fox, Erskine, and Sheridan.
-
- [29] The law to authorise arbitrary arrests was equivalent to
- the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in England: and it was
- originally brought forward by M. Decaze and strenuously supported
- by Baron Pasquier. It was proposed that it should continue in force
- for one year, and after a debate which lasted for several sittings,
- it was passed by a majority of nineteen votes, modified however by
- the introduction of a clause forbidding arrests to be made under it
- during the night. A law restraining the liberty of the press was
- also passed after being most obstinately contested. The majority in
- the chamber of peers was only _two_ on this occasion.--_Editor._
-
-M. Pasquier's situation was not less difficult as minister for foreign
-affairs; for the revolutionary spirit had declared itself almost
-simultaneously in Spain, Naples, and Piémont. France, it is true,
-adopted the repressive system, and in this respect agreed with the
-plan suggested at the congresses of Laybach and Troppau; nevertheless
-the minister for foreign affairs could not overlook the material
-interests of France; the Austrians, desirous of marching upon Piémont
-and Naples, wanted to occupy definitively both these places, and how
-was it possible France should not feel uneasy at the sight of the
-German standards unfurled beyond the Alps, and extending even as far as
-Savoy? A series of notes passed on this occasion between M. Pasquier
-and Prince Metternich; and it was positively decided between the two
-ministers, that if the Austrian occupation should be necessary, it
-should be strictly limited to such a period, as would neither affect
-the consideration nor the importance of France. Metternich faithfully
-fulfilled this engagement, and the evacuation of Piémont took place at
-the stipulated time.
-
-If you consult any of the persons employed in the foreign office, they
-will speak of M. Pasquier's assiduous attention to his work, and of
-his perfect capability of bringing a negotiation to the termination he
-wished; and they will also tell you he shewed extreme judgment, in all
-the great difficulties incident to a situation so liable to constant
-change of circumstances.
-
-A complete rupture had taken place with the old liberal system; and
-to insure success in this enterprise, the Richelieu ministry had been
-obliged to apply to the ultra-royalist party. At the commencement
-of the session of 1821, the council decided upon adding MM. de la
-Corbière, de Villèle, and Lainé, to the cabinet; it was a great
-mistake, it was either granting too much or too little; for, in fact,
-what figure could they make in the cabinet as ministers without
-appointments, and yet chiefs of the majority? And what was the
-consequence? secret dissensions, as might naturally be expected, arose
-from the very commencement of the attempted coalition; consultations
-were held in the king's council, after which, MM. de Villèle and
-Corbière privately expressed their dissatisfaction, and revealed the
-designs of the ministry to their colleagues on the _côté droit_ in the
-Piet society; quarrels naturally suceeded, which eventually led to the
-rupture that took place after the session of 1821.
-
-The royalists, in general, entertained an extreme dislike to M.
-Pasquier, and a great part of the _côté droit_ could could not endure
-him.[30] All the opposition towards the end of the session was directed
-against him, till, at last, his patience was exhausted, and he assumed
-a high tone with the Ultras by openly and unhesitatingly declaring
-his inclinations and his repugnances, expressing himself with so much
-boldness and freedom that the whole of the _parti droit_ declared war
-to him. M. Pasquier wanted to have done with the whole business; his
-situation fatigued him, and, foreseeing the downfall of the ministry,
-he obtained a seat in the upper chamber, being made a peer of France in
-the course of the month of November 1821. The ministry of the Duc de
-Richelieu had resigned office on the occasion of the address, and the
-Duc de Montmorency assumed the charge of foreign affairs.
-
- [30] He was accused of great political tergiversation, and M.
- Vaublanc, a keen royalist, designated him as "a man who never left
- one administration till he had prepared to enter another, who never
- deserted one set of friends till he had looked out for another more
- in favour at court, and who had skipped into successive cabinets
- with that ease which marked all his movements."--_Editor._
-
-M. Pasquier took his seat in the upper chamber, at that time a
-powerful institution possessed of hereditary rank, property, and the
-_majorats_. The prospects of the young peerage were very great, and
-evidence was soon afforded of what they were capable of doing, by
-their constant opposition to the faults and ill-judged proceedings
-of the restoration. M. Pasquier, placing himself on the same benches
-as the statesmen of the Richelieu party, made a point of speaking
-upon every subject that came before the house, and the judgment
-and deep thought which characterised his discourses, caused them
-to exercise great influence over the chamber. He spoke against the
-rights of primogeniture, the creation of the three per cents, and the
-law of sacrilege; and his speeches were often the means of deciding
-the question by their influence on the majority obtained. He placed
-himself in constant and direct opposition to the Villèle cabinet, which
-occasioned a strange advance in revolutionary ideas, by the constant
-injury it inflicted upon the interests and affections of modern France.
-
-There was not quite the same vehemence of debate in the chamber of
-peers as in that of the deputies, but it attained to more certain
-results. There was a degree of quiet, and at the same time great
-political judgment, in the discussions, not allowing themselves to
-be carried away by the spirit of party, but continuing so steadily
-to advance towards the downfall of M. de Villèle's ministry, that
-we may safely assert, the retirement of the royalist cabinet of the
-restoration was owing to their efforts. It must be confessed, this
-opposition was rather against the order of things; an aristocratic
-power which opposed the elements of an aristocratic constitution,
-was not in good keeping; but the fault lay with the party of the
-restoration, which interfered too hastily with the new ideas and
-prejudices prevalent in France.
-
-The chamber of peers obtained a complete triumph; although weakened
-by successive promotions,[31] its influence over the elections of 1827
-was very great. The Martignac ministry was formed upon the principles
-of the Richelieu administration, that is to say, with the upright
-intentions that characterised the statesmen of that noble school.
-M. Pasquier naturally assumed his proper degree of ascendancy over
-that administration; the bond of recollections and of similarity of
-principles united him with M. Portalis, the keeper of the seals; and
-it was repeatedly proposed that he should resume the charge of the
-foreign office, his name having even been suggested by the council of
-the ministers after the retirement of M. de la Ferronays. Charles X.
-however negatived the appointment when the list of the candidates was
-presented to him, for he did not wish to have any man of importance
-in a ministry which could only be of transitory duration; and certain
-prejudices, dating from the year 1815, which had never been effaced
-from the king's mind, first made him prefer M. de Rayneval, and
-afterwards, finding the influence of that able diplomatist upon the
-two chambers not sufficiently powerful, M. de Portalis was appointed
-minister for foreign affairs.
-
- [31] At the same moment that he dissolved the chamber of deputies,
- the king created seventy-six new peers, all of them people devoted
- to the government.
-
-The formation of the Polignac ministry occasioned great uneasiness
-to the political party, which was always composed of men of eminent
-talents, and desirous of the establishment and preservation of order;
-they observed with great anxiety the impending crisis, and they
-dreaded the fatal struggle likely to be attempted by the party of the
-restoration. All these experienced minds were well acquainted with
-Charles X.; they knew that with all the advantages of his chivalrous
-disposition, his undoubted uprightness of mind, his thoroughly
-French character, he still had an unfortunate inclination for _coups
-d'état_, and extravagant actions that might compromise the safety of
-his government. The _corps diplomatique_ were equally uneasy, and
-confidential communications took place between them and the political
-party, expressing their sense of the danger and agitation likely to be
-caused by a _coup d'état_; they were consequently less surprised than
-alarmed by the promulgation of the _ordonnances_ of July. The political
-party held itself in reserve during the popular crisis, and when order
-was a little restored, it confined itself to giving a monarchical bias
-to society, as the only means of preserving France from a foreign or
-domestic war. As soon as the charter had restored the balance of power,
-and the monarchical form of government, M. Pasquier was appointed
-president of the chamber of peers.
-
-He had hardly taken his seat before he had to encounter the trial of
-the ministers of Charles X., the chamber of peers having been converted
-into a court of justice. We must look back upon the feelings of that
-time, and remember the storm of passion that roared around,--the tumult
-that was excited! Those parties who seek their own advantage in every
-thing wanted to profit by the solemnity of these trials to occasion
-disorder; this sovereign people, these heroes of the barricades,
-thirsted after the blood of the imprudent ministers of Charles X.;
-shouts and yells were heard recalling the days of horror of the first
-revolution, the national guard was devoid of energy, and the troops of
-the line discouraged by the check they had received at the barricades.
-Matters were in this state, when the chamber of peers was called upon
-to deliberate in the midst of tumult and disorder, and history will
-confess that it proved itself worthy of better times, by refusing to
-sanction the sanguinary vengeance so loudly demanded by the populace.
-Some degree of strength of mind and courage was required, when crowds
-of people, agitated like a troubled sea, threatened to invade the
-Luxembourg and assassinate all the members of the chamber; nevertheless
-the peers resisted, and a sentence of imprisonment alone was
-pronounced, which could hardly be considered as a punishment, because
-in seasons of political troubles, if people escape with their lives,
-there is no doubt that in due time the popular fury will subside, and
-permit their restoration to liberty and civil existence. The prudence
-and talents of M. Pasquier did admirable service to the cause of
-justice and order at this juncture.
-
-It was no doubt to reward the spirit of moderation evinced by the
-peers on this occasion, that the parties made haste to deprive them
-of their right to hereditary succession. The first blow aimed at the
-importance of this assembly was evidently the clause in the charter,
-which annulled the peerages created by Charles X. The peerage was thus
-deprived of its indelible character, it was now no more than an office
-capable of being revoked, and of which one might be deprived almost
-like a prefecture; what sort of aristocracy could be formed of such
-elements? The next step was to take away the hereditary transmission
-of the peerage, _majorats_ were abolished, it was reduced to a mere
-office for life, without power or influence upon the government. From
-the time the peers consented to vote away their hereditary rights,
-they became a mere council of elders, a kind of chapel of ease to the
-chamber of deputies; the chamber of peers was converted into a sort of
-noble hospital, where the wounded among the old political or military
-ranks might seek repose. The chamber of peers no longer possessed
-inviolability, hereditary rank, or property; from henceforth it could
-no longer be an aristocratic body capable of resisting a democratic
-impulse, but its sole greatness must consist in the superiority of
-intelligence, the extensive experience, and great political ability it
-possessed, and which no other body could dispute with it.
-
-Parties were not yet overcome, and a despairing effort had been made
-by the republican party in the streets of Paris: the sword of justice
-still hung suspended over many of the accused, and in virtue of the
-charter all these offences were referred for trial to the chamber of
-peers. It was said at that time in the newspapers, and even at the
-tribune, that these trials would not take place; "It was impossible,"
-repeated they, "that the accused should be summoned before an old
-worn-out body, like the chamber of peers." I must mention that
-M. Pasquier's personal opinion had in the first instance been in
-favour of an amnesty, and he wrote a memorial in which his motives
-were clearly explained, but when the government decided that course
-to be impossible, he comprehended the full extent of his duty as
-a magistrate. People may recollect the firmness, the gravity, the
-patience, even the haughtiness exhibited by the president of the court,
-during these debates; he retained his superiority over these excited
-and straightforward minds, and over the hearts of the young men who
-were animated by patriotism and elevation of feeling. Not a single
-sentence of death was pronounced, all the punishments were mild, and
-the prisoners were able to profit by the amnesty shortly afterwards
-granted to the solicitations of M. Pasquier.
-
-The trial of Fieschi was going on almost at the same time, after the
-atrocious crime which had filled Paris with horror and bloodshed.
-History will, perhaps, deprecate the too great consideration exhibited
-towards Fieschi, and blame the undue attention shewn to that sanguinary
-mountebank, who declaimed at the bar of justice like a street orator.
-One of the prisoners alone had something remarkable in his appearance
-and character; this was the aged Morey, a faithful specimen of the
-old Jacobins, whose erroneous opinions are deserving of pity, because
-he sealed them with his blood. This abuse was remedied in the affair
-of Alibeau, by assigning a subordinate rank to that miserable trial,
-with which the chamber of peers was burdened. On this occasion the
-scene was restrained within due proportions, the reward of celebrity
-was no longer conferred upon all those who dreamed of murder and
-assassination, and the alteration produced so good an effect, that
-during the last trial, that of Meunier, public curiosity was scarcely
-excited, and the crime was abandoned to its proper obscurity.
-
-The great exertions M. Pasquier was compelled to make injured his
-health, but had no effect upon the great qualities of his mind, or
-upon the activity and skill in the management of affairs, which always
-particularly distinguished men of the political party. I believe no
-circumstance of importance has occurred during the last seven years,
-upon which he has not been consulted. It is said he exercised great
-influence on the formation of Casimir Perier's ministry; at all events,
-his habit of preparing memorials, and of examining closely into all the
-circumstances likely to produce any striking effect upon public life,
-has often decided the resolutions of government, and his connexion with
-the cabinet, and with the principal diplomatic characters, has always
-facilitated the direction of affairs. He rarely takes them in hand
-himself, but, like Talleyrand, he makes people act without personally
-appearing; occupying thus, perhaps, a more elevated position than if
-he were openly at the head of the government.
-
-He is a man of great experience and of extreme readiness of mind; add
-to which, I never knew a man more assiduously devoted to his work;
-and it is worthy of remark, that at the very time he was engaged in
-taking part in all the most active and violent questions of government,
-he found leisure to write more than twenty volumes upon the history
-of his own times. His positive determination not to allow any of his
-manuscripts to see the light during his lifetime, and even to forbid
-too early a publication of them after his death, is a sure pledge of
-the perfect independence of men and circumstances, with which he has
-devoted himself to so great a work. This constant habit of occupation,
-and study of facts, enlarges the ideas, and nothing gives a more
-exalted tone to the minds of statesmen. In the present day we are apt
-to throw ourselves into political life without any preliminary study;
-and because we know how to write a few sentences, or that we have
-uttered a few words at the tribune, we consider ourselves equal to
-the task of governing a country. Far different is the English method!
-Political life among our neighbours is a great duty, an entire and
-constant devotion to the subject; history, diplomacy, administration,
-in fact every thing must be learned by a public man who aspires to the
-honour of the ministry, or to a confidential situation for the service
-of his country.
-
-M. Pasquier had attained his sixty-eighth year at the time he was
-invested with the dignity of chancellor of France, he had been
-president of the chamber of peers ever since the revolution of July.
-
-This elevated situation was well suited to a Pasquier, the descendant
-of a family which had held magisterial office for the last two
-centuries, and the present chancellor answers perfectly to the idea his
-ancestors had formed of the office he holds.
-
-There are few men in modern times who, like the magistrates of
-old, devote a certain portion of their leisure hours to study and
-to writing; all their country residences and their thick forests
-are redolent of their recollections and their learning; such are
-Malesherbes, Baville, and Champlâtreux.
-
-M. Pasquier's private life is very simple; he inhabits the apartments
-of the _petit château_ at the Luxembourg, leaving the great palace
-to M. Decaze. No person is easier of access; he speaks rapidly, and
-apprehends and resolves questions with admirable perspicuity; his
-habits are very industrious, and reading is his favourite occupation;
-there is no time thrown away with him, for he contrives to make even
-his visits a matter of business.
-
-Perhaps he has been appreciated as president of the judicial court
-and of the chamber. He exhibits the most perfect impartiality in his
-regulation of the debates in the court of justice. His dislike to
-useless words and lawyers' speeches, which are of no use either to
-direct or enlighten, is very great, and he always exercises a degree
-of firmness without severity, which abridges the proceedings without
-in any way interfering with the defence of the accused. As president
-of the chamber, he never separates himself from an idea or opinion in
-politics: it has been written that the president of a chamber ought not
-to have an opinion, but I think differently, for he is the expression
-of a majority, and essentially the man of a system, and therefore I
-think he ought to form his own opinion; he cannot allow every thing to
-be said or to be done, and it would be very fortunate if the president
-possessed authority to put a stop to all idle debates; we sink under
-the press of words in France, when shall we come to business?
-
-The political school of the restoration, of which M. Pasquier was one
-of the most eminent chiefs, is gradually disappearing; it was the
-heir of the moral and intellectual portion of the empire, and must
-have afforded great strength of support to the Bourbons. Every time
-that adverse parties have seized the reins of government by means
-of its expulsion, the most serious catastrophes have ensued; it is
-fortunate for the existence of kingdoms, and to preserve them from
-dangers occasioned by the prevalence of excitement, that some men of
-sense and reflection still exist, of a calm and prophetic turn of
-mind, who render the transition between one system and another almost
-imperceptible, and contrive that, in our capricious country, the
-only definitive system should have been linked with moderation and a
-constitutional government, which assumes its proper superiority after a
-long struggle of adverse parties.
-
-
-
-
-THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
-
-
-The life of the Duke of Wellington forms, for England, a sort of
-epitome of the glorious career of the Tory party. The venerable chief
-of the British armies is not only endowed with extraordinary abilities
-in military operations, he also possesses a cool head in politics,
-and a wise and pre-eminently moderate mind. Few publications have
-produced so deep and lively an impression as the "Despatches of the
-Duke of Wellington, during the various Periods of his Military Command,
-from India to Waterloo." It changed and modified all party opinions
-concerning his character; Whigs and Tories were equally struck with the
-forethought of his measures and the temperate current of his ideas,
-both in the most difficult and the most varied situations, while in
-power as well as during the time of war.
-
-In France, opinions do not progress so fast, and people are still full
-of prejudices concerning the talents and character of this great man.
-The remains of the Buonaparte faction still affect us, and disfigure
-history. His power of organisation and his restoration of the elements
-of society, are not the qualities for which Napoleon's genius is
-considered especially worthy of admiration, but people want to prove
-impossibilities, even to the detriment of his fame; and the Duke of
-Wellington is sacrificed to the resentments inspired by the battle of
-Waterloo. We have been distinguished enough on the field of battle,
-and our country has produced names sufficiently known to fame not
-to make it necessary for us to sacrifice upon the tomb of Napoleon
-all the rival reputations which opposed obstacles to his career. The
-careful perusal of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches first caused me
-to rectify my ideas concerning the man who has both filled the first
-military place in his native land, and has also been, in the present
-times, at the head of a powerful and organising party in the affairs of
-government.
-
-When you study with attention the splendid English engravings that
-represent the misfortunes and downfall of Tippoo Saib, surrounded
-by his mourning family; when you gaze upon the magnificent Indian
-scenery, steaming with heat and moisture, the feathery palm-trees,
-the elephants with their gilded howdahs, the black Sepoys in European
-costume, intermingled with the English troops, whose cool determined
-spirit and military resignation are stamped upon their countenance;
-while in the back-ground appear the high walls of Seringapatam, and
-their heavy cannon breathing forth slaughter and defiance; in these
-scenes, amidst the wreaths of smoke and the gleaming of scimetars, the
-figure of a young officer may be discerned, with a calm countenance,
-quiet and reserved manners, and the meditative look which presages a
-great destiny:--that officer is Sir Arthur Wellesley, since then so
-celebrated as the Duke of Wellington.
-
-Sir Arthur, the fourth son of Gerard Colley Wellesley earl of
-Mornington, and of Anne Hill, daughter of Viscount Duncannon, was born
-at Dungan Castle, on the 1st of May, 1769, one year after that which
-gave birth to Napoleon; it was a period fertile in great geniuses of
-all kinds, who came to humanise and to add greatness to the times of
-the Revolution. Sir Arthur was brought up at Eton, and afterwards went
-to the military college of Angers in France: our country at that time
-possessed the best military establishments and the most frequented
-universities; and I have already observed that Prince Metternich and
-Benjamin Constant were educated at Strasbourg.
-
-Arthur Wellesley entered the army at an early age, and obtained
-a commission in the 41st Foot; in 1793 he purchased the
-lieutenant-colonelcy of the 33d regiment, and made part of the
-expedition to Ostend against the French republic, where he commanded,
-at the age of twenty-four years, a brigade in the retreat from Holland
-under the Duke of York. The English dominions are so vast, that it
-is by no means uncommon to see men even of the noblest families sent
-from one extremity of the earth to the other in the service of their
-country, and young Arthur Wellesley embarked for Jamaica; but the
-fleet was driven back by a tempest, and after recruiting his regiment
-in Ireland, the young officer found his destination had been altered;
-and he was now directed to proceed with it to the banks of the Ganges,
-with his brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who had been appointed
-governor-general of India. He distinguished himself greatly in the
-war with Tippoo, that noble ally of France and of Louis XVI; and was
-present at the taking of Seringapatam, at the head of the auxiliary
-troops furnished by the Nizam; he was afterwards acting as governor of
-the conquered city in 1800, when Dhoondiah Waugh, an Indian adventurer,
-made an incursion into the Company's territory at the head of 5000
-horse.
-
-Imagination carries us back to the times of the "Arabian Nights," when
-we turn our attention upon the power of the English in India, with
-their immense establishments among the Hindoos and Mahrattas, and the
-vast capitals of Calcutta and Madras, almost as highly civilised as
-Paris or London; where habits of extreme softness and indolence prevail
-in the midst of active military life.
-
-Shall we long continue to be dazzled by that fairy land, sparkling with
-diamonds and rubies? I think so; for no government possesses all the
-qualities necessary to insure the colonisation of distant countries
-in so eminent a degree as the noble and elevated system pursued by
-England. People constantly talk of the projects of Russia: what need
-has she of extending her conquests? These are dreams only fit for the
-period of the empire under Napoleon. Russia and England are united by
-the most powerful of all bonds, that of commerce.
-
-Sir Arthur Wellesley distinguished himself in the war against the
-Mahrattas, and was appointed to the command of 12,000 men destined to
-attack the enemy's country. Owing to the sagacity of the measures he
-pursued, in order to secure the movements and subsistence of the troops
-during his long march, he accomplished this difficult campaign, though
-undertaken at a very unfavourable season, with hardly any loss.
-
-Buonaparte at this time occupied Egypt; and it is rather a curious
-circumstance that Sir Arthur's name was suggested for the command of
-the expedition which was to embark from Calcutta, cross the Isthmus
-of Suez, and attack the French in the Desert. Had the appointment
-taken place, young Wellesley would have been called upon, at the
-very commencement of his career, to encounter the General Buonaparte
-whose power as Emperor was finally annihilated by him on the plains
-of Waterloo. The Indian campaign of this year is remarkable, because
-the Company had to encounter the combined forces of Scindiah and the
-Rajah of Becar. They were attacked by Sir Arthur near the fortified
-village of Assaye, which has given its name to the battle. He destroyed
-Scindiah's cavalry, defeated the infantry of the Rajah of Becar on the
-plains of Argaum, and seized the fortress of Gawoneilgar,[32] which
-was quickly followed by the submission of the two chiefs. A monument,
-in memory of the battle of Assaye, was erected at Calcutta. The
-inhabitants of that city presented the victorious general with a sword
-of the value of 1000_l._, and the officers of his army subscribed for a
-golden vase, still preserved by the Duke at Apsley House. The English
-parliament also passed a vote of thanks, and the king conferred upon
-him the order of the Bath. A person should read the first part of the
-Duke of Wellington's Despatches to be able to form a correct idea of
-the perils of this campaign and the precautions necessary to be taken,
-as well as of the moderation and judgment displayed in his orders.
-
- [32] Gawilghur.--_Ed._
-
-The Duke of Wellington thus commenced his military career in India. He
-returned to England in 1805, to take the command of a brigade in the
-army about to proceed to the Continent, under Lord Cathcart; Germany
-being now the destination of the general who had lately gathered
-laurels on the burning plains of Hindostan. The expedition, however,
-was recalled, in consequence of the glorious victory obtained by
-Napoleon at Austerlitz, which caused the death of Mr. Pitt; for in
-England, that country of noble and elevated feelings, the destruction
-of a great enterprise breaks the heart of a statesman. The political
-life of Wellington dates its commencement from this period. The English
-aristocracy are filled with devotion to their country, and the Tories
-enter into her interests with their whole hearts; indeed, it is by
-no means a rare occurrence in England to see a man at the same time
-a member of parliament and employed on active service, for the life
-of Toryism is essentially patriotic. This intermingling of political
-situations and duties with military customs leads to the habits of
-order and method observable in the majorities and minorities that occur
-upon parliamentary questions; people obey their party or their opinions
-as they would their commanding officer. In 1806 the town of Newport, in
-the Isle of Wight, elected Sir Arthur as their representative in the
-House of Commons, and in the same year he married Miss Pakenham, sister
-to the Earl of Longford; shortly after which he was appointed secretary
-to Ireland under the Duke of Richmond. He commanded the reserve of the
-army under Lord Cathcart during the expedition to Copenhagen, which
-occasioned such stormy debates in parliament; and the capitulation of
-the city, an affair discussed, settled, and signed in the course of
-one night, was entrusted to him. By the terms of this capitulation the
-whole of the Danish fleet fell into the hands of the English. Upon this
-occasion an unanimous vote of thanks to the army was passed in both
-houses of parliament, and the Speaker of the House of Commons addressed
-the general individually when he again took his seat after his return
-to England.
-
-The theatre of war was gradually increasing, and, in 1808, Sir Arthur
-received orders to embark for Corunna and oppose the victorious
-armies of France, now assembled under chiefs whose fame resounded
-through the whole of Europe; for Spain had been invaded, and England
-sought to measure her strength in the field with that of Napoleon.
-The fleet was directed towards Oporto, and Sir Arthur effected his
-landing in Portugal in the face of the brave regiments of the great
-army, at the time when Junot was assuming a regal position at Lisbon:
-the monarchy of the house of Braganza appeared at this period like a
-brilliant ring, which was successively fitted on the finger of all the
-adventurous chiefs, despatched as a sort of disgrace to Portugal by
-Napoleon. General Junot compromised the army by his want of capacity
-and his vain pretensions, and the 21st of August was marked by the
-battle of Vimiera, where the attack was commenced by the French. The
-complete destitution of the army rendered a treaty necessary, and by
-the miserable capitulation, called the Convention of Cintra, it was
-agreed that the French should evacuate Portugal and return into France
-with their arms and baggage. Sir Arthur did not sign this convention,
-and the real author of it, Sir Hew Dalrymple, being violently attacked
-by the opposition, Sir Arthur quitted the army to be present at the
-debates, and at the trial of Sir Hew by a court-martial. The Convention
-of Cintra has been greatly blamed by Lord Byron in his poem of "Childe
-Harold." Dalrymple was deprived of his command, and he was succeeded
-by Sir Arthur Wellesley, who landed at Lisbon on the 22d of August,
-1809. By the direction of Napoleon, the most bitter ridicule was
-cast upon him in the _Moniteur_; those wretched declamations against
-his adversaries were a weak and contemptible trait in the emperor's
-character, shewing a spirit of littleness in the midst of all his great
-qualities. The following is the article he dictated in Paris, with a
-mixture of folly and presumption:--
-
-"We are very well pleased Lord Wellington should command the armies,
-for, with the disposition he evinces, he will meet with great
-catastrophes.... Sir John Moore and Lord Wellington shew no symptoms
-of the provident forethought which is so essential a quality in
-warlike operations, which leads people to do nothing but what they can
-maintain, and to undertake nothing but what offers a probability of
-success: Lord Wellington has not shewn more talent than the cabinet
-of St. James's. To attempt to support Spain against France, and to
-enter into a struggle with France upon the Continent, is to form an
-enterprise which will cost dear to those who have attempted it, and
-occasion them nothing but disasters."
-
-It must certainly be admitted, that Sir Arthur had no longer to contend
-with an inexperienced general like Junot, the command of the army of
-Portugal having been conferred upon Marshal Soult, an old soldier, who
-would not fail to display the perfect knowledge of military tactics
-which had raised him to the highest rank in his profession. The
-uncertain battle of Talavera de la Reyna was celebrated in England as a
-most decisive victory; great enthusiasm was excited, and, in spite of
-the speeches of the opposition, a vote of thanks to the English general
-was passed by both houses of parliament, and a pension of 2000_l._ per
-annum was settled upon him; he was also raised to the peerage by the
-title of Viscount Wellington of Talavera. The junta of Cadiz, which
-had hitherto opposed him from motives of pride and national feeling,
-now offered him the rank and allowances of captain-general of the
-Spanish army; but Lord Wellington declined accepting any thing but a
-present of a few horses of the Andalusian breed, which the Spaniards,
-in the name of Ferdinand VII., offered him for his stud. The conduct
-of the commander of the British armies on this occasion was quite in
-keeping with the English character; he considered a few fine horses,
-of a noble breed, as his most distinguished trophy. The rapid march
-of Marshals Soult and Ney from Salamanca into Estramadura compelled
-him to retreat as quickly as he had advanced; he therefore crossed the
-Tagus, and took up a strong position to defend the passage at Almarez
-and the lower part of the river. He was now destined to encounter the
-two most remarkable lieutenants of Napoleon; for Massena, in his turn,
-had entered Portugal, and commenced operations by the sieges of Almeida
-and Ciudad Rodrigo.
-
-The Duke of Wellington, in his old age, takes pleasure in talking over
-the campaign of Portugal at Apsley House, because he there offered a
-powerful resistance to the French army, displayed the most consummate
-strategic skill, and was opposed to the most renowned marshals of the
-empire; first Soult and Massena, and afterwards Marmont, who, though
-skilful in his arrangements, was always unfortunate, and Ney, the
-boldest and most adventurous of them all. The Duke of Wellington has
-caused drawings to be made of the celebrated lines of Torres Vedras,
-whose plan he traced himself, and had executed with a rapidity and
-perseverance that appear almost to belong to fabulous times. They were
-intended to protect Lisbon, and extended from the sea to the Tagus,
-at the point where the river, being about six miles broad, defended
-them as completely as the sea itself. They were constructed with so
-much secrecy, that Marmont was struck with amazement at the sight of
-them; and the English system of tactics, which consists in taking up a
-fortified position, was displayed on this occasion in all its glory.
-The brave Massena passed nearly six months before these lines,--this
-magnificent military work, roaming like a chafed lion desirous of
-engaging with his enemy around these masses of granite, and the waters
-of the great river, almost as vast as the sea. The old general of the
-Italian campaign expected reinforcements from France, but he received
-no assistance either in men or provisions--a circumstance which must
-have rendered his retreat to the frontiers of Spain very difficult to
-accomplish. The Duke of Wellington always does justice to the skill
-of Marshals Soult and Massena; and, in speaking of them in present
-times, he acknowledges them both to have been men of great military
-capacity. The English general again received the thanks of both houses
-of parliament on this occasion; an additional subsidy was voted him,
-and the title of Marquis of Torres Vedras was conferred upon him,
-to perpetuate the memory of the military resistance that had saved
-Portugal.
-
-At this period the English government lavished marks of gratitude upon
-its generals, in order to excite them to fresh acts of self-devotion;
-and England already discerned in the Duke of Wellington a man capable
-of coping with the power of Napoleon. An attempt had been at first made
-to institute a comparison between Admiral Nelson and the Emperor, and
-after his death at Trafalgar the Duke of Wellington succeeded him in
-public estimation; such, at least, was the opinion expressed and acted
-upon by the British parliament.
-
-The English army were guilty of many faults, from the time of the
-blockade of Almeida up to the siege of Badajos; and the battle of
-Fuentes d'Onoro was a severe lesson for their commander. The juntas
-were not favourably disposed towards England, in spite of which Lord
-Wellington had organised the Portuguese army, and placed it on a firm
-military footing; and every thing at Lisbon was already under the
-influence of England, which furnished provisions, artillery, clothing,
-and arms. The Tagus was now occupied by a formidable English fleet,
-and from this time forth the cabinet of London gradually extended its
-influence in the Peninsula; in fact, Lisbon was actually in a state of
-vassalage, and commercial relations contributed their share towards
-strengthening the military bonds which war had imposed with such mighty
-power.
-
-Lord Wellington passed the Tagus to prevent supplies of provisions and
-ammunition being thrown into Ciudad Rodrigo, which was now the central
-point of the military operations; and the city was carried by storm
-after a siege of ten days.[33] Fortune had ceased to smile on Napoleon;
-Massena had been recalled, and Marshal Soult shortly after him, leaving
-Marmont, who was always unfortunate; while the Duke of Wellington, on
-the contrary, had just succeeded in overcoming the repugnance of the
-regency of Cadiz, by whom, after the taking of Badajos,[34] he was
-created a grandee of Spain of the first class, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo,
-and commander-in-chief of the Spanish army. The English parliament also
-voted him an additional pension of 2000_l._ per annum.
-
- [33] 20th January, 1812.
-
- [34] 7th April, 1812.
-
-Badajos was taken by storm some months after the fall of Ciudad
-Rodrigo, and our eagles veiled their heads before the British armies.
-His flanks being secured, Lord Wellington crossed the Tagus and entered
-Castile; his means were very superior to those of his antagonists;
-besides which the generals did not agree in opinion, and the court was
-totally devoid of energy: Napoleon was not there to interpose his will,
-which bore down all opposition. The battle of Salamanca,[35] which
-decided the fate of Spain, took place shortly after. Lord Wellington
-hastened on, with forced marches, towards Valladolid, and turning
-suddenly to the right he made a bold movement towards Madrid, while
-Joseph Buonaparte retreated to Burgos. I cannot imagine what induced
-Napoleon to send Marshal Jourdan as a military guide to his brother,
-for he was the most inferior of all his captains, and the Emperor had
-greatly ridiculed his first revolutionary successes. Lord Wellington
-again received the thanks of parliament on this occasion, the Prince
-Regent conferred upon him the title of marquis, and the House of
-Commons voted him the sum of 100,000_l_.
-
- [35] 24th July, 1812.
-
-It is necessary to enter into these details to understand the source
-of the political fortune of the Duke of Wellington. We here see that
-all his rank, his honours, even his income, are derived from the field
-of battle. The rewards granted by parliament were profuse, because it
-was of the highest importance to create a military existence capable
-of opposing the wonderful fortunes of Napoleon. At this time, Marshal
-Soult, who had raised the siege of Cadiz and abandoned Andalusia,
-made so well-arranged a movement in concert with the main body of
-General Souham's army, that Lord Wellington's line of communication
-was compromised; he was compelled to make a precipitate retreat, and
-Marshal Soult resumed a glorious offensive position.
-
-The English general having here forgotten the prudent system he usually
-observed, for two days his whole army was exposed to the enemy, and
-it is evident, from this circumstance, that the Duke of Wellington's
-talent for defensive measures was greater than for an active military
-campaign.[36] He never appeared to understand how to observe an exact
-medium between the well-considered temerity, which seizes upon a fault
-for the chance it affords of success, and the prudence which foresees
-all the chances that may occur, even in a bad position.
-
- [36] Witness Assaye, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, Vittoria,
- &c.--_Editor._
-
-In order to complete the deliverance of the Peninsula, Lord Wellington
-in January 1813, repaired to Cadiz, to communicate in person with
-the regency; by this step all doubts were dispelled, and the Spanish
-army, after being better organised, was placed under his immediate
-command. He was tenaciously regardful of his title of generalissimo,
-and explained his plan for the campaign at the head of the combined
-army of England, Spain, and Portugal, as far as Vittoria, where the
-battle took place which was so fatal to our arms in the Peninsula,
-and where every thing was taken by the English, even to the treasure
-of Joseph Buonaparte. The utter incapacity of Marshal Jourdain, and
-the avidity of some of the French generals, were among the principal
-causes of this misfortune; and the efforts made to save the treasure
-occasioned the destruction of the army. All the family of Napoleon, by
-whom he was surrounded, being incapable of comprehending his glory,
-only served to endanger his fortune; and when the day of misfortune
-has arrived, what power can arrest the torrent? The battle of Vittoria
-procured for Lord Wellington the elevated rank of field-marshal, so
-rarely conferred in England; and it opened the road of the Pyrenees to
-the Coalition. It was when approaching Pampeluna and St. Sebastian,
-that the English general unfolded his plan of carrying the war into
-France. Soult had again taken the command of the French troops on the
-Bidassoa; for Napoleon had found it necessary to despatch from the
-field of Bautzen, a marshal of skill and ability to the point most
-threatened with danger, and the army in Spain was in a state of utter
-confusion. Lord Wellington extended his line to Bayonne, after having
-carried the position of Nivelle: it was certainly a wonderful war,
-full of strategy! Marshal Soult displayed great skill in the manner in
-which he manœuvred before a superior force, which only advanced when
-prudence permitted; and thus the two armies remained for nearly two
-months, watching each other's motions, but prevented by the severity of
-the season, and the dreadful state of the roads, from proceeding any
-farther. Soult made an attempt to imitate the lines of Torres Vedras
-on the frontiers of France, and erected formidable intrenchments near
-Bayonne; but Lord Wellington, without attacking them in front, turned
-them by the right, and thus compelled his antagonist to abandon them.
-
-The name of France inspired even the Allies with so much respect,
-that they could not avoid a feeling of hesitation as to entering
-her territories. When, however, we look back upon the early ages of
-the French monarchy, we find that English troops had more than once
-distinguished themselves on the plains of Gascony; and the exploits of
-the Black Prince are interwoven with the feudal history of Guienne.
-The Emperor's orders to Marshal Soult were to retreat very slowly, and
-to endeavour as far as possible to avert the progress of the English,
-Spanish, and Portuguese troops, by constant skirmishes. He had himself
-entered into a treaty with Ferdinand VII., in the hope of separating by
-this means the Spanish army from the Anglo-Portuguese force under Lord
-Wellington.
-
-Matters were, however, too far advanced to admit of the realisation
-of these political plans, for the Pyrenees were already passed. After
-the battle of Orthes the French army was unable to maintain the road
-to Bourdeaux, and Lord Wellington, in concert with Marshal Beresford,
-was obliged to give a decided opinion concerning the inclination
-in favour of the Bourbons, which began to manifest itself in the
-southern provinces. On this occasion he assumed a political position
-for the first time; until now he had been merely a general officer,
-exhibiting some degree of dexterity in his negotiations with the junta
-of Cadiz, but the events of 1814 were evidently assuming a decisive
-character fraught with great importance. Would he be justified in
-giving a political impulse in favour of the restoration of Louis
-XVIII., and what were the orders of his government on this subject when
-the Allies were engaged in negotiation at Chaumont? Lord Wellington
-permitted the full and energetic manifestation of the public feeling;
-and Marshal Beresford made no objections to the white flag being
-hoisted. The empire was gradually declining from the northern to the
-southern extremity of the kingdom; and letters were received from Lord
-Castlereagh, informing the chief of the English armies of the events
-that had taken place in Paris. The battle of Toulouse was fought a few
-days afterwards, a melancholy and useless sacrifice of human life,--for
-it was incapable of arresting the progress of the coalesced armies;
-in fact, all was now over, the restoration was completed, and Louis
-XVIII. in the act of re-entering his capital. The English remained in
-possession of Toulouse, and the peace of 1814 was concluded by all the
-allied powers.
-
-Lord Wellington took no part in this treaty, for he was then possessed
-of no political influence, his life being entirely military; and Lord
-Castlereagh, then at the head of the cabinet, was not inclined to yield
-his ministerial influence to any one. When, however, the congress was
-assembled at Vienna, the Duke of Wellington, who had been received with
-the utmost enthusiasm in England, attended this meeting of crowned
-heads, to exhibit the grandeur of his country, and recall to mind
-the services he had rendered to the common cause. The talent he had
-displayed in the Peninsular war, and the perseverance he had exhibited
-during that long struggle, had cast a halo round his person, and
-greatly excited the public curiosity concerning him. He was at that
-time forty-five years of age, cold and reserved in his manners, but
-attaching some value to the attention shewn him by some of the ladies
-at Vienna; an immense number of entertainments were given to him, and
-it is well known that no city in Europe offers so many resources for
-those inclined to pleasure and dissipation.
-
-In the midst of all these amusements the congress was startled by the
-fall of the thunderbolt,--news was received of the landing of Napoleon
-in the gulf of Juan! It was necessary immediate recourse should be had
-to military measures, and without a moment's hesitation the direction
-of the operations was entrusted to the Duke of Wellington, as the
-person most capable of opposing Napoleon; besides which, as Great
-Britain gave the impulse to the European league, it was necessary to
-give her a pledge of their sincerity, and the title of generalissimo,
-conferred upon the Duke, was undoubtedly due to him, in consideration
-of the subsidies which the English parliament were about to vote for
-the advantage of Europe. After a hurried journey to England, Wellington
-returned with all speed to the Low Countries, to decide in concert
-with Field-marshal Blucher upon the plan of his campaign; and when
-opposed to the powerful army of Napoleon, he followed the same system
-he had been accustomed to pursue in Spain; that is to say, he assumed a
-defensive attitude, in a well-chosen position. His military reputation
-had commenced with the lines of Torres Vedras, and was destined to
-reach its zenith at Waterloo;--thus shewing that the whole of a man's
-destiny is sometimes comprehended between two ideas.
-
-I shall not enter here into military details, but content myself
-with observing that the battle of Waterloo was a perfect type of the
-system pursued by two men whose military capacities were entirely
-dissimilar--the Emperor and the Duke of Wellington. Napoleon was
-impetuous, actually sublime, when advancing to attack his enemy; but
-disordered and devoid of reflection in a retreat. The Duke, on the
-contrary, was timid, watchful, and undecided during an active campaign,
-to such a degree that he endangered the safety of his troops whenever
-he attempted a bold movement; but he was at the same time cool and
-collected, and accustomed to avail himself of every advantage when
-acting on the defensive. The attack made by Buonaparte at Waterloo
-recalled the battles of Wagram and Austerlitz, while the Duke of
-Wellington again saw the lines of Torres Vedras in the intrenched
-position of Mont St. Jean.
-
-The influence of the Duke of Wellington naturally increased after
-this great battle; he was advancing at the head of a victorious army,
-and though Blucher did not actually fill a subordinate situation, yet
-the Duke, from his being covered with the glory of Waterloo, could
-not fail to exercise a considerable influence over the mind of the
-Prussian generalissimo. At last, when they approached Paris, all the
-revolutionary party, with Fouché at their head, came to meet the Duke,
-considering him as the supreme arbiter, whose word was to decide upon
-the fate of France. Fouché opened an active negotiation with him for
-the occupation of France; and the noble Duke, in a conversation with
-Louis XVIII., recommended the ministry of Talleyrand and Fouché, as the
-only one capable of bringing about an union between royalty and the
-liberty obtained by the revolution. Was the Duke mistaken? or was he
-duped? Whichever may have been the case, the coalition fell to pieces
-almost immediately, and the powerful and long-continued ascendency
-of Lord Castlereagh and the English government was replaced by the
-personal influence of the Emperor Alexander. Talleyrand was succeeded
-by the Duke de Richelieu.
-
-By the treaty concluded in the month of November 1815, it had been
-stipulated that an army of occupation should remain in France; and
-it was placed under the command of the Duke of Wellington, without
-making any distinction among the contingents furnished by the different
-powers. He was also appointed inspector of the fortresses in the Low
-Countries, which were erected as advanced posts against France, and
-with the money levied upon her. The generalissimo resided in Paris,
-where he saw a good deal of Louis XVIII.; and his English principles
-were in perfect agreement with a system of moderation and freedom. He
-possessed an honest and upright heart, and a habit of judging with ease
-and simplicity of the state of events; and we must do him the justice
-to say, that when on various occasions he was constituted arbiter of
-the claims of the Allies, he almost invariably gave his opinion in
-favour of our unfortunate country. Even when he was consulted, more
-than once, upon the possibility of diminishing the army of occupation,
-he declared that the state of the public mind in France would permit
-this relief to be granted, which the suffering condition of the country
-rendered imperatively necessary. At this period, when the Duke of
-Wellington was engaged in rendering us most essential service, the
-Buonapartist spirit armed a fanatic against his life, and a pistol
-was fired actually into his carriage. The Duke escaped unhurt; and I
-deeply regret that Napoleon, in his will written at St. Helena, should
-have degraded himself to such a degree as to award a recompense to the
-miscreant who had thus attacked his former military adversary. Conduct
-like this communicates a stain which cannot be effaced even from the
-most renowned characters in history.
-
-After the departure of the army of occupation, and the signing of
-the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Duke of Wellington quitted Paris;
-his military career was at an end, and his political life may be
-said to have just begun: having been raised to a seat in the House
-of Peers,[37] with the rank of duke, in the enjoyment of an immense
-fortune, and decorated with the stars of every order of knighthood in
-Europe, he could hardly fail of possessing a considerable degree of
-influence. But the order of things was now changed in England: during
-the long wars against the French Revolution and Empire, the English
-had shewn extreme energy, and had made great and very judicious use
-of their powerful means, thus enabling the Tories to overcome all the
-difficulties presented by their situation; they were successful because
-they were strongly opposed to all revolutionary principles, and firmly
-resolved to carry out the war. The people had then no time to think of
-internal dissensions, they were breathlessly engaged in incessantly
-recurring struggles, and always hoping for victory; but now that the
-war was at an end, passions were reawakened, and Lord Castlereagh saw
-his power gradually declining, while that of the Whigs and Radicals was
-progressively increasing.
-
- [37] He had long had a seat in the House of Peers, but the mistake
- is very natural for a foreigner.--_Editor._
-
-The Duke of Wellington was a Tory upon principle and family precedent;
-he took his seat in the House of Peers among the Conservatives; and he
-and Lord Aberdeen formed the centre of the Tory benches that supported
-Lord Castlereagh's ministry. He was not an eloquent speaker, but he
-expressed himself with great clearness and precision; and, without
-being a man of a very enlarged mind, he was gifted with an instinctive
-good sense, that enabled him to form an accurate judgment of the
-generality of questions; while, at the same time, he was perfectly _au
-fait_ of the political occurrences and situations of Europe, for he had
-taken a part in too many affairs of importance not to have retained
-a deep impression of them. In short, the Duke of Wellington, as a
-statesman, was less distinguished for the _great_ than for the _good_
-things he had done. His popularity was now on the decline; the time had
-passed away when his carriage was surrounded by crowds of people on his
-return to England after his campaigns, for the Hero of Waterloo was too
-staunch a Tory to be a favourite with the populace. The queen's trial
-had excited public opinion in the highest degree, and every thing was
-progressing rapidly towards reform.
-
-Under circumstances like these, the Duke had little political influence
-except in the diplomatic circle; but he found himself mixed up with
-all the serious continental affairs, in consequence of the important
-part he had formerly played; and he was present at the congress of
-Verona. He preserved a certain degree of influence in foreign affairs
-during Mr. Canning's ministry, although the Whig party was in the
-ascendant. Russia appeared at this time likely to become the rival of
-England; the Greek question caused considerable public excitement, and
-difficulties existed as to fixing the new boundaries of the Hellenic
-territory. Mr. Canning, therefore, considered it necessary a person
-of great consideration should be sent to St. Petersburg, and the Duke
-of Wellington, being held in high estimation by the Emperor Nicholas,
-and having also been actively engaged in most of the questions of
-general interest, it was decided that his mission should be attached
-to the treaty of the sixth of July, which established the independence
-of Greece, and settled her territorial boundaries. It had become
-necessary the business should be finally decided; and as, in England,
-strong prejudices against individuals are never indulged in when
-business is at stake, the Duke of Wellington was selected as being the
-person most capable of being useful.
-
-When he returned to England Mr. Canning was dead; Lord Goderich's
-ministry was struggling feebly with the difficulties it had to
-encounter, and as diplomatic matters were assuming a singularly
-complicated appearance, the king thought it advisable to form a
-Tory ministry of men of capacity and experience. It was composed of
-Mr. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington; and peculiarly
-adapted for resisting any encroachments on the part of Russia. When
-the Duke came seriously to examine into the state of the country, he
-was convinced that one of the first steps necessary to secure the
-efficiency and consistency of his ministry was the emancipation of
-the Catholics. This had long been a favourite idea in his family; and
-Marquis Wellesley[38] had formerly detached himself from George III.
-on this very question. The Duke had no hesitation as to the course
-he was to pursue, and a bill presented to parliament was passed by a
-majority; the Tories were desirous of the glory of originating so just
-and equitable a measure.[39]
-
- [38] Upon this occasion the Duke of Wellington voted against his
- brother's measure.--_Editor._
-
- [39] The editor begs to remind the reader that he is not answerable
- for M. Capefigue's opinions.
-
-The revolution of July, some months afterwards, struck a fatal blow to
-the heart of the Tories; for Radical opinions were already obtaining
-great influence in England. The Duke hastened to recognise the events
-that had taken place, but in his own mind he qualified the proceedings
-with the epithet _untoward_--the same expression he had used concerning
-the battle of Navarino. Had not every thing been overturned and
-altered by this revolution? How, then, was it possible for the Duke
-to contend with a political system which threatened to destroy the
-treaties concluded in 1815? He comprehended the full consequences of
-this change,--nor did he attempt to avert them; but, on the first
-occasion of an equivocal majority, he sent in his resignation, and
-gave up his situation to Lord Grey and the Whigs. As in England all
-political characters are independent of their position, they resign
-it without regret, even for some incidental circumstance. The Duke
-then placed himself at the head of the Conservative party, and of the
-enlightened Tories in the House of Lords; assuming there about the
-same situation as Mr. Peel in the House of Commons. Conservative and
-Tory signify in England men of worth and consistency, who venerate
-the ancient institutions of their country, and do not wish them to
-be interfered with; and it is certainly a magnificent ground for a
-statesman to take up, for he places himself as a barrier to oppose
-all the storms raised by parties. The Duke's Conservative principles
-made him averse to the plan of reform that attacked the ancient
-constitution of England: he continued to observe this steadfastness
-of opinion in the House of Lords; and when, in 1833, the continental
-question again became perplexed, the king proposed forming another
-ministry, in which he was to be included; but on this occasion, with an
-admirable appreciation of existing circumstances, Mr. Peel was placed
-at the head of the cabinet, and the noble Duke only filled a secondary
-place. He considered that a name belonging to the commonalty, like
-that of Mr. Peel, was better suited to the juncture than that of the
-Duke of Wellington or the Earl of Aberdeen. In consequence of this
-arrangement the Duke found himself completely eclipsed by Mr. Peel,
-and he appeared only to have been included in the ministry that he
-might act as its representative in the House of Lords: as it has been
-remarked by an English political writer, he certainly did not form its
-basis, whatever strength and consideration he might have brought to its
-assistance.
-
-Peel's ministry was not of long duration; and the Tories were certainly
-guilty of an oversight in forming this ephemeral cabinet, for nothing
-more deeply injures a party than abortive efforts, or attempts which
-are not crowned with success. The Duke of Wellington resumed his place
-in the House of Lords, and spoke with seriousness and moderation upon
-all the questions of importance that came before them. As I have
-before observed, strong good sense, and clear reasoning, are the
-qualities for which he is especially distinguished, and which carry
-every thing before them. His manner of expressing himself is quiet
-and serious; and he is always listened to with respect and attention.
-His private life is essentially military; and at Apsley House he is
-surrounded by pictures of all his battles, from India to Waterloo.
-His favourite campaign is that of the Peninsula; and one might say
-that the recollections of his youth, under the exhilarating sky of
-the south of Europe, are intermingled with it. The Duke likes the old
-friends, and the society that reminds him of his military adventures;
-he is also very intimate with the _corps diplomatique_, and entertains
-magnificently,--displaying all the splendour of an immense fortune
-and the grandeur of the English aristocracy. Sometimes he speaks with
-bitterness of his past popularity contrasted with the feelings evinced
-towards him in later times; and he has more than once called attention
-to the windows of his palace, now defended by iron gratings against the
-violence of the mob, who threw stones against his windows and into his
-splendidly decorated apartments. "What a contrast!" said he to Pozzo
-di Borgo, in 1834. "Recollect, my dear friend, my popularity after the
-battle of Waterloo, and my entry into London in the year 1815; and now
-see how completely I am out of favour with these people!"
-
-The Duke of Wellington likes to be compared to Marlborough and
-Nelson--the two most illustrious of English heroes; but he avoids all
-comparison with Napoleon, for their two careers are neither on the same
-scale nor can be measured by the same proportion.
-
-The Duke of Wellington, a general essentially attached to the defensive
-system, always knew how to select a favourable position; received
-battle, but very rarely gave it. Every time that he ventured on bold
-measures he was guilty of imprudence; and he only shewed himself
-eminently superior when acting on the defensive.[40] Napoleon, on
-the contrary, was bold and magnificent in the attack; his plans were
-cleverly laid, and were the result of a sudden inspiration,--his
-wonderful genius enabled him to modify them according to circumstances;
-but at the slightest reverse Napoleon was cast down, and his retreat
-was almost always a flight: though his attack was made in the most
-brilliant manner, he knew not how to resist; and in this he personified
-the military genius of the French nation, from the times of Cressy and
-Agincourt. I think it necessary to repeat this parallel, as it is the
-only one that it is possible to draw between Napoleon and the Duke
-of Wellington. Nelson was the only Englishman who carried into naval
-warfare the spirit exhibited by Napoleon in the continental war. Had
-the Emperor lived to the age of the Duke, it would have been curious to
-compare these two great characters at the extreme point of existence.
-
- [40] See Note, page 208.--_Editor._
-
-Since the revolution of 1830, the history of parties and statesmen
-has been greatly developed; Whigs and Tories have in turn been at
-the helm--Lord Grey, Lord Palmerston; Mr. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen;
-affording opportunities of forming a more correct judgment of the
-character and personal value of each. The Tories have now returned into
-power with Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen; but the Duke would not accept
-any office beyond a sort of patronage over the House of Lords.
-
-A parallel may now be drawn between the Whigs and Tories, embracing
-the most distinguished characters among both. Lord Grey left all his
-celebrity as a leader of the opposition, to become a minister of
-mediocrity at the head of the government. Lord Palmerston exhibited so
-much emptiness and folly in his adventurous attempt at liberalism, as
-to lose all his consistency in England. The Tories on the contrary,
-have retained two men of high consideration, whose reputation is
-unblemished, viz. Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen. No man can equal the
-chief of the Tory party in his clear and perspicuous manner of speaking
-of business; and the Earl of Aberdeen possesses in an eminent degree
-a knowledge of foreign affairs and a most extensive acquaintance with
-facts: and this, in truth, constitutes the superiority and the seal of
-the Tory party.
-
-People generally mistake the Duke of Wellington's character, by
-supposing him to feel a dislike to France; on the contrary, he has many
-feelings quite in agreement with our national character and history.
-The Tories, to a greater degree than the Whigs, are persuaded that the
-predominance of France is necessary for the balance of power in Europe;
-they seek all occasions to give a proof of this opinion, and are often
-grieved at the prejudices which exist at the bottom of our character
-against the politics of their cabinet.
-
-The Duke of Wellington has now reached the advanced age of seventy-four
-years, and he seldom speaks in the House of Lords; but when he does
-so his speeches are always worthy of attention, for his words carry
-with them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate statesman.
-His career, which began at so early an age in the burning climate of
-India, has been already several times endangered by sudden attacks
-of illness, from which he has recovered,--thanks to the strength of
-his constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he himself
-corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches, which not only place
-him in the front rank as a _strategic_ writer, but also award him an
-elevated position in the scale of minds imbued with the principles of
-order, government, and administration. Let us repeat it, three men form
-a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr. Peel for the administration,
-Lord Aberdeen for foreign affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for
-military glory and renown. All these three are men of powerful minds.
-
-
-
-
-THE DUC DE RICHELIEU.
-
-
-Among the admirable works that have emanated from the pencil of
-Lawrence, the reader must have observed a countenance with a melancholy
-expression, and a high forehead shaded by locks prematurely blanched;
-the mild intelligent eyes, delicate nose, and firmly compressed mouth,
-are indicative of a mind of a superior order, but at the age of
-scarcely fifty years this countenance, whose nobleness and simplicity
-of expression are remarkable, conveys the idea of a man worn out with
-the troubles and anxieties of life; and I may almost add, by whom
-its vanities and illusions are viewed in their true colours. It is a
-mixture of the Frenchman of noble descent, and of the highest Russian
-nobility, who live so fast. This portrait was painted by Lawrence
-at Aix-le-Chapelle, and the original was distinguished during his
-childhood by the title of Comte de Chinon; in youth he was called Duc
-de Fronsac, and he finally inherited the title of Duc de Richelieu.
-
-The political systems of all ages are personified by certain
-statesmen, who were their representatives. Since the commencement of
-the eighteenth century, France has been constantly placed between two
-preponderating interests; these are, 1st, an alliance with England,
-effected during the regency, and overturned by Louis XV. at Fontenoy;
-then resumed by the treaties of 1783 and 1785; again broken by the
-convention, with expressions of contempt and violence, in 1793; renewed
-for a moment under Talleyrand in 1814, when it was destroyed by the
-personal influence of the Emperor Alexander; and finally restored for
-a short time in 1833, by the feeble treaty between France, England,
-Spain and Portugal. 2dly, the Russian alliance, of more modern date,
-though naturally very suitable to the interests of France. It was first
-attempted by means of the embassy of M. de Ségur, under Louis XVI.;
-was restored by Napoleon at Erfurt, until the disastrous campaign of
-Moscow; resumed in 1815, and supported by the ministries of the Duc
-de Richelieu in 1816, and M. de la Ferronays in 1828, until Prince
-Polignac brought back the English system. After the revolution of July
-the diplomatic projects of Prince Polignac were resumed, with this sole
-difference, that Talleyrand attempted with the Whigs what the ministers
-of Charles X. had endeavoured to effect with the Tories.
-
-I am about to write the life of the Duc de Richelieu as the
-personification of the Russian alliance, which I shall consider in all
-its various stages, from the period of the Restoration; and this is an
-era of very great importance in diplomatic history, for we are living
-under the treaties of 1814 and 1815. Those concluded at Vienna, at
-Aix-la-Chapelle, at Troppau, and Laybach, form the basis of our present
-relations with the rest of Europe.
-
-Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu, well known in his early
-youth under the name of Comte de Chinon, was born at Paris on the 25th
-of September, 1766; his father was the Duc de Fronsac, son of the
-old Marshal Richelieu, and his mother was a daughter of the house of
-Hautefort. Paris was full of the endowments of his ancestor the great
-cardinal, whose purple robe was the glory of his family; and it was
-at the college of Plessis, founded by him, that the Comte de Chinon
-first commenced his education, and was tolerably successful in his
-studies, especially in acquiring the various languages of Europe; for
-he learned to speak Italian, German, and English with facility, and
-at a later period Russian became as familiar to him as French. At the
-age of fourteen he was married to a daughter of the noble house of
-Rochechouart, and the young count and his little wife, who was just
-thirteen years of age, went to travel for some years, according to the
-custom that prevailed at that time among families of rank: he visited
-Italy, the country of the fine arts, to admire the works of the old
-masters, and the ancient cities, whose renown had once overspread the
-world. On the first breaking out of our domestic troubles the young
-nobleman hastened to offer his services to his menaced sovereign, and
-on the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, he proceeded on foot and alone
-to Versailles, and making his way through the assembled mob of ragged
-men and women, he went to warn the court of the danger with which it
-was threatened. As if in anticipation of his future diplomatic career,
-Louis XVI. employed him a few days afterwards on a mission to Joseph
-II., a sovereign who patronised reform; and he discharged it with the
-silent discretion so necessary to be observed in the relations of the
-king with foreigners, at a time when he was so closely watched and
-surrounded by the spies of the people. The Comte de Chinon, under the
-title of Duc de Fronsac, was already distinguished for the uprightness
-of his character; political intrigues did not suit his frank and open
-disposition, and he therefore quitted Vienna and hastened to the siege
-of Ismael, celebrated by Lord Byron in his poem of "Don Juan." Many of
-the French nobility were serving in the armies of Catherine II., and
-the Duc de Fronsac fought by the side of Count Roger de Damas at the
-taking of the redoubt, where, according to the sarcastic rhymes of the
-poet, the cannon that thundered upon the besiegers were as numerous as
-the lovers of the licentious empress. The Duc de Fronsac was slightly
-wounded, and Catherine sent him a gold-hilted sword and the order of
-St. George. He also accepted the rank of Colonel in the Russian army,
-when he inherited the illustrious title of Richelieu upon the death of
-his father.
-
-When Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII., made an appeal to the old
-and noble families among his countrymen, calling upon them to serve
-under the white banner, the Duc de Richelieu joined the army assembled
-to fight for the ancient crown of France; and after the unfortunate
-termination of the campaign of 1792, when the Prince of Condé requested
-an asylum in Russia for the French exiles, he was despatched by the
-Empress Catherine to arrange with the Prince the plan of a colony, to
-be established on the shores of the sea of Azof: it was to consist
-entirely of men of birth, and this idea was of some service when
-the noble foundation of Odessa took place; but in a military crisis
-like this, how was it possible to conceive and follow out a project
-involving a regular system of administration?
-
-At the siege of Valenciennes by the coalesced armies, the Duc de
-Richelieu commanded a company of men of noble birth. There was
-something glorious and honourable in this emigration, which followed
-the fortunes of the royal banner as their ancestors had done that of
-Henry IV; and we must not judge their proceedings according to our
-little party prejudices. After the victorious republic had reconquered
-her frontiers he returned to Russia, and became colonel of a cuirassier
-regiment; but the Emperor Paul was then on the throne, and with his
-usual harshness and brutality of disposition he punished the Duke for
-his personal attachment to the Czarewitch Alexander, by depriving him
-of his regiment; he even went so far as to forbid him to appear at St.
-Petersburg: for with a degree of imperial egotism the Czar expected
-devotion should be exhibited to himself alone. Such being the cause
-of his exile, it is hardly necessary to say, that on the accession of
-Alexander he was restored to his former rank, with every mark of the
-sovereign's favour; and the esteem and confidence entertained for him
-by Alexander, at this early period, was of the greatest service to
-France during the events that took place in the year 1815. Even then
-the Duke was fully sensible of the importance of an alliance between
-France and Russia, two countries whose interests are constantly meeting
-without its being possible they should clash; but at this time people
-could not even dream of the restoration of the royal dynasty--no event
-could appear less likely to occur.
-
-After peace was concluded with Russia in 1801, the Duke took the
-opportunity of returning to France and collecting the remains of the
-enormous fortune of his ancestors, for the sake of paying the debts of
-his father and grandfather, both of whom had greatly involved their
-patrimony by their insane prodigality: this was his _sole_ object; and
-he abandoned the whole of his rights to the creditors, retaining for
-himself nothing of that immense inheritance. It was certainly giving
-evidence of a most noble disposition! The Duc de Richelieu, prime
-minister of Louis XVIII., and great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal,
-did not himself possess an income of more than 20,000 francs![41]
-
-[41] About 800_l._
-
-Buonaparte was at the summit of his consular glory when the illustrious
-name of Richelieu was presented to him; and he who attached a great
-value to names of historic celebrity, and who was also a great admirer
-of the iron-handed minister, offered the Duke employment in his army:
-but he refused it, and is it possible to blame him for so doing?
-He was a man of high and ancient descent, warmly attached to the
-House of Bourbon, and resolved not to serve in a French army except
-under the royal banner: his refusal, however, rendered it necessary
-he should immediately quit Paris; and on his return to the Emperor
-Alexander he was entrusted with the execution of rather a difficult
-task, being appointed to the government of the southern portion of
-that immense empire. All the provinces on the borders of the Black
-Sea had been converted into uncultivated deserts by the ravages of
-war, and the barbarous ignorance of the Mussulman inhabitants rendered
-them incapable of repairing the mischief--in fact, the old Roman
-colonies of the Palus Meotides no longer existed except in name; and
-in repeopling this desert, the closest and most careful surveillance
-was necessary for the purpose of introducing European customs and
-civilisation. In the beginning of 1803, the Duke was appointed Governor
-of Odessa, and he was afterwards employed in the general administration
-of New Russia--a country where the climate is mild and genial, and
-which is like Italy, only devoid of the arts and of cultivation:
-institutions had been commenced, but nothing was completed, and in a
-city of considerable extent there were hardly 5000 inhabitants.[42]
-M. de Richelieu, without the slightest hesitation, had recourse
-to the measures necessary for improving this state of things, even
-though he sometimes offended ancient customs and selfish interests;
-but it is only by means of absolute power that great reforms can be
-accomplished. Every thing appeared to have received new life; commerce,
-set free from the bonds by which she was before shackled, made a rapid
-advance, and the population of Odessa was in a short time doubled. The
-administration of the governor extended from the vast countries of the
-Dniester to the Kouban and the Caucasus; and the colonies of German
-Anabaptists, by whom more than one hundred villages were peopled, first
-set the example of agriculture upon the most enlightened system, so
-that, in a short time, immense fields of corn displayed their waving
-verdure on plains which, formerly, scarcely afforded to the Tartars
-pasturage for their cattle.
-
- [42] Now about 80,000.--_Ed._
-
-It became necessary to establish a sort of feudal system to defend the
-country against the invasions of the Circassians, armed, as in the time
-of the Crusades, with golden helms and knightly mail; and the Duke,
-brave, devoted to his undertaking, and desirous of glory, became the
-military chieftain of the colony. It was impossible the establishments
-on the Black Sea should attain their full greatness until Circassia
-should have submitted to the Russian government; this conquest the
-Russian cabinet is at present accomplishing.[43]
-
- [43] The government of Odessa includes the island of Taman, and
- part of the Caucasian line, inhabited by the Cossacks of the Black
- Sea, who were settled on the Lower Kouban by Potemkin, as a defence
- against the incursions of the Circassians; forming a chain of
- intrenched villages, sufficiently near to communicate by signals,
- and supported by some regiments of infantry and artillery. The
- Circassians have never been able to make any serious impression on
- this line; and the Russians, whose object was purely defensive,
- never even crossed the Kouban with an intention of permanently
- establishing themselves beyond the river till the conclusion of
- the last Turkish war, during which Anapa, and all other forts
- possessed by the Turks on the Black Sea, were ceded to Russia.
- The Circassians had only tolerated these nominal dependencies of
- Turkey, as affording convenient points of trade and export for
- the slaves captured from Russia and Georgia, as well as those
- taken during their own domestic wars. The natural strength of
- the country and its deadly climate have hitherto checked the
- Russian conquests, but, sooner or later, it must yield to a power
- capable of sending unlimited reinforcements, while every action
- permanently diminishes the strength of the mountain tribes. The
- war, which has now lasted sixty years, can have no effect on the
- prosperity of the southern provinces of Russia, nor is it felt
- twenty miles from the frontier. The few Circassians that have
- been educated in Russia are not permitted to return to the tribes.
- The Caucasian guard formed by Prince Paskewitch in 1830, and who
- return periodically to their own country, may have a much greater
- effect; they are taken indiscriminately from all the tribes,
- Circassians, Lesghis, Chechens, and Ossatinians, forming a body
- of about two hundred men, in some measure resembling the Mamelukes
- of Napoleon.--_Editor._
-
-To set a limit to the depredations of the Circassians, the governor
-was repeatedly compelled to penetrate into their mountains at the head
-of some Russian regiments; he neglected nothing that could lead to
-the diffusion of the benefits of European society in that barbarous
-country, and several young Circassians, whom the fortune of war or
-other events had placed in his hands, were carefully educated under his
-superintendence, instructed in our arts, accustomed to our manners,
-and then restored to their homes to dwell among their countrymen,
-whose customs and habits might be softened and improved by their
-example: such was the custom of the ancient Romans with regard to
-their vanquished nations. This active administration continued during
-the plague which devastated Odessa in the year 1813; and the Duke
-then displayed the utmost firmness and energy, though he was obliged
-more than once to have recourse to the military power, which in Russia
-is always confounded with the civil administration. But it would
-be necessary to visit Odessa to form a just estimate of all he has
-effected there; he appeared to have inherited the creative genius of
-the great cardinal.
-
-A new field soon opened before him. The events of 1814 had brought
-about the restoration of the Bourbons, and the influence of the Emperor
-Alexander reigned paramount over the proceedings of the senate which
-prepared the fall of Napoleon. Louis XVIII., who was a prince of a
-touchy disposition, and very ceremonious habits, had but very little
-inclination for the Duc de Richelieu, for he could not forgive his
-having preferred filling a high and important situation in Russia to
-the dignity of an attendant upon his exiled person; nevertheless, he
-restored the peerage to his family, as well as the situation of first
-_gentilhomme du roi_. The Duke was not in office during the first
-restoration, and he employed himself in studying the new spirit that
-had arisen in his country, after so many domestic troubles; for he was
-sufficiently aware of the state of affairs to comprehend that events
-exercise an irresistible power in the modification of the character,
-and that when a person is desirous of bringing a revolution to a close,
-it is necessary to make incessant concessions to men and circumstances,
-and submit to unavoidable acts of necessity: these, no doubt, are
-painful duties, but are we not all called to wear the crown of thorns?
-
-Totally unconnected with the negotiations of 1814, which were entirely
-in the hands of Prince Talleyrand, the Duc de Richelieu may be said to
-have spent the first restoration in renewing his acquaintance with his
-country. He had quitted it a young man, and since then what marvellous
-events, what a new existence, had taken place! Property had been
-invaded, the homes of his forefathers pillaged! The domestic hearth no
-longer existed--even the tombs were violated and the bones of the dead
-were cast out; and this in the midst of a revolutionary society, which
-attached guilt even to the tears of the victims! The events of the 20th
-of March were caused by a fatal reaction in the minds of the soldiery,
-and a democratic hatred against the unfortunate nobility of France; and
-the Duc de Richelieu accompanied the ancient banner of his country into
-voluntary exile.
-
-On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted Talleyrand
-with the formation of a ministry based upon the English system;
-nevertheless, the chief of the cabinet was well aware that Russia must
-necessarily exercise very considerable influence over the negotiations
-relating to France, and he proposed M. de Richelieu as minister of the
-king's household, with the idea this choice would be agreeable to the
-Emperor Alexander: the appointment, however, was not accepted, for
-the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be seated beside the regicide
-Fouché; besides which, he was well aware that Alexander was displeased
-at the aspect of a ministry so entirely devoted to England, and which
-had been formed under the ascendancy of the Duke of Wellington. I have
-already mentioned the causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after
-its dissolution, Louis XVIII. considered that the Russian influence
-would alone be capable of procuring for us some alleviation of the
-heavy burdens imposed by the invasion, for the Czar was the only party
-whose interest was not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary to
-read the diplomatic correspondence of Lord Castlereagh and the German
-diplomatists to judge how overwhelming were the conditions imposed by
-the Allies. Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum, had
-been published; the negotiations did not advance, while, at the same
-time, the disastrous condition of the country was aggravated by the
-presence of a million of foreigners. It was in order to obtain the
-powerful support of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed the
-Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and president of the
-council; thus assigning him a double and most difficult office.
-
-Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten the conclusion
-of the treaty; nobody had so much reason to hope he might succeed
-in abating its severity. The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the
-noble governor of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France had
-but little to hope for in point of support from her neighbours, who
-had been too long irritated by the weight of her power. Russia alone
-had nothing to claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to
-lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of Europe.
-The Duke was well convinced of all these circumstances, and he took
-care to represent to the Czar, that all the importance lost by France
-would be so much added to the strength and power of her rivals, and
-would increase the superiority of Austria and Prussia. Alexander's
-inclinations were favourable to our country, and by drawing out
-these kindly feelings the Duke was enabled to fulfil the immense
-task that had been imposed upon him. Let us take a retrospect of
-the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year 1815. 700,000
-soldiers occupied the country, the people of Germany were in a state of
-extreme irritation, and the remains of the seditious and disorganised
-army on the other side of the Loire had been disbanded with great
-difficulty; add to which, the treasury was exhausted, and the course
-of the contributions interrupted by a long abuse of power. Surely
-it required a mind of no common energy to grapple with a situation
-so fraught with difficulty and disaster! In quiet times diplomacy
-is a work of skill and address, a polished interchange of political
-generalities, and some plans proposed for future accomplishment; but
-at this time, when we must recollect that Paris was in the hands of
-an imperious and vindictive enemy, what could we expect from the
-magnanimity of conquerors so long humbled and trampled upon by French
-domination? Under these fearful auspices the course of the negotiation
-was intrusted to the Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive moment
-when, after a most stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries had come to
-an agreement concerning the sacrifices they were determined to exact
-from France. The most ruinous projects were maintained by England,
-Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended between four
-points, viz. the cession of a territory, including the posts of Condé,
-Philippeville, Givet, Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau,
-and the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the fortifications
-of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity of 800 millions; and the
-occupation of the frontiers by an army of 150,000 men, kept up at the
-expense of France for seven years. England insisted particularly that
-the chain of fortresses on the northern frontier should be so closely
-curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last in the possession of the
-French. The country was to be restored to the limits it occupied in
-the days of Henry IV., and a party, dating its birth from the national
-excitement which roused Germany against Napoleon, considered it
-undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine were to be reunited to the Germanic
-confederation. The map which represented France deprived of these fine
-provinces had already been designed by the German geographers, and it
-has since been preserved as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family.
-
-Deeply affected by these resolutions, the minister drew up a
-memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander, and expressed with
-the conscientious energy of an honest man. "France," said he, "in
-regaining her sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they
-governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete." The minister
-depicted, with the fervour inspired by deep conviction, the despair of
-a great people, and the prospective consequences to be feared from it;
-for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to arms. This
-remonstrance made a great impression upon Alexander, and though it was
-not possible to induce the allied powers to agree to the general idea
-contained in it, at least the Duke succeeded in obtaining that the
-important posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont, and the forts of Joux
-and Ecluse, should not be included in the territorial cessions. The
-pecuniary indemnity also was diminished by 100 millions of francs, and
-it was determined the military occupation should not exceed five years,
-and might possibly terminate at the end of three. The French minister
-signed the memorable treaty on the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears
-honourable witness to the sadness that oppressed his heart.[44] He had
-succeeded in obtaining great and noble advantages for his country,
-but he bore the name of Richelieu, and was the great-nephew of the
-celebrated cardinal who had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and
-he could not, without pain and grief, see the smallest particle of
-its grandeur torn away. The speech he made five days afterwards bears
-the stamp of patriotic sorrow and dignified resignation, and it was
-impossible, while listening to it, not to feel that the minister had
-yielded solely because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the
-measure of imperious necessity.
-
- [44] _Vide_ art. Pozzo di Borgo.
-
-The cares incident to so important a negotiation had not led the Duke
-to neglect the internal administration of the country; and while the
-chambers sanctioned the extraordinary powers required by the government
-to repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the ministry
-was occupied in taking just and solemn measures against those who,
-by favouring the return of Buonaparte, had led to the misfortunes of
-their country, and authorised these terrible reprisals. The fatal trial
-of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now that political
-ideas are clearer, and we are no longer carried away by declamation,
-the motives of the great debate that ensued are easily explained. The
-marshal was summoned before a council of war, by an _ordonnance_ signed
-under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand; and this council having
-declared itself incompetent, the marshal ought to have been tried by
-the House of Peers, this being the natural order of jurisdiction. The
-Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of November, 1815, carried to the chamber
-the royal _ordonnance_, which constituted it a court of justice, and,
-with his heart still full of the sad sacrifices that had been exacted
-from his country, he expressed himself with warmth and firmness against
-the authors of the revolution of the Hundred Days; for was it not the
-actions of those people that had brought a million of foreigners into
-our land? After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous
-of calming the unruly passions that raged in the country, presented a
-bill for a general amnesty to the two chambers, in which there were no
-exceptions, except the names contained in a list drawn up by Fouché.
-During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyond the plans
-proposed by governments, and upon this project the chamber of 1815
-established its system of _categories_; and the regicides were banished
-the kingdom, contrary to the personal opinion of Louis XVIII. In the
-course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate the property of
-condemned and banished persons, but Richelieu rejected the measure,
-saying that "confiscations rendered the evils of war irreparable." And
-how much generosity was exhibited in this conduct, when we consider
-that the Duke had himself been deprived, by the most implacable
-confiscations, of all the property of his family!
-
-The finest portion of his life begins from this period. The great
-object he had proposed to himself was the deliverance of invaded
-France, overwhelmed by foreign powers; and, at the same time, the
-situation of the country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness. It
-was now necessary to levy an army to act as a weight in the European
-balance of power, and also to fulfil the hard conditions imposed by the
-treaty of 1815; while, to remove the fears entertained by the different
-cabinets, the Duke gave them to understand that the divisions arising
-in the chambers were merely the natural result of the representative
-system. One ought to remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817; the
-dearness of grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in various provinces,
-the occupations of the strong posts in France by 150,000 bayonets, and
-a military contribution of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all
-these disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the foreign army,
-thus commencing a negotiation which led to much greater results; and,
-on the 11th of February, 1817, he came to announce to the chambers that
-30,000 men were about to repass the frontier, and that the expense of
-the army of occupation would be diminished by 30 millions of francs.
-This relief was owing to the reparative system he had pursued, and to
-the efforts of France, so fruitful in resources.
-
-We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history, with two
-years more difficult to get over than from 1815 to 1817. An armed
-invasion, famine, vehemence of parties, factions up in arms; and
-withal, extreme constraint in the administration, both as a whole and
-in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers must be by all means
-preserved.
-
-The army of occupation having been diminished, it became indispensable
-to have recourse to forced levies, to secure the safety and the dignity
-of the country; and a law for that purpose was proposed and accepted at
-the opening of the session of 1817, as a complete military system: the
-essentials of this law are still in force.
-
-At this period commenced the intimacy between the Duc de Richelieu
-and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval, two men of great ability, and who
-remained faithful to his memory. And let me be permitted to offer a
-last tribute to both these distinguished persons, then in the flower of
-their age, and now consigned to the tomb; for men of strong feelings
-are soon worn out by public life. M. Gérard de Rayneval belonged to
-an ancient diplomatic family, whose employment in the foreign office
-dated from the ministry of M. de Vergennes, and the treaty with the
-Low Countries. M. Mounier was endowed with a lively and penetrating
-mind, and possessed immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had, in
-early youth, been thrown into the administration of the Empire, and
-had filled the situation of secretary to the cabinet; and the Duke
-conceived a friendship for both these men equal to the confidence
-he deservedly reposed in them. He had a great regard for honour and
-probity, and where could it be more fully met with than in people,
-whose characters remained pure and free from blemish, nay, who retained
-an honourable poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign
-debts, amounting to 1700 millions of francs?
-
-When the peace of 1814 was signed, the governments had declared
-their reciprocal debts at an end; but while they renounced their own
-claims upon the treasury, they made a reservation in favour of those
-of private individuals, which had been so violently attacked by the
-wars of the Revolution and of the Empire. When Europe dictated the
-implacable treaty of November, 1815, claims poured in on every side;
-it was stipulated that payment should be effected by inscriptions in
-the great book of the public debt of France, and 9 millions a-year
-were at first set aside for that purpose; the time, however, for
-presenting claims was not to expire until the 28th of February,
-1817; and--will it be believed?--the sum total amounted to 1600
-millions![45] a sum of almost fabulous magnitude, which surpassed
-the value of the two budgets of France. It was enough to drive one
-to despair, especially as each person demanded payment in full. What
-was to be done under circumstances of so much difficulty? Russia was
-so situated as naturally to assume the character of a mediator, for
-she had but few claims; and the Emperor Alexander, convinced that,
-unless the negotiation were carried on by an arbiter common to all
-parties, it would fall to the ground before the diversity of views
-and opinions, proposed, as I have before stated, to intrust it to the
-Duke of Wellington, making, at the same time, a sort of appeal to his
-generosity.
-
- [45] 64 millions sterling.
-
-The mediator, under the guidance of M. Mounier, and after unheard-of
-retrenchments, fixed the sum destined for the payment of the debts
-of France to individuals at 16 millions and 40,000 francs. People
-are too apt to forget in the present times the extreme difficulties
-encountered by the public credit of the restoration, during the
-period of our misfortunes. The Duc de Richelieu very soon came to the
-conclusion, that a system of well-conducted loans offered the only
-possible means of fulfilling the obligations imposed by the treaty.
-During the sway of Napoleon, the credit of the government had been
-utterly null; confidence had been destroyed by too many violations of
-the public faith, and too many arbitrary actions, for the Revolution
-and the Empire were merely the abuse of power; and the events of 1814
-and 1815 having compelled the government to increase the public debt
-to 126 millions, would it be possible to obtain an additional loan? No
-French house had presented itself possessed of sufficient capital to
-act upon so vast a scale; their fear of the risk was too great. But
-the Duke considered there would be an advantage in foreign loans, in
-raising a competition among all the capitals of Europe, and effecting
-our deliverance by a mere change of location. The necessary pecuniary
-resources were found in the opulent firm of Hope and Baring; and, to
-prepare the departure of the foreign troops, the minister succeeded
-in obtaining that the sovereigns who signed the treaty of 1815 should
-assemble at Aix-la-Chapelle, to determine whether the occupation should
-terminate at the end of three years, or whether it should be prolonged
-to five, according to the alternative left by the treaty.
-
-This proposal having been accepted, the congress assembled on the
-20th of September 1818. All the obstacles had been already overcome
-by the pacific views of Russia, which had acted favourably upon the
-scruples entertained by Prussia and England; and on the 2d of October
-the evacuation of the French provinces was decided upon, and the last
-traces of the invasion disappeared; besides which the Duc de Richelieu
-obtained a reduction of part of the indemnity still unpaid. Who does
-not recollect the proud and natural delight of the French minister on
-his return? France was no longer a country in the occupation of Europe,
-but a government admitted into the first rank among nations, with its
-greatness, its liberty, and its independence. Sufficient justice is
-seldom rendered to statesmen who restore to a country its dignity and
-consideration: vulgar history only extols those that destroy.
-
-Another crisis, however, was in preparation. The value of the public
-securities, owing to excessive speculations, had risen to an immoderate
-height, which was followed, in 1818, by an equally rapid fall, and the
-Allies might have destroyed the public credit by rejecting the _rentes_
-that had been assigned in payment of the subsidies; but the word of
-the Duc de Richelieu was sufficient to obtain a considerable extension
-of the time fixed for the payments to be made to the allied powers:
-and as great embarrassments still prevailed on the Exchange, he still
-farther obtained, that 100 millions which were to have been discharged
-by inscriptions of _rentes_, and which were included in the payments
-stipulated by the Allies, should be withdrawn, and in their stead
-_bons_ on the treasury should be substituted, to become due in eighteen
-months.
-
-Such was the end attained by the negotiations of the Duc de Richelieu
-with foreign powers; the great object of his life was fulfilled, for
-in what a state of misery was France when he assumed the reins of
-government! 700,000 foreigners, contributions of all kinds, the country
-placed at the ban of Europe! Now to that country he had restored
-liberty, he had reorganised her army, had established her public
-credit, and reconciled France with the world. Before this great result
-was achieved, the Duke had repeatedly declared to his friends that,
-as soon as the personal credit he enjoyed with foreign powers was no
-longer necessary, he should quit the situation he had been compelled
-to accept, and retire into private life, and accordingly he sent in
-his resignation; but it was not accepted, for the old liberal spirit
-had arisen to struggle for victory. Many men possessed of no ability,
-except for public speaking, had striven to secure the elections, and
-the result of the proceedings of several of the electoral colleges had
-caused great anxiety to the friends of government. M. de Richelieu was
-therefore compelled to remain at the head of affairs; and he returned
-to Paris for the purpose of concerting the measures rendered necessary
-by the actual circumstances.
-
-The cabinet were agreed upon the necessity of opposing a barrier to
-democratic opinions and principles; nevertheless, serious dissensions
-arose when the electoral system came to be debated; and the Duke,
-much annoyed by the difference of opinion that existed in the council
-between himself, M. Decaze, and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, returned to
-his former wish of retiring from office. His example was followed
-by the rest of the ministers, who gave in their resignation in a
-simultaneous manner that was very remarkable. It is a melancholy truth,
-that the statesman who had so powerfully contributed to deliver the
-territory from foreign occupation, was compelled to retire before the
-petty intrigues suggested by narrow policy and the Chamber of Deputies.
-The Duke's opinion of the electoral system was different from that
-entertained by the partizans of the old liberal school, and he resigned
-his portfolio to General Dessole.
-
-In spite of all the great affairs in which M. de Richelieu had been
-engaged, he was in a condition of honourable poverty, and the king
-conferred upon the retired minister the appointment of Grand Huntsman,
-in the same manner as he had conferred the title of Grand Chamberlain
-upon M. de Talleyrand, after his services in 1815. The chambers,
-however, were conscious that a recompense was due from the country to
-the able negotiator of Aix-la-Chapelle, and M. de Lally made a proposal
-that the king should be requested to confer a national reward upon the
-Duc de Richelieu. The same suggestion was made in the upper chamber, at
-the very moment when a letter from the Duke declared to the president
-of the deputies, that he should be proud of receiving a mark of the
-king's favour, given with the concurrence of the chambers; but that as
-it was proposed to award him a _national_ recompense at the expense of
-the nation, he could not consent to see any thing added for his sake to
-the burdens under which the country was already groaning. Every body
-was well aware that the Duke possessed no fortune, and that his sole
-income was derived from his office of grand huntsman; a good deal of
-littleness, however, was exhibited in the Chamber of Deputies when it
-was proposed to assign a _majorat_ of 50,000 francs to the heir of the
-name of Richelieu, as a recompense to the minister who had obtained the
-liberation of the territory. Are public bodies only capable of great
-actions when a profit arises from them to the passions by which they
-are actuated? The proposed _majorat_ was afterwards changed into an
-annuity; and, out of respect to the king's wishes, the Duke did not
-refuse this acknowledgement of his services, but he devoted the entire
-income derived from it to the foundation of a religious charity in the
-city of Bourdeaux. Such was the personal generosity of this great man,
-who was desirous of retiring entirely to private life.
-
-Alas! his political career was not yet concluded! The Decaze ministry,
-on every side inundated by old liberal opinions, was at its last gasp.
-Advantage was taken of the law of elections against the government, one
-concession led to another, and the Duke was summoned to the council
-extraordinary, presided over by the king in person, to advise upon
-the measures to be pursued in this emergency. The crime of Louvel had
-filled Paris with grief and horror, and M. Decaze, abandoned by the
-_côté gauche_ of the chamber, who defended the law of February 5th,
-1817, rejected by the royalists, who reproached him with not having
-agreed to the propositions of the Marquis Barthélemy, at last sent
-in his resignation; and at this difficult juncture, the king again
-placed the Duc de Richelieu at the head of affairs. The most urgent
-entreaties were required to induce him to accept the appointment,
-for the situation was melancholy, and the country full of anxiety,
-while the irritation of parties had reached its highest pitch. The
-preceding administration had proposed an electoral system, which was
-distasteful to all parties in the chamber; it had demanded laws arming
-the government with extraordinary powers; no majority was yet formed,
-and the ministry were doubtful whether these laws would be capable of
-overcoming the formidable opposition they would have to encounter; the
-fears of Europe also had been aroused, and it was necessary to appease
-them. At length, every thing, however, was provided for, and, at the
-end of a long and painful discussion, exceptional laws were voted.
-
-But then, who was able to calm the public mind? and what hand was
-sufficiently powerful to arrest the evil tendency of society? A bias
-had been given to education in France ever since the revolution of
-1789; people were closely surrounded by mischievous opinions and
-frightful systems; parties considered themselves sufficiently powerful
-to conspire openly, and intimidate the government by tumultuous
-meetings. Seditious assemblies took place with a view to political
-catastrophes, and the slightest hesitation might have given rise to
-the most dreadful calamities. The command of Paris was now committed
-to Marshal Macdonald, by the ministers' council, formidable military
-preparations were made, and proofs were obtained of a conspiracy,
-involving some names since exalted by another revolution. During the
-ten days that this state of anxiety and trouble prevailed, they had
-only to regret the lives of two of the disturbers of the public peace;
-and now that the ideas concerning government are become more advanced,
-people will be surprised at the declamations of those who held liberal
-opinions, against measures which were indispensable for the safety of
-the country. Has not every government a right to defend itself, and is
-it not bound to do so?
-
-Europe now began to assume an alarming aspect. The revolt of the
-Spanish army at the island of Léon found an echo in a similar movement
-among the Neapolitan troops. Portugal quickly followed their example;
-and the seditious, imagining the French army well inclined to imitate
-the conduct of their neighbours, directed all their efforts towards
-this end. After having broken all the bonds of civil order, the
-revolution endeavoured to overturn the principle of duty and obedience
-among the soldiery. In most of the corps, however, the officers
-continued faithful to their engagements; a few only were unable to
-resist the torrent, and a conspiracy was formed in several of the
-regiments at Paris, extending in its ramifications to various military
-stations, and it was determined that the rising should take place
-in the barracks on the 20th of August, 1820. On the proposal of M.
-Mounier, then director-general of the police, the ministers' council
-determined upon arresting the conspirators before they had unfurled
-a standard and actually proclaimed the insurrection. The heads of
-this military conspiracy are well known at present, and some of them
-have even been rewarded; but, as is always the case, the plot was
-denied by the parties engaged in it. The Chamber of Peers behaved with
-much indulgence, as able and experienced authorities usually do when
-severity is not indispensably necessary; and the government preferred
-pardoning many offences, and consigning much to oblivion, to being
-compelled to authorise the shedding of blood.
-
-The elections of 1820, which had taken place when a favourable
-impression had been raised by the birth of the Duc de Bourdeaux,
-gave a powerful and compact _côté droit_ to the chamber, and MM. de
-Villèle and Corbière, who had assumed the position of its chiefs,
-ought naturally to have supported the Duc de Richelieu; but, at the
-very commencement of the session, clouds appeared on the horizon. The
-_côté droit_ of the chambers had hitherto fought by the side of the
-ministers, and triumphed with them, and consequently they claimed a
-direct participation in the administration. Negotiations were entered
-into with them; the Duke would not consent that any of the men who had
-hitherto governed with him, and preserved the kingdom in its hour of
-peril, should be excluded from the council; however, two only of the
-principal deputies on the _côté droit_, MM. de Villèle and Corbière,
-were appointed members of the cabinet, with the title of ministerial
-secretaries of state.[46] M. Lainé, a man with whose honest and
-upright character the Duke had been particularly struck, was also a
-member of this administration.
-
- [46] Ministres secrétaires d'état.
-
-The political principle of this revised ministry was the agreement of
-the centre of the _côté droit_, and the _droite_ itself, in one common
-vote; but the session under this management was long and troublesome,
-and a tedious and stormy debate took place before the Duke was able to
-decide upon the execution of his idea of an extended system of canal
-navigation, like that at present in force. He drew up a plan, inviting
-men possessed of large capital to take a part in these great works;
-for at that time the principal part of the capital in the kingdom,
-was invested in the funds, and enterprises tending to the benefit of
-industry and the improvement of the country were not popular: many
-difficulties were encountered, but they were all overcome by means of
-firmness and determination.
-
-Order was now established in all the departments of government;
-the restraints formerly imposed upon the action of the municipal
-authorities, by a system of excessive centralisation, were removed;
-and in the financial department the most unlimited competition was
-invited, for the first time, in the sale of stock, and the value of
-public securities reached its highest pitch. In his foreign policy,
-the Duke never ceased for a moment to support the idea of the Russian
-alliance, less from former recollections, and his affection for the
-Emperor Alexander, than upon the principle constantly expressed in
-all his correspondence, that the Russian alliance was advantageous to
-France because it was perfectly disinterested. In fact, what can Russia
-demand of us? On what point can we clash? Commerce with her can never
-be otherwise than an equal exchange; the productions of industry in
-her country are not of equal value with ours; she requires our wines,
-our fashions, our manufactures, and we, in exchange, require her
-timber, her copper, and her iron. Her fleets cannot assume any dominion
-over us, her frontiers do not reach us in any direction, and we are
-benefited by her influence; whilst, on the other hand, the designs
-and interests of France are opposed by the English alliance in all
-questions of importance. M. de Richelieu's system was resumed by M. de
-la Ferronays in 1828.
-
-During the Duke's second ministry the great European powers met at
-Laybach, to agree upon a vast repressive system to be pursued against
-the insurrection rising in arms around. The Richelieu cabinet was
-resolved upon a firm resistance against all the tumults and disorders
-that were disturbing the peace of Europe. Agitation had also arisen
-in the East, and the Greeks had raised the standard of the cross. But
-Russia, which under Catherine had supported the Hellenic emancipation,
-was now too fully occupied with her own affairs to be able to follow
-up the system she had then commenced. France, therefore, determined
-upon sending a naval force into the Grecian seas for the protection of
-commerce, and, while observing a generous neutrality, assistance was
-still afforded to all who implored it from the French flag. But now
-the Richelieu cabinet, entirely occupied with its foreign relations,
-was threatened with danger to itself. Its very feeble parliamentary
-combination rested upon a false basis in the chamber. The ministry
-only existed by the will of the _côté droit_; and that party with
-its chiefs, MM. de Villèle and Corbière, would not fail, sooner or
-later, to assume the direction of affairs, because they possessed the
-majority. The _droite_ and the _gauche_ were both distinct from the
-cabinet, and the former was evidently impatient to seize the reins of
-government.
-
-These two fractions of the chamber were desirous of concluding with a
-_coup d'éclat_; and the reply to the speech from the throne in 1821
-became the arena for the great political struggle. The commission
-under the direction of the _côté droit_ insisted that in the plan of
-the address presented to the chamber these words should be inserted:
-"We congratulate you, sire, upon your friendly relations with foreign
-powers, feeling a just confidence that so valuable a peace has not
-been purchased by sacrifices incompatible with the honour of the
-nation and the dignity of the crown." So offensive an expression was
-an open rupture with the cabinet. M. de Richelieu declared such an
-insinuation was an insult to the crown, and the ministers tendered
-their resignation. The chamber persisted, and voted the address, which
-was, in fact, a declaration that they did not wish the ministry to
-stand: the cabinet, therefore, retired in a mass, and were succeeded by
-MM. de Montmorency and de Villèle.
-
-And here let us pause, and observe to what trials men are exposed who
-devote themselves entirely to the defence of the interests of their
-country, without intrigue or passion, simply from the feeling for all
-that is right and noble! No character can bear a comparison with that
-of the Duc de Richelieu; no services equal those he rendered to his
-country; and, behold! he was overturned both by the _côté droit_, and
-the _gauche_ of the Chamber of Deputies. The conduct of the _gauche_
-was this: the Duke took charge of France at the time of the foreign
-invasion; the Buonapartists and the remains of the Jacobin faction,
-having a second time endangered the country by their madness of
-the _hundred days_; the enemy was in Paris--it occupied France;
-the influence of the Duke succeeded in preserving the country, and
-diminishing the sacrifices exacted from it; the foreign troops were
-withdrawn, and, as a recompense, the spirit of liberalism overturned
-the Duke.
-
-Would you also know the conduct of the ungrateful monarchical party? A
-great crisis had occurred for the crown; the royalists were giving way,
-and the power was about to be wrested from their hands by the _côté
-gauche_. The restoration was completely compromised, when the Duke
-again sacrificed himself: holding his popularity cheap, he augmented
-and strengthened the royalist party, and this was the summary of the
-instructions concerning the elections, directed by M. Mounier: "Before
-every thing, the friends of royalty;" and then the ultras, masters
-by this means of the majority, had nothing so much at heart as the
-dismissal of the Duc de Richelieu, in order to give themselves up to
-their mad projects.
-
-This moment was the conclusion of the Duke's political life; his
-feelings had been severely tried by the injustice of parties. It
-soon became apparent that his health was rapidly declining, and in a
-journey to the Château of Courteille, where the Duchess was living, he
-was taken ill, suddenly became insensible, and died at Paris, on the
-night of the 16th of May, 1822. He was only fifty-five years of age;
-his carriage was erect, and his features simple and regular, as they
-appear in the fine portrait of Lawrence of which I have spoken. All
-parties concur in awarding the highest praise to the noble qualities of
-the Duc de Richelieu. He was not a man of extraordinary genius, but of
-a thoroughly honest and upright character; and there are times, when
-no talent possessed by a statesman is of so much avail as honesty. I
-admire the infinite superiority of a man capable of allowing virtue and
-honour their full weight in the political balance, and I take especial
-pleasure in rendering this tribute to the Duc de Richelieu, because I
-have never known so fine a character combined with so noble a name.
-
-
-
-
-PRINCE HARDENBERG.
-
-
-It is natural that States which feel an incessant desire of increasing,
-should not retain the inflexible principles of upright and generous
-policy in their diplomatic system. Every time they feel stifled, they
-strive for more space and the means of more extended respiration;
-and such has constantly been the condition of the Prussian monarchy,
-from the time of its foundation, which may be said to have taken
-place unexpectedly, at the beginning of the eighteenth century. At
-this period the Duchy became a Kingdom, and no sooner was the kingdom
-established than it wanted to become great; for more room is required
-to unfold the sweeping train of a King, than to wear the robes merely
-of a Duke or a Margrave.
-
-This necessity for augmentation created a national law peculiar to
-Prussia; and looking at nothing but the necessities of her position,
-she seized every thing she could lay her hands upon. Frederic II.
-carried on this system of conquest, for his wars were regulated by
-no principle of the law of nations, and he appeared to have but one
-object in view, which was, to attack at one time Poland, and at another
-Silesia, for the purpose of conquering cities and provinces. On this
-account he availed himself of all means of distinction, striving for
-the celebrity of a writer and the pretension of a poet; even making the
-most of the puerile vanity of the philosophical party of the eighteenth
-century. When we examine into the actual constitution of Prussia, as
-well as into that she formerly possessed, we shall observe that her
-organisation has always been such as to render conquest imperatively
-necessary; even at present is not the kingdom like a lean giant, armed
-at all points, whose head is at Königsberg and his feet dipped in the
-Rhine, but whose middle is wanting? and the country that is required to
-complete the picture, is it not Saxony?
-
-It is, then, as the personification of the Prussian political system,
-that I am about to write the life of Baron, afterwards Prince
-Hardenberg, the most remarkable statesman that has been at the head
-of affairs in the monarchy of Frederic. Charles-Augustus, baron
-Hardenberg, was born in October 1750, at Hanover, that principality
-wedged into the midst of Germany, which recalls to the recollection
-the origin of the kings of England. Hanover preserves its German
-character under a separate administration, although it belongs to the
-patrimonial inheritance of the princes called to wear the English
-crown; and this separation was imperatively demanded by the English, a
-people so tenacious of their liberty, in order to avoid the chance of
-fatal continental wars, to defend the patrimony of their sovereign--a
-contingency their constitution will not permit.
-
-Baron Hardenberg was descended from an ancient family, carried back
-by the old heraldic traditions as far as the eleventh century, at the
-time of the Emperors of the house of Suabia; he was himself the son
-of a marshal of the empire, and went to the military university of
-Brunswick with the intention of following his father's profession.
-The bent of his inclinations, however, appeared to be different, and
-while he applied his mind to the severest studies, he felt a strong
-vocation for a diplomatic life, and his curiosity led him always to
-endeavour to discover by what springs the cabinets recorded in history
-were actuated. He afterwards went to travel, gaining knowledge while
-visiting the different parts of Europe, and arrived in London at the
-time when Mr. Pitt was at the head of affairs, and a most violent and
-active opposition surrounded the ministry. As Hanover, as I have before
-mentioned, forms part of the patrimonial inheritance of the reigning
-family, Baron Hardenberg, though not an English subject, was naturally
-desirous of acquiring an extensive knowledge of the laws and customs
-which form a national law peculiar to England, and with which every
-British subject ought to be acquainted. But England was the scene of
-his greatest domestic infelicity; for having in early youth married the
-most beautiful woman in Germany, Mademoiselle de Randlaw, he introduced
-her into the brilliant society and dissipation of London, and she was
-received with an almost chivalric enthusiasm in the highest circles.
-
-A Prince, from whom Richardson would have drawn his character of
-Lovelace, the Prince of Wales, heir to the throne of England,
-remarkable for his personal beauty, magnificent in his equipages, and
-accomplished in all manly exercises, fell desperately in love with
-Baroness Hardenberg; and so much publicity attached to his admiration,
-that a separation became inevitable; the Baron therefore quitted
-England and returned to Germany. He already gave evidence of three
-qualities denoting great ability; the subtlety of intellect necessary
-in all negotiations of any importance; a habit of conversation,
-alternately discreet and unguarded, cold or vehement, according to
-circumstances; and a most profound knowledge of European national
-law--talents which naturally fitted him for a high diplomatic
-situation: nevertheless, young Hardenberg gave himself up entirely to
-the details of the administration of the country--a circumstance in
-which he resembled William Pitt, who was at the same time a first-rate
-politician and attentive to the smallest minutiæ regarding war and
-finance. His perfect acquaintance with the laws of Germany was a great
-assistance to him, when he was summoned to the supreme direction of the
-affairs of Prussia.
-
-Another quality possessed by Hardenberg, was his strong and decided
-taste for literature; and his intimate friendship with Goëthe, who
-exercised such absolute dominion over the intellects of his time, arose
-from this source. This was not one of the relations of protector and
-protégé; for in Germany, where matters of genius and study are viewed
-in a serious light, a man of literary celebrity is placed almost in
-a superior rank, and he is not only on a footing of equality with
-statesmen, but sometimes even in a position of master and scholar.
-What a brilliant sceptre was that extended by Goëthe over Germany!
-The poet who had shewn such incomparable skill in his delineation of
-the feudal ages, appeared to blend in his escutcheon of glory all the
-ancient colours of the German nobility. This threefold aptitude of
-Baron Hardenberg for literature, politics, and administration, produced
-great and uncommon results: first, an expansion of mind arising from
-the habit of treating important affairs; then, a close application to
-detail, arising from his employment in the executive administration;
-and, finally, a clear, exact, and benevolent mind, the consequence of
-the literary intercourse he had pursued with enthusiasm during his
-youth.
-
-We must recollect what was at that time the spirit that prevailed
-in Prussia, and also the bent of its government. In addition to her
-never-failing desire of conquest, there is always in that country a
-certain inclination for serious study, and a wish for the advancement
-of ideas; and though no free debate be permitted on matters connected
-with the government, the discussion of philosophical and rational
-questions is entirely unshackled; religious opinions also are
-independent of any controlling theory, the Protestant spirit having
-introduced a sort of egotism into the schools, from which it results
-that every opinion, even though it be mischievous, is admitted and
-examined without regard to the chivalrous feelings that attach a people
-to a dynasty, or a generation to the articles of their faith.
-
-It was in this school the statesmen of Germany were formed, more
-especially Baron Hardenberg. His devotion to the study of German
-law had given him a precise and accurate manner of examining facts,
-without being carried away by prejudice or enthusiasm; and when
-the French revolution burst forth, Prussia, which was foremost to
-join the coalition, saw a new class of statesmen arise to oppose
-the chivalrous spirit of the nobility, and place the check of cool
-reason upon the ardour of the old families. Baron Hardenberg did not
-completely concur in the opinions of M. Haugwitz, of the secretary
-M. Lombard, and the Countess Lichtenau, who were even well inclined
-towards the revolutionary powers that then reigned in France; he had
-less inclination than Count Goltz towards French ideas, but being
-completely a Prussian in his interests and opinions, he considered
-that the object of his cabinet could not possibly be to act as a
-knight-errant in defence of certain political opinions, but rather to
-endeavour to acquire a great influence in Germany, at the expense of
-Austria, and also a territorial addition in Poland; and as Prussia
-was not immediately threatened by the principles and ideas of the
-French revolution, he considered it very important to reap all possible
-advantage from the new situation of events.
-
-This rendered him the most active partisan of the treaty of Basle,
-though he was not at first engaged in it by name; for that very
-difficult negotiation was originally undertaken by Count Goltz with M.
-Barthélemy; but after the death of the plenipotentiary it was concluded
-by Baron Hardenberg; and this was the first commencement of his being
-really actively employed in public affairs. His manners were singularly
-pleasing to the men of the revolution, especially to Merlin de Douai,
-who thought them like those of a marquis of the old school, with
-intelligence, ease, and a method of action free from prepossession or
-prejudice, even with regard to democratic opinions. The committee of
-public safety treated him almost in royal style, by sending him a fine
-service of Sèvres china, as at the conclusion of treaties under the old
-monarchy, when an interchange of diplomatic presents used to take place
-among plenipotentiaries.
-
-In this treaty, as in the negotiation of Rahstadt, Baron Hardenberg
-was less actuated by French principles than by the firm conviction
-that the treaty of Basle tended to realizing the two most constant and
-deeply-rooted feelings of his mind: viz. the Prussian influence over
-Germany, and the aggrandisement of his cabinet. He promoted the system
-of German neutrality, which influenced the interests of the country,
-and to a certain degree excited Germany against Austria; and for this
-purpose he made use of France, considering it of little consequence
-whether it was a monarchy or a republic: he had a particular object
-in view; but he was guilty of a mistake on that point. There were
-two questions to be particularly considered in the French revolution:
-if it had confined itself to measures that merely regarded its own
-internal condition, and had disseminated nothing, neither ideas nor
-interests, the selfish policy of Prussia might have been successful;
-but neither the committee of the convention nor the directory had
-any respect for fixed principles. Baron Hardenberg had established
-neutrality in part of Germany; how was it observed when the republican
-army required again to pass the Rhine? Did it trouble itself concerning
-the principles laid down by the Prussian minister, and the territorial
-line of the neutrality? When entering into a treaty with a government,
-the first necessary inquiry is, whether it will respect the general
-principles of the law of nations. Prussia, however, had assumed too
-egotistical a position; indeed she carried her system to such a pitch,
-that the minister interfered with the levy of contingents, lest they
-should augment the Austrian influence. Many years elapsed before the
-ideas of this school were effaced; but Hardenberg's mind afterwards
-expanded, and he saw there were other circumstances to be attended
-to, besides the antiquated system of politics, which would keep up a
-rivalry between Prussia and Austria, at the time when a general social
-revolution had taken place.
-
-After a long stay at Basle, during which time he was in habits of the
-greatest intimacy with the ministers of the French republic, Baron
-Hardenberg returned to Berlin, where the king conferred upon him the
-order of the Black Eagle of the first class, as a mark of his perfect
-concurrence in the politics of the treaty just concluded. The direction
-of foreign affairs was still, however, in the hands of Count Haugwitz,
-a friend of Countess Lichtenau, and the secretary Lombard, and Baron
-Hardenberg being a person of too much importance to occupy a situation
-subordinate to Count Haugwitz, the administration of the principalities
-of Bayreuth and Anspach was again conferred upon him. This was a
-recreation to the diplomatist, who was glad to seek repose from
-political theories in the executive government of a principality, which
-he may be said to have added to Prussia. In Germany statesmen like to
-be men of business, and even in retirement their life is one of labour
-and study.
-
-Baron Hardenberg took no part in active business during the life of
-Frederic William II.; his private opinions had been a little modified,
-and he was not quite so decided in his approval of the convention of
-Basle, since he had had occasion to see the mischievous and arbitrary
-application made by the republicans of its principles in Germany.
-Nothing had been awarded to Prussia by the treaty of Rahstadt, in spite
-of the promises of real indemnities, as well as of absolute liberty,
-which had been made to her at Basle; he, therefore, had no connexion
-with the negotiations carried on by M. Caillard, when an endeavour
-was made to place Prussia in a new attitude, and produce a great
-degree of intimacy between the republic and Frederic William II. Baron
-Hardenberg does not appear to have exercised any influence until the
-accession of the young prince Frederic William, when, being attached
-to the young queen, Louisa of Prussia, by the most respectful and
-chivalrous devotion, he adopted her ideas and opinions, as indeed did
-all those who were within the circle of her almost magical influence.
-What a grand though melancholy existence was that of Louisa Wilhelmina,
-queen of Prussia, daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz and of
-Caroline of Hesse Darmstadt! Filled with the enthusiastic and visionary
-feelings natural to her country, she exercised, at the age of scarcely
-twenty years, the most holy, as well as the most absolute influence
-over her husband, while the hopes of Germany appeared to centre upon
-her. She introduced a more noble and elevated feeling into the selfish
-system of politics hitherto adopted by Prussia; and being as it were
-queen of the students and of the universities, she was the origin
-and the hope of the secret societies, which gave so poetical a tinge
-to Germany during the latter years of Napoleon. Under her influence,
-Baron Hardenberg took charge of the ministry for foreign affairs,
-shortly after the commencement of the consulate. In the midst of the
-various coalitions of the period, Prussia had hitherto preserved a
-strict neutrality; after the 18th Brumaire, however, she shewed herself
-perfectly willing to agree to all required by the First Consul, and the
-insinuations made by Buonaparte to Louis XVIII., proposing to him to
-abdicate, were despatched from Berlin; nor was even the proper degree
-of dignity exhibited on this occasion, though it ought to increase,
-rather than diminish, where illustrious sufferers are concerned.
-
-The Consul became Emperor; and with a view of still farther
-strengthening the bonds of union with Prussia, Napoleon appointed
-Marshal Duroc, his confidential friend, to represent him at Berlin.
-It was rather a difficult moment, as war was about again to resound
-in Europe, and the combined armies of Russia and Austria to take the
-field, rendering it a matter of very great importance to create a
-suitable post for Prussia; Baron Hardenberg was, therefore, summoned
-to the head of affairs, as the representative of a middle system then
-beginning to arise and develope itself under the influence of the Queen
-of Prussia. He was attached at the same time to English principles,
-and to the politics of France and Germany, and was under the necessity
-of instituting a close comparison among the various interests and
-influences presented to his view; he, however, detached himself from
-the debased political system pursued by Count Haugwitz. His great fault
-on this occasion was his not perceiving that Buonaparte's deceit was
-equal to his genius, and that he only kept terms with Prussia now, to
-ensure him a greater facility in punishing her at a future period.
-
-The first dissatisfaction entertained by the cabinet of Berlin
-against Buonaparte appeared in a despatch of Hardenberg's, on the
-violation of the Prussian territory, an extraordinary dereliction
-of the law of nations, which had given extreme offence to the court
-and to the people. "His majesty," said the Prussian minister, "does
-not know with which he has most cause to be astonished, the violence
-the French armies have chosen to commit in his territories, or the
-incomprehensible arguments by which it is pretended to justify them.
-His majesty, properly tenacious of the consideration due as much to his
-power as to his character, has read, with feelings he would in vain
-endeavour to conceal, the justificatory despatches that have been sent
-by the French legation to his cabinet. They rest upon the example of
-the former war and the parity of circumstances, as if the proceedings
-then permitted had not been founded upon exactly defined treaties,
-which ceased with the peace! as if the Emperor Napoleon had borne these
-treaties in mind when he took possession of Hanover, of a country
-which by these same treaties had been for many long years under the
-protection of Prussia! Ignorance of our intentions is made a pretext,
-as if our intentions were not, in this instance, proved by the actual
-fact; and as if the nature of the affair could be altered without any
-previous stipulation! His majesty had not given sufficient publicity
-with the Elector of Bavaria to circumstances it was unnecessary he
-should mention! And as if I had not myself, with the map in my hand,
-declared long before, in my conferences with M. le Maréchal Duroc,
-and M. de Laforest, the impossibility of permitting any troops to
-march through the margraviate! The king considers himself, from this
-time forth, set free from all the engagements he has formed, and feels
-under the necessity of commanding his armies to assume the position
-necessary for the defence of the state." The Emperor Napoleon was
-greatly offended by this despatch, and the firm language in which it
-was couched; but he was then desirous of keeping on good terms with the
-cabinet of Berlin to prevent their joining the coalition.
-
-By assuming a system of perfect neutrality, Prussia was likely to
-derive the advantage of being on friendly terms, even with the parties
-opposed to Napoleon; and there were English, Austrian, and Russian
-ministers at Berlin, with whom Baron Hardenberg was naturally in
-communication.
-
-According to the principles and the precedents of the court of
-Berlin, Hanover, though a hereditary fief of the British crown, was,
-nevertheless, under the protection of the German neutrality; such,
-however, was not the theory of Napoleon, who was deeply irritated
-against England; and more than one violation of territory had already
-shewn that the powerful Emperor would not consider the respect due to
-the rights of neutral powers, if it were likely to prove any obstacle
-to his success.
-
-Prussia was greatly displeased, and a decisive moment was at hand,
-for the Russian and Austrian armies were advancing against Napoleon.
-According to his usual custom, the impetuous military chieftain of
-France had ventured all risks, for he had boldness and fortune in
-addition to his genius; he entered Moravia, and, if Prussia had then
-declared herself, it would have been all over with him, as with
-150,000 men on his flank, his position would have been utterly lost;
-and to obtain this object the most pressing negotiations were going
-on at Berlin, England offering subsidies, Russia support, and Austria
-a larger share of territory, even in Poland. Hardenberg's opinion was
-to decide at once, but was his influence always predominant in the
-midst of so much corruption? Among those who sided with him was the
-noble-minded Queen, and the brave and generous Prince Louis of Prussia;
-but he had to contend with the personal opinion of Count Haugwitz and
-the Marquis Lucchesini, both strongly in favour of the French cabinet.
-The system of a supine neutrality, therefore, carried the day, and the
-utmost Hardenberg could obtain was permission to assure England that
-they would protect the independence of Hanover, so far as to allow a
-passage to the English troops, should they be attacked or pursued by
-Napoleon.
-
-On this subject the Prussian minister wrote a letter to Lord Harrowby,
-in which rather a remarkable view was taken of the neutrality; a
-certain inclination towards the opinions and sentiments of the
-coalition appeared to filter through it, with a considerable degree of
-irritation with regard to the French cabinet, which had already failed
-to respect the Prussian neutrality.
-
-Baron Hardenberg had been in hopes of obtaining a positive decision,
-which would have placed Prussia in the first rank among nations, for
-150,000 men directed against the flank of Napoleon would have secured
-the victory to Europe, when intelligence was received of the wonders
-achieved at Austerlitz. Napoleon was a gambler on an immense scale! His
-eagle threw the dice of human destiny from his immense claws, and the
-chances had hitherto always been in his favour; but, besides this, did
-he not always quarrel with characters inclined to temporise, and who
-delayed declaring themselves until victory had decided in favour of one
-of the parties? After the battle of Austerlitz was it a time to assume
-a threatening attitude, when Austria and Russia were going to treat
-with the Emperor of the French on a common footing?
-
-Under these circumstances, then, the position of Baron Hardenberg
-became difficult, nay, intolerable, for was he not considered as the
-representative of the warlike party and the opponent of Napoleon? How
-could the minister of the heroic Queen and Prince Louis of Prussia
-remain at the head of the cabinet, when Prussia, prostrate before
-Napoleon, seemed almost to solicit pardon for having assumed, however
-slightly, an attitude of independence? At that time, Napoleon, who was
-incapable of forgiveness, knew well how to ruin a man by dictating
-articles for the _Moniteur_, pronouncing thus a sentence against
-statesmen whom he wished to get rid of. Buonaparte was an excellent
-pamphleteer, and, when he got into a passion, he gave vent in this
-manner to his ill-humour, against a king, a minister, or a general.
-M. Maret used to write from his dictation in short-hand, and send
-it afterwards to the official newspaper, according to his original
-profession of a journalist; he, also, possessed a certain knack for
-composition.
-
-Upon this occasion Hardenberg was honoured by the capricious abuse of
-the Emperor, in consequence of a despatch full of impartiality which he
-had addressed to Lord Harrowby, concerning the neutrality of Hanover. A
-word from Buonaparte to the court of Berlin was sufficient to procure
-the dismissal of the minister, and, having retired from the cabinet,
-he the very same day repelled the attacks of the French emperor, who
-had accused him of not even being a Prussian. "I am proud," said he,
-"of the esteem and confidence of the sovereign and people of Prussia;
-I am proud of the opinion of estimable foreigners, and it is with
-great satisfaction that I number some Frenchmen among them. I am not
-a Prussian by birth, it is true, but I will yield in patriotism to no
-native of that country; and I have obtained a right to assert this
-fact, both by my services, and by having transferred my patrimony, and
-become a proprietor in this country. Though I am not a soldier, I feel
-that I should not have proved unworthy, had fate summoned me to bear
-arms in defence of my sovereign and his rights, or the dignity, safety,
-and honour of the state."
-
-There was a degree of asperity in these expressions as uttered by a
-man who had given up the direction of affairs, without the hope of
-resuming it. He resigned his portfolio to Count Haugwitz, under the
-influence of the Marquis Lucchesini and the secretary, M. Lombard,
-and then, encompassed by the attachment of the Prussian army, and the
-enthusiasm of the universities, he retired into the country, like a man
-to whom the present time is devoid of interest. Some very significant
-proceedings, however, were going on in Prussia; the government had
-adopted extremely moderate measures, and both the king and the cabinet
-were desirous of maintaining the conditions of the French alliance:
-but there was a movement among the people, an energetic expression of
-national feeling, which would not allow this condition of quiet and
-peace to be maintained in the state.
-
-This double situation affords an explanation of the events, and many of
-the faults, of this period; the tergiversations of the cabinet, which
-appeared constantly to have an inclination towards public opinion, and
-then again, especially after the battle of Austerlitz, returned to
-their former dread of the Emperor. At length the king, pressed by the
-people, roused himself, and manifested a chivalrous disposition in
-accordance with the spirit of the nation, and more especially of the
-universities; and it reached such a pitch, that, after the retirement
-of Hardenberg, the people flew to arms in a hasty and adventurous
-manner, and without sufficiently calculating the course they were
-to pursue. And who was to conduct this war? Count Haugwitz, already
-devoted to France, and the secretary Lombard, both creatures of
-Napoleon! One would have said treachery was already determined upon.
-
-Nothing could surpass the campaign of Jena, no praise be too great for
-that admirable military movement directed by the Eagle of Austerlitz.
-But were these splendid victories due entirely to the brilliant and
-energetic courage of the imperial army? had not a series of faults been
-committed by their opponents? and were those who directed the cabinet
-of Berlin perfectly faithful and devoted to the interests of Prussia?
-After the disasters of Jena so many acts of secret treason came to
-light, that Hardenberg, under the influence of Queen Louisa and the
-Emperor Alexander, was again placed at the head of foreign affairs,
-for an inclination to resist the power of France had now sprung up.
-This new situation of the cabinets of Russia and Prussia requires
-some explanation, because it formed the basis of the intimate union,
-which at a later period led to the ruin of the French empire. The
-dissatisfaction before entertained by the cabinet of St. Petersburg
-against Prussia proceeded entirely from the position of indifferent
-neutrality assumed by the latter ever since the treaty of Basle; and
-all the endeavours made by England, Austria, and Russia to induce the
-cabinet of Berlin to break through this mischievous situation had met
-with a refusal, for neutrality appeared to be the fundamental principle
-of the Prussian political system. It was, therefore, satisfactory to
-see Prussia willing to engage in hostilities, though at _the eleventh
-hour_, for her position by that means became clear and decided; and it
-was of little consequence if they had been unsuccessful in the campaign
-of Jena, provided the spirit of their government was in favour of
-war; if, in short, there was a degree of unity and vigour capable of
-supporting the coalesced cabinets.
-
-Baron Hardenberg thus became the representative of the alliance between
-Russia and Prussia. Frederic William having been obliged to evacuate
-Berlin, had fallen back with the ruins of his army upon the Russian
-troops, and then commenced the campaign in the midst of wintry snows,
-the fiercely-contested and sanguinary battle of Prussisch-Eylau,
-where first paled the star of Napoleon! Friedland, however, saved the
-audacious eagle, as Austerlitz had preserved it two years before, and
-treaties were again had recourse to. Who can express the humiliating
-conditions dictated by the victor to Prussia? Who describe the cold
-sarcastic conduct of the fortunate soldier towards the heroic queen,
-the idol of the universities?
-
-Baron Hardenberg, being again compelled to retire, resigned his
-portfolio to the new cabinet formed by Napoleon, from which every mind
-possessed of any degree of independence or elevation was excluded.
-Prussia became almost a department of France, traversed in every
-direction by military roads; the whole population of some districts was
-carried away by the generals of Buonaparte, with blows and violence;
-the universities were closed, and the provinces reduced to the last
-extremity; while such heavy military contributions were imposed, that
-they wrung from the peasant his last hard-earned crown, and even
-his plough and his oxen. People must not treat a country thus, when
-they are desirous of governing it; they should recollect that the
-superiority of a power does not result from violence, but from the
-moral ascendancy produced by protection and support.
-
-But at the side of the public government of Prussia, bowed down before
-the wrath and violence of Napoleon, a number of secret associations
-had been brought into existence, by the oppression of the conquerors;
-and taking the Fatherland for their watchword, they only awaited a
-crisis for vengeance. After the death of their noble-hearted queen
-these associations greatly increased, and the most eminent among the
-patriots, as well as the statesmen out of favour, participated in them,
-for the salvation of the country was at stake. It is incontestable that
-Hardenberg was the _mind_ of this national conspiracy, as Blucher and
-Gneisenau were its _sword_; this secret and magnificent undertaking,
-this moral resistance, advanced with indescribable and undeviating
-energy, during the period which elapsed between 1808 and 1811, and
-then, by a capricious will of the Emperor Napoleon, Hardenberg was
-again destined to receive a mark of confidence from his sovereign, and
-the government of Prussia was once more placed in his hands. I consider
-this to have been the most critical period for Northern Germany; the
-provinces, constantly traversed by French troops, were completely in
-the power of their generals, and that fine country was now nothing but
-a magazine of forage, provisions, and money for the French troops.
-In the midst of these disastrous circumstances, the minister applied
-himself particularly to reinstating some little degree of order in the
-complicated administration of Prussia; he relieved the people as far as
-it was possible, and above all, he endeavoured to reorganise the army,
-firmly, but not openly, for this Napoleon would not have permitted,
-but by a military system which constantly summoned the young soldiers
-to their duties, and then shortly afterwards restored them to their
-families and their homes; a plan which permitted him to have a fine
-army in preparation for future events, at a very moderate expense.
-The system of military reserves is essentially Prussian, because it
-realizes the double idea of a considerable army in time of war, and
-a limited contingent during peace; by this means every Prussian is a
-soldier.
-
-If at this time the Emperor treated Prussia with some little degree of
-respect, if he even called for the concurrence of Baron Hardenberg, it
-was because, being then almost on the eve of undertaking a campaign
-against Russia, he was desirous of engaging Prussia in it as an
-auxiliary; and as the cabinet was already devoted to him, Buonaparte
-sought to enlist popular opinion in his favour, by means of their
-favourite minister. And here a question may be asked, of great
-importance to history. How came Hardenberg to affix his signature to
-the secret treaty which placed the Prussian army under the orders of
-Napoleon? Had he really and in good faith entered into the alliance?
-or had he only signed it with the determination of breaking through
-its conditions at the first check experienced by the French arms? It
-is necessary we should recollect, that with Napoleon there were no
-discussions, no considering the various clauses of a treaty; and the
-correspondence of M. de Saint-Marsan with M. Maret, with the notes and
-explanations of the Prussian minister with the French ambassador, are
-sufficient to carry conviction that nothing was free or spontaneous on
-this occasion: every thing was submitted to from the most imperious
-necessity; there was no choice given of acceptance or refusal, but
-Prussia placed her army and her treasury at the disposal of the
-conqueror, because he had said, _It is my will_.
-
-Now in these necessities, imposed by misfortune, did no gleam of hope
-remain? In politics, no alliances are durable but those resting upon a
-perfect agreement of views and interests. When two people unite because
-they are free and happy, because they feel a mutual esteem and regard
-for each other, because they reciprocally afford and receive important
-services, then, depend upon it, these alliances are durable, these
-treaties will be carefully carried out. But suppose, on the contrary,
-a people vanquished and humbled--a king of Prussia, the descendant of
-Frederic the Great, to whom M. Maret insolently writes, "that he must
-sign a military and diplomatic convention, under pain of captivity;"
-does such a treaty as that form an alliance? is the convention which
-delivers up Berlin to the French army, a treaty between friends and
-allies? or could the plan which parcelled out the Prussian army, into
-divisions under French marshals or generals, be a free, upright, or
-durable proceeding? Surely not: this reconciliation could only be
-momentary; it was imposed by main force, and with the decline of power
-it must come to an end.
-
-In addition to this, the Prussian government could no longer control
-the people of Germany, indignant at the humiliations they were called
-upon to submit to. That Hardenberg was acquainted with the proceedings
-of the secret societies, does not admit of a doubt, neither is it less
-certain that he permitted their developement, in order afterwards to
-avail himself of them, as a powerful instrument against the oppression
-of France; but a circumstance one cannot comprehend is, that it should
-not have occurred even to the inferior mind of M. de Saint-Marsan,
-and the very moderate capacity of M. Maret, that at the first reverse
-experienced by the grand army, all these alliances would be got rid
-of, as something troublesome and offensive--in fact, as a yoke to be
-cast off. To what a degree of humiliation was the House of Frederic now
-reduced! Prussia, in a suppliant attitude, had solicited an alliance
-with the Buonaparte family, and Hardenberg, the principal negotiator,
-had received a cold refusal! Was it possible all this should be
-forgotten? On one side was the recollection of their young and heroic
-queen, who had died broken-hearted, insulted in the public papers,
-and calumniated in pamphlets; and on the other, was a people ground
-down by oppression, but undertaking its own preparations for the day
-of independence; while to the insolence of the chief we must add all
-the harshness of his generals, and of the people employed in levying
-contributions. I do not wish here to mention proper names, but if any
-men are still living who were then employed in the local administration
-of Prussia, let them speak, and say, whether the system to which
-Prussia was subjected, was one possible for her to maintain, in spite
-of all the hopes of liberty inspired by the general rising in Europe?
-and whether it was not natural the conflagration of Moscow should be
-succeeded by other flames?
-
-The most important events in Prussia commenced from this period. The
-fatal campaign of Moscow being concluded, the French army, a miserable
-swarm of fugitives, fell back upon the frontiers of Prussia, so lately
-traversed under different auspices! The corps of Marshal Macdonald was
-compelled to retreat from the siege of Riga, and the brave and faithful
-chief brought back with him the Prussians, especially the division
-of York, long under the influence of the principles inculcated by
-Schill. News suddenly arrived that the Prussians refused to fight, and
-General York addressed a respectful letter to the Marshal, declaring
-his intention of maintaining a perfect neutrality with the Russian
-armies. This defection extended to all the Prussian troops, and excited
-surprise, though it had long been in preparation; in fact, both
-officers and soldiers were all strongly imbued with the doctrines
-of Schill, Stein, and the secret societies; and Prussia, ripe for
-independence, obtained it at last: a bright dawn had begun to appear,
-and wherefore should she not avail herself of it?
-
-Such being the state of popular opinion in Prussia, let us now inquire
-what was the spirit of the cabinet conducted by Baron Hardenberg. He
-had evidently been well acquainted with the existence of the secret
-societies, and the edicts of Breslau, issued on the 3d and 9th of
-February, which gave a military organisation to the _Tugendbund_, were
-drawn up and signed by him; and admirable indeed were these patriotic
-papers, calling upon all the sons of Germany to take up arms in defence
-of the Fatherland! It is necessary to read them, fully to understand
-the pitch excitement had now reached in Germany; all the young men
-between the ages of seventeen and twenty-four, were to take up arms,
-and form volunteer corps, clothed in the dress that had been worn by
-Schill and Stein, that is, the short frock girded with a leathern belt,
-and the little cap usually worn by students. No youth could be married
-unless he had performed this service, nor could he fill any public
-situation unless he had discharged his duty to his country; without
-this there was no hope for him, either in the path of ambition or of
-love. The patriotic edicts were signed by Hardenberg, who was desirous
-of placing himself at the head of popular feeling in Prussia. They were
-thus worded:--"The dangers with which the state is threatened demand
-an immediate augmentation of our military force, at the same time that
-the state of our finances forbids any increase of our expenditure. The
-subjects of Prussia have always been distinguished for their attachment
-to their king and country, and they require nothing to direct them to
-a determined object but a favourable occasion, which may enable our
-brave youth to display the courage which leads them to join the ranks
-of the ancient defenders of their native land, and acquit themselves
-at their side, of their first and noblest duties. It is with this
-object, that his majesty has been pleased to command the formation of
-detachments of yagers, intended to be annexed to the battalions of
-infantry and the regiments of cavalry of which the army is composed,
-so as to summon to military service those classes of the inhabitants
-of the country who are not compelled to it by the laws, and yet whose
-means permit them, to clothe and equip themselves at their own expense,
-and to serve the state in a manner compatible with their situation
-regarding the civil government. It will also afford an opportunity to
-young men of education to distinguish themselves, and become some day
-clever officers, or non-commissioned officers."
-
-The spirit of Prussia was now thoroughly roused and up in arms. At the
-same time Baron Hardenberg was engaged in a negotiation with M. Maret,
-who did not perceive that the Prussian cabinet was merely following the
-stream--that it was, in fact, no longer the king who governed, but the
-people, and that the people were boiling with indignation. Generally
-speaking, the functionaries of the empire did not attach sufficient
-importance to public opinion; the greater part of them, forsooth, were
-too great people, men of too illustrious birth, as every one is aware,
-and they looked down upon the mass of the nation! These men, born of
-the people, raised by them--some being old newspaper-writers, others
-scriveners, or retired attorneys--considered themselves, by the grace
-of God, such great lords and princes, that they paid no attention to
-the vast power which gives laws to kings and states. When Hardenberg
-wrote that he was desirous of forming the plan of an alliance, even
-after the campaign of Moscow, M. Maret's mind was quite at ease on
-the subject of Prussia; and the diplomatic despatches give sufficient
-evidence of the perfect ignorance that existed at Paris as to the
-approaching movement at Berlin: they did not observe that fresh ideas
-were becoming developed, and that the cabinet was no longer master of
-the country. "What is going to happen?" wrote M. de Saint-Marsan to
-the Prussian minister; and, as his sole answer, the latter despatched
-General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to Paris, bearing soothing
-words. "Prussia is desirous of maintaining peace, and the French
-alliance is pleasing to her, but she requires fresh conditions." Read
-this note from Hardenberg to M. de Saint-Marsan, which describes
-perfectly the situation of Prussia, a situation M. Maret had not
-understood:--"It has occurred to the king, that nothing would more
-advance the great work than a truce, according to which the French and
-Russian armies would retire to a certain distance, and establish lines
-of demarcation, leaving an intervening country. Would his imperial
-majesty be willing to enter into such an arrangement? Would he consent
-to resign the charge of the fortresses of the Oder, of Pilau, and of
-Dantzic (with regard to the latter, conjointly with the Saxon troops,
-as agreed by the treaty of Tilsit), to the troops of the king, and
-withdraw his army beyond the Elbe, provided the Emperor Alexander
-should withdraw his beyond the Vistula? The king has commanded General
-Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to inquire into the intentions of his
-imperial majesty on this head; and he has made similar proposals to
-the Emperor Alexander, as concerning an idea emanating entirely from
-himself, and which can in no way compromise the resolution which your
-sovereign, his imperial majesty, may come to on this point. According
-to what is decided upon at present, the king will regulate his ulterior
-proceedings."
-
-Although Hardenberg's language was somewhat timid, matters were,
-nevertheless, in a state of progression. In her first position, the
-situation of Prussia was that of an ally; in the second, that of
-a neutral power: would she stop there? The arrival of the Emperor
-Alexander at Breslau decided the king upon following the popular
-movement, and the court of Berlin pronounced in favour of the
-coalition; information being conveyed to M. Maret, in a paper drawn
-up by Hardenberg, that Prussia had declared war. This remarkable
-exposition of their causes of complaint against Napoleon contains, more
-especially, a summary of pecuniary grievances, unheard-of violations of
-the various clauses of the treaty, and recollections of the harsh rule
-of the French generals. One circumstance, however, is omitted, although
-it occupied the first place in the mind of the Prussian minister, viz.
-that the country was weary of foreign dominion. The _Tugendbund_ had
-arisen, like an ancient German warrior, armed at all points.
-
-Hardenberg quickly followed up this first despatch by a second,
-addressed to General Krusemarck at Paris, who transmitted it to M.
-Maret. "The Emperor of Russia offers a noble and faithful friendship
-to Prussia, while Napoleon has thrust away his ally, not even having
-condescended to enter into any explanation with her. Prussia has
-endured all the insolence unsparingly heaped upon her by the conqueror;
-all her fortified places have been seized by the French troops; Berlin
-has been occupied, and 94 millions levied upon the country. These
-circumstances render further hesitation impossible; honour commands us
-to draw the sword, and never will we sheath it until an honourable and
-advantageous peace has been obtained."
-
-Baron Hardenberg was now completely in his element; his original
-inclinations bound him to Russia and the Emperor Alexander, and he
-rejoiced in seeing the idea of Queen Louisa accomplished, and the two
-monarchs pressing each other's hands. From this time forward, all
-the efforts of the minister were directed to the developement, and
-organisation of the secret societies. His object was to give a heroic
-impulse to Germany, and, laying aside for the moment all the divisions
-between the Catholic and Protestant parties, he resolved to see nothing
-but the Fatherland thirsting for deliverance from the tyranny of
-Napoleon; he encouraged the young men to carol patriotic songs, and
-excited them to march boldly to battle, without any distinction being
-made between the civilian and the soldier.
-
-Then were seen universities rising _en masse_, and the professors
-themselves leading their pupils to the battle of the giants. The
-engagements of Lutzen and Bautzen have never been considered in a point
-of view which would invest them with a melancholy interest. The flower
-of both countries was there opposed to each other; the conscripts of
-the empire, from the age of eighteen to twenty-one years, and the
-students of the universities bearing the funereal banner of Queen
-Louisa, the oldest of whom did not exceed the age of twenty-two years.
-In the midst of these noble squadrons were heard the thunders of 1500
-pieces of artillery, tearing their youthful and tender bodies, carrying
-off heads, mutilating limbs; yet none of these youths faltered, for
-they were fighting for their country, their common mother.
-
-During this tremendous conflict, the minister did not neglect liberal
-concessions, capable of increasing the enthusiasm of the people.
-Germany, so heavily oppressed, thirsted after liberty, and when the
-people were giving such pledges to the government, it was but just the
-government, in return, should do something for the people. In Prussia
-there is a spirit essentially of organisation, a constant want of
-improvement and progress. All the acts of Hardenberg at this period
-were impressed with a character of liberty; he augmented the municipal
-administrations, all the pecuniary privileges of the nobility and
-clergy were annulled, and, following the ideas of the economic school,
-wardenships and the freedom of cities were abolished. By some acts of
-the cabinet a political constitution was promised to Prussia, although
-it is hardly possible to believe they could ever have thought seriously
-of such a thing for a country whose interests and opinions were so
-disjointed as those of Germany. But at that time Napoleon was regarded
-by the whole world as a great despot; the power raised to oppose him
-must of necessity be the spirit of liberty; and every national feeling
-rose in arms, because the season of oppression must be brought to a
-close. Under these peculiar circumstances, engagements naturally were
-entered into and promises made. To a people capable of such noble
-daring, great concessions might be promised, and in this, Hardenberg
-only followed the impulse that had been given; he pressed the hand
-of Stein, Blucher, and Gneisenau, because their names, like that of
-Suwarow in Russia, were the symbol of the country in arms.
-
-See what name is given in Germany to our disastrous defeat at
-Leipsic--the Victory of the Nations! Yes! it was indeed there, the
-nations overcame the terrible oppressor who had crushed them to the
-dust! It was from the battle of Leipsic, that dated the sudden,
-but prolonged reaction, which finally delivered the people and the
-governments from that giant hand. Accustomed as we are to place the
-character of Napoleon in the highest rank, we will not understand that
-he was the tyrant of Europe, and that even now we are undergoing the
-reaction of two fatal ideas--the recollection of our conquests and of
-our disorganising principles.
-
-After Leipsic, the Rhine was crossed, and Hardenberg did not for a
-moment quit the head-quarters of the Allies: he also represented
-Prussia at the congress of Châtillon. From this moment, in all the
-diplomatic proceedings, as well as in the military operations, Prussia
-always manifested the strongest animosity against the French Emperor;
-she hoped for great reprisals, and would undoubtedly have obtained
-them, had not the general inclination in Europe for peace, and the
-exclusive and generous influence of the Emperor Alexander, swayed the
-negotiations concerning the treaty of Paris, and the restoration of the
-Bourbons. All the political transactions were signed by Hardenberg,
-from his having been the powerful hand which for two years had steadily
-directed public affairs; the King of Prussia conferred upon him the
-title of Prince; and he was invested with that high dignity when he
-accompanied the sovereigns to England.
-
-The sight of the palace of St. James's must have awakened melancholy
-feelings in his mind; in his youth he had there experienced domestic
-sorrow, and been agitated by contending passions; for he had been the
-lover and husband of the Countess Randlaw, the most beautiful woman in
-Germany: she had been lost to him through the means of the Prince of
-Wales, and her seducer was now the Regent of the British islands. But
-they had both grown much older; and when twenty-five years have been
-passed in political agitations and tempests, the heart has been worn
-out by emotion, and but little room is left for recollections of enmity
-and vengeance. Prince Hardenberg was therefore presented to the Prince
-Regent, who received him with marked attention; and the past only
-recurred to their minds, like one of those views which scarcely leave a
-trace in the memory.
-
-From London, Prince Hardenberg repaired to Vienna, to be present at
-the meeting of the great congress, and he had the honour of seeing the
-immense aggrandisement of Prussia sanctioned by successive treaties.
-She now became the kingdom most immediately in an offensive position,
-and was placed in the situation of an advanced post in the coalition
-against France. Those who have investigated the spirit of Europe in
-the remodelling which took place in 1815, can easily perceive that
-the whole system of politics was directed against our country, whose
-influence had caused the most dreadful agitations in all the world
-during the last thirty years. Prussia, which during the revolutionary
-war had almost invariably maintained a neutral position, now received
-such a territorial organisation, as to render it necessary she should
-henceforth be the first to engage in war. This long strip of land,
-which has one extremity on the Niemen, and the other on the Meuse, must
-necessarily strive to extend itself by means of conquest, and in this
-manner the neutrality was avoided, which had occasioned a degree of
-torpor in Europe during the revolution.
-
-An implacable hatred again burst forth, when news arrived at the
-congress of the landing of Napoleon: the young students had but just
-returned to the universities, the _landwehr_ and _landsturm_, disbanded
-but yesterday, were called to resume their arms on the morrow; and
-the closest alliance was renewed in Europe, so as to march at once
-against Napoleon, who, like an adventurous soldier, threw himself
-almost immediately into Belgium and the Rhenish provinces. In this
-military movement, which threatened Prussia, Prince Hardenberg was
-compelled again to appeal to the national troops, who had shed their
-blood on the fields of Lutzen and Bautzen. The same spirit was still
-found in full strength and vigour; Blucher was at the head of the
-Prussian contingent at Waterloo; they fought with the utmost fury, and
-victory having decided in their favour on that plain, fatal to the
-last hopes of Napoleon, the northern provinces of France were soon
-inundated with enemies. In all the proclamations of Hardenberg, and
-all his acts calling Germany to arms, a deadly hatred, a rancorous
-degree of vengeance against France was manifested, in order to rouse
-the courage and the powerful energy of the old Prussian monarchy. This
-irritation was conspicuous at every step taken by the German troops
-on the French territory; they appeared desirous of at once taking
-vengeance for all the humiliations they had undergone during the last
-ten years. Waterloo was not sufficient to appease the anger excited by
-Jena; the recollection of the oppressive dominion of the French was
-fresh in every heart; and it must be confessed, the most rancorous and
-vindictive during the war were not the regular troops, the soldiers
-devoid of mind or imagination, but the young men from the universities,
-the _landwehr_ and the _landsturm_: it was the fair-haired Germans,
-with the short frock and leathern belt, the admirers of Schiller
-and Goëthe, and, more than all, the noble worshippers of the Queen
-of Prussia, who came to claim the spoils of France; for the revered
-image of the heroic Louisa, oppressed and calumniated by Napoleon, was
-mingled in all their dreams.
-
-The despatches of Hardenberg, while the negotiations of Paris were
-in progress, bore the impress of this bent in Germany, and in fact of
-the whole of his German existence. From the time he first took part
-in public affairs, he particularly interested himself in every thing
-concerning the confederation; his influence alone had induced Prussia
-to enter into the system of neutrality and centralisation, which became
-the national law of Germany from the time of the French revolution;
-and now these same interests were placed under his supreme direction.
-Germany, which had so long been endangered by French principles, was
-desirous of reacting against that power; and everywhere declared and
-averred, that Alsace and Lorraine had been taken from her, and that
-they ought to be restored to their elder sister; conquest alone had
-given them to France, and a reverse of fortune might deprive her of
-them. Prince Hardenberg set forth these ideas, and supported them at
-the conference in Paris; he asserted that the Rhine was not natural to
-France, but was, on the contrary, offensive to Germany; Strasburg is
-a threatening position, and so would be Mayence; the Vosges and the
-Moselle were the limits he was desirous of assigning as a disgrace
-to us, and this desire proceeded less from his own mind than from
-the detestation Germany had vowed against us: it was the reaction of
-liberalism against Napoleon, extending almost to the partition of
-France. I have already described how M. de Richelieu preserved us from
-this great misfortune, by appealing to the Emperor Alexander, more
-disinterested in the question of partition, and who interposed in
-favour of our vanquished country.
-
-Notwithstanding this, the sacrifices imposed upon us by the treaty of
-Paris were sufficiently heavy. Hardenberg was one of those who signed
-it, and the influence he had exerted gave him very great claims upon
-the confidence of his sovereign. He became, in the Prussian cabinet,
-the representative of the Anglo-German alliance; renewing the union
-between the Tory party and the German aristocracy, whose fundamental
-principle was a hatred and hostility towards France, dating as far back
-as the battle of Fontenoy, where the troops of the Duke of Cumberland
-were humbled before the fortune of Louis XV.
-
-Although peace was now established, the task of the minister was not
-completed, and a most difficult mission remained to be accomplished.
-The strong national impulse given to Germany by the necessity of
-getting rid of Napoleon, had roused an energetic feeling in favour of
-liberty in every breast; charters and constitutions had been promised,
-and a sort of mystic unity in Germany had been spoken of; and how
-were these promises to be redeemed? This political question, which I
-have already mentioned as so delicate, I may almost say so terrible,
-for Prince Metternich, was still more so for the head of the Prussian
-government. In Austria the popular mind was neither so advanced, nor so
-philosophically organised, as in Prussia; the enthusiasm of the people
-was at bottom only an extreme devotion to the Emperor and the august
-house of Hapsburg; and all they requested in return, was the repeal
-of a few of their taxes, some local liberties, and a little public
-happiness. But in Prussia the desires were not so moderate; all the
-secret societies had visions of a state of things so strangely liberal,
-that Germany would have been nothing more than a republic under a king,
-if a free course had been allowed to their expectations. In order to
-arrive at a regular plan of government, Hardenberg was obliged, even
-in the face of his former promises, to break with the patriot party,
-whose efforts he had so strenuously seconded during the crisis. Blucher
-and Gneisenau, the chiefs of these young men, were anxious for a
-national representative system, and for that purpose they wished the
-secret societies to remain in full force; but Hardenberg demonstrated
-to them that the object of these associations no longer existed, and
-that as to the constitution of the States, the part designated as
-the administration must be separated from the political legislation.
-Under this point of view Hardenberg's theory is particularly worthy of
-remark. According to him legislation belongs to the king alone; and
-it was certainly a right no one would have disputed with Frederic,
-the founder of the kingdom; the administration only belongs to the
-provincial states, as also the power of voting taxes. He established
-this theory by many successive acts, drawn up under his influence;
-and it reached such a pitch, that a royal edict even put a stop to
-the secret societies, as dangerous and fatal. The king's language is
-paternal, and explanatory of his motives; such being the usual course
-pursued in Prussia, where reason and explanation are had recourse to
-with a thinking people.
-
-This second portion of the life of Hardenberg presents exactly the
-reverse of the medal; and such, we may observe, is generally the case.
-The existence of political characters is almost invariably divided
-into two parts: the one, all action and advance; the other, devoted
-to the repression of the ideas they may have favoured in the days of
-their youth and strength. The secret societies occasioned alarm, and,
-perhaps, with some reason, at a time when the strangest theories had
-begun to appear in Germany, and the press was doing mischief. There
-had been a time when it was desirable to rouse Germany, and then every
-thing might be said in favour of Liberty, as it was by her means
-that every thing was to be done; but, after the crisis was over, the
-government would be exposed to sudden and unexpected accusations. In
-the Prussian universities it is permitted to discuss all questions, to
-examine into the most important points of theology and morals; but when
-they come to the application, when the principles of the government
-are actually attacked, there is liberty no longer. All discussion is
-formally forbidden which leads to the examination of the rights of the
-crown or the obedience of the subject, because the head of the state is
-essentially military, and his power is the work of the soldier.
-
-Hardenberg, as minister of the king, took a part in all the acts which
-prepared the Germanic constitution; for Frederic William abandoned
-himself to his long experience, and he was prime minister in the
-fullest sense of the word. To mark how perfectly he was satisfied with
-his services, the king not only wrote to him with his own hand on his
-birthday, but he also, as an agreeable surprise, caused his portrait to
-be placed in the principal apartment of his hôtel.
-
-By the act of the Germanic Confederation a close alliance took place
-between Prussia and Austria, in order that they might share the power
-equally between them; the one in the north, the other in the south;
-Prussia as the representative of the Protestant, and Austria of the
-Catholic system. The German unity was remodelled on that plan, and
-there was no longer any thing but a moral struggle between the two
-nations. Prussia was more advanced in her philosophical ideas, and
-Austria more paternal and provident in her domestic regulations.
-
-The well-established distinction between the administration and the
-political system is particularly owing to the exertions of Hardenberg.
-The administration is careful, economical, and often dishonest; the
-political branch watchful and military, carefully restricting the
-developement of liberty within the most exact limits. After the
-termination of the great transactions of 1816, Hardenberg occupied
-himself only in applying his system of repression to the press, to the
-convocation and to the limited constitution of the States. At Troppau
-and Laybach he supported Prince Metternich's designs, and all the
-measures against the schools were taken in concert with Austria. The
-system of the German universities embraced two main points,--studious
-and intellectual ideas, and political influence. Hardenberg, a highly
-educated man, the friend of Humboldt, Gentz, and Kotzebue, and
-himself distinguished for his literary tastes, was willing to leave
-to philosophy the vast domain where intellect displays, and often
-loses itself; therefore the studies were not restricted in their
-developement, the universities were still left mistress of their
-doctrine, but they were obliged to resign their mysterious influence
-on secret societies, and they no longer formed acting and deliberating
-corps. Science, thought, and philosophy, remained as a grand and noble
-trinity in the domain of the learned, like the school divinity of the
-middle ages.
-
-Political action being restrained, it was easier to bring the
-administration to perfection. The system of Prussian presidencies was
-only a collection of vast prefectures or local administrations, and
-every thing was regulated with so much economy, that the taxes are
-collected with a third less expense than in France.
-
-In this long struggle of every-day labour, the life of Prince
-Hardenberg was worn out; and at Aix-la-Chapelle and Troppau it was
-evident that his strength was beginning to give way. Old age had come
-upon him, and one is astonished a war with parties should have been
-carried on so vigorously by a man who had reached the advanced age of
-threescore and ten. One can imagine the peaceful government of an aged
-man over a peaceful state; but the last four years of Hardenberg's life
-had been the most laborious, because he not only had to contend with
-external powers, but with his own opinions and ideas, hardly five years
-old. He had organised the secret societies, and he was now compelled
-to destroy them. It was not his feelings that had changed, but the
-necessities of Europe, with whom deliverance had passed into repression.
-
-At the congress of Verona, Hardenberg was seen, for the last time,
-exerting all his strength to support the opinions of the Emperor
-Alexander and Metternich, upon the necessity of a war with Spain. His
-last public act was a journey to Rome, to sign a concordat between
-Prussia and the Holy See; and the reconciliation between a Protestant
-state and the head of the Catholic Church was certainly a most singular
-and novel proceeding. Whence did it proceed? and what was the cause
-of it? The excitement occasioned in Europe by the Holy Alliance had
-reunited the various and scattered sovereignties. Their ideas were
-confounded by the necessity of mutual defence, and the various shades
-of opinion were effaced by the urgent anxiety for the repression of the
-democratic principle; so that the Pope was restored by the English,
-Prussians, and Russians, who all belong to different communions. These
-political reconciliations had strengthened the religious feeling, and,
-at this time, the Czar was dreaming of an universal church, by the
-union of all the sects, which offers some explanation how Hardenberg
-might go to Rome to sign the concordat. We must not, however,
-forget that, owing to her new position, and her great acquisition
-of territory, nearly half her population were now Papists, all the
-Rhenish provinces surrounding the great cathedral of Cologne being
-of that profession, and it was necessary to secure the exercise of
-their religion to these people, but half-subject to their new master.
-Hardenberg had still sufficient strength to preside over this treaty;
-he then proceeded to Genoa in search of a milder climate, and had taken
-one of those delightful villas where Lord Byron was accustomed to enjoy
-the charms of a lovely country, when he was surprised by illness and
-death, at the age of seventy-two years.
-
-It was a diplomatic career as long as that of Prince Talleyrand; but
-Prince Hardenberg had not, like him, preserved the polished manners
-and mode of expression which, in his youth, won the hearts of the
-republicans. His speech had become thick and heavy; he spoke French
-well, but with the German accent, that is slightly observable with
-Baron Humboldt. His language was very cold, and appeared the mirror
-of his feelings, which seldom permitted themselves to be excited
-by the imagination; he appeared to be even more a man of business
-than a statesman; and, in fact he has organised, not created, an
-administration which still exists, and gradually advances on the path
-marked out for it by him.
-
-At present, Prussia has done nothing beyond enlarging this system,
-and at the same time stamping it more powerfully with a poetical and
-philosophical tendency; for the ideas and impressions of stormy and
-difficult times are not required in calmer seasons. Prussia appears
-likely to realise the problem of an intelligent people, highly advanced
-in philosophical knowledge, and yet capable of doing without what
-are called constitutional institutions. The idea that proposes to
-centralise and confound every thing, the visionary desire that would
-group Germany around the cathedral of Cologne, is grand and vast; but,
-in order this unity should triumph, would not the first necessary
-condition be, that there should be but one faith, one object of love,
-one system of belief? And how can Protestantism, which is so constantly
-subject to internal dissensions, create unity? To make Berlin the
-capital of science, to cause all the universities to converge towards
-that point, as to an Athens dreamed of by the philosophers, is a noble
-idea of the government; but, on the other hand, what means this license
-against Christianity? Though Frederic the Great received Atheists
-privately at his table, he would never have permitted atheism to be
-publicly taught; and an empire desirous of seeking for unity in science
-and philosophy must lay the first foundations in religion and Christian
-instruction. My opinion, then, is, that the Romish system can alone
-form a powerful bond among the people; otherwise, Cologne restored will
-only present a barren proof of the utter incapacity of Protestantism to
-renew the Catholic union of the arts and religion, as it existed during
-the middle ages.
-
-
-
-
-COUNT NESSELRODE.
-
-
-In the march of generations two distinct periods are observable: the
-one of ardent and vigorous activity, when quiet and lukewarmness are
-vexatious and annoying; the other of fatigue and exhaustion; and, when
-this reaction has taken place, it is necessary there should be at the
-head of affairs, wise and moderate ministers, perhaps even men who are
-themselves weary of too active and busy a life. The great European
-monarchies enjoy an incontestable advantage over freer but more stormy
-governments, in the perpetuity of their system and the lengthened
-career of their statesmen. Look at Austria and Russia during the last
-thirty-three years; they have been under the unvarying direction of
-two ministers, who have alone had the direction of affairs,--Prince
-Metternich and Count Nesselrode; and only the death of Prince
-Hardenberg has deprived Prussia of his services. This perpetuity of
-statesmen is attended with many advantages: it creates a constant
-succession of precedents in the cabinet; it permits the conception of a
-long series of measures, and allows one idea to be followed and worked
-out with perseverance. A young man is selected immediately he has
-finished his studies, and placed in the second or third rank among the
-_attachés_ of an embassy; he next becomes a minister plenipotentiary;
-and, if he rises and distinguishes himself, he obtains a post in the
-_chancellerie_; and when, owing to the confidence of his sovereign, or
-the force of circumstances, he has once been placed in a superior rank,
-he remains there to the end of his life. And what is the result?--a
-most serious attention to all transactions, and a most profound
-knowledge of business: the political situation, which was originally
-the great object of his ambition, now becomes the subject of his
-careful study, and, indeed, his whole existence is bound up in it.
-
-England, always intelligent and clear-sighted, has striven to apply a
-remedy to the instability of men, by the stability of parties. In that
-country there are two schools opposed to each other, the Whigs and the
-Tories; and men from their earliest childhood are destined to belong to
-one, or other of these vast divisions. The universities of Oxford and
-Cambridge receive into their bosom this twofold generation of students,
-who apply themselves to the study of the peculiar ideas which divide
-these shades of parliamentary opinion, and proceed without hesitation
-on the path they have chosen for themselves; and, on quitting the
-university, they support in parliament the opinions in which they have
-been educated, or which they have adopted. Suppose a young man to be a
-Tory, if the Tories are in power he obtains an appointment as one of
-the under-secretaries of state, and only resigns it when his party go
-out of office; should he be a Whig, and the Whigs are at the head of
-affairs, the same thing takes place: every thing is fixed, and proceeds
-according to rule in the government; by that means alone it is known
-whence people come, and they are equally well acquainted with the
-course they are likely to take.
-
-In bringing together the names of Metternich, Nesselrode, and
-Hardenberg, I do not pretend to draw an absolute parallel between them;
-on the contrary, there exists a strong and well-defined difference.
-Metternich and Hardenberg always expressed their own ideas, and were
-the representatives of a system, which they followed with the utmost
-perseverance, and applied through all the changeful course of events
-that occurred in the two great kingdoms committed to their care. They
-were statesmen who had taken office with fixed principles, and their
-whole life was employed in their developement. For instance, the
-self-imposed object of Prince Hardenberg's foreign policy, was the
-increase of the national influence of Prussia against Napoleon; and of
-his internal government, the reconstruction of the States and of the
-Prussian citizen classes. Prince Metternich, in the foreign relations
-of the cabinet of Vienna, especially strove to establish his system of
-armed mediation, and moral influence produced by means of vast military
-establishments; while, to speak the truth, Count Nesselrode has been
-nothing more than the upright and intelligent executor of the will of
-his sovereign: he was the reflected image of Alexander, the faithful
-hand which undertook the execution of his wishes, even of those where
-his personal feelings were most concerned. The position of Nesselrode
-with regard to the Emperors Alexander and Nicholas, might be compared
-to that of the _ministres secrétaires d'état_ under Napoleon; the
-influence he exercises results from his long experience, and from
-the circumstance of his every-day life being passed in the midst of
-politics, which are thus interwoven with all his habits; and this in
-itself confers a great degree of power.
-
-Charles Albert, count Nesselrode, was born at Lisbon in 1770, of
-a noble family of German extraction. His father was minister
-plenipotentiary in Portugal under Catherine II., and some traditions
-exist concerning the cause of this species of exile; there are,
-however, always some of these rather sneering, and random legends,
-current in the _corps diplomatique_, as if for the purpose of unbending
-the brow of official gravity.
-
-Count Nesselrode was still very young at the termination of the
-reign of Catherine,--that extraordinary woman, whose character forms
-so curious a study, because it perfectly represents the state of
-civilisation in Russia; whose political ideas were so masculine, and by
-whom the system of Peter the Great had been constantly followed up and
-advanced. She appeared to effect an alteration in the influence of the
-cabinet of St. Petersburg, which had hitherto been purely oriental, and
-to render it more German and central; being the first step towards the
-predominance in Southern Europe, which was afterwards the ambition of
-her grandson Alexander. Peter the Great had pointed to Constantinople;
-but Catherine considered Warsaw the most favourable point, as a
-position which might enable the Russian power, at a later period, to
-assume in the south the importance which her literary correspondence,
-and political despatches were already preparing. It was solely with
-this view that she encouraged the spirit of the eighteenth century, and
-caressed D'Alembert and Diderot, journalists who were devoted to her
-interests. When Voltaire, with his expression of flattering vanity,
-wrote to Catherine that light came from the north, he foretold the
-consummate ability of the Czarina, which prompted her to make herself
-talked of at any price; "because," as she cleverly observed, "by dint
-of exalting the Russian name, it will at last be made some account of
-in France and in England; we shall no longer be reckoned among the
-barbarians; we shall be talked of at Versailles, in London, and at
-Madrid; and this, in politics, is indispensable, if we are desirous of
-obtaining any ascendancy."
-
-The leading principle of the cabinet of St. Petersburg for the last
-hundred years, has been the agglomeration of Poland, and the expulsion
-of the Turks, whom they are desirous of driving back as far as the
-Black Sea. Poland has fallen; nor was it in the power of any government
-to prevent the ruin of that fated country. A strong antipathy, a deep,
-unmeasured hatred, exists between the Poles and Russians; they are two
-races ready to fall upon each other; two giants, armed at all points,
-constantly contending during six centuries. The most unpopular of all
-proceedings at Moscow, at Kalouga, at Novogorod, and in the old castles
-of the ancient nobility, was the erection of Poland into an independent
-kingdom, organised by Alexander,[47] which occasioned murmurs of
-dissatisfaction on every side. The other object of Russia, the fall of
-Turkey, will also take place sooner or later; it cannot be prevented,
-and, if the government will not undertake it, the people will do it
-themselves. Saint Sophia is required to crown the patriarchate of the
-Greek Church. Of this Europe is well aware; she delays the explosion
-until the proper time has arrived, and determines the various shares
-beforehand: but to prevent it altogether is beyond her power. And some
-day we shall hear that the Russians, with the cross as their banner,
-have marched to the succour of their brethren, and that another empire
-of Constantine has arisen on the Bosphorus. It is so written in the
-book of fate!
-
- [47] _Vide_ art. Pozzo di Borgo.
-
-I am not aware that the Russian cabinet has ever been made the subject
-of consideration in France, in the point of view of its great
-diplomatic ability. The principal source of its predominance has been
-sought in the strength communicated by its armies, and in its absolute
-organisation; but they have been mistaken: the truth is, that there is
-nothing more persevering, or more deeply reflecting, than the Russian
-cabinet; it goes on slowly, without attracting attention by noise or
-tumult. During the last century, the Russian population has increased
-by eleven millions of souls, who occupy more than five hundred leagues
-square of territory, if we include Georgia and the part of Tartary
-united to the government of the Crimea; and, independent of these
-actual conquests, Russia has acquired an undoubted protectorate over
-Moldavia and Wallachia, and such a degree of influence in Persia, that
-no other country would now think of disputing it with her: finally,
-every one is aware of the position she has obtained at Constantinople,
-and also of the efforts made by the whole of Europe to prevent her from
-actually accomplishing the vast projects formed by Peter the Great. In
-order to arrive at this result, nothing has been neglected by Russia;
-neither political protestations, nor appeals to religious feeling,
-have been spared. Knowing exactly where to stop, she never ventures
-too far in an idea; she waits patiently till the opportunity is ripe;
-and, should her system have too much awakened attention, she does not
-overstep certain limits, but makes a momentary concession, and then
-resumes her projects with admirable consistency. As soon as the proper
-season has arrived, and that the obstacles she at first encountered are
-overcome, then Russia progresses straight to the accomplishment of her
-wishes.
-
-Catherine, struck with a fatal apoplexy, had descended to the tomb,
-and the sceptre passed to the Grand Duke Paul, who had been condemned
-to the most profound obscurity, until the moment when he was summoned
-from his solitude to the government of forty millions of people. The
-gloomy singularity of his character has been exaggerated; he has been
-represented as a capricious prince, who would pass suddenly from acts
-of savage tyranny to kindness and tender intimacy; but we must remember
-that Paul came of the blood of Peter the Great, and being incessantly
-surrounded by conspiracies, which threatened both his crown and his
-life, he often formed resolutions which flew at once from unreserve
-to anger, from confidence to sudden fury. Characters generally spring
-from situations, and are what events have made us. Paul had to defend
-his life, which had been endangered by many attempts against it; we
-must not, therefore, be too hasty in our judgment of this prince, but,
-in order to form a fair opinion, we must descend to the depths of the
-national character, and view the general situation of her politics.
-
-Europe had received a vehement impulse from the French revolution. The
-Grand Duke, who was himself threatened by the spirit of revolt, must
-have viewed with but little satisfaction this popular explosion at the
-other extremity of Europe; but the distance of Russia, her financial
-embarrassments, and the accomplishment of the partition of Poland, did
-not permit her to take part in the first coalition against the French
-revolution: the Russians did not join the hostile party until the
-second Italian war, during the campaign of Suwarof. I will not repeat
-the well-known military story; the divisions in the cabinets of Vienna
-and St. Petersburg put a stop to the second coalition: but the Russian
-regiments had seen Italy; they had touched the soil of Switzerland; for
-the first time their breasts had been warmed by the mild rays of the
-southern sun; and, like the invaders of the third and fourth centuries,
-they recollected during the long wintry nights of their icy clime,
-that there were large towns and fair cities in the south of Europe,
-that those fertile lands produced delicious fruits, while the smiling
-plains were crowned with abundant harvests: these recollections lay
-deep in the mind of many a Russian veteran in the years 1813 and 1814,
-and from this time forth the cabinet of St. Petersburg took a part in
-the interests of southern Europe.
-
-The diplomatic career of Count Nesselrode began at the time of the
-embassy of Count Marcoff at Paris, under the Consulate--that wonderful
-period when every thing, government, institutions, and political and
-social ideas, appeared to have been renewed with the vigour of youth.
-The forcible administration of the First Consul easily opened the way
-to negotiations with Russia, for whenever a regular power has been
-established in France, Europe has never attempted to overturn it. Count
-Nesselrode being attached to the embassy in Paris, had the opportunity
-of witnessing the magnificent developement of the power and genius of
-Buonaparte, then First Consul. Who would have foretold that fifteen
-years later, he, as the Chancellor of Alexander, would preside over the
-acts relative to the downfall of the Emperor, and sanction the decrees
-of the senate of 1814 for the restoration of the House of Bourbon?
-
-Paris, at this early period of the Consulate, was an abode full of
-pleasure and enjoyment. The treaty of Amiens had just been concluded,
-peace had been obtained through victory, and people were desirous
-of amusement and repose; they were emerging from the system of the
-Directory, the spirit of good society again raised its head, and
-its rules and customs were eagerly sought for, in order to restore
-it from its ruins. There was a little court at the Tuileries around
-Joséphine; all the ceremonies and etiquette of former times were
-collected with avidity; ambassadors alone had liveries, and their
-splendid equipages shone with double lustre among the half-republican
-assemblage, where there was a long string of hackney-coaches with their
-numbers concealed. Napoleon still reserved all his magnificence for
-his military festivals; his grand reviews on the Place du Carrousel,
-where in the midst of clouds of dust the squadrons of _guides_, and the
-grenadiers of the consular guard defiled, as we see them depicted in
-the pictures of Isabey.
-
-The luxurious splendour of the embassies cast over every thing
-belonging to the legation, an aristocratic gloss which turned the heads
-of this generation; and this may explain the success in female society
-enjoyed by various members of the _corps diplomatique_ at this period,
-and the close and tender intimacies which were afterwards so useful to
-Prince Metternich in his diplomatic _surveillances_. Young Nesselrode,
-like all Russians, spoke French with the greatest fluency, and without
-the decided accent, which all Prince Metternich's talents are unable
-to correct. He had his share of the dissipation of the new court,
-where some young women, as if astonished at their own position, forgot
-themselves, and forgot also that they had the gravest and most serious
-head in the world as their chief. I can hardly say wherefore, but
-nothing has given me a more contemptible idea of society in the time of
-the Consulate, than the perusal of some memoirs that have been written
-in apology for it; beside the wonders achieved by one man, how mean and
-wretched appear the tricks and narrow intrigues of those around him!
-
-The Russian legation was at that time obliged to concern itself, with
-one of the most important questions of maritime rights, and of the
-law of nations. The treaty of Amiens, which never could have been any
-thing more than a truce between France and England, was broken by both
-parties at once; and it is an invidious question to inquire which of
-these two governments, was guilty of the first infringement of the
-treaty: the peace fell to the ground because it was only a momentary
-repose for two cabinets unable to live in peace with each other, on
-account of their gigantic ambition. As soon as war was declared between
-France and England, Napoleon was naturally desirous of carrying on
-hostilities in a vigorous manner, and for that purpose he endeavoured
-to secure the co-operation of some of the continental powers. Paul, who
-was as ardent in his admiration as in his hatred, had conceived a high
-esteem for the First Consul, and Buonaparte, taking advantage of this
-feeling, requested him again to put in force, for the benefit of the
-neutral powers, the principle of the liberty of the sea; a principle
-completely opposed to the ideas and interests of England, for the
-British government never would admit that the flag should protect the
-merchandise. A squadron appeared in the Sound, to act simultaneously
-against Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, who had adhered to the principle
-of armed neutrality. The legation at Paris, under the direction of
-Count Marcoff, based the treaty on the rights of the neutral nations,
-being the developement of a grand maritime idea renewed by Louis XVI.
-
-A change, however, soon took place, for, as if stricken by a
-thunderbolt, Paul fell a victim to a conspiracy. The mysterious horrors
-of that awful night have been recorded in history. The mild and
-romantic Alexander was placed on the throne of his father, who appeared
-almost immediately inclined to proceed to warlike measures against
-France and Napoleon; and accordingly the influence exercised by England
-over the cabinet of St. Petersburg was very considerable. The Russian
-legation quitted Paris, and as it had lately exhibited great activity
-in obtaining information that was not favourable to the ideas of
-Napoleon, Count Marcoff was on the point of being arrested, and there
-was a good deal of hesitation whether he should receive his passports.
-These acts of violence were a habit of Napoleon, for even the barrier
-opposed by the law of nations to his will was displeasing to him, and
-he was always on the eve of breaking through it.
-
-The part played since this period by Count Nesselrode, and the
-importance of the negotiations between Russia and France, render
-it necessary to explain the organisation of the highest class of
-the _corps diplomatique_, as it exists in the Russian empire. The
-Emperor being the supreme head of the army, of the government, and
-of the church, all the authorities depend upon him, and consequently
-he reserves to himself the entire direction of what is called the
-_Chancellerie_. This _chancellerie_ appoints agents, who, under the
-title of ministers or ambassadors, represent officially their sovereign
-at foreign courts; it also exercises much activity and vigilance, and
-keeps a watch upon the ambassadors, who are often compelled to collect
-the most minute information--a proceeding not at all in keeping with
-their elevated rank, for the shades are almost imperceptible between
-what is allowable, and what is forbidden in diplomatic affairs; and,
-as I have before stated, this ambiguous situation often induced the
-Emperor Napoleon to be almost violent in his measures against the
-Russian ambassadors, when he found they obtained statements of the
-military establishments, and secret conventions, so as to become
-masters of the most carefully guarded secrets of the cabinet.
-
-Independent of these people, who are officially accredited, the Czar
-despatches aides-de-camp, without any positive commission except that
-of travelling, or perhaps being the bearers of some complimentary
-message; and these officers examine into every thing and send reports,
-not only regarding the government and the population they are
-deputed to inspect, but even concerning the Russian agents. To recall
-an example: under the Emperor Napoleon, in 1811, the aide-de-camp
-Czernitcheff made two or three journeys to Paris, ostensibly to
-compliment the Emperor, and to carry him autograph letters from the
-Czar; and then he returned to Russia with a statement of all the
-military strength of the country, which had been given him by an
-_employé_ in the war-office--information that was of the greatest
-possible service to Russia in the defence of 1812. In addition to all
-this, when the Czar takes the field a great number of general officers
-unite diplomatic missions and services, to their military titles;
-as, for instance, Count Pozzo di Borgo, as we have before observed,
-attended at the same time to the strategic operations, and to the
-arrangements in the cabinets, which might secure their developement.
-When England, who was the first to follow this plan, granted subsidies
-to a power, she always sent a commissioner with each army to follow the
-campaign.
-
-Count Nesselrode was early attached as a councillor to the private
-_chancellerie_ of the Czar, who soon discovered him to possess
-a faithful disposition, great and solid erudition, a serious
-understanding, and a spirit of ready obedience that would willingly
-support his sovereign will. Count Nesselrode took especial pains to
-please Alexander, whose mind was too full of his own ideas to bear any
-impulse that was not given by himself. At the time of his departure
-for the interview at Erfurt, it was evident that three ideas in
-particular possessed the minds of the members of the cabinet of St.
-Petersburg. The one, entirely Russian, observed with feelings of grief
-and humiliation, the alliance between Alexander and the head of the
-French government; a strong dislike was felt by the old Muscovites
-to the greatness of the new empire; the noble Sclavonian detested
-the proud and arrogant _parvenus_. They did not wish for an open
-rupture with France, but the engagements entered into by the treaty of
-Erfurt, the intimacy between the two crowns, which had been formed by
-the fascinations of Napoleon--all this, I say, was a source of great
-displeasure to the old aristocracy, to the successors of those Boyards
-who claimed the feudal government of the Russian provinces.
-
-The second school of this diplomacy was in some degree Greek and
-Oriental. Napoleon had been desirous of satisfying some of the projects
-of Russia by the treaty of Erfurt; and as he was then dividing
-the world with Alexander, he conceded to him the full and entire
-realisation of the plans of Catherine, agreeing that Constantinople
-should be his in a few years, Ispahan and Persia in the course of
-time; they even spoke of the independence of Greece, and consequently
-of the possibility of an insurrection among the Hellenic and Syrian
-population. Napoleon had long revolved these projects in his mind; in
-fact, had not the general of the army of Egypt already had an idea of
-appealing to the Christian profession, as a means of rousing the Copts
-and Syrians against their Ottoman masters? Some maxims of liberty were
-to be attached to the Greek school of diplomacy, and they were brought
-forward some years afterwards at the congress of Vienna by Count Capo
-d'Istria.
-
-The third diplomatic school, which was to a certain degree founded by
-Count Nesselrode, consisted in taking a middle course between the two
-former systems. The young Count had never been devoted to the plans
-proposed at Erfurt, and he did not for a moment allow himself to be
-carried away by the gigantic projects then determined upon in a moment
-of enthusiasm; he did not identify himself either with the Greek or the
-German school, nor even entirely with the Muscovite, in its repugnance
-for Napoleon. What Alexander particularly remarked was, the perfect
-obedience of his minister to all his wishes, though he sometimes strove
-to infuse a little moderation into his decisions, when their tendency
-was too abrupt or positive to be advisable in political affairs.
-Nesselrode always executed the orders of his sovereign, but in so doing
-he tempered the expressions of enthusiastic mysticism which often
-characterised the politics of the Czar; he did not attempt to give an
-impulse, but he endeavoured to prevent the will of his master from
-going too far.
-
-The commencement of Count Nesselrode's favour dates especially from
-the French expedition to Russia. The movement, still more national
-than military, which repulsed this gigantic undertaking, naturally
-took its source from the old Muscovite families, and in the savage
-energy against which the Czars, ever since the days of Peter the Great,
-have struggled in vain; and Alexander, whose education and principles
-rendered him particularly averse to this return of barbarism, felt the
-need of a confidential friend, in whose bosom he might confide his
-fears of the results to be apprehended from this Muscovite tendency,
-which went beyond his own ideas and wishes. Count Nesselrode became one
-of these confidential servants, and as early as 1812, although he did
-not fill the official situation of _conseiller d'état_, he took the
-principal part in the prodigious diplomatic movement then in progress;
-he concluded and signed the treaty of the subsidies with England, and
-the secret alliance of the two great powers against Napoleon, which
-completed his political fortune.
-
-The intimacy between Count Nesselrode and Prince Metternich began in
-the course of the negotiations at the congress of Prague. As I have
-before observed, it is impossible to institute a comparison between
-these diplomatists; Prince Metternich being the creator of a system,
-while Nesselrode was merely employed in executing, or perhaps in
-moderating an idea, which was not always his own. Count Nesselrode was
-not the official plenipotentiary at the congress of Prague, the full
-powers being entrusted to M. d'Anstett, a man of considerable ability,
-but hardly likely to be very favourably inclined to a peaceable system,
-for he was a French _émigré_; however, the impulse and the direction of
-the whole business emanated entirely from Alexander, and consequently
-from Count Nesselrode, the most faithful and devoted of his
-representatives. It was then, as we cannot but feel, of the greatest
-importance, to induce Austria to join the coalition of the Allies
-against Napoleon, for upon it depended the success of the campaign of
-Germany; but Metternich was far from being decided in favour of this
-step, and he wished to oblige them to purchase the co-operation of
-Austria at a very high price: the negotiations, however, were conducted
-with great ability by Count Nesselrode, and at the conclusion of the
-congress of Prague the alliance of Austria was well secured to the
-coalition. The Russian minister arranged in the name of his sovereign
-all the articles of this treaty, which calmed the fears of Austria, by
-assigning to her an advantageous frontier in Germany and Italy.
-
-A new element had just manifested itself in the Russian diplomacy,
-General Pozzo di Borgo having arrived at head-quarters, after
-accomplishing his mission to Bernadotte, crown-prince of Sweden. Count
-Pozzo was the friend of the disaffected generals of the Empire; and his
-constant thought, and the master-passion of his soul, was his desire
-to bring about the ruin of his ancient rival, whom he considered as
-the oppressor of Europe. It was necessary for Count Nesselrode, if not
-exactly to contend with this influence over the mind of Alexander,
-at least not entirety to concur in it; for he, like Metternich, for
-a short time considered it might be possible to treat with Napoleon,
-and to impose such a degree of restraint upon his military power, as
-to prevent him from injuring the German independence, or the security
-of the interests and relations of the States. On this head Nesselrode
-perfectly agreed in the opinions of Alexander, who, during the campaign
-of 1813, was as far from desiring the downfall of Napoleon, as from
-wishing to interfere with the form of government in France; there was
-then quite enough to do in Germany, the Rhine had not yet been passed,
-and the question concerning the deposition of the French Emperor did
-not occur until 1814. Count Nesselrode having been present at the
-interview at Abo, between the Czar and Bernadotte, it was impossible
-he should be ignorant that questions had been raised concerning
-certain possible events, among which the chance of another form of
-government being established in France was spoken of. Those who have
-some knowledge of the state of the case, are well aware that nothing
-could be more vague and undecided than all that was settled in this
-interview, if we except the close alliance between Russia and Sweden,
-and certain decisions concerning their territorial claims. The Emperor
-Alexander conversed with Bernadotte about the plan of the campaign, and
-the state of the public mind in France, as well as concerning all the
-possibilities and chances that might be the consequence of the war; and
-Bernadotte in his turn naturally spoke of his grievances, and of the
-injuries which, as a Republican general, he had been exposed to from
-Napoleon, and for which he retained a strong dislike to him: but there
-was no talk of any change, and they entered into no positive agreement
-to overturn the sovereign who then reigned in France.
-
-During the campaign of 1814, there was as much activity in the
-negotiations as even in the military operations; and when the Allies
-had once passed the Rhine it was considered necessary diplomacy
-should follow all the phases of the war, so as to be ready to reply
-to the proposals that might be made by the Emperor of the French,
-and also to resolve all the difficulties they might encounter. The
-arrival of Lord Castlereagh on the Continent greatly facilitated the
-transactions regarding the subsidies and the equipment of the troops;
-and the treaty of Chaumont was signed by Count Nesselrode, as well as
-by the plenipotentiaries of the other allied powers. The ascendancy
-acquired by England just then was so great, that she may almost be
-said to have alone given the impulse and direction to all the acts of
-the cabinet; it must, however, be acknowledged, that as she furnished
-the sinews of war, it was very natural she should fix positively the
-use to which they were to be applied. Count Nesselrode arranged with
-Lord Castlereagh the method of issuing the pay of the troops, and the
-diplomatic result of the campaign.
-
-The sad events of the war brought the Allies to Paris; and the moment
-was decisive for that portion of the senate which, under the direction
-of Talleyrand, D'Alberg, and Jaucourt, wished for the fall of Napoleon.
-A provisional government was established, after the occupation of the
-capital. There could be no hesitation in the choice of alliances, for
-the support of Alexander was indispensably necessary to accomplish the
-ruin of the imperial system, whose hour was come! For this purpose,
-however, it was essential to obtain the concurrence of Nesselrode,
-the minister who had signed all the diplomatic acts concluded in the
-last three years; and even had they considered him as a mere secretary
-(Alexander being accustomed to act very much for himself), they would
-naturally have been desirous of engaging him in the interests of the
-provisional government.
-
-As soon as Alexander entered the French territory, the disaffected
-placed themselves in communication with his cabinet. I have already
-mentioned the mission of M. de Vitrolles, who, with a view to the
-restoration, had informed the Czar of the state of the public mind; and
-Count Nesselrode had hardly arrived in Paris before he was surrounded
-and assailed by a thousand conflicting intrigues and negotiations
-of all sorts, for the purpose of inducing his cabinet to decide in
-favour of the Bourbons. It was the general bent of the period, as the
-revolutionary principle had been that of a former era. The first steps
-taken by the Russian minister were full of caution; he wanted to feel
-his way and judge of the public feeling, and it was also necessary to
-induce Prince Schwartzenberg, who commanded the active army, to make an
-open demonstration in favour of the Bourbons; yet, at the same time,
-they were not quite certain what was the ultimate decision of Austria,
-and, more especially, of Prince Metternich. All the papers written
-about this time by Count Nesselrode bear evidence of this complicated
-situation; he, however, spoke in plain terms in an official letter
-addressed to M. Pasquier, that he might set at liberty some people
-arrested on account of _the good cause_, and this _good cause_ was the
-restoration of Louis XVIII.
-
-It was evident from this expression of opinions favourable to
-legitimate sovereignty, that the decision had been made before it was
-officially announced. Never, perhaps, at any time had more activity
-been displayed than at this period; Nesselrode must remember it as
-the most brilliant and busy part of his life. His _salon_ never was
-empty; at one time Caulaincourt, with full powers from the Emperor,
-solicited peace; at another, the marshals of the empire stipulated
-for the rights of the army, and a special treaty for Napoleon; then,
-again, Talleyrand, D'Alberg, and De Jaucourt, came to press the Russian
-minister to put an end to all uncertainty by pronouncing the downfall
-of Buonaparte; and, finally, the royalists devoted to the Bourbons,
-such as Sosthènes de la Rochefoucauld, and De Vitrolles, endeavoured to
-obtain the triumph of the ancient dynasty.
-
-After these various negotiations, the declaration of the Emperor
-Alexander, announcing to France that they would not treat with
-Napoleon, was agreed to in the cabinet. This remarkable declaration was
-drawn up by Pozzo di Borgo; it was printed by means of a hand-press at
-the hôtel of Prince Talleyrand, in the Rue St. Florentin, and thousands
-of copies were thrown from the balconies. It was a great party stroke
-for the house of Bourbon, for from that time its cause was secure. It
-has been reported that the resolution of Count Nesselrode was decided
-by immense diplomatic presents; but one should generally regard with
-distrust the various stories that are current after political events
-have been accomplished: there is less corruption than people imagine
-in public business. At the same time it is very probable that some
-gratitude would be manifested after so important an act; secret
-presents almost invariably accompany the signature of stipulations in
-all diplomatic transactions--it is an old custom, and, no doubt, the
-value of these presents was increased in consequence of the immense
-importance of the service rendered; but this is all that historical
-impartiality can say on the subject.
-
-This season of 1814 was very brilliant for Count Nesselrode; there was
-nothing at Paris but _fêtes_ and flowers. The moderation of Russia had
-swayed all the resolutions and softened the conditions of victory, and
-the Emperor Alexander enjoyed a great reputation as the symbol of peace
-and the expression of magnanimity in the midst of triumph. England
-and Austria were quite cast into the shade, nobody was spoken of but
-Alexander, and this celebrity was reflected upon Count Nesselrode in so
-great a degree as to occasion a feeling of jealousy in Metternich, who
-had hardly any thing to do with the transactions at Paris in 1814. The
-Austrian minister awaited his turn at the congress of Vienna. The first
-occupation of our capital was the _apogée_ of the moral omnipotence of
-Russia in the affairs of southern Europe.
-
-Here it is necessary I should mention all the difficulties of
-Nesselrode's situation. Nothing could be more changeable and more prone
-to sudden impressions than the mind of Alexander, who passed from one
-enthusiastic fancy to another with inconceivable rapidity; when he
-had taken up one idea it was difficult to put it out of his head; and
-if you followed in the same track, some time afterwards he would meet
-with some other fancy, which he adopted with equal warmth. We may,
-therefore, imagine how difficult was the part of a secretary of state
-desirous of giving some consistency to these projects, of classing them
-in a certain order, and of producing any result from them all. From the
-close of 1813, Alexander had been deeply imbued with the mysticism of
-Madame Krüdner, and he mingled with his manifestoes on the principles
-of Europe, and his theories of peace and war, a species of ascetic
-worship and enthusiastic superstition very difficult to translate or
-apply to the real business of life, and of which the ultimate object
-was not always understood by powers like England and Austria.
-
-At the congress of Vienna they had to treat of serious affairs, and
-it was necessary to give a positive meaning to the vague conceptions
-of Alexander, and translate theories into treaties. Poland was
-occupied by a Russian army, and the diplomatists of the old Muscovite
-school, in hopes this occupation would become permanent, pressed the
-annexation of Poland to Russia, without a constitution or any free
-state privileges. Alexander, who was desirous of wearing the crown of
-Poland, was entirely opposed to these demands, and wanted to collect
-the ruins of that kingdom into one system of political organisation;
-and Count Nesselrode faithfully executed this idea of his sovereign at
-the congress of Vienna. The question of Poland was his sole anxiety, as
-the integrality of Saxony and the restoration of the House of Bourbon
-at Naples was the exclusive thought of Prince Talleyrand.
-
-At the congress of Vienna Nesselrode formed an intimacy with Prince
-Hardenberg. Russia had supported the pretensions of Prussia, the
-States had been bound to each other by means of political and family
-arrangements, and, for the future, Prussia was destined to act as
-the advanced guard of Russia, in her projects of influence over the
-south of Europe. Russia was too busy with her own affairs to observe
-the sort of underhand alliance forming between England, France, and
-Austria, against Alexander's design of instituting a kingdom in Poland,
-dependent on a viceroyalty of the czars. Nesselrode had to contend at
-once with Metternich and Hardenberg, who were both afraid of seeing the
-portion of Poland that had accrued to them at the time of the first
-partition escape from their grasp; Austria fearing for Gallicia, and
-Prussia for the districts beyond the Vistula. The other opposition the
-Russian minister had to overcome was, as I have before observed, that
-of the old Muscovite families, who murmured at seeing the organisation
-of Poland with an independent constitution and a degree of national
-liberty. Great difficulty existed in this quarter, although Nesselrode
-had not entered as warmly into this project as his sovereign had done,
-but had taken a middle course, in order to avoid a misfortune with
-which he had at one time appeared threatened.
-
-But all these divers interests were confounded by the astounding news
-of Napoleon's landing in the Gulf of Juan. The Emperor Alexander, whose
-mind was more than ever impressed with the mystic and liberal ideas of
-the German school, did not hesitate a moment in lending his powerful
-aid to the coalition. Madame Krüdner had persuaded him that the _white
-angel_, Peace, was to overcome the _black angel_, which presided over
-battles, and that the part of mediator and preserver of the human race
-was intended for him. The immense armies of Russia, therefore, marched
-against the _black angel_ (Buonaparte). I will not enter into the
-military details of the Waterloo campaign; suffice it to remind the
-reader that the Russians, who had afforded such decisive support during
-the invasion of 1813 and 1814, upon this occasion only arrived with the
-third division after the struggle was over, which explains the reason
-why the influence of England and Prussia was paramount in France during
-the transactions of 1815.
-
-I have elsewhere given an account of these negotiations;[48] the
-Emperor Alexander constituted himself the protector of the French
-interests, being led to do so as much by the natural generosity of his
-disposition as by a certain degree of national rivalry, which already
-began to appear between Russia and England. Nesselrode's influence
-over the mind of the Emperor was quite as powerful as that of Pozzo
-di Borgo, and we must acknowledge that they rendered us the most
-essential service, by preserving us from a partition of our territory,
-and a pecuniary indemnity beyond the power of France to discharge.
-Still the treaty of Paris stands in evidence, that we were obliged to
-submit to very painful sacrifices and heavy humiliations.
-
- [48] _Vide_ articles "Pozzo di Borgo" and "Richelieu."
-
-Just at this time the influence of Nesselrode was endangered by a rival
-in Alexander's favour; I allude to Count Capo d'Istria.
-
-Capo d'Istria was born in the Ionian islands, in the midst of the Greek
-population, which have so often been encouraged by Russia to strive
-for their liberty, ever since the time of Catherine II. He was the
-friend of Ipsilanti and of all the ardent generation who fought for
-the independence of their country. At a very early age he had been
-employed in secret and mysterious negotiations. However the cabinet
-of St. Petersburg might be situated with regard to the Porte--let
-the relations of the two countries be what they might, Russia, for
-the last century, had never ceased to favour secretly the efforts of
-Greece to shake off the Ottoman yoke. Alas! had she not had frequent
-cause for self-reproach on this subject? More than once she had
-instigated the Greeks to revolt, and then, when all their efforts had
-proved ineffectual, she had not dared to defend them openly in the
-face of Europe; for she was closely watched by England and Austria,
-who denounced to the Divan the slightest action of the unfortunate
-Hellenists--even the groans of an oppressed people were not allowed
-to pass in silence. When, therefore, Capo d'Istria was admitted to
-the confidence of the Emperor, the cause of the Greeks enjoyed the
-advantage of a constant advocate, and a warm, faithful representative.
-His credit dated from the negotiations in Switzerland in 1815, whose
-result was a new act of mediation under the threefold influence of
-Austria, Russia, and Prussia. Capo d'Istria was afterwards appointed to
-divide with Nesselrode the ministry for foreign affairs.
-
-It was, as I have before observed, a complete rivalry, for Count
-Nesselrode had entirely adopted the ideas of the European school.
-Since the year 1812, he had followed the political system opposed
-to the military principle of the French revolution, now pursued in
-concert by all the cabinets of Europe, whose ruling desire, from the
-year 1816, had been the repression of the liberal movement engendered
-by the resistance of the people to the conquests of Napoleon.
-Nesselrode perfectly agreed with Metternich on this point, and the
-Emperor Alexander's partiality for the liberal and Hellenic school
-of Capo d'Istria was a source of sorrow and vexation to them both.
-The difficulties they had to encounter were of a complicated nature,
-for religious feelings were mingled with political ideas--there
-was strong sympathy between the two churches of Moscow and Athens,
-and the patriarchs were in constant communion with each other. It
-was impossible openly to attack Alexander on this point; all that
-Nesselrode could do in opposition to Capo d'Istria, was to spread the
-alarm in every direction concerning the fearful progress made by the
-spirit of insurrection.
-
-As early as the close of 1815, the Emperor Alexander had conceived
-the project of the Holy Alliance--an idea resulting from the mystic
-and religious fancies of Madame Krüdner, but involving at bottom very
-positive resistance to the spirit of revolt; for the Holy Alliance
-was nothing more than a contract of mutual support, a sort of bond
-entered into by all the crowned heads against the revolutionary
-movement in Europe. Metternich and Nesselrode were certainly not the
-men for ideal transactions--there had been too much reality and
-matter of fact in their lives; still they saw the cabinets adopt these
-measures with satisfaction, as they both entertained hopes of bringing
-over the Emperor to their way of thinking; and, indeed, the general
-course of events at that time appeared to favour the common idea of
-Metternich and Nesselrode, for the secret societies in Germany had
-been greatly developed, and kept Prussia and Austria in a state of
-perpetual anxiety. They sent repeated despatches to St. Petersburg,
-and Nesselrode secretly supported the ideas of the alarmed cabinets.
-Thus the liberal plans advocated by Capo d'Istria met with secret
-opposition, and more than once the Emperor Alexander remained undecided
-among the various tendencies which disputed among themselves his mind,
-his power, and his affections.
-
-Events, however, were progressing in a manner likely to weaken the
-credit of Capo d'Istria, and augment that of Nesselrode. The Polish
-senate had been the especial creation of Alexander, it was the work
-of his own hands; and this senate, by an ill-advised resistance, had
-just deeply offended the will of the sovereign--a circumstance which
-might have been considered as a legal act, in a long-established
-government, was construed into an armed and criminal revolt; and the
-Czar suddenly issued harsh and firm resolutions regarding Poland. The
-strong repressive measures advocated by Nesselrode and Metternich thus
-regained their place among the ideas of the European system; from the
-same cause the influence of Capo d'Istria visibly lost ground with
-the Emperor, and with his influence declined the idea of a Christian
-insurrection in Greece.
-
-Capo d'Istria, as I before observed, was favourably disposed towards
-his countrymen the Greeks, who, by a spontaneous movement, had shaken
-off the yoke of the Porte; and he urged Alexander immediately to
-interfere, by causing a Russian army to appear on the Pruth and an
-imperial fleet in the Mediterranean. The revolt of the Greeks was
-observed with great anxiety by Metternich; the house of Austria,
-being considered as the protectress of the Divan, made every possible
-effort to avoid a conflict calculated to injure the Ottoman influence,
-which was necessary to the balance of power in Europe: consequently,
-it was the object of Austria to persuade Alexander that the real
-spirit evinced by Greece was that of revolution, where Capo d'Istria
-saw nothing but a religious question; and in this opinion Nesselrode
-perfectly concurred. He considered that the actual state of Europe
-would not admit of the emancipation of a people, for rebellion was
-every where forming against the crowned heads, and Greece was merely
-employed as a pretext.
-
-The moment was well chosen to infuse these alarms into the mind of the
-Emperor, the bent of the German universities having just manifested
-itself by the assassination of Kotzebue; Piémont had taken up arms,
-Naples was in a state of insurrection, and Spain had proclaimed the
-Cortes. Metternich, in concert with Nesselrode, then returned to the
-idea of congresses, those great fusions of the sovereignties, according
-to the course that had been settled by the Holy Alliance.
-
-The diplomatic school had rather a predilection for this assembling
-of Europe--those meetings in which all the statesmen of the various
-countries met on friendly terms to discuss the affairs of the
-Continent. The same passion for congresses was to be observed in
-Talleyrand, Metternich, Hardenberg, and Nesselrode; it was a habit they
-had formed, a desire of appearing and playing an important part on the
-diplomatic stage. The Emperor Alexander was also fond of these great
-_réunions_ because he was consulted as an arbiter, the princes of
-Europe trusting both to his experience and to his magnanimity.
-
-Nesselrode accompanied the Emperor to Troppau and Laybach; those who
-studied the character and deportment of both observed that their minds
-appeared to be undecided: there was a kind of uncertain hesitation
-between the liberal ideas they had lately entertained and the strongly
-repressive tendency advocated by Austria. Metternich made use of all
-his talents and influence to convince the Emperor of the dangers by
-which all the European sovereignties were threatened, if they did not
-decide upon one of those great military demonstrations which, by their
-overwhelming force, at once made an end of rebellion; when, just at the
-most critical moment, intelligence was brought to the Russian minister
-of a mutiny that had taken place in one of the regiments of guards at
-St. Petersburg. This news quickly determined the Emperor's opinion;
-Nesselrode received orders to enter with the utmost vigour into the
-plans proposed by Austria, and the downfall of Capo d'Istria appeared
-impending.
-
-One thing must be particularly observed in this struggle between
-liberal principles and those of absolute dominion; and that is, that
-Capo d'Istria had always been the faithful interpreter of an idea of
-independence for Greece, consequently, when liberal opinions were in
-the ascendant, he was not likely to continue in favour. The great
-misfortune of the Greeks at this moment, and what retarded their
-emancipation, was the circumstance of their insurrection taking
-place at the same time as the revolt in Piémont and the proclamation
-of the constitution of the Cortes; rendering it difficult always
-to discriminate exactly between an unruly military movement which
-terrified the regular governments, and the noble spectacle of Greece,
-with a spirit worthy of her forefathers, raising the holy symbol of
-her religion on her banners, stained and torn in many a former heroic
-struggle. Capo d'Istria's affection for Greece led to the loss of the
-Emperor's favour; and he, the protector of the Hellenists, was stabbed
-to the heart by a Greek,[49] affording a melancholy proof of the
-ingratitude of revolutions.
-
- [49] Count Capo d'Istria was murdered in September, 1831, by the
- brother and son of a Mainote he had imprisoned.--_Ed._
-
-Then took place the intimate fusion of the Russian and Austrian system
-of politics, occasioning the absolute triumph of Metternich; and this
-situation was continued at the congress of Verona under Nesselrode,
-from that time forth sole minister of Russia, and chief of the
-_chancellerie_ under Alexander. At the congress of Verona he held the
-pen, and all the resolutions regarding Spain were taken in concert;
-the diplomatic notes were drawn up by the two ministers together;
-Metternich wrote to the Austrian minister at Madrid, while Nesselrode,
-recalling the Russian ambassador, fulminated a sentence of proscription
-against the Cortes. It was no longer the liberal and generous Alexander
-they had to deal with, but an imperious prince, who, through his
-ministers, laid down the law in a sovereign and dogmatic manner. When
-M. de Villèle craftily objected for a short time to engage in an
-expensive and hazardous campaign, Nesselrode, without the slightest
-hesitation, wrote to him, in the name of the Emperor, that Russia was
-determined to venture every thing in order to repress the spirit of
-revolt in the Peninsula. The impulse was so powerful it was no longer
-possible to resist it.
-
-The close of Alexander's life was greatly harassed by these feelings;
-the sacred cause of the Greeks weighed upon his mind as a subject
-of remorse, and the sorrow it occasioned him was imprinted on his
-countenance, which now bore the appearance of ill health. Yet what
-was to be done? The panic of impending revolutions had seized upon
-his mind, and delivered him over to a thousand terrors, for his dread
-of the spirit of the secret societies was extreme. Liberalism filled
-him with alarm, he viewed it as a spectre threatening him with the
-seditions that might arise in his empire, and he did not comprehend
-that the most effectual means of employing the national effervescence
-of the Russians would have been to march them against Turkey for the
-deliverance of Greece. The causes of the unexpected death of Alexander
-have formed the subject of much inquiry; perhaps this acute sorrow was
-not entirely unconnected with it: he was a man of a deeply religious
-mind, with a mild disposition and a tender and impressionable heart;
-thus he felt deeply for the sufferings of Greece. Every stroke of a
-yataghan which caused the head of a woman or child to roll in the dust,
-among the ruins of Athens or Lacedæmon, made his heart bleed.
-
-Soon after Alexander had been gathered to his fathers, a commotion, at
-once political and military, took place in Russia. In southern Europe
-people are not sufficiently acquainted with the character of the noble
-family of the Czar: there was a degree of enthusiasm in the filial
-affection entertained by the Emperor Alexander for his aged mother, and
-the deepest respect existed in the hearts of Constantine and Nicholas
-for their elder brother Alexander. His death took them all by surprise,
-and upon his tomb burst forth the military movement prepared by the
-secret societies, and by a generation of young officers, dreaming of
-the old Sclavonian independence.
-
-Was the accession of the Emperor Nicholas likely to make any
-alteration in Nesselrode's position? One powerful reason which
-operated against any diminution of the minister's influence was the
-respectful admiration of Nicholas for the policy and the opinions of
-his deceased brother, and being also inexperienced in business, he
-considered it indispensable to surround himself with the men who had
-been acquainted with the politics of Russia ever since the great epoch
-of 1814. These men of traditions are essential to governments; they
-preserve the history of all the precedents in the cabinets; they know
-what has been the conduct of Europe during a long series of years,
-what are the springs by which she has been actuated, and the acts she
-has been called upon to concert; comprising information of the most
-essential utility for the comprehension of treaties and the conduct of
-negotiations: besides this, it was impossible to deny that Nesselrode
-was possessed of very great ability in unravelling events, and had
-always shewn an enlightened, though passive obedience, to the wishes of
-his sovereign. The Emperor Nicholas, then, being desirous of continuing
-the policy of his brother, to whom could he better address himself than
-to the man who had had the direction of affairs during the last fifteen
-years? Nesselrode also enjoyed the esteem of the Empress-Mother; and
-what power that remarkable woman had exercised over political affairs!
-She alone always manifested a sovereign contempt for Napoleon--she
-alone swayed the mind of her son Alexander, even after Erfurt; and,
-according to the patriarchal fashion, all her children appeared, to a
-certain degree, to do homage to her for the crown, as if they owed the
-supreme power to her from whom they had derived their existence.
-
-Nevertheless, Nesselrode soon found it necessary to modify his
-opinions. Ideas had advanced since the death of Alexander, and it was
-impossible to restrain the Russian spirit, which had decided in the
-most energetic manner in favour of Greece; it therefore required
-military food, and a war was indispensable. The influence of Metternich
-over the cabinet of St. Petersburg daily lost ground from this moment,
-and Nesselrode began to draw off from Germany, and become more
-essentially Russian in his principles and ideas; he also began to take
-a decided turn in favour of the Greeks. Nor in this conduct ought he to
-be reproached with inconstancy, for the times and circumstances were
-no longer the same, the monarchical principle having triumphed every
-where, in Piémont as well as at Madrid and at Naples, while Poland
-appeared entirely subject to her viceroy Constantine. Under these
-circumstances it was less difficult to discern the holy and heroic
-principle of the Greek revolution, and to rekindle the ardent hope of
-an independence, acquired by means of so many pious sacrifices. From
-this new tendency of affairs, Nesselrode found himself the antagonist
-of Metternich, with whom he had hitherto been agreed; but the Russian
-interest now prevailed over the Austrian spirit.
-
-The friendship between France and Russia dates from the year 1815, and
-was increased at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, under the influence
-of the Duc de Richelieu; but at that period, as we learn from the
-despatches of Count Nesselrode, France was too much overwhelmed by
-the fatal consequences of the two invasions to take an active part
-in affairs, or afford a support that would make her alliance worth
-seeking by the various cabinets of Europe: but from the year 1819
-France exhibited such a developement of vital powers and military
-energy, that Russia hastened to include her in her diplomatic means.
-The inclinations of the French cabinet turned in this direction, under
-the Duc de Richelieu and M. Dessolles; and they continued thus until
-the more English administrations of Polignac, of Montmorency, and of
-Villèle. The ministry of M. de la Ferronays again was favourable to
-the Russian alliance; and the ties that now bound France to Russia
-were not merely those of gratitude for the services rendered at the
-restoration, but the well-grounded conviction that the Russian alliance
-could on no occasion injure our interests, but might, on the contrary,
-on many occasions augment our diplomatic influence and our territorial
-boundaries. The collection of the despatches of Nesselrode and Pozzo di
-Borgo during this interval, and all the diplomatic papers that exist
-in the Foreign Office, attest the good-will of the cabinet of St.
-Petersburg, and the offers made secretly by it to obtain the alliance
-and concurrence of France on the Eastern question.
-
-Another cause which made this friendship so greatly desired, was the
-rivalry that had already become apparent between Russia and England.
-The system of the alliances in 1815 had overturned all the ancient
-diplomatic ideas, and all private jealousies had given way before the
-common object of Europe,--the destruction of Napoleon's power. But one
-great fault then committed by England was her inordinate augmentation
-of the power of Russia, thus, to a certain degree, creating her future
-omnipotence; for it was with the money and subsidies of England that
-the cabinet of St. Petersburg acquired the means of influencing for
-ever the southern interests. Nesselrode, who had been engaged in
-the greater part of the transactions of 1815, was obliged to detach
-himself from the traditions of the alliance of 1812, and great ability
-is required in order to make these transitions without abruptness;
-supple minds possess their influence as well as those of a more decided
-character, and ruin follows close upon the attempt to resist too much.
-Nesselrode is essentially the man of transitions; he has never assumed
-an inflexible attitude in a system or an idea, but has constituted
-himself the translator of times and interests: from which cause, as
-I have before observed, it sometimes occurred that his opinions as
-_chancelier d'état_ to the Emperor Nicholas were opposed to those he
-professed when he held the same situation under Alexander. The ideas of
-these two princes were not alike, neither were they placed in the same
-situations; yet Nesselrode served them both with the same fidelity and
-the same intelligence. It is a talent in public affairs to know how to
-make one's self the interpreter of another person; there are but a few
-of those very superior minds who, being deeply impressed with their own
-conceptions, obtain a dominion over times and characters, and even they
-frequently fall. But many very distinguished ministers never are able
-to attain that point of elevation, and, not daring to make themselves
-types, they are content with being impressions. They agree with all
-periods, all situations, and all difficulties.
-
-From the accession of the Emperor Nicholas to the revolution of 1830,
-the Russian policy was in some measure absorbed by the war with the
-Porte. All the ancient theory of the Holy Alliance was abandoned for
-less undecided interests, and less fear was entertained concerning
-revolutions at the time the most complete revolution took place.
-Whatever judgment may be formed of the event of 1830, it must suddenly
-have awakened a new train of emotions in the Russian _chancellerie_;
-for the popular principle which had caused this violent irruption had
-demonstrated as much energy, as did formerly the military power of
-Napoleon, against whom all Europe had risen in arms. The old education
-of Nesselrode was here destined again to be of service to him; for the
-first consequence of the revolt was, though not exactly to _revive_
-the treaties of the Holy Alliance, an old parchment which had fallen
-to pieces, at least to pave the way for a treaty of mutual guarantee.
-All private dissensions were naturally compelled to give way, that
-people might hasten to provide against the most pressing danger;
-Metternich appeared entirely to resume his former ideas, as if he were
-returning to the projects of 1815, and the diplomatic school abandoned
-many serious plans for the chances of a crusade against democratic
-principles. We are inclined to think Nesselrode did not dislike this
-reminiscence of the principles of political repression, being those
-which he most perfectly understood, and which he had particularly
-dwelt upon during his early years of study and labour: but age had now
-supervened; in 1830 Nesselrode was no longer young, and it is not at
-the second period of existence people are able to encounter the great
-perturbations which shake the world to its centre. In recapitulating
-the causes of the maintenance of peace, people have not sufficiently
-considered the dread of change that possessed those wearied existences.
-Truly, it was not without reason that the Greeks placed in the hands
-of the aged the decision concerning peace or war. Let us suppose
-Metternich with the impetuosity of youth, and Nesselrode fifteen years
-younger, who can tell what might have occurred? Perhaps a violent war
-might have broken out, and with it all the chances of disorder.
-
-The insurrection in Poland, however, gave plenty of occupation to
-Russia, and the ideas of the Emperor Nicholas on the subject of
-repression harmonised perfectly with those of his minister. What
-the Russian people desired was the union of Poland to Russia; and
-the amalgamation, which had so long been the constant subject of
-Nesselrode's thoughts, was, at last, on the point of being finally
-accomplished. He never fully entered into the prejudices of the old
-Muscovites on this point, but he, nevertheless, was of opinion that
-this divided nation, this double and simultaneous government, injured
-the political and administrative unity of Russia.
-
-The divers administrations which constitute the vast Russian empire,
-and which all tend to one common centre, under the hand of the
-Emperor, are, as a whole, very remarkable. Ever since the constituent
-assembly established an unity of administration in France, our system
-of government has no longer cause to dread that, in a homogeneous
-whole, one province or one district will be opposed to another; their
-strength has been blended in a manner very convenient to those in
-power. But it is far otherwise in Russia: the cabinet of St. Petersburg
-has to command thousands of different races--Tartars, Mahometans,
-Poles, and Cossacks; each of these people has its laws, its customs,
-its power, and its recollections, and it is necessary to maintain
-this individuality without detracting from the unity of the system.
-There is neither one general rule observed in the mode of levying the
-taxes, nor even, in a great measure, is there any undeviating rule
-for the military conscription. Some pay tribute, others are subject
-to contributions of arms and horses; in some places the recruits are
-furnished by the nobles, in others they are obtained by means of
-_levées en masse_; some people are still subject to feudal government
-under the Czar, and others, again, depend on the regular and immediate
-authority of the princes. In France the administrative clockwork is so
-simple that nothing but a will and a hand for business are required
-to set it in motion; nothing can be easier than the situation of a
-prefect, or even of a minister for the home department; interests,
-rights, and customs, are all sacrificed to the strength of the
-government.
-
-All these circumstances lead to the necessity in Russia of a more
-careful and more finished education for a statesman; for a young man
-who is preparing for a diplomatic situation at St. Petersburg, must not
-only be acquainted with French and German, but must also understand
-modern Greek and some of the Oriental languages. Nesselrode, in spite
-of his long experience, has been obliged to submit to the general rule;
-and a considerable portion of his life has been devoted to the study of
-living languages. His mind has become a repertory of treaties, he is a
-living catalogue of all the transactions of his time. The offices over
-which he presides are the most extensive, the most multiplied, and the
-most minute that can be imagined; there is a division for the relations
-with Persia, another for those with China, and with the little
-Mahometan princes, independent of those for the secret correspondence
-with the chiefs of the various tribes lately conquered by Russia.
-Nesselrode presides over all these affairs of the _chancellerie_ with
-an activity nothing can slacken: his extreme facility in the despatch
-of business, and his laborious existence in the midst of the European
-relations, have naturally confirmed his credit with the Czar; who is
-also accustomed to act very much for himself, and only requires a
-minister as a sort of memorandum-book he can consult when he pleases,
-and as a faithful arm to execute his will. During the last five years
-the system of diplomatic aides-de-camp has been revived in full force,
-for the Emperor likes those semi-military appointments, which give a
-constantly armed attitude to Russia; in fact, it is one of the active
-sources of his moral influence.
-
-Nesselrode, it is true, is only the enlightened hand which writes the
-will of the Emperor; he is valued as a man of good counsel, which
-means, that he listens a great deal, and that he can discover the
-secret thoughts of the person that consults him, without himself
-having any of those determined plans which clash with the will of the
-sovereign.
-
-The junior diplomatic school of Russia regard Nesselrode as a living
-archive, something in the way M. d'Hauterive was considered in France;
-and it is of great importance that a person who is called to direct the
-affairs of his country in the present times should be well acquainted
-with its former history--it also adds greatly to the elevation of his
-position. The temperate system, adopted by men weary of agitation, is
-a great benefit when opposed to the fiery spirits who wish to proceed
-with impetuosity in public affairs. The proud and generous disposition
-of the Emperor renders it necessary he should have at his side a man
-who will not execute his orders till the following day, because time
-is thus afforded for reflection, and an order issued to-day might very
-possibly be revoked after the lapse of a night; on these occasions
-there is a great advantage in a man of a temperate mind.
-
-Nesselrode has, in every respect, the most agreeable _salon_ in St.
-Petersburg, and the one where the most conversation goes on. He takes
-pleasure in collecting people who hold the most various opinions, in
-such a manner as to form a neutral ground, on which every body may
-meet; and when a man has reached a venerable age, full of years and of
-honours, what more can be desired? our tent must be pitched somewhere.
-When for forty years, people have been engaged in the most gigantic
-events, like the aged men in Homer, they offer hospitality to the
-young, when they recount to them all they have seen, and the judgment
-they have formed; they contemplate the present generation with the
-feelings experienced by a traveller who, from an elevated tower, looks
-down on the cities far below him, and the people incessantly busy, and
-thronging to perform the part assigned to them in the weary task of
-humanity.
-
-
-
-
-LORD CASTLEREAGH.
-
-
-I am about to write the life of a statesman whose character has been
-more violently attacked in the annals of England--I might almost say
-of Europe--than any other with whom I am acquainted. No one ever had
-to endure more outrages and insults, and no one ever displayed more
-inflexible firmness, in the course of a most chequered and agitated
-life. I shall offend many little prejudices, and hurt many vulgar
-opinions; but things of this sort have never prevented me from
-proceeding straight to the truths of history, respecting men who have
-accomplished a great political career.
-
-On the picturesque Lake Foyle[50] in Ireland, whose shores are studded
-with ancient mansions, and whose waters are diversified with fertile
-islands, inhabited by little colonies of aged fishermen, a young man of
-eccentric manners, but whose appearance denoted a being of a superior
-class to those around him, had for two years fixed his residence. His
-only habitation was his boat: fishing, hunting, and violent exercises,
-filled up his time; and in the evening, surrounded by the fishermen,
-he made them relate to him all the old legendary tales of the country,
-and, in his turn, instructing the inhabitants of the district, he drew
-up laws respecting fishing, and hunting, as if he were the sovereign
-of this watery republic. No one could exhibit more intrepidity than did
-this singular being. Upon one occasion he set sail in his frail bark,
-in the strait that separates Ireland from England; and his shipwreck on
-the Isle of Man, where he had alone managed his yacht in a stormy sea,
-like one of the Ossianic heroes, was long recorded by the peasantry.
-His dreams were of the legends of the lake; and being deeply enamoured
-of the daughter of one of the fishermen named Nelly, he sacrificed
-every thing to this ardent and romantic passion, wearing simply the
-dress of the children of the lake, for he loved and was desirous of
-being beloved again. Enthusiastic and passionate in his feelings, he
-would endure no contradiction; and an attempt having one day been made
-to deprive him of his mistress, he defied his rival to a duel after the
-Scandinavian fashion--that is to say with battle-axes--and conducted
-himself with a degree of intrepidity that was celebrated all over Great
-Britain.
-
- [50] Quære, Coyne?--_Editor._
-
-This young man, whose eccentricity took so poetical a form, for his
-youth was like a ballad, was Robert Stewart, afterwards Viscount
-Castlereagh and Marquess of Londonderry. His family was not originally
-Irish, but came from Scotland. James I., as every one is aware, created
-some great fiefs in Ireland, and bestowed them upon some of his most
-faithful subjects, in the hope of more closely uniting Ireland to the
-British empire. Eight of these fiefs, with a kind of _suzeraineté_,
-fell to the share of the Duke of Lennox; and the Stewarts, that noble
-name in Scotland, no doubt allied to the royal line, held some of the
-lands subject to the Lennox family. It has always been the fate of
-Ireland to be under the dominion of strangers to her soil; the yoke of
-conquest becomes more heavy after each impatient tumult. Her oppression
-arises from her disturbed condition; each unsuccessful revolt produces
-additional servitude, and much of her suffering is owing to the crime
-of the popular agitators, who are instigated by nothing but their own
-insatiable vanity to endeavour to destroy all old and respectable
-national feeling.
-
-The Stewarts, however, decided in favour of William III., and of
-what is termed in England the glorious Revolution. As possessors of
-military fiefs they were naturally inclined to second the accession
-of a new dynasty, by whom their usurpation of the conquered country
-was likely to be sanctioned. When great alterations have taken place
-in the rights and tenure of property, a change of power is required,
-and, indeed, is almost indispensable to restore peace and quiet to
-the country. The Orangemen, therefore, formed a closely-united party
-in Ireland, and exercised military dominion over the people. In vain
-did the unfortunate James, in his rapid passage through Ireland, cause
-the parliament of Dublin to pronounce a sentence of confiscation, on
-account of felony, against the estates of Colonel Stewart, serving
-under William of Orange. This confiscation continued in force but
-a short time; and William, having gained the victory, lavished his
-rewards upon the officer who had so powerfully supported his cause.
-William Stewart, thus loaded with wealth by the king of 1688, was one
-of the most determined oppressors of Ireland--one of those who ruled
-with a rod of iron the country reconquered after the battle of the
-Boyne.
-
-The young man dwelling among the fishermen on the shores of the lake,
-therefore, came of a noble lineage; and his mother was a Seymour,
-named Sarah-Frances, like the Puritan dames who have been re-animated
-by the genius of Walter Scott. Robert Stewart, like the rest of the
-youth of Great Britain, had pursued his studies at the University of
-Cambridge; and, on leaving college, he had precipitated himself into
-this romantic sort of life, some said from his love for the fisherman's
-daughter, while others, on the contrary, declared such a passage was
-merely incidental to his eccentric life, like a wreath of wild flowers
-on the brow of a Scandinavian warrior. He, however, led a generous
-life, for money appeared to be of no value to him; and he spent largely
-in constructing little ports for the fishermen, and distributing among
-them boats of a superior construction, like a beneficent deity. Such
-is the great source of the power enjoyed by the English aristocracy.
-While their public life is passed in the midst of cities, their private
-life is in the country. All that was benevolent in the old feudal
-system is still to be found in their castles: from their turrets flow
-the alms still, as in ancient times, conferred upon the people; the
-donjon is converted into a dispensary, where medicines and assistance
-are afforded to the sick. And thus the aristocracy reign over the
-peasantry, in virtue of the powerful aid they are ready to afford to
-all who require it in their neighbourhood.
-
-Nevertheless, the wish to distinguish himself in public life began to
-animate the heart of young Stewart. Parliament appears necessary to
-the youth of Great Britain, and it is there they prepare themselves
-for political life, taking their place among the Whigs or Tories
-according to a certain order of political principles. It was necessary
-the Stewarts should have seats in the Irish parliament, for they had a
-great stake in the country; but, owing to the family being Protestants,
-the election was violently contested, and cost the successful candidate
-thirty thousand pounds. These corruptions are a general rule in
-England, and they even add to the strength of the country; for there
-is no danger a bad choice should result from them, every thing being
-fixed according to settled rules; every thing is so well foreseen and
-organised by the mechanical arrangements made, that the elections that
-take place are always of men of safe principles. Pecuniary corruption
-in the existence of states often acts as a corrective of another, and
-far more injurious, corruption for a people--I mean ideas tending to
-revolutionary principles.
-
-The Irish parliament, then still existing, was a great cause of
-disorder in the unity of the British government, until the illustrious
-Pitt placed every thing under the common law of the triple crown. There
-is something strange and perfectly inconsistent in the pretensions of
-Ireland. The people profess to respect the Union without ever wishing
-to depart from it; and then they claim a parliament for themselves,
-and desire something resembling a republic independent of England. Let
-them exult in their Catholic emancipation; they have a right to do so,
-and cannot value it too highly. But do they wish still to make part of
-the British empire?--do they wish the harp of Erin still to hold her
-place on the escutcheon of England? Alone, Ireland cannot subsist. Her
-commerce is supported by the vast trade of England: she only exists by
-means of the colonies, and the day she ceases to be English she will be
-ruined. What, then, is the meaning of all those revolts, those protests
-on all occasions, which serve no purpose except that of conferring a
-certain sort of renown upon street orators and demagogues?
-
-The election of Robert Stewart, however, though anti-Catholic, was not
-ministerial; for he promised on the hustings to support parliamentary
-reform, and on taking his seat in the House of Commons he placed
-himself on the opposition benches. This was a sort of sacrifice to
-popularity necessary from all statesmen at the beginning of their
-career, and the most powerful have not been exempt from paying this
-tribute to rhetoric. However, even at that time, young Stewart
-appeared to keep within certain limits of order and principles; and,
-avoiding declamation, he spoke seriously, and restrained himself while
-speaking. He was not an orator with a sonorous, reverberating voice,
-who, by means of biting epigrams, drew peals of laughter from his
-auditors. His speeches bore the impress of the Toryism of his family,
-and all his inclinations were those of an eminently Conservative mind.
-
-England and Ireland were at this time agitated more especially by two
-questions; the first was parliamentary reform, and the other the free
-commerce of Ireland with the colonies. On the first of these points,
-the Castlereagh family, like the Wellesleys, considered it absurd to
-impose upon the Catholics a conscientious oath, which would exclude
-them from participating in the benefit of the elections; but, at the
-same time, was it not very unwise to prepare an indefinite reform,
-which would overturn the whole of the social condition of Great
-Britain? It was with a view to the admission of the Catholics into
-parliament that the Irish Tories became friends with the opposition;
-they shewed themselves favourably inclined to the emancipation of those
-who differed with them in belief, and at the same time opposed to
-radical reform: and this last subject was the cause of Castlereagh's
-withdrawal from the Irish agitators, who now began to aim murderous
-blows at the Union.
-
-Robert Stewart, also, considered that Ireland could not with justice be
-deprived of an extensive commerce with the colonies. What was the use
-of a system which made all the advantages fall to the share of England
-and Scotland, without allowing the essentially agricultural population
-of Ireland, to participate in them? Young Stewart defended the
-interests of Ireland with energy and great ability, and he immediately
-attracted the attention of those in power, more especially the Marquis
-of Buckingham and Lord Westmoreland.
-
-The rebellion in Ireland took place at this juncture; the people
-were determined to separate themselves from the English crown; the
-time was past when the questions raised by the opposition were those
-of religious liberty or political independence; they now wanted to
-establish a sort of Irish republic, under the protection of the
-democracy that was then setting Europe in a blaze. Treasonable
-correspondence with the French republic could not fail to place the
-society of United Irishmen without the pale of the constitution and
-of all patriotic feelings. Ireland called for the assistance of
-foreigners, and a strong party was naturally formed to oppose these
-evil designs. The Orangemen, who sided with the government, organised
-the yeomanry--a sort of feudal system against the insurgents, and
-a civil war broke out in Ireland at the time of the expeditions to
-their coasts, commanded by Generals Hoche and Humbert. The members
-of parliament could not venture on further hesitation; for it was
-necessary either to take part with the United Irishmen supported by
-foreigners, or to declare for the government of Mr. Pitt. Robert
-Stewart, who had just acquired the title of Castlereagh, upon his
-father being created Earl of Londonderry, exhibited no indecision as
-to the course he was to pursue, and from this time forth he was always
-firmly convinced that the only real statesmen are those who know how to
-repress the tumultuous movements of popular excitement.
-
-He now devoted himself to repressive measures, with the energy that
-formed the basis of his character. He had been appointed secretary for
-Ireland under Lord Camden, and by this means became identified with
-the Orange party. It was principally owing to his vigorous measures
-that the insurrection was brought to a termination, for he never was
-arrested by any of the trifling obstacles which often form the ruin
-of causes; he considered it necessary the government should display
-perfect inflexibility, for the salvation of the country was at stake:
-amnesties were granted, it is true, but not until the tumult was
-over and the rebels had laid down their arms. During this struggle
-Lord Castlereagh was particularly distinguished for the strength and
-importance he conferred upon the Orange party, consisting of men of
-property who were formed into a body for the defence of their land.
-Lord Cornwallis was able, after a time, to succeed Lord Camden in the
-government of Ireland, and the repressive system had then produced
-such a state of security, that the government considered the season of
-pardon and oblivion to have arrived.
-
-The most violent hatred was now aroused against Lord Castlereagh:
-it is, alas! the fate of all who by violent means restore order in
-a country, for they occasion discontent, and all the spirits whose
-turbulence had troubled the country are, of course, opposed to them;
-because their proceedings have been severe, people insist that they
-have been sanguinary. These invectives of the Irish did not permit
-Lord Cornwallis to retain Lord Castlereagh as secretary, he therefore
-gave in his resignation; for, in peaceful times, the men who commanded
-during the storm are no longer required, and when the tempest is over
-the services of the hardy pilot are scarcely remembered: thus Marquis
-Cornwallis, whose government was distinguished for its indulgence,
-no longer required the inflexible hand of the former secretary. No
-part of his conduct, however, had escaped the vast intellect of the
-statesman then at the head of the English government. Mr. Pitt had
-discovered the secretary for Ireland to possess an inflexible mind,
-which, when once convinced of the expediency of any measure, was
-capable of making every exertion, and encountering every risk, in order
-to carry out an idea he had formed; and this kind of disposition must
-have been particularly satisfactory to Mr. Pitt at a time when England
-was threatened with so many dangers. In unsettled times, the presence
-of men of firm and determined characters, who will prevent society
-from falling to pieces, is of the greatest importance to a government.
-From this moment, a communication took place between Pitt and Lord
-Castlereagh. The great minister required a powerful supporter in the
-definitive question of the parliamentary union of Ireland and England;
-for the late disturbances, and more especially the unfortunate appeal
-to a foreign power, and to the leaders of the French revolution, had
-inspired Mr. Pitt with a firm conviction, that neither strength nor
-order were to be hoped for, except through the means of the Union, and
-that the existence of the Irish parliament was in direct opposition to
-the spirit of centralisation, which can alone secure the prosperity
-and glory of a country. After every insurrection Ireland was losing
-some portion of her freedom,--a fate always prepared by agitators for
-those who trust too much to their words! A nation obtains concessions
-only when it remains in a quiescent position, and when its well-founded
-complaints are uttered with calm sobriety of manner; silent suffering
-produces a great effect on the minds of the beholders, and the feeling
-of justice exercises an unspeakable influence. Lord Castlereagh in the
-Irish parliament made himself the zealous champion of Mr. Pitt, in his
-plan for uniting the two parliaments; the country comprehended the
-advantages to be derived from this measure, and it was decided that
-the three crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland, ought to form one
-great whole, which would hereafter be the support of the Continent
-when threatened with danger. Pitt was highly satisfied with Lord
-Castlereagh's speech for the Union; he was summoned by the ministerial
-party to the united House of Commons, and appointed president of
-the Board of Control for the affairs of India. This is one of the
-appointments conferred in England by the ministers upon the talented
-men with whom they surround themselves, for the sake of their support
-in parliament.
-
-No man could be better acquainted with the situation of Ireland than
-Lord Castlereagh, or more perfectly aware of all the resources of the
-Orange party which could be employed for the purpose of repression.
-This knowledge rendered him a person of great importance, for the prime
-minister was then anxious to put into execution the union between
-England and Ireland, which had been decided upon in parliament, and
-Lord Castlereagh, who by his profound acquaintance with the moral
-topography of Ireland was the man most calculated to realise this
-design, was consulted upon all the measures to be pursued. Mr. Pitt
-especially possessed the practical genius which enabled him to discover
-men of particular capacity, and around him were a multitude of young
-and clever men, each with his appointed station and employment. The
-system of under-secretaries of state in England produces wonderful
-results; it gives to affairs their full developement, enabling the
-statesman to confine himself to generalities, both of ideas and
-systems, while the young under-secretaries devote all their energies to
-the statistics of detail and the internal administration. Thus was Lord
-Castlereagh situated; a man of an inflexible and laborious disposition,
-who never arrived at a general idea except by means of the most careful
-and minute study of all the circumstances.
-
-This special knowledge of affairs caused Lord Castlereagh to be
-retained even during Mr. Addington's ministry, which lasted but a very
-short time, and was succeeded by Mr. Pitt's still more decided plans
-against the French revolution. Addington signed the peace of Amiens,
-and Castlereagh, as president of the Board of Trade, had to deliberate
-upon all the measures which augmented the commercial relations of
-England with India and the colonies. He assumed no position as a
-political character, for he did not agree with the ideas entertained
-by Addington, and he, therefore, completely gave himself up to his
-duties at the Board of Control and to the affairs of Ireland. His heart
-was full of detestation for France, and, in imitation of his master,
-he allowed this administration to pass without taking any part in it.
-As a reward for his conduct on this occasion, Pitt, on resuming his
-situation at the head of affairs, gave him the portfolio of the War
-department.
-
-It is necessary to observe that Pitt's great ambition was that all
-the various departments should be entirely dependent upon him; he did
-not like to have any men about him except those of his school, or
-immediately attached to his system,--his _fides Achates_, as they were
-classically termed by Dundas; and among these young men the names of
-Castlereagh and Canning are especially resplendent: both were subject
-to his power, but of essentially opposite characters, and jealous of
-each other. Castlereagh was so firm and decided, that he never gave up
-an idea he had once formed; his manner of speaking was slow, and rather
-heavy, but serious, and never thoughtless. Canning, on the contrary,
-was sarcastic, and rather inclined to classic declamation; an orator,
-rather spoiled from a constant striving after effect. Castlereagh was
-often listened to with impatience, nevertheless, he generally attained
-his object; while Canning, by the generality of people, was only viewed
-in the light of an eloquent speaker. Castlereagh was a statesman;
-Canning, a man of words, rather theatrical, not to be relied on, and
-with an indescribable levity of language and purpose. Castlereagh
-would have laid down his life for his party, or for an idea; Canning
-was a renegade to his party, he supported every thing with ability,
-and gloried in his oratorical triumphs, at the very time he was
-compromising his cabinet.
-
-When Pitt, their illustrious chief, died broken-hearted by the victory
-of Austerlitz, the king considered it indispensable, in order to
-conclude a peace with France, that Fox and Grenville, the leaders of
-the Whigs, should assume the ministry; it was an unfortunate attempt,
-often repeated in England. Fox, and all his friends, shewed themselves
-perfectly devoid of political knowledge, and they also evinced extreme
-incapacity, which gave occasion to the remark that a Whig ministry was
-a misfortune both for the country and for the party itself; for the
-country, because it compromises it, and for the party, because the
-Whigs always forfeit their reputation, throwing away, in a ministry
-which lasted fifteen months, the fruit of fifteen years of popularity.
-As might be expected, Canning and Castlereagh were the most violent
-opponents of Fox's cabinet. The debates in parliament during this
-ministry form a curious study; Canning and Castlereagh did not like
-each other, though they were on the same side of the question, and
-this was mainly owing to the difference in their talents, as well as
-in the character of their minds and intellects. Castlereagh attacked
-the administration by means of reasoning, an appeal to figures, and a
-sort of traditional influence, which produced a great effect upon the
-Tories; while Canning, on the contrary, trusted to poetical sallies, or
-ridicule. Above all, Fox was out of place at the head of affairs.
-
-Men whose whole life is passed in attacking others, are essentially
-in a bad position when they assume the direction of affairs; they are
-unable to breathe, they are neither free nor happy in this sphere, for
-it is not congenial to them. The men of business, on the contrary,
-who are for a short time in the opposition, become very dangerous
-opponents, especially if they possess a flow of language and a quick
-and earnest manner; as they have seen a great deal, they preserve an
-incontestable degree of authority while reproaching the opposition with
-succeeding no better than _they_ did when in power, and with imitating
-awkwardly the very conduct they had formerly attacked with great
-violence. The men who declaim are not to be feared; the only really
-formidable adversaries are those who have had much experience in the
-course of events.
-
-The wretched administration of Lord Grey, after the death of Fox, was
-a continuation of the Whig politics. His lordship had at all times
-been rather the bulwark than leader of his party, and the tool of the
-able men who availed themselves of his high reputation: there are
-generally in politics some characters who serve as a stalking-horse for
-certain opinions; they have a great name, which is taken hold of, to be
-employed or absorbed according to circumstances.
-
-The ministry of Lord Grey, and Grenville, only lasted for a few
-months after the death of Fox, for the continental questions began to
-assume so serious an aspect that it was not possible for the Whigs
-to direct them. Fox had been desirous of a peace with France--one of
-those bastard truces attempted by Addington at the peace of Amiens;
-but how was it possible there should be peace between two such proud
-and powerful authorities as Napoleon and the English aristocracy?
-the irrevocable fall of one or other of the parties was inevitable.
-Austerlitz had given birth to Fox's ministry, and the awaking of
-Prussia from the torpor in which she had been plunged brought about
-the fall of the Whigs. The Duke of Portland, belonging to the moderate
-Tory party, undertook the difficult and painful task of directing the
-affairs of Great Britain, and the two most determined and unvarying
-opponents of the former administration were naturally included in the
-present ministry: as I have before observed, they were men of perfectly
-different characters. Castlereagh returned to the War Office, with
-the detail of which he was perfectly well acquainted; and Canning was
-appointed minister for foreign affairs, as being the favourite pupil of
-Pitt and the inheritor of his doctrines.
-
-From this time a peace with France was no longer thought of; that idea
-gave place to the determination to engage in a fierce and implacable
-war against Napoleon, who had now reached the _apogée_ of his glory,
-and on this point the opinion of Lord Castlereagh was firm and
-unvarying. His great object was to find the leaven of war, on that
-continent now humbled under the sword of the Emperor; and, by means of
-secret springs, to arouse the governments and people, crushed beneath
-his gigantic power. The influence of France extended from Cadiz to
-Hamburg, from Antwerp to Trieste; Austria had made peace with her
-after the sad defeat at Austerlitz; and Prussia, after appearing for a
-moment as if roused to resistance, had again bowed beneath the yoke.
-Germany was subject to the Confederation of the Rhine; Switzerland to
-the predominant mediation of the French empire; Italy was in a state of
-vassalage under the Iron crown; at Tilsit a friendship had been formed
-between Russia and France, and the two emperors were about to meet
-again at Erfurt, to cement the alliance projected at Tilsit, and divide
-the world between them.
-
-England, therefore, stood _alone_ in the struggle now fiercely
-undertaken against Napoleon. Castlereagh, who held the same opinions
-that Mr. Pitt had done, resolutely rejected every attempt at peace with
-a power whose principle had hitherto been to grasp at every thing,
-and which appeared resolved it should continue so to be. The Duke of
-Portland had a degree of rashness, and something chivalrous, in his
-disposition, which led him to engage boldly in the struggle; and the
-new connexion between Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Wellington gave
-him a sort of pre-eminence in the cabinet, which offended the vanity
-of Canning. Like all political speakers, the minister for foreign
-affairs aimed at power, and, because he possessed a happy facility in
-quoting some classical verses acquired at the University, he considered
-himself fitted to occupy a higher situation than Castlereagh, whose
-speech was slow and embarrassed. This jealousy increased after the
-brilliant expedition to Copenhagen, in which the minister of war had
-displayed very great ability, and the arrangements of which were so
-perfectly successful that the Danish fleet remained in the power of the
-English. The opposition in vain declared it was an iniquitous action,
-contrary to all the principles of the law of nations: but necessity has
-no law; and was it not absolutely necessary that Great Britain should
-prevent the coalition of the Danish squadron and the fleet of Antwerp?
-The lukewarm neutrality of Denmark was not a sufficient guarantee to
-England, and it was indispensable either to force that government to
-declare itself, or to destroy a fleet which lay too near the formidable
-arsenal of Napoleon. Mr. Canning was very jealous of his ministerial
-colleague; he had always considered himself to hold the first place
-since the death of Mr. Pitt, and he could not bear that another should
-share in this renown: this enmity soon burst forth in a striking
-manner.
-
-The active diplomatic proceedings of England on the Continent had
-excited the fears of Austria, as to the probable results of a war;
-the interview at Erfurt determined the cabinet of Vienna to take arms
-against Napoleon, and England immediately contracted a league of
-offence and defence with Austria, based upon subsidies which she agreed
-to furnish.
-
-It was well known that, ever since the commencement of the war in
-Spain, great dissatisfaction had existed in the French empire against
-the insatiable ambition of Buonaparte; and several ministers, as for
-instance Talleyrand and Fouché, had begun to look forward to the
-possibility of the death or downfall of the Emperor. When generals
-like Bernadotte were out of favour, one might easily imagine that,
-in case of the death of Napoleon, or of a military insurrection, the
-vast empire raised by one man would fall into complete decay and
-dissolution. This was, from henceforward, the groundwork of the plans
-of England. It was intended an English army should land in Holland,
-at the same time that Austria should open the war by an immense
-military demonstration, and thus effect a rapid popular insurrection.
-The thing Lord Castlereagh considered of the most importance was the
-destruction of the fleet and arsenal of Antwerp, in the same manner
-as the capture of the Danish fleet had formerly been effected; he
-therefore, as minister of war, made immense preparations for the
-Walcheren expedition; but,--must it be said?--here commenced the
-treachery of Mr. Canning towards his country and his colleague. It is
-incontestable that Mr. Canning furnished information to Fouché, to let
-him know the intentions of Lord Castlereagh;[51] for when jealousy
-has taken possession of the heart it listens to nothing. As to his
-conduct towards his colleague, Canning persuaded the Duke of Portland
-to get rid of Lord Castlereagh, as a man of a harsh and inflexible
-disposition, incapable of conducting the war department, or of
-directing or supporting a debate. In parliament, Mr. Canning wanted to
-rule over the Tory party, and Lord Castlereagh was an obstacle to his
-ambitious designs.
-
- [51] This assertion is untrue, and not borne out by any
- evidence.--_Editor._
-
-The Walcheren expedition failed, and explanations naturally took place
-between the colleagues. Unfortunate catastrophes are always followed
-by harsh and bitter words, because no one is willing to stand by the
-consequences. A feeling was raised against Lord Castlereagh, who
-was denounced by the Whigs as unfit for his situation. "How had it
-happened," said they, "that a fine English army had been thus plunged
-into sickness and misery?" Lord Castlereagh was obliged to defend
-himself, and the storm which was growling around him rendered it
-impossible for him to retain his situation; but he wrote a sharp and
-angry letter, openly accusing Canning, if not of actual treason, at
-least of underhand practices, which had occasioned all these disasters.
-Canning replied in a confused manner, by details on the delays that
-had taken place in the departure of troops, and the wrong address
-of the despatches; he was only ardent and cutting when he came to
-personal recriminations against Castlereagh, who, deeply offended, sent
-a challenge to his adversary. He was thus returning to the early and
-poetic part of his existence, to the reminiscences of the eccentric
-youth on the shores of Lough Foyle, where he had fought a duel in the
-Scandinavian fashion; and now, when he was a serious and reflecting
-statesman, he considered that in personal questions the only means
-of terminating a quarrel was by a personal encounter. Canning and
-Castlereagh fought with pistols: in England people are ready to lay
-down their lives for an idea or a system; both were brave men, and
-would not draw back, but Castlereagh was the most fortunate, for
-Canning was severely wounded. The resignation of the minister of war
-was nevertheless accepted, while Canning continued in office, and the
-Duke of Portland pursued the middle course which had occasioned the
-rupture between his two colleagues.
-
-The situation of parties and of affairs is sometimes such, that a
-man is possessed of more influence when out of the cabinet than when
-he actually forms one of the ministry; and the firm and inflexible
-attitude of Lord Castlereagh, and his implacable hatred towards France,
-secured him a degree of ascendancy among the Tories, which Canning
-had striven for in vain. The Wellesleys, then rendered so powerful
-by the successes of the Duke of Wellington, shared their credit
-with the ex-minister; and he followed in parliament the energetic
-political system which infallibly leads to the downfall of all feeble
-or temporising measures. The ministry of the Duke of Portland and Mr.
-Canning had already taken some steps towards peace with Buonaparte,
-but Castlereagh was constantly opposed to it; he agreed with the
-ministers whenever repressive measures, or any plan favourable to
-Conservative ideas was in debate, but opposed them when they were
-inclined to make any concessions to Whiggism, or the idea of peace. By
-this skilful conduct he gradually rose in public estimation, and when
-the unfortunate death of Mr. Perceval occasioned the dissolution of the
-ministry, the Tories proposed Lord Castlereagh as minister for foreign
-affairs in the room of Mr. Canning.
-
-The situation of Europe at this time rendered it imperatively necessary
-that the conduct of England should be decided and full of energy.
-Though it can hardly be said that war was actually on the point of
-breaking out on the Continent, there were every where the elements
-of an universal conflagration: Spain had hoisted the signal of
-independence, and the English armies extended in the Peninsula, from
-Lisbon to Cadiz. Immediately after he had taken charge of the Foreign
-Office, Lord Castlereagh was called upon to explain himself concerning
-the question of peace or war with France. Buonaparte was then on
-the eve of undertaking the Russian campaign, and in order to give
-an undeniable proof of his pacific inclinations, and also as a lure
-to public opinion, he caused M. Maret to write to Lord Castlereagh,
-proposing peace upon what he termed easy and simple conditions, which
-reduced themselves to the following points. At Naples and at Madrid,
-the actual dynasty, and in Portugal and Sicily also the reigning
-dynasty (without any further explanation). The English minister,
-being closely connected with Russia, had little inclination to treat
-with Napoleon; and it was no doubt sarcastically that he proposed the
-following question to M. Maret,--"First of all, it is necessary to
-understand what dynasty you are speaking of; in Spain, is it Ferdinand
-VII. or Joseph Buonaparte? At Naples, is it the House of Bourbon or
-Murat, that is considered as the actual dynasty?" And when M. Maret
-replied that his majesty Don Joseph and his majesty Joachim were meant,
-Lord Castlereagh, with proper spirit, declared any further proceedings
-were out of the question, because he had nothing to do with these
-usurpers,--it was only with the legitimate sovereigns of Spain and
-Naples that England had any connexion. The accession of the leader of
-the active Tory party, therefore, caused the politics of England to
-assume a firmer attitude respecting all the affairs of Europe. When
-Buonaparte undertook his adventurous expedition against Russia, the
-English minister turned his closest and most careful attention upon
-Turkey and Sweden, both of which possessed powerful means of action.
-The negotiation feebly entered into by the agents of M. Maret, had been
-rendered abortive by the abrupt and imperative character of Buonaparte;
-and Lord Castlereagh, more fortunate and more adroit, went direct to
-his object with regard to Bernadotte and the Porte. He knew the Crown
-Prince was displeased with the haughtiness of Napoleon, and offered
-him subsidies if he would maintain a strict neutrality, reserving to
-himself the chance of future events. In his relations with Europe he
-was still more fortunate in bringing about the peace of Bucharest,
-which left the Czar master of all his forces. This plan of increasing
-the strength of the enemies of Buonaparte, and thus depriving him of
-the necessary alliances, was an admirable mode of attack. The peace of
-Bucharest enabled the Czar to advance with the army, which attacked
-Napoleon on the flank and encircled him in its vast coils; and the
-neutrality observed by Sweden permitted to Russia the disposition of
-her forces near Riga--a circumstance that did more towards causing the
-defection of Prussia than people are aware.
-
-The active mind of Lord Castlereagh, and the determined energy which
-distinguished his character, were more especially manifested in the
-European movement which led to the fall of Napoleon. In 1813, the whole
-continent was full of English agents; they were everywhere--at Vienna,
-at Berlin, and at Stockholm, and even among the secret societies of
-Germany: for the Tories perceived that the time was come for them to
-act with vigour, and put an end to the power by which they had so
-long been threatened. Parliament never presented a more animated or
-truly national spectacle, or evinced a more unanimous devotion to the
-cause supported by the old English aristocracy; no sacrifice appeared
-too great, and subsidies were granted almost without limitation. The
-disasters of Moscow had inflamed all hearts, and with the assistance
-of one magic word, _Liberation_, the plans most hostile to Napoleon
-were realised. Treaties of alliance and subsidy were concluded by Lord
-Castlereagh with almost all the powers of Europe; and in order more
-completely to identify himself with his system, the minister appointed
-his brother, Sir Charles Stewart, to a special mission to the courts
-of Prussia and Sweden. This officer, now Marquis of Londonderry, was
-sent as commissioner with the English armies, and has himself published
-his despatches addressed to him whom he mentions as his illustrious
-brother. The English commissioners, who all received appointments both
-military and political, were at the same time soldiers, negotiating
-agents, and commandants of troops. We see in these despatches the
-painful efforts made by Sir Charles Stewart to produce some degree of
-unity in the coalesced camp. As England was paying armies to the right
-and left, with unheard-of liberality, she was desirous of retaining the
-political direction of events in her own hands, and as this supremacy
-encountered obstacles raised by the spirit of calculation and of
-self-love, it was necessary to be perpetually engaged in discussions
-with the generals-in-chief and the government. Sir Charles was at that
-time a young man, with a warm temper and some pride of birth; and
-Bernadotte, in spite of his doubtful position, preserved a certain
-degree of personal dignity: this led to perpetual differences of
-opinion, and even to quarrels, which required the skilful and moderate
-interference of the Russian commissioner, Count Pozzo di Borgo. Sir
-Charles having conceived a feeling of mistrust regarding Bernadotte,
-no doubt with reason, watched him closely, and his elevated position
-as brother to the Prime Minister of England invested him with an
-undoubted superiority in all negotiations. The attitude of England at
-that time was so proud! I am not acquainted with any period in the
-history of empires more magnificent, from the energy displayed, than
-that of England from the year 1792 to 1814; and this energy led to
-the general rising of Europe against Napoleon. Castlereagh was the
-soul of it, for the elements of which the English ministry were then
-composed were subject to his power; indeed when a character of great
-strength is anywhere met with, every thing gives way to his influence,
-for a superior mind never fails to be acknowledged. Lord Liverpool was
-no doubt a man of great consideration, and he held the first place
-officially in the cabinet; but when Europe began to rouse herself from
-her sleep, Castlereagh gave so powerful an impulse to the English
-diplomacy that it very soon ruled the world: let us now see what an
-immense task she had to perform.
-
-Europe, with all her desire of acting vigorously against Buonaparte,
-possessed neither money nor credit, and this to such a degree, that
-Prussia, for instance, had not a million of florins at her disposal;
-England not only provided subsidies, but also the means of negotiating
-loans: she became security for Prussia, Austria, and Russia; thus
-taking upon herself the credit of the world. The whole of the subsidies
-were not paid in money--arms, clothing, and provisions were also sent;
-and this extraordinary effort gave employment to her machinery, work
-to the labouring classes, and immense occupation to her mercantile
-navy. Her inexhaustible liberality demanded in return the abatement of
-the tariffs and free entry for her manufactures; by which means she
-regained a great portion of the advantages she afforded. In order
-to be convinced of this, it is only necessary to consult the rate of
-exchange for that period, which was almost always in favour of London;
-that is to say, that while she appeared to be furnishing money, it was
-merely changing the location of her funds. Hamburg, Frankfort, Vienna,
-and Berlin, were in debt to London, and the loans thus compensated
-themselves; shewing the prodigious strength of the commercial
-principle, and the magnificent power of an aristocratic state, directed
-by a superior mind.
-
-The principal object Lord Castlereagh had in view was to bring about
-a degree of persevering unity in the European coalition; it was the
-ruling idea of Mr. Pitt and the labour of his life: but the statesman
-had so often failed in his object. The weakness of Europe against
-Buonaparte resulted from its divisions, from its conflicting interests,
-and the separation of one cabinet from another; it was therefore
-necessary to unite them all in one common cause, and this was not the
-least difficult task he had to perform. If they might reckon upon the
-willingness of Russia to proceed to extremities against Napoleon, if
-the national spirit had been roused in Prussia to strive earnestly
-for the fall of the Emperor, were they likely to meet with the same
-concurrence, the same absolute devotion on the part of Austria, and of
-Sweden under Bernadotte? What obstacles and opposition Lord Castlereagh
-had to encounter in the course of the year 1813, at the time of the
-armistice of Plesswitz and the congress of Prague! Fresh discussions
-were incessantly started, and the coalition was repeatedly ready to
-fall to pieces, from the selfish tendencies of private interests. As
-for him he had but one object, one desire--the fall of Napoleon and
-the dissolution of the French Empire, and no words can express the
-power possessed by a man who has one idea constantly present to his
-mind, and follows it up with undeviating energy. The dissolution of the
-congress of Prague was occasioned by this absorbing passion in the mind
-of Lord Castlereagh, who induced Metternich to engage more decidedly in
-the coalition; he was like the intrepid hunter who sounds the halloo in
-pursuit of the stag at bay.
-
-The vast plan he had conceived rested upon two points--exertion on the
-part of the various governments to promote the march of troops, and a
-general rising among the people to second the efforts of the cabinets.
-The material impulse was given by Russia, and he allowed it to proceed
-and develope itself, well knowing the example of that great power would
-be followed by Prussia and Austria, and that their efforts would be
-sufficient for the liberation of Germany. It then became necessary in
-the north to urge Sweden to take the field, and with her Denmark and
-Holland; all his efforts were therefore directed to this point, and
-gave rise to the mission of Sir Charles Stewart and General Graham. He
-considered there would be no difficulty in inducing a revolt among the
-oppressed Dutch and Belgian population, and a popular movement would
-bring about the restoration of the House of Orange; while in the south
-the armies of England overspread Spain and Portugal, and France was
-thus attacked at both extremities at the same time. This has always
-been the favourite political system of England; by acquiring influence
-in Spain and Portugal, and also in Belgium, she prevents France from
-affecting her either commercially or diplomatically; and as English
-statesmen, in what situation soever they may be placed, never lose
-sight of the hereditary diplomatic traditions, one plan is transmitted
-through many generations, in the same manner that it formerly descended
-in our monarchy, when under the dominion of kings, and of able and
-distinguished ministers. Nothing is done in that country from a sudden
-impulse; every plan is maturely weighed, and England in the nineteenth
-century is swayed by the same principles as in the sixteenth.
-
-Lord Castlereagh's task, however, increased in difficulty as the allied
-armies drew near France, and their interests became more personal
-and more divided. It then became a question whether Austria would be
-willing to overturn France, and whether the Emperor Francis would
-sacrifice his son-in-law; there was also a doubt whether Russia would
-consent to the proposed augmentation of Austria and Prussia, which
-would add so considerably to their importance; and in addition to all
-the other questions, what compensation was likely to be awarded to
-England? Such were the difficulties that arose at every step after
-the Allies had reached the Rhine, until at last Pozzo di Borgo was
-despatched to England, with the firm determination to induce Lord
-Castlereagh, if possible, to visit the Continent; his presence now
-seemed really indispensable amidst the clashing of ideas and interests,
-which threatened to lead to the dissolution of the coalition. England
-alone was capable of reconciling all their wishes, and restoring to the
-various forces the unity which, like the bundle of sticks in the fable,
-rendered them invincible when united, though each separately would be
-easily overcome.
-
-Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent to confer with Lord Aberdeen,
-Lord Cathcart, and his own brother Sir Charles Stewart; and from this
-time the influence of the British legation was complete and paramount.
-The intervention of the English minister was indispensable, as I
-have before observed, to fortify the bonds of cohesion between the
-various cabinets, and more especially for the purpose of enforcing
-the principle, that no treaty was possible with Napoleon. In the
-conferences that took place between Metternich and M. de St. Aignan
-at Frankfort, the English legation observed that the Allies appeared
-rather inclined to a pacific arrangement, which would leave the Rhine
-as the boundary of the French empire, and would consequently include
-Belgium; but never would England have consented to a proceeding which
-would abandon Antwerp to France: she had too long coveted her fleet and
-great arsenal, and many had been the expeditions she had undertaken
-with that object!
-
-The opinion of Castlereagh was therefore inflexible; France, he
-declared, must be reduced within her ancient limits, and this
-resolution led to the conviction that with the ancient frontiers
-the ancient dynasty would be necessary. It was not that the English
-minister had entered into any engagements with the house of Bourbon;
-the Tories might consider the restoration of Louis XVIII. as a
-desirable circumstance after the general disorder that had existed
-in Europe, but it did not make one of the necessary conditions of
-a general peace, for the selfishly English interest was paramount
-over every other consideration. This state of affairs is evident in
-the correspondence between Lord Castlereagh and the French princes
-who had taken refuge in England; and though he might insinuate to
-the Comte d'Artois and the Duc d'Angoulême that they might appear
-on the Continent, he would not officially approve of their conduct,
-so as not to make the restoration a necessary condition for the
-re-establishment of peace. This caution affords an explanation of the
-Duke of Wellington's conduct after the battle of the Pyrenees; he made
-no objections to the Duke of Angoulême's presence in the south of
-France, but the white flag was not hoisted, because Lord Castlereagh
-was completely engaged in the negotiations at Châtillon.
-
-In these conferences, so fatal to our interests, the predominance of
-the English minister was manifested in the highest degree. As England
-furnished the subsidies, she exercised very great influence over
-the movements of the Allies, and Lord Castlereagh's language often
-assumed an imperious tone. Upon the first hesitation manifested by
-Austria, he declared that England would no longer be security for the
-money borrowed by the cabinet of Vienna, if they should attempt to
-enter into a separate treaty; and he was supported in his design of
-a general unity against Napoleon by Pozzo di Borgo, who had not left
-his side since they had travelled together from London. In fact, he
-was convinced it was not possible to make a treaty with Buonaparte.
-What peace would there be for Europe as long as he continued to wear
-the French crown? Had they not for many years been engaged in a
-protracted and constantly recurring struggle? For this reason, upon
-firm conviction, he supported as a statesman the maxim adopted by the
-Tory party,--_The ancient territory and the ancient dynasty_.
-
-Although Lord Castlereagh held no acknowledged diplomatic office at
-the congress of Châtillon, he nevertheless swayed all the resolutions
-formed there; he was the principal author of the treaty of Chaumont,
-which placed the military direction of the campaign under the influence
-of England. It was a singular example of the power that may be
-exercised by a commercial and monied government over military powers,
-for England had hardly any soldiers engaged in this war, but by means
-of her subsidies alone she set in motion a million of men, and made
-them subservient to her national and exclusive interests. Thus it
-was admitted as a general principle, that France was to be reduced
-within her ancient limits, and the object of England was gained by our
-being deprived of Antwerp; her vast arsenal was no longer dangerous,
-and her fleet was to be divided. It may be said that the treaty of
-Paris in 1814, which was the consequence of the treaty of Châtillon,
-formed in some measure a realisation of the leading ideas of Toryism;
-that is to say, the re-establishment of the House of Orange, with a
-territory extending to our frontier; Prussia increased in strength
-and importance, Austria assumed a predominant position in the south
-of Germany, while they both served as barriers to Russia; and above
-all, the maritime and commercial supremacy of Great Britain, to
-such a degree that, in the secret treaty of 1814, Lord Castlereagh
-imperatively insisted on the rupture of the family compact among the
-various branches of the House of Bourbon, for the purpose of rendering
-her influence as secure over Spain as over Holland.
-
-One might have supposed that, after this long and painful struggle
-against Buonaparte, the English minister would have enjoyed some
-rest from his anxieties; but such was far from being the case, for
-the Colossus had scarcely been hurled from its base before intestine
-dissensions arose in the coalition which had so lately set the world
-in motion. Various interests were the subject of secret discussion
-at Vienna; and the questions concerning Saxony, Poland, and Italy
-occasioned him extreme uneasiness. Throughout the whole period of the
-French revolution, England had undoubtedly played the principal part,
-and her perseverance alone had saved the Continent from a general and
-overwhelming oppression; but in diplomatic matters, as in politics,
-ancient services are less considered than the new situation in which
-countries are placed: England had been too much engaged in continental
-affairs not to continue to feel great anxiety concerning them, and
-on the question of Poland, Lord Castlereagh was opposed to the plans
-of the Russian cabinet, and he did not restrain the expression of
-his dissatisfaction respecting the Polish _suzeraineté_, which the
-Emperor Alexander was desirous of reserving to himself. No one ever
-surpassed his lordship in the union of firmness of character with the
-most polished manners, the distinguishing mark of a true gentleman;
-there was a degree of steadiness, I may almost say of nobleness, in
-his private conferences with Alexander, in the midst of the splendid
-_salons_ of Vienna, that was quite admirable.
-
-No aristocracy in Europe is more magnificent than that of England. Lady
-Castlereagh's parties at Vienna exceeded in splendour those even of the
-Emperor of Austria, and were replete with every pleasure and amusement;
-while her ladyship, who was a woman of extraordinary abilities,
-afforded considerable assistance to the diplomatic proceedings of
-her husband. The bold and rather presumptuous manner of Sir Charles
-Stewart, Lord Castlereagh's brother, were tempered by the studied
-mildness of Lord Aberdeen and the military profusion of Lord Cathcart;
-and the _soirées_ of the English legation were cited as the most
-brilliant of the season, not excepting those of the sovereigns. The
-English minister, however, was not satisfied with the decidedly Russian
-tendency of the congress. He had carefully studied the character of
-Alexander, and was well aware that vast ideas and infinite ambition
-lay concealed under the religious mysticism he had adopted under the
-influence of Madame Krüdner; and looking at it under this point of
-view, he naturally came to the conclusion that, if the English policy
-had been the means of saving the Continent from the absorbing power
-of Napoleon, it would be necessary to guard against a new danger, and
-prevent the power of Russia from becoming too great and exercising too
-absolute a dominion over the destinies of the world. This feeling,
-common to them all, formed a tie between Castlereagh, Metternich, and
-Talleyrand, all of whom were equally convinced that the combination of
-the three sovereignties would not be too much to oppose the projects
-of Russia; and their dissatisfaction increased so much towards the
-termination of the congress, that the three plenipotentiaries signed
-the treaty of alliance concluded in February, 1815, to guard against
-any possibilities that might arise regarding Saxony and Poland. Thus
-the man who had been the keystone of the coalition, whose powerful hand
-had cemented and directed it, contributed at this moment to introduce
-divisions into its bosom, because the common danger had passed away.
-
-This danger, however, appeared again when intelligence was received
-of the landing of Buonaparte and his march to Paris; and the English
-minister had no hesitation in placing himself at the head of the
-coalition, for Napoleon was considered as the general enemy of Europe.
-In 1814, Lord Castlereagh had opposed the sovereignty of the island of
-Elba being awarded to the ex-Emperor, and now, laying aside all other
-considerations, he looked at nothing but at the necessity of restoring
-unity to the confederation, and marching at once against the man who
-had been placed at the ban of Europe. Reports were in circulation that
-England had favoured the return from Elba, in order again to humble
-France and to impose heavier conditions upon her; and Lord Castlereagh,
-when asking for subsidies, was obliged in the House of Commons to enter
-into an explanation upon the subject. He had only to answer, that it
-was against his opinion a sovereignty had been granted to Buonaparte;
-but that, after he had once been acknowledged as an independent
-sovereign, no one had any right to watch his actions and proceedings.
-He and the Duke of Wellington now shared the arrangements between
-them, the one directing the debates in parliament while the other was
-employed in organising the army. Immense subsidies were again required
-to assist the coalition, and set a million of men in motion against the
-glorious adventurer who had made but one step from the Gulf of Juan to
-Paris.
-
-Lord Castlereagh had vowed an implacable hatred to all the ridiculous
-dynasties who sheltered themselves under the mantle of Napoleon, and he
-revealed to the House of Commons the correspondence between Murat and
-the Emperor; thus paving the way for the downfall of that melodramatic
-king who was playing his part among the lazzaroni at the palace of
-Portici, or at the Villa Reale. In the stormy debates in the House
-of Commons he always exhibited the same tenacity of principles and
-resolution which had supported him in the imperial crisis, and even the
-present situation awakened in his mind the pride of a statesman who
-has realised some great thing for his country; for the supreme power
-henceforth belonged to England, and no one could dispute with her the
-empire of the sea: for a short time she had been at war with America,
-but peace had just been concluded, and all these circumstances had
-greatly augmented her power.
-
-In the struggle now taking place, his lordship was possessed with one
-great object: in 1814 he had made some concessions to France, and he
-considered the affair terminated when her ancient limits, augmented
-by Savoy and the Comté Venaissin, were assigned to her, under the
-government of her ancient dynasty; but he now found all his work had
-fallen to the ground, and he concluded from thence that the power of
-France was still too great, and predominated too much on the Continent:
-for the sake, therefore, of obtaining the applause of Germany and the
-support of Prussia, he entered unhesitatingly into all the hatred vowed
-to us by them. Waterloo had placed France under the especial direction
-of England and Prussia, and deprived her of the Russian influence;
-therefore his lordship was at liberty to explain his ideas, and there
-was every facility for the execution of his system. His principles
-being in perfect agreement with those of the Duke of Wellington, he
-communicated to him his opinion about the future condition of France.
-In the first place, the ministerial system must be entirely English;
-and as a good understanding had existed between him and Talleyrand at
-Vienna, he chose him to fill the situation of prime minister. Then
-again, the Tories do not like revolutionists; but as these last assumed
-a suppliant attitude before the English, and that the patriots, under
-the shield of Fouché and of the representative chamber, were at the
-feet of the Duke of Wellington, even to obtain a foreign prince, they
-decided Fouché should be appointed to the ministry with Talleyrand.
-
-But this was only the commencement of the system. Lord Castlereagh had
-observed that the material power of France was too considerable for the
-balance of power in Europe, and also that Belgium was not sufficiently
-protected; he therefore considered it necessary another frontier should
-be adopted, to prevent any irruption on that side; and as England
-wanted to secure the good will of Germany, he agreed to support, if
-necessary, the proposal for the cession of Alsace and Lorraine to the
-Germanic confederation. These ideas gave birth to the hard conditions
-insisted upon by England, and rendered it necessary that France should
-have recourse to the Emperor Alexander to obtain better terms after her
-heavy afflictions.
-
-With regard to Buonaparte, the minister's conduct was perfectly
-consistent. In 1814 he had strenuously opposed the idea of an
-independent sovereignty in the island of Elba, and the enemy of
-England was now again in his power. It has been written and currently
-reported, that Napoleon's resolution to throw himself for protection
-upon the generosity of England was a free and spontaneous action; but
-such was far from being the case: too well did he know the unpitying
-and irritated feelings entertained against him by that nation, but he
-went on board the English man-of-war because he could no longer escape
-the cruisers, and perhaps the sailors in those vessels might have done
-him some injury, in vengeance of the sufferings of Captain Wright,
-who died in so mysterious a manner in the Temple. His letter to the
-Prince Regent was only an attempt to escape his fate by assuming the
-position of a free agent, when a few hours later he would have been a
-prisoner of war. As soon as Buonaparte was on board the Bellerophon,
-Lord Castlereagh hastened to acquaint the plenipotentiaries of
-the allied powers, assembled at Paris, with the fact; and then he
-naturally returned to his original and favourite idea of placing him
-under the charge of the Allies, in some spot sufficiently remote from
-the Continent to secure Europe against the risk of any further bold
-attempt on his part. This proposal did not arise from any personal
-hatred or feeling of animosity, but was the result of a profound and
-well-considered conviction. As for the rest, every thing was done
-with proper attention and consideration; but no one ever shewed more
-sulkiness, ill-humour, and I may say more littleness, than did Napoleon
-in adversity. How had he treated the Duc d'Enghien? Had he not pursued
-and striven to ensnare Louis XVIII. in every part of Europe? Was it
-too much, immediately after his adventure of the hundred days, which
-had cost us so dear, to send him to a place of security, from whence
-he would no longer be able to torment Europe? Buonaparte took offence
-because the title of majesty was refused him, and because he was not
-permitted to live quietly like one of the citizen classes in England or
-the United States (a proposition he made with just the same degree of
-sincerity as his request to be appointed _juge de paix_ of his district
-before the 18 Brumaire). Imagine Buonaparte a citizen of Westminster or
-Charleston! After so long a drama on the theatre of the world, if a man
-has not been able to die he ought to know how to submit to obscurity;
-but he, at St. Helena, did not exhibit the greatness that ought to have
-arisen from his recollections and his glory, and I would willingly
-believe his flatterers garbled his conversations in the narratives
-published of his exile.
-
-By the treaty concluded in the month of November, which was the
-completion of the transactions at Vienna, a magnificent position
-was allotted to England. In the south of Europe her influence over
-Portugal was secured, and the family compact was broken; in the north,
-a kingdom was constructed of Holland and Belgium, under her patronage,
-for the Prince of Orange, one of her generals; Prussia was closely
-attached to her system, and the Elbe opened to her the road to Germany;
-Hanover belonged to the British crown; she absorbed the factories and
-establishments of France in India, and acquired the Cape of Good Hope,
-the Isle of France, and Ceylon, besides Malta and the Seven Islands
-in the Mediterranean. She had reached the highest degree of power
-permitted to a state, and it was the firm and resolute conduct of Lord
-Castlereagh that had led to these great results; for had the weak and
-unconnected opinion of the Whigs carried the day, had peace been signed
-with Buonaparte, based on the terms approved by Fox and Grenville,
-never would England have attained to such a pitch of power and
-splendour. In mortal struggles like these one party must perish; and
-as it was, Napoleon sunk under the efforts of Britain. The captive of
-St. Helena was well aware of this, for he never accused any one of his
-fall but Lord Castlereagh and the English aristocracy, whom he devoted
-to the execration of future ages; no doubt for thus having succeeded in
-exalting the grandeur of England, as he had dreamed of doing with the
-magnificence of his nation and his race.
-
-In the history of states, two periods usually occur. When there is a
-strong inclination to foreign wars, it very seldom occurs that there
-is much agitation among parties at home, because when society is
-hurried with violence into affairs of great importance, she has no
-time for considering her own troubles or inquiring closely into her
-domestic afflictions; but when the war is over she turns her attention
-upon herself, and internal dissensions take place. This was the case
-in England after the treaty of Paris in 1815, extreme irritation was
-displayed in her troubles; and this requires some explanation: that
-there was much suffering among the various classes of British subjects
-is an undoubted fact, and it proceeded from many different causes. The
-successive debts she had been obliged to contract had inordinately
-increased the taxes; a war, lasting for twenty years, had been suddenly
-succeeded by a peace which had injured the interests of many people,
-because war, by occasioning an unnatural excitement to industry of
-every kind, had given employment to thousands, for the commerce of the
-world was in the hands of England. Peace opened an immense competition;
-Great Britain, formerly alone in the market, now met with the French
-and Americans, and the ports were no longer exclusively open to her
-manufactures. Besides this, pauperism, that species of leprosy in a
-nation, had greatly increased, and it had now become an actual sore in
-the British government, a vermin on the velvet robes of her rulers.
-
-A radical and deep-seated movement had also taken place in the public
-mind. Great excitement always leaves a degree of fermentation behind;
-the revolutionary doctrines had sheltered themselves behind the shield
-of parliamentary reform, and this very reform became a pretext gladly
-seized upon by agitators; thus England found herself covered, not with
-secret societies, for on her soil people breathe freely, but with
-clubs and inflammatory meetings, so that the country resounded with
-petitions. On this occasion it again became necessary to display a
-degree of firmness; the inflexible character of Lord Castlereagh was
-alone capable of opposing to doctrines which manifested themselves by
-riotous assemblies of 100,000 men in various cities.
-
-Independent of these domestic troubles, there were also difficulties
-connected with foreign affairs that exhibited a no less serious aspect.
-Ever since the year 1792 but one great danger had occupied the mind of
-Europe, the absorbing and inordinate power of the republic and empire
-of Napoleon. England having always been at the head of the implacable
-movement which attacked the revolutionary power in France, had also
-naturally taken the lead in the political transactions; and Europe did
-not stop to examine whether the cabinet of London assumed too great an
-influence while protecting the general interest; for Buonaparte excited
-alarm, and the assistance of Great Britain was required to oppose him:
-but as soon as this powerful Colossus was overthrown, a continental
-system was formed under the influence of the Emperor of Russia, and led
-to all those congresses, annually repeated, in which England could not
-take an active or predominant part. The statesmen of Great Britain,
-both Whigs and Tories, rejected all the theories of absolute power;
-they had been educated in the principles of 1688, and neither would,
-nor could, adopt the maxim of the divine right of kings. Thus Lord
-Castlereagh could not unite in all the manifestoes and declarations of
-principles which the Emperor Alexander issued in his mystical ideas of
-the Holy Alliance. We must not lose sight of this circumstance in the
-last four years of the minister's life. The treaty of 1815 had hardly
-been signed before a formidable conspiracy of Radicalism in arms arose
-in England, not merely easily suppressed riots, but bodies of 100,000,
-who broke the power-looms and pillaged the houses, and the ancient
-aristocracy appeared threatened with the most imminent danger; yet
-such is the spirit of order in that country, and the reliance to be
-placed on the English population, that these tumults were not attended
-with danger. On this occasion the firm repressive spirit of Lord
-Castlereagh was fully manifested; without hesitation, he demanded from
-parliament the suspension of all liberty, even of the _habeas corpus_,
-that powerful security of the English citizen. The troops ordered to
-act vigorously against the rioters, shewed no compassion, because
-there appeared no limit to the disturbances. How many accusations
-were brought against Lord Castlereagh after the riots at Manchester
-and Birmingham! The pamphlets published on the occasion represented
-him as a butcher of human victims, and Lord Byron wrote some lines on
-the cold impassiveness of his countenance. Was England to be allowed
-to perish to please the poets? or were the designs of housebreakers
-and destroyers of machinery to be seconded? The minister only did his
-duty as a statesman--he saved society, and what do people want more?
-He did it even at the peril of his fame--a great sacrifice for those
-who devote themselves to the idea of order in the midst of disorder.
-Very vigorous bills were passed, on the demand of the minister, against
-foreigners, and against the instigators of the disturbances, and
-he undertook in parliament the painful task of obtaining repressive
-measures. In England there are resources, even in times of the greatest
-danger, because there exists a race of statesmen, the Tories, who never
-give way to public clamour; in the midst of the most formidable riot a
-degree of respect for the laws is still felt, and people submit to the
-summons of a constable.
-
-This agitated situation lasted nearly five years; the counties were in
-a blaze; and at last the Queen's trial became the pretext for fresh
-disorders. No one could take any interest in a queen who, in the
-decline of life, had carried on her intrigues in Syria, in Greece,
-and in Italy, with true English disregard of public opinion, which is
-in itself an eccentricity. Every one was aware of the irregularities
-of the Princess of Wales, now queen by the death of George III., and
-retaining in her service the witness and partaker of her excesses, her
-chamberlain, Bergami. But the Radical party did not look so closely at
-the affair; all they wanted was a pretext to excite the public mind,
-and they had recourse to the queen's trial as a means of occasioning
-riot and disorder. The Tories, deeply sensible of the embarrassed state
-of the country, and desirous, if possible, of avoiding a scandalous
-trial, proposed a middle course to the princess. Her name was not to
-be mentioned in the Liturgy, but she would still be queen, only she
-would be required to remain abroad, constantly travelling about, and a
-large pecuniary allowance would be made to her; but upon the Radical
-party being consulted, the old queen refused all the offers, and a
-long and disgraceful trial was obliged to take place. Lord Castlereagh
-determined upon the measure with firm and respectful energy; the more
-unwilling he had been to resort to this mode of proceeding, the more
-vigorously he was resolved to carry it through. When we contemplate
-the angelic figure of Anne Boleyn, beside the gross and sensual Henry
-VIII., every one feels a strong and lively interest in the unfortunate
-victim; but who could have the slightest feeling for a queen grown old
-with the most degrading passions?
-
-The minister here again was opposed by his old adversary Canning, who
-was then aiming at extreme popularity. He had constituted himself the
-Queen's champion, not because he esteemed her, but because this course
-furnished him with the means of the most violent opposition to the
-ministry over which Castlereagh presided. The trial began, and was
-followed by debates, and the disgraceful and disgusting revelations are
-too well known. The oratorical fame of Brougham and Canning was greatly
-augmented by these proceedings; their popularity became immense, and
-their opponents were visited with a degree of reprobation to which men
-of distinguished capacity must accustom themselves in the course of
-their painful and wearisome task.
-
-All these domestic events occurred at a period when Europe, still
-full of agitation, was constantly holding congresses, in order to
-declare her principles, or to decide upon general arrangements.
-Since the declaration of Alexander, bearing the title of the Holy
-Alliance, England had taken up a separate position; her statesmen,
-more especially Lord Castlereagh, had declared the principles of that
-convention to be too vague to allow the English ministers to admit
-them, under their legal responsibility. From this first separation of
-interests from the rest of Europe, two political systems resulted: the
-one Russian, whose ascendency over the congress was almost absolute;
-the other English, which opposed any general deliberation upon
-interests now divided.
-
-Lord Castlereagh assumed this position when he attended the congresses
-of Troppau and Laybach; he signed the protocols without adopting
-the ideas of the Holy Alliance, but simply as the consequence of
-the treaties of 1815 and the articles of the congress of Vienna. In
-his conversations with Metternich he advanced this principle, that,
-although Europe might enter into an agreement to repress disturbances
-affecting the security of crowned heads, she neither could, nor ought
-to interfere with any modifications which a people might freely and
-spontaneously choose to make in their respective governments. This
-declaration referred to several very important questions that had
-lately arisen: first, the separation of the Spanish colonies from the
-mother-country; secondly, the disturbances in Greece; and, thirdly, the
-revolution in Spain. The emancipation of the Spanish colonies of an
-ancient date originated in the commercial interests of England, which
-constantly require to be satisfied; the markets opened by peace must
-replace those of war, and a new world was requisite for the overflow of
-her manufactures; under this point of view, therefore, the emancipation
-of the Spanish colonies secured a market to England, she henceforth
-became favourable to their independence, and her consuls resided with
-their _exequatur_ in these colonies. Lord Castlereagh's position at
-this juncture was rather delicate; for with one hand he favoured the
-sedition of the colonies, and with the other he severely repressed the
-riots in the English counties.
-
-Being a partisan of the emancipation of the colonies, he naturally felt
-no repugnance towards the government of the Cortes at Madrid. What is
-considered of importance in England, is not the form of government
-adopted by a power, but its tendency with regard to herself and her
-interests. She seldom breaks a lance for a mere chivalrous idea. Both
-Whigs and Tories are equally actuated by the same spirit of national
-selfishness, which is, in fact, patriotism; and, while holding this
-doctrine, that England is not to meddle with the internal form of
-government, the path remains open, so that they can decide according
-as interest advises. With regard to the emancipation of the Greeks,
-Lord Castlereagh viewed it in its true light, without weakness, and
-without sentimental feelings, allowing the question to rest on the
-ground of Russia and Turkey: thus, to emancipate the Greeks would be to
-aggrandise Russia, open to her the gates of the Bosphorus, and drive
-the Turks into Asia, and this policy would be unfaithful and puerile
-as far as the interests of England were concerned; it was, on the
-contrary, most advantageous to her to protect the Ottoman empire by the
-British flag, to develope her strength, and create in that country a
-commercial alliance for herself. Thus at the same time to give a new
-world to industry, by the emancipation of the Spanish colonies, to take
-no heed of the revolutions at Naples and in Spain, but watch Russia and
-restrain any ambitious projects she might have formed, by supporting
-the Porte: such were the politics of Lord Castlereagh in the first five
-years that succeeded his vigorous contest with Napoleon.
-
-The disturbances in England had begun to subside, when the ancient
-civil war was again renewed in Ireland between the Orangemen and the
-Catholics; it was a constantly recurring quarrel, as between two races
-who entertained the greatest detestation for each other. All the people
-who thought seriously on the subject felt that something must be done
-for the Catholics; the reason for the former oppression having ceased
-to exist, Ireland could not always remain in a state of slavery. Lord
-Castlereagh was well acquainted with this country, where his youth had
-been passed, and, whenever business left him leisure, was accustomed
-to visit the ancient towers of Londonderry, the beautiful lakes, and
-the old fishermen, whom his munificence assisted in rebuilding their
-villages and their boats, portioning their daughters, or increasing
-their own comforts. The bill for the admission of the Catholic lords
-into parliament was then in debate; it was opposed by the Orange
-party in Ireland, and, after passing the House of Commons, was thrown
-out by the Lords; and this was the cause of the sanguinary troubles
-which again threw Ireland into the most fearful state of disorder.
-The ministry shewed no indulgence, for the country was deluged with
-blood; and Lord Wellesley, then lord-lieutenant, declared at last that,
-if they were desirous of saving that country, more agitated than the
-ocean, it must be placed under a most vigorous system of legislative
-exception.[52] The old laws of the conquest were put in force against
-the parties of Whiteboys who ravaged the country, but by degrees these
-demonstrations gave way before the severe measures used to repress them.
-
- [52] Parliament decided upon the re-enactment of the Insurrection
- Act, and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, in Ireland.--_Editor._
-
-As soon as order was restored, it was necessary the ministry should
-take measures to relieve the sufferings of the three kingdoms, and they
-devoted themselves with the greatest attention to their difficult task.
-It is a historical truth worthy of the remembrance of agitators, that
-they occasion the slavery of all for the sake of the vain pleasure they
-derive from some ovations to themselves. Despotism is the successor of
-disorder, and there is more influence in reason and resignation than
-in the noisy acclamations of the public streets. O'Connell appears to
-me, to be just the man destined to bring about the complete subjection
-of Ireland; he will be the destroyer of his country for the sake of
-a little personal vanity, for the applause of 100,000 men, collected
-round the hustings. The Tories did every thing that was possible for
-Ireland when it was quiet: the emancipation of the Catholics was
-promoted by the Wellesleys, nor did they stop there.
-
-Lord Castlereagh, deeply sensible that there was real suffering among
-all classes of the people, now unfolded his vast plan of economy, with
-all the logic of Pitt in his admirable budget of 1798. Taking his
-ground on the existence of much distress in the agricultural districts,
-and in the principles of credit, he proceeded at once to retrenchments.
-The expenses of the army and navy were reduced by two millions sterling
-a-year; the interest of the public debt was reduced from 5 to 4 per
-cent; and the sinking fund was considerably increased.[53] These
-measures permitted the decrease of imposts, the suppression of all
-additional taxes, and a system of loans to agriculture by means of
-the bank, the grand instrument he always had recourse to, in order
-to make advances to parishes, and more especially to the producers
-of corn, so as always to keep down the price. It was an earnest
-undertaking, and the last he had to carry on during this session. In
-the meanwhile he could not fail to observe that the renown of his old
-adversary, Canning, was marvellously increasing; he was becoming a
-popular character, he was the favourite of the mob, while the firm and
-persevering minister who had aroused the world, and saved England, was
-branded with reprobation by the populace, who broke the panels of his
-carriage. Ought he to allow himself--he, so proud and haughty, to be
-drawn into the wake of Canning, on the boundless waste of revolutionary
-ideas? Partially reconciled to his adversary on the Catholic question,
-his lordship took only a secondary part in the debate; and he was stung
-by the conviction, that, while in foreign relations his influence
-was overpowered by the Holy Alliance, at home Canning was the person
-considered most necessary to the administration, because he was better
-suited to the new liberal situation in which they were becoming
-entangled; and he repeatedly expressed his grief and vexation at this
-circumstance. In England, where public questions are adopted like a
-mission, and the feelings of statesmen on the subject are deep and
-interwoven in their whole being, the destruction of a system involves
-that of the man. Mr. Pitt was killed by the battle of Austerlitz,
-and Lord Castlereagh belonged to that noble school. He whose life
-had commenced in so poetical a manner, who had feared neither single
-combat, nor the dangers of the raging waves in his shipwreck on the
-Isle of Man, could not be afraid of death; but as his hour drew near,
-his disposition became extremely irritable, and he expressed himself
-in parliament with a degree of bitterness and sullen haughtiness: I
-should almost say he looked with pity and contempt upon the opposition
-of the Whigs, who were advancing towards fresh storms and disturbances.
-There are times when people wish to have done with a situation which
-oppresses them, and with adversaries of whom they are weary; they utter
-their last words to their face, and after that they die without regret.
-
- [53] This is a mistake.--_Editor._
-
-Lord Castlereagh announced his intention of visiting the Continent,
-with the intention, if not of being present at the congress of Verona,
-at least of meeting the assembled sovereigns there; and Canning was in
-hopes that, when his colleague had once left England, he would send
-in his resignation, and consequently leave him at the head of affairs.
-But matters were more rapidly drawing to a close: Lord Castlereagh
-had been unwell for several days, and there was every appearance of
-extreme nervous irritability about him; some expressions that fell
-from his lips shewed that he had some sinister ideas in his head, and
-when he went to take leave of the king, the state of his mind did not
-escape the monarch, who had a great esteem for him. From that time he
-constantly complained of a feeling of oppression in his head, and his
-physician, Dr. Bankhead, reported that when he visited him he was calm,
-though there were symptoms of impatience and caprice in his manner, and
-a few short and hurried words were all that he could draw from him;
-he let fall some observations on the troubles of life which raised
-apprehensions of suicide, and he was watched: but on Monday, the 12th
-of August, 1822, just as his physician entered his dressing-room, Lord
-Castlereagh uttered these few words: "Doctor, let me fall on your arm;
-it is all over!" and fell with the heaviness of a corpse. The blood
-was flowing in torrents, from a deep wound which he had inflicted
-in the carotid artery, with a small penknife he had concealed in a
-letter-case. Such was the end of the man, who had conducted the affairs
-of England with so much firmness and consistency for the last ten years!
-
-Since then people have endeavoured to prove that he was raving mad,
-and the opposite party have even asserted, that the energy of his
-government shewed a tendency to mental alienation: would they not have
-considered any man mad, who wanted to contend vigorously against them?
-No, Lord Castlereagh was _not_ mad; he only felt the deep sorrow of
-a statesman who, after having fulfilled a great duty, finds himself
-forgotten and abandoned at the end of his career. Mr. Pitt had died at
-his post while his work was progressing towards its accomplishment, and
-Lord Castlereagh saw it completed by the fall of Buonaparte. But he,
-in his turn, had to contend with the revolutionary opinions that were
-again invading the world; Canning was like his evil genius, and as in a
-long political career they were both constantly before the public, we
-may inquire what services they rendered to England. Castlereagh gave
-his country the pre-eminence she every where exercises; he signed the
-treaties of 1815, he secured to her vast stations, colonies, and new
-worlds, and he was forced to escape, by suicide from the reprobation
-of the people; while Canning the declaimer, the renegade from the
-opinions of Pitt, and who, though threatening all the cabinets, did
-not dare to oppose the expedition to Spain in 1823, died peaceably in
-his bed, and was crowned with universal applause. Alas! it is because
-men who devote themselves to the serious affairs of their country, are
-in general persecuted and misunderstood; for with the populace, noise
-and clamour are thought more of, than good measures. Let it, however,
-be said to the credit of England, that she is returning to the men
-she formerly blamed. The noble hierarchy of statesmen which begins
-with Pitt and Castlereagh, and extends to Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the
-Duke of Wellington, is now hailed as the school most fitted to afford
-protection to Great Britain; and Fox, Sheridan, and Canning, are only
-mentioned as eloquent speakers, who passed away long nights in the
-House of Commons.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-There is not the slightest doubt that the unfortunate termination of
-Lord Castlereagh's existence was owing to delirium.--_Editor._
-
-
-Printed by George Barclay, Castle Street, Leicester Square.
-
-
-
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
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-
-
-Transcriber's note:
-
-Obvious printer errors have been corrected. Otherwise, the author's
-original spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been left intact.
-
-
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-<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Diplomatists of Europe, by M. (Jean
-Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue, Edited by William Monteith, Translated
-by William Monteith</h1>
-<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
-and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
-restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
-under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
-eBook or online at <a
-href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>.  If you are not
-located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this ebook.</p>
-<p>Title: The Diplomatists of Europe</p>
-<p>Author: M. (Jean Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue</p>
-<p>Editor: William Monteith</p>
-<p>Release Date: December 17, 2016  [eBook #53748]</p>
-<p>Language: English</p>
-<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p>
-<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DIPLOMATISTS OF EUROPE***</p>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<h4>E-text prepared by Chris Whitehead, Clarity,<br />
-    and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br />
-    (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br />
-    from page images generously made available by<br />
-    Internet Archive<br />
-    (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10">
-  <tr>
-    <td valign="top">
-      Note:
-    </td>
-    <td>
-      Images of the original pages are available through
-      Internet Archive. See
-      <a href="https://archive.org/details/diplomatistsofeu00cape">
-      https://archive.org/details/diplomatistsofeu00cape</a>
-    </td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<hr class="full" />
-<div class="body">
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img style="margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em;" src="images/cover-image.jpg" id="coverpage" width="500"  height="731" alt="Cover for The Diplomatists" />
-<div class="transnote covernote">
-<p class="center" style="margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em;">The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p>
-</div></div>
-
-<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" />
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 410px;">
-<img src="images/image1.jpg" width="410" height="618" alt="Title page for The Diplomatists" />
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" />
-
-<p class="center" style="margin-top: 8em; margin-bottom: 8em;">LONDON:<br />
-PRINTED BY GEORGE BARCLAY, 28 CASTLE STREET,<br />
-LEICESTER SQUARE.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" />
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;">CONTENTS.</h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<table class="centered" border="0" cellpadding="10" style="max-width: 100%;" summary="CONTENTS">
-<tr><td class="title"></td>  <td class="page">PAGE</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#PRINCE_METTERNICH">PRINCE METTERNICH</a></td>  <td class="page">1</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#M_DE_TALLEYRAND">M. DE TALLEYRAND</a></td>  <td class="page">58</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#COUNT_POZZO_DI_BORGO">COUNT POZZO DI BORGO</a></td>  <td class="page">109</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#M_PASQUIER">M. PASQUIER</a></td>  <td class="page">172</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON">THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>  <td class="page">197</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#THE_DUC_DE_RICHELIEU">THE DUC DE RICHELIEU</a></td>  <td class="page">223</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#PRINCE_HARDENBERG">PRINCE HARDENBERG</a></td>  <td class="page">252</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#COUNT_NESSELRODE">COUNT NESSELRODE</a></td>  <td class="page">289</td></tr>
-<tr><td class="title"><a href="#LORD_CASTLEREAGH">LORD CASTLEREAGH</a></td>  <td class="page">327</td></tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;">AUTHOR'S PREFACE.</h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> sketches now offered to the reader have
-most of them been already published in parts, in
-magazines and reviews. I have been advised to
-collect them into one work, in order to make their
-tendency and their spirit better understood.</p>
-
-<p>The end I proposed to myself at the time I
-wrote them, was to efface the prejudices which
-the decrepit schools of the Revolution, and of the
-Empire, had cast over the vast intellects who
-have had the direction of the government in
-various countries, or who still continue to guide
-the state. This end, I think, was partly gained
-by the four sketches of the career of Prince Metternich,
-Counts Pozzo di Borgo and Nesselrode,
-and the Duke of Wellington. I have considered
-it the more essential to complete this publication
-at present, because, for some years past, people
-appear only to take pleasure in extolling those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>
-who have been engaged in the work of destruction.
-The most illustrious public bodies take
-pleasure in listening to the praises of those who
-have ruined the old state of society, and no man
-is considered clever, learned, or virtuous, unless
-he has been at least half a regicide. As for me
-I request a little space for the politicians who
-create, preserve, or add to a state,&mdash;for the men
-whose works still endure, and survive all those
-who declaimed against them. I would give all
-the fame of the Radicals of 1791, of the year <span class="smcap">III.</span>,
-or the year <span class="smcap">VIII.</span>, for the smallest portion of the
-abilities of Cardinal Richelieu.</p>
-
-<p>It was not at random that I selected the
-names of the statesmen of whom an account is
-here to be met with; they each represent an
-idea&mdash;a system&mdash;a policy. Prince Metternich
-is the creator of the theory of the balance of
-power and armed neutrality, which has obtained
-a very exalted rank for Austria among European
-powers; Prince Talleyrand brought back among
-us the temperate diplomacy of the Empire, of the
-first days of the Restoration, and of the Revolution
-of 1830; Count Pozzo di Borgo personifies
-the persevering tact of European policy and the
-Russian system since the year 1814; the chancellor,
-M. Pasquier, exhibits the administration<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>
-of the latter part of the reign of Napoleon, and
-he was, also, the moderate minister of the
-Restoration; the Duke of Wellington is England
-under arms, and the active spirit of the
-Tories; the Duc de Richelieu is the symbol of
-probity in affairs, and of great unrequited services&mdash;he
-is the man who delivered his country
-from the dominion of a stranger, and yet with
-whose name the present generation is, perhaps,
-less acquainted than with that of any orator
-at the hustings; Prince Hardenberg represents
-Prussia at first holding a neutral course, then
-advancing with her poetical universities; Count
-Nesselrode has been Chancellor of Russia for the
-last thirty years; and, finally, I have raised to
-its proper exalted position the much-belied character
-of Lord Castlereagh, the faithful interpreter
-of the views of the Tory party, the worthy
-successor of Mr. Pitt, and who preserved England
-and added to her power. These sketches, therefore,
-by their account of the different ministers,
-form a vast history of the cabinets of Europe.</p>
-
-<p>Many new details will be found in these portraits,
-and my admiration for intellectual and
-powerful minds has made me strive to perfect
-them. Being quite unconnected with the agitations
-of the present times, I have not mentioned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>
-in these pages any name mixed up with the
-dissensions of the press and the tribune. Some
-of the politicians of the present day were, however,
-the noble friends of the Duc de Richelieu,
-and others afforded him the aid of their talents
-and sagacity. May they continue their career,
-without becoming weary and discouraged in the
-difficult paths of Conservatism and order! May
-they persevere, in spite of the misery of holding
-office in changeful times! The heart of Pitt
-was often deeply pained while arranging his magnificent
-work, and England now pronounces him
-the prince of statesmen. Toil and trouble are
-the condition of man, and nothing strong or
-durable ever was created, without raising a
-clamour of opposition from beings of inferior
-intellects, violent tempers, and disappointed ambition.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 3em;"><i>June 1843.</i></p>
-
-<blockquote>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Note.</span>&mdash;The following pages being merely a translation,
-the Editor has found it necessary to abstain from
-any observations on the work of M. Capefigue, and from
-offering any remarks upon the sentiments of this able
-writer, even where he may materially differ with him.</p>
-
-
-<p style="margin-left: 5%; margin-top: 1.5em;"><i>June 1845.</i></p>
-</blockquote>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="PRINCE_METTERNICH" id="PRINCE_METTERNICH">PRINCE METTERNICH.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> Austrian government, which is composed of old
-hereditary states and conquests of a later date, a sort of
-chequer-work of provincial privileges and immunities,
-may be said to be the creation of a statesman, who must
-be placed in a superior rank to all others.</p>
-
-<p>It is not only under the aspect of a long and brilliant
-diplomatic career that we must regard the life of
-Prince Metternich, we must also look upon him as the
-head of the executive organisation, which includes so
-many various interests, and such a diversity of national
-characters and feelings, under the government of one
-sceptre.</p>
-
-<p>Cast your eyes over the provinces which extend from
-the centre of Germany into Poland, from the extremity
-of Gallicia as far as Venice and Milan, from Zara on the
-Adriatic to Mantua, the key of Lake Garda and of the
-Tyrol, an assemblage of richer countries or more opulent
-cities cannot be met with. To Metternich belongs
-the honour of having already, for above thirty years,
-maintained his hold upon these various nations; he has
-realised the most difficult system of local administration
-and of a central government, great domestic liberty,
-with, at the same time, careful surveillance, an active
-police with very indulgent toleration, the most extensive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
-credit with the least oppressive taxation. One might
-compare the Austrian government to the father of a
-family, anxious and rather strict with his children; the
-elder ones are tractable, the younger sometimes unruly,
-over whom he keeps a tight rein, in order that it may
-as seldom as possible be necessary to have recourse to
-chastisement.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
-
-<p>Railways and industrial establishments are becoming
-numerous in Austria; her navy is increasing on the
-Adriatic, and is a means of circulating her flourishing
-manufactures. Metternich has thus caused the age of
-labour to succeed to that of war and conquest. The
-ancient constitution of Germany was destroyed at the
-peace of Presburg, during the time of the contemptible
-and fragile assembly of the Confederation of the Rhine.
-The house of Austria then renounced the old imperial
-crown; but a new existence has opened for it, and,
-after innumerable reverses under the Republic and Napoleon,
-it again reared its head with a new state of political
-life and of military power. Since the year 1813,
-Austria has been constantly called upon to play a great
-part in the affairs of Europe, and Metternich has succeeded
-in giving to her politics a character of perseverance,
-or, rather, of immutability, the result of an idea
-nobly conceived, and then worked out like a mission he
-felt intrusted to accomplish.</p>
-
-<p>The political life of a statesman is bound up in the
-work he has undertaken. It is not my habit as a historian
-to adopt the narrow views inspired by party-spirit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
-or worn-out declamation: when a minister has
-achieved the greatness of an empire, resisted vassalage
-under Napoleon, and furnished the most extensive field
-for the page of history, I will not, from a weak patriotism,
-raise my voice against this master-mind. We may
-meet with enough men who destroy; we ought to
-feel respect for those capable of creating, and then maintaining
-their work.</p>
-
-<p>Clement Wenceslaus, Count of Metternich-Winneburg-Ochsenhausen,
-was born at Coblentz, on the 13th of
-May, 1773, of a good German family, whose ancestors
-have served in former times against the Ottomans. I
-also find there were several officers of the name of Metternich
-in the company of Lanzknechts, in the time of
-the Reformation and of the League. His father, Count
-Metternich, a man of very moderate abilities, was greatly
-in the confidence of Prince Kaunitz, and his name is
-mentioned in all the business transacted concerning the
-Low Countries. Young Metternich received the names
-of Clement-Wenceslaus, after the Prince of Poland and
-Lithuania, Duke of Saxony, who stood godfather to him.
-At the age of fifteen he went to the university of Strasburg,
-at that time very celebrated, and the most frequented
-academy in Europe.</p>
-
-<p>The philosophy of Voltaire, Helvetius, and Rousseau,
-was then in the ascendant&mdash;that empty sensualism which
-filled young heads with effervescing fancies. The university
-of Strasburg was under the direction of Koch,
-the celebrated lecturer upon international law; and, by a
-singular chance, another youth, whose name has since
-been well known, was also pursuing his studies at the
-same university; this was Benjamin Constant de Rebecque.
-Some degree of friendship sprung up between
-the students, and it is curious to observe what a different
-career was opened by the caprices of Fortune to the two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
-pupils of Professor Koch. Count Metternich concluded
-his philosophical studies in the year 1790; the rest of
-his education was completed in Germany. When he
-reached the age of twenty he visited England and Holland,
-and afterwards went to live at Vienna, where he
-married Maria Eleonora, of Kaunitz-Rietberg.</p>
-
-<p>Metternich's first entry into the diplomatic corps was
-merely as a secretary at the Congress of Rahstadt,&mdash;a
-singular negotiation, which had a most tragical termination;<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
-he afterwards accompanied Count Stadion in his
-missions to Prussia and to St. Petersburg, and was at
-the latter court at the time of the alliance between Russia
-and Austria, which fell to the ground in consequence
-of the rapidity of Napoleon's military investment of
-Ulm, and the revolt of Bavaria,&mdash;an admirable campaign,
-which at once placed the French emperor in the rank of
-the greatest military commanders.</p>
-
-<p>Even at this early period it was the opinion of Metternich
-that the triple alliance between Russia, Prussia, and
-Germany, would not be too much to restrain the power
-of Napoleon; and a striking evidence of the importance
-of France and of her leader had just been afforded by
-the battle of Austerlitz. Count Metternich was called
-upon to take a part in all the treaties concluded at this
-time; and, up to this period, his opinions appeared to
-belong to the same school as those of Count Stadion,
-who was shortly afterwards appointed minister for foreign
-affairs. By him Metternich was proposed as ambassador
-to the court of Russia; but, the treaty of Presburg
-having completely altered the position of Austria
-in Europe, Francis II. preferred sending the young diplomatist
-to Napoleon; and, on the 15th of August,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
-1806, the day of the solemn national anniversary, the
-ambassador presented his credentials, and first appeared
-before the favourite of fortune and glory.</p>
-
-<p>The political system of which Count Metternich was
-the representative at Paris was very complicated. Since
-the first coalition against France, Austria had suffered
-the most severe reverses, having been twice deprived of
-the Milanese by Buonaparte, general and consul; then
-driven back on the banks of the Danube by Moreau,
-and having a second time entered the lists, after the
-alliance with Russia, this new coalition was dissolved by
-the battle of Austerlitz, and the Austrian cabinet was
-obliged to sign the treaty of Presburg,&mdash;a covenant submitted
-to through necessity alone, which broke up the
-old empire of Germany, and, in some measure, made an
-end of that of Austria.</p>
-
-<p>It was the politics of this treaty, so fatal to the interests
-of the emperor, that Metternich was deputed to
-represent at Paris. The Confederation of the Rhine
-had overturned all the German system of affairs, which
-was as ancient as the Golden Bull. Wirtemberg and
-Bavaria, instead of being mere electorates, became kingdoms;
-when Bavaria received, at the expense of Austria,
-a territory of more than 12,000 square miles, a population
-of above 3,000,000 of souls, and a revenue of
-above 17,000,000 florins; and the aggrandisement of
-Wirtemberg, also prejudicial to Austria, though, no
-doubt, in a less degree, cost her about 150 square miles.
-Austria also lost the Venetian states, the Tyrol, the five
-cities of the Danube, Venetian Dalmatia, and the mouths
-of the Cattaro.</p>
-
-<p>The act of the Confederation of the Rhine, which was
-the work of Talleyrand, Otto, and Reinhard, tore away
-the last remains of the old imperial mantle: and Francis
-II. was obliged to lay aside this ancient dignity, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
-would have been, in time to come, nothing but an
-empty title. Napoleon's system was to invade every
-thing, and a treaty was to him but an opportunity of
-launching out into fresh conquests. He had planted his
-family in Germany by instituting the kingdom of Westphalia;
-and, by means of marriages, he connected himself
-with Wirtemberg and Bavaria: all the stipulations in
-the treaty of Presburg had been insisted upon with the
-most inflexible haughtiness.</p>
-
-<p>After these terrible reverses, Metternich considered
-the best means of regaining a little influence in Europe
-was to keep on good terms with Napoleon, or rather to
-preserve a strict neutrality, which might allow Austria
-to trace out an advantageous line of conduct for herself,
-should any decisive circumstance occur, as it could hardly
-fail to do sooner or later. The diplomatic system of
-Metternich was consequently one of expectation and inquiry;
-his special mission was, to become intimately
-acquainted with the most trifling peculiarities of this
-new and singularly constructed court, and to discover
-the thoughts and even the caprices of the powerful
-Emperor of the French.</p>
-
-<p>Fresh successes had just crowned the arms of Napoleon.
-After some unfortunate hesitation, Prussia had
-cast herself headlong into the Russian alliance; and,
-after her subsequent defeat at Jena, the peace of Tilsit
-had laid the foundation of a temporary truce, for treaties
-with Napoleon could only possess that transitory character.
-Metternich received orders from his court to
-endeavour, by means of a respectful deference, to conciliate
-the favour of the great sovereign. The almost
-magical influence which Napoleon had obtained over the
-mind of Alexander at Tilsit had excited great apprehensions
-at Vienna: an interview was about to take
-place at Erfurt, and the probable consequences that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
-might result from it were a source of serious alarm to
-Austria. Metternich was constantly seen at the Tuileries.
-He was the representative of a very ancient
-European court; himself a man of good birth, and with
-aristocratic manners, every thing was in his favour, and
-he was perfectly successful in his mission. At the court
-of Napoleon there existed much formality, a tone of
-society combining at once a degree of constraint with
-the blunt manners of the camp. It was a mere collection
-of puerile ceremonies; and a man of good family
-enjoyed an incontestable superiority there from the good
-taste and ease communicated by education, and the
-constant habit of society. The ambassador was then
-thirty-four years of age, his countenance was noble and
-intelligent; he went to all the court entertainments,
-and attracted universal attention by the elegance of his
-equipage and his expensive habits. Young, brilliant,
-gifted with a ready wit and an easy flow of language,
-with a slightly emphatic manner of speaking, Count
-Metternich had the reputation of being a successful
-gallant, and highly in favour with the Parisian ladies.</p>
-
-<p>The ambassador had recourse to the pleasing species
-of politics which reaches the secrets of the cabinet&mdash;through
-the heart. His fascinating manners had gained
-him the good-will of Napoleon, who took pleasure in
-distinguishing him in the crowd of foreign ministers,
-and liked to converse with him, though with an occasional
-observation that he was very young to be the
-representative of one of the oldest courts of Europe.
-"At the battle of Austerlitz you were scarcely older
-than I am now!" was one day the reply of the ambassador.
-The Emperor was never hasty in his language to
-Metternich, for he considered him as the means by which
-an idea of the French system could be conveyed into
-Austria; and more than once the subject of their debate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
-was the question of the balance of power in Europe,
-which assumed in the mind of Napoleon such gigantic
-proportions. Metternich's scheme was to represent the
-alliance between France and Austria as indispensable;
-and he spoke of the treaty of 1736, concluded under the
-influence of the Duc de Choiseul, as the basis of all
-political grandeur in Europe. The conference of Erfurt
-was, however, a source of constant uneasiness to him,
-and Napoleon had just departed for the meeting which
-was to reconcile the two empires of the North and the
-South. Promises had been exchanged between the emperors,
-and in these plans the sacrifice of Austria was
-determined upon. They were not ignorant of this at
-Vienna: had, then, all the efforts of Metternich in Paris
-been in vain? The Spanish war had just broken out,
-and another sovereign had been hurled from his throne.
-Was not this a fresh warning to the House of Austria?
-The alarms it inspired were confessed at the court of
-London, and England fed their fears in order to induce
-them to take a vigorous part in the war; for which
-purpose a report was circulated of a projected change of
-succession in the Austrian dynasty, favoured by Napoleon.</p>
-
-<p>The peace of Presburg, by placing every where in the
-Germanic Confederation French principles, and almost
-French administration, had excited strong dissatisfaction,
-and the general detestation had been increased by large
-military contributions, and numerous vexatious oppressions
-indulged in by the generals and their subordinates.
-In every direction burst forth the anti-Gallic spirit in
-favour of the liberty of Germany, especially among the
-nobility and the secret associations, which had become
-formidable as early as 1808. The liberal impulse against
-Napoleon had been awakened in Europe, and it was not
-one of the least influential causes of his downfall. England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
-encouraged these views; subsidies were promised to
-a government deeply involved in debt; the resistance of
-the Peninsula was pointed out to Austria, and the difficulties
-thereby opposed to the military power of Napoleon,
-especially after the capitulation of Baylen. Why
-should they not take advantage of this opportunity to
-burst through the conditions imposed by the treaty of
-Presburg? England engaged to subsidise the Austrian
-army, if, uniting their efforts to the common cause, they
-would seize that moment for declaring against France;
-and she also promised a simultaneous diversion in Holland
-and Spain. These warlike propositions soon found
-friends among the German nobility, and Count Stadion
-entered completely into the English views. The levies
-were immense, for the fate of the empire was at stake.</p>
-
-<p>At this period the business of the young ambassador
-was to mask by flattering promises the military preparations
-that were making in Austria. His papers were full
-of protestations of confidence: and how could he act
-otherwise? Is it not the duty of a diplomatist to
-soften the course of events, and to moderate the first
-bursts of anger and vengeance of one nation against
-another? Austria did not wish to engage in war until
-Napoleon should be completely absorbed in his Spanish
-expedition. But as soon as the Emperor and the Old
-Guard had left Paris, to raise the puppet throne of
-Joseph at Madrid, she no longer dissembled her warlike
-preparations; hostilities were commenced against Bavaria,
-the close ally of Napoleon, and the Austrian standard
-was unfurled at Ulm. Napoleon, informed of this
-unexpected movement, made but one step back to Paris.
-Metternich was still there.</p>
-
-<p>The ambassador was now placed in a very delicate
-position, for the Austrian war had really been a surprise.
-Napoleon thought himself the dupe of Metternich, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
-he commanded Fouché, the Minister of Police, to cause
-him to be seized, and marched from one military station
-to another, until he reached the frontier. The order
-was harsh, brutal, and contrary to all diplomatic usages.
-Is not an ambassador bound to obey the instructions of
-his government, and to serve its interests? and is it not
-his duty to conceal every thing that may injure his
-court? Fouché, with his usual regard to his own interest,
-and who considered what the future might bring
-forth, executed the orders of Napoleon with delicacy and
-politeness. He went to the ambassador's house, told him
-the occasion of his visit, and expressed the most lively
-regret for it. A degree of dissatisfaction had already
-begun to arise in the mind of this minister, who looked
-forward to the time when the insatiable ambition of
-Napoleon must have a limit, and he and Metternich
-expressed to each other, in mutual confidence, their feelings
-on the miseries of war and the rapacious spirit of
-Napoleon; and Fouché, whose disposition was generally
-communicative and incautious, went so far as to give utterance
-to most singular opinions concerning the probable
-downfall, or even death, of his master. In order as far
-as possible to soften the rigorous orders he had received,
-a single captain of gendarmerie, chosen by Marshal
-Moncey, accompanied the travelling-carriage of the
-ambassador to the frontier. Prince Metternich takes
-pleasure in relating the curious occurrences of this journey,
-which, like that of the aide-de-camp Czernicheff in
-1812, was not devoid of peril.</p>
-
-<p>Then the earth was shaken! The Austrian army,
-under the Archduke Charles, fought valiantly for the
-defence of their country and their sovereign, and the
-battle of Essling menaced the fortunes of Napoleon.
-The disastrous event of this day was never fully published
-in France; but elsewhere it was perfectly known.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
-Preussisch-Eylau, the capitulation of Baylen, and the
-battle of Essling on the Danube, appear to me to be the
-three culminating points, which first taught the world
-that the armies of Napoleon were no longer invincible:
-these battles had a great moral influence upon the affairs
-of Europe, and Wagram was necessary to restore the
-powerful effect of the Emperor's name; the field of
-battle on this occasion was doubtful, but nothing could
-be more decisive than the result; great discouragement
-was manifested in the councils of Vienna, and the party
-in favour of peace carried the day.</p>
-
-<p>Victory had then decided between France and Austria,
-proving the star of Napoleon to be utterly irresistible.
-The two parties which divided the court of Vienna now
-became more marked, the opinion in favour of peace,
-represented by Count Bubna, prevailed in the Emperor's
-council, and Count Stadion, who had hitherto had the
-direction of affairs under the influence of the English
-system, was obliged to retire from the cabinet. The
-ministry for foreign affairs having thus become vacant,
-Francis II. thought to conciliate France by the appointment
-of Metternich, who had displayed great abilities
-during his embassy to that country. The count,
-having been reconciled with Napoleon, had since then
-carefully maintained a middle course between peace and
-war, and he had also begun to adopt in politics the attitude
-of armed neutrality, which, ever since 1813, has
-been the characteristic of Austrian policy. This was a
-period of deep humiliation for the old imperial crown.
-The <i>Moniteur</i> had announced that <i>the House of Lorraine
-had ceased to reign</i>; the Austrian monarchy had been
-vanquished in the struggle, its armies had experienced
-terrible reverses; but there still remained to the
-Emperor Francis the devoted affection of his people,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
-and the indignation they felt at the prospect of French
-domination.</p>
-
-<p>Count Metternich was sent as minister plenipotentiary
-to Napoleon, together with Count Bubna, and interviews
-took place for the purpose of treating of peace. The
-victor was excessively irritated at the vigorous conduct
-of Austria, and never were conferences attended with
-more violence or more fiery disputes; so that Metternich
-was obliged to apply all the powers of his mind towards
-inspiring the haughty conqueror with more moderate
-sentiments. If Napoleon bore in mind his silent and
-skilful conduct in 1809, he knew, that by favouring his
-elevation at the court of the Emperor of Austria, he
-should secure to himself an ally and a representative of
-his system. These motives, joined to dark hints of
-assassination, and to the uneasiness caused by the religious
-brotherhoods among the people, which were
-already beginning to stir for independence, all contributed
-to hasten the conclusion of the treaty of Vienna.
-Is it necessary to remind the reader that the French
-every where made use of their victories with the inflexible
-right of the conqueror?</p>
-
-<p>On the occasion of this treaty, Count Metternich
-received the title of Chancellor of the State, with the
-direction of foreign affairs,&mdash;an office of immense responsibility
-under existing circumstances. The population
-was exhausted by the war; the treasury without
-resources, having been completely drained by the contributions
-levied by the French; and the monarchy was
-deprived of all influence in Germany, the treaty of
-Vienna having robbed it of the last remains of importance
-towards the south; so that, as I have elsewhere<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
-remarked, beside her was the Confederation of the Rhine,
-that is to say, Napoleon; in front the Helvetic Confederation,
-again Napoleon; to the south the kingdom of
-Italy, still Napoleon. There remained but a choice of
-two plans to Austria, either again to try the chance of
-war, or to appease the Emperor of the French by the
-most profound submission to all his wishes. Such was
-the idea of Metternich, when he suggested the marriage
-of the archduchess, when, as it was said by the implacable
-Lady Castlereagh, it was necessary to deliver up
-a daughter of the house of Austria to satisfy the
-Minotaur.</p>
-
-<p>If the French emperor were to choose a wife among
-the grand-duchesses of the house of Romanoff, the plan
-proposed at Erfurt would be quickly accomplished, that
-is to say, the formation of two great empires, around
-which there would be a number of small intermediate
-kingdoms, in some degree dependent upon them; and,
-to avoid this peril, Metternich hastened the marriage
-between Napoleon and Maria Louisa: by this means the
-house of Austria would secure a real protector in the
-French emperor, and the suit of a brilliant adventurer,
-at the feet of the daughter of a royal line, might be
-advantageous to the future prospects of the German
-crown. It is allowable in politics to calculate to what
-extent human passions may affect the course of affairs,
-and therefore the new chancellor of the state, when
-negotiating the union of the archduchess with Napoleon,
-looked forward, by means of a family arrangement, to
-recovering the position of which Austria had been
-deprived by the fortune of war. The marriage of the
-archduchess was arranged and concluded entirely by
-Metternich.</p>
-
-<p>Still, however, he carefully pursued the course
-towards which there appeared at that time to be a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
-general bent in Europe. In the beginning of the year
-1811, certain symptoms appeared to indicate to the court
-of Vienna that a rupture was about to take place
-between France and Russia, and these suspicions were
-changed ere long into certainty: M. Otto, the French
-ambassador at Vienna, opened his mind completely to
-Metternich, and, acting on the principle of the late
-alliance, he proposed they should form a kind of league
-of offence and defence in the war Napoleon was about to
-commence against Russia. The French emperor only
-required a detached corps of 40,000 Austrian auxiliaries
-as an active force, who were to attack the eastern
-extremity of Gallicia, at the same time that the French
-army should proceed to the Vistula. This treaty
-farther stipulated that the Austrian possessions in
-Poland should remain untouched, and certain territorial
-cessions in favour of Austria were agreed upon, in the
-event of the war against Russia proving successful;
-thus Metternich began to reap the advantages of the
-French alliance.</p>
-
-<p>The campaign of 1812 began. The Austrian corps of
-30,000 auxiliaries was posted on the Vistula, and, if not
-required to take an active part in the operations, it still
-was a check upon the Russian army, which already
-threatened the flanks of Napoleon's troops. Metternich
-watched with extreme anxiety the movements of the
-invading army in Russia; its disastrous retreat was an
-appalling and unlooked-for catastrophe, and Prince
-Schwartzenberg went to oppose the Russian troops.</p>
-
-<p>A new train of ideas, a new series of negotiations were
-now to be entertained. The retreat from Moscow had
-been so calamitous, that it had not spared to the French
-enough troops to protect the line of the Oder, far less to
-retain possession of that of the Vistula. If Prussia and
-Austria had been faithful to their alliance with Napoleon,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
-they ought immediately to have combined their forces,
-and opposed all their strength to the Russians, who were
-already making incursions on every side. The situation
-of the two courts was very difficult, for the whole German
-nation was so unanimous in their dislike to the French,
-that it would have been impossible for the cabinets of
-Berlin and Vienna to take any steps in their favour,
-without placing themselves in direct opposition to the
-people they governed; and, besides, after the deep
-humiliation they had both endured at the hands of
-Napoleon, was it not natural they should seek some
-motive, or, if the expression be preferred, some pretext,
-for delivering themselves from a state of subjection so
-fatal to them? Prussia, who was foremost, had no hesitation
-in abandoning an alliance that was so dishonourable
-to her. Metternich did not immediately follow her
-contagious example, but, a cessation of hostilities having
-taken place between the Russian and Austrian armies,
-the eyes of France fell upon the cabinet of Vienna, as
-the mediatorial power which was to prepare a peace, on a
-foundation in better keeping with the general equilibrium
-of Europe. In his conferences with M. Otto, the imperial
-chancellor gave him clearly to understand, that
-the Austrian government would not depart from the
-principles of the French alliance, but that the nature of
-their situation had been altered by the late military
-events, and, as the frontier of Austria might become the
-theatre of war, the cabinet of Vienna would naturally
-assume a more decided attitude, in order to bring to a
-conclusion a struggle which would for the future so
-closely affect the empire.</p>
-
-<p>The mission of Prince Schwartzenberg and Count
-Bubna, at Paris, was conducted in the same spirit. Without
-giving up the alliance, the Austrian government signified
-that it could no longer rest upon the same basis, in fact,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
-that they must take a more decided part in the approaching
-military crisis. Metternich's object in this new negotiation
-was to lay the foundation for a general peace.
-Such a resolution was by no means disinterested on his
-part, for, in the new settlement of the boundaries of the
-different states of Europe which must ensue, Austria
-would obtain an accession of territory, as a consequence
-of the position in which the course of events had placed
-her. The English party was gaining ground at Vienna,
-and Lord Walpole had arrived with offers of subsidies
-and augmentation of territory; in proportion, also, as
-the French army met with fresh reverses, the popular
-feeling of Germany assumed a more decided character;
-still Metternich persisted in his mediatorial system, from
-the conviction that it would be for the real advantage of
-his country.</p>
-
-<p>These negotiations continued all through the winter
-of 1812-13. In the meanwhile, M. Otto had been
-replaced by Count Louis de Narbonne, the representative
-of the family alliance. He had been appointed by Napoleon,
-in the hope that his presence would remind
-Austria that an archduchess sat upon the throne of
-France; and, by the decree of the senate and the
-emperor, this same archduchess had just been officially
-proclaimed regent during the absence of Napoleon: the
-government being placed in her hands was a fresh guarantee
-to Austria of the personal feelings of the emperor's
-son-in-law. In politics alliances are formed upon positive
-interests, and Napoleon had too greatly abused his
-victories; the decree had gone forth, the empire, which
-extended from Hamburg to Venice&mdash;the protectorate,
-which pressed heavily upon Germany, Prussia, Italy,
-Switzerland, and Holland&mdash;the diplomatic oppression
-which burdened Sweden and Denmark&mdash;all must have
-an end: after action, a reaction must be expected.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>During this time considerable levies took place in
-every part of the Austrian territory, for it was determined
-the army should be made up to its full complement
-of 300,000 men. Metternich justified these warlike
-preparations by the natural position in which Austria
-was placed: when the belligerents came so closely in
-contact with the territory of a neuter party, it appeared
-quite natural that the neuter should take precautions to
-preserve its own independence. The position which
-Metternich had given to Austria had made her a predominant
-power, with the right of insisting upon real
-advantages, by way of indemnity; this was an admirable
-change of circumstances, which left Austria at liberty to
-come to a definitive decision.</p>
-
-<p>Baron Weissemberg then started for London, under
-the official pretext of bringing about a general peace,
-but in reality for the purpose of sounding the English
-cabinet upon the advantages likely to be offered to
-Austria, in the way of subsidies and accession of territory,
-in case she should declare openly in favour of the
-coalition, and should be willing to furnish so considerable
-a force as 450,000 men. Now all this occurred in
-the month of March 1813, and the armaments of
-Austria received a fresh augmentation, when the
-thunders of the artillery were heard at Lutzen and
-Bautzen; 200,000 men were already located in Bohemia:
-against whom could these immense bodies of troops
-be intended to act? At this juncture, Metternich again
-appeared in his mediatorial capacity, to prepare the
-armistice of Plesswitz, afterwards definitively settled at
-Nieumarch: Austria constantly declared that, as the
-conflicting armies occupied four hundred leagues of her
-frontiers, it was impossible she should any longer refrain
-from taking an active part in the struggle, if the
-belligerent powers would not agree to terms of reconciliation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
-A step was thus taken, from a state of alliance
-with Napoleon, towards a condition of armed neutrality,
-and how could so powerful a country as Austria long
-continue in this situation? In the heated state of the
-public mind in Germany, how was it possible to calculate
-the exact point where the mediation would stop for the
-<i>casus belli</i>?</p>
-
-<p>It was the interest of Russia and Prussia to keep on
-good terms with a court capable of drawing up a body
-of excellent troops 200,000 strong. After some bitter
-and ill-advised observations, Napoleon also accepted the
-mediation; it was a sort of break in the military operations,
-an expression of the weariness felt by an army
-now worn out with battles. We may see how great a
-part Metternich had created for Austria in these negotiations,
-for, on former occasions, the plenipotentiaries
-could treat the Austrian interests as a separate concern,
-while in her new position Vienna became the indispensable
-intermediate agent in any treaty that might be
-contemplated. The question was, Did Austria offer her
-mediation in good faith, with a sincere wish for peace?
-or was it merely as a lure, to enable her to render her
-military establishment more complete? This becomes
-an important question for history.</p>
-
-<p>It must be remembered that, after the battles of
-Lutzen and Bautzen, the desire for peace was universal,
-even in France, and in the tent of Napoleon, in the
-military night-watch, as well as on the morning of
-battle; the troops still fought, but it was no longer with
-the willingness, the enthusiasm of the victories of Austerlitz
-and Jena. Napoleon submitted to the powerful
-voice of public opinion, but could his iron disposition bend
-to circumstances? Until that time as general and consul,
-and afterwards as emperor, he had been accustomed to
-say to the vanquished states, "These are my conditions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
-you have no choice but to accept them; and, if there are
-any alleviating circumstances, it is to my clemency
-alone that you will owe them." In 1813, the tables
-were turned: cabinets now appeared with powers quite
-equal to that of France, animated, too, with the ardour
-of battle, and burning with the desire of repairing their
-former humiliation, and reconquering their independence.
-The allied powers had signed the armistice of Nieumarch,
-one great inducement being the opportunity
-gained for carrying on a secret negotiation with the
-crown prince of Sweden, and also for the sake of persuading
-Austria to join the league. I think their
-anxiety for peace was less than their wish to gain the
-time necessary to complete their vast military arrangements,
-by detaching Austria from her part of mediator,
-and inducing her to join them in the war against the
-common enemy; pious Germany, having gained her
-feet, now wanted to make an end of her oppressor.
-Now, would Metternich continue to preserve this
-neutral position? would not the Austrian government
-be inclined for a change of system?</p>
-
-<p>Let us not forget how Austria was at that time situated.
-Had she not a right to obtain, by diplomatic means, all the
-advantages offered by her present position? We know the
-heavy losses she had sustained in Italy; the Milanese, the
-Tyrol, and the Illyrian provinces, had been successively
-torn from her: and was it not natural she should take
-advantage of her armed mediation, a favourable position
-in which Metternich had contrived to place her? Had
-she derived the expected advantages from the general
-peace, she would not have joined the coalition against
-Napoleon; failing in that, she must endeavour to
-recover by force of arms all she had been deprived of
-during the war. It was for the purpose of justifying<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
-this delicate situation that Metternich first introduced
-the elegant system of high and noble diplomatic language,
-a style of which Baron Gentz has since been the
-most distinguished organ&mdash;Gentz, whose life has been so
-busy, and so full of disappointments, who, in his old age,
-came to utter soft love speeches at the feet of Miss Fanny
-Elssler.</p>
-
-<p>Metternich unfolds in his papers his ideas upon the
-balance of power in Europe, which tended to diminish
-the prodigious influence of Napoleon, to the benefit of
-the allied states. I am not aware of any thing written in
-a more remarkable style than these despatches; they are,
-perhaps, rather loose in their details, but all the expressions
-are so carefully guarded, that they never compromised
-either the cabinet or the writer.</p>
-
-<p>After signing the armistice of Nieumarch, Napoleon
-had fixed his head-quarters at Dresden. Successive
-despatches, from the French cabinet, requested the
-Emperor Francis II. to affix his signature to the preliminaries
-of a treaty of peace; at last, Metternich,
-bearing an autograph letter from his sovereign, in answer
-to the overtures that had been made to him, repaired to
-Dresden, commissioned to find out what might be the
-definitive intentions of Napoleon with regard to peace.
-The conference lasted nearly half a day; the emperor, in
-his military dress, strode hastily up and down the room,
-with flashing eyes, and sharp, hurried gestures: he took
-up his hat, then laid it down again, and threw himself
-into a large easy chair, while the perspiration started on
-his brow; he was evidently disturbed in mind, for he
-burst forth, in no measured terms, to Metternich:
-"Your government," said he, "wants to take advantage
-of my perplexed situation; and the question with you is,
-whether you can exact so much from me without fighting,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
-or whether you must decide in ranging yourselves
-among my enemies? Well, let us see! Let us negotiate&mdash;I
-am perfectly willing. What do you want?"</p>
-
-<p>To this abrupt sally, to this demand so little in accordance
-with the usual diplomatic forms, Metternich merely
-replied, "That Austria was desirous of establishing an
-order of things, which, by the wise distribution of power,
-should place the preservation of peace under the protection
-of an association of independent states; that the
-object of the cabinet of Vienna must be to destroy the
-sole predominancy of the Emperor Napoleon, by substituting
-to his colossal influence a balance of power, which
-should establish Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on a footing
-completely independent of the French empire." As a
-summary of these conditions, Austria claimed Illyria,
-and a more extended frontier towards Italy; the Pope
-was to be reinstated in his dominions; Poland to be subjected
-to another partition; Spain and Holland were to
-be evacuated by the French army; and the Confederation
-of the Rhine and the mediation of Switzerland were
-to be given up by the Emperor, who was already overwhelmed
-with ill-fortune.</p>
-
-<p>Thus was to be accomplished the dismemberment of
-the gigantic work erected by the toils and victories of
-Napoleon. Shall I venture to describe this scene as it
-has been depicted to me by the sole eye-witness, Prince
-Metternich himself? As the Austrian plenipotentiary unfolded
-the views of his cabinet, the sallow complexion of
-Napoleon gradually assumed a crimson hue; at last he
-exclaimed, "Metternich, do you attempt to impose such
-conditions upon me without drawing a sword? These
-demands are most insulting! And it is my father-in-law
-who agrees to such a plan! What kind of position
-does he wish to place me in with regard to the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
-people? Ah, Metternich! how much has England
-given you to play this part against me?"</p>
-
-<p>To this offensive language, Metternich, retaining his
-calm and dignified demeanour, replied not a word; and
-Napoleon, in the violence of his gestures, having let fall
-his hat, the Austrian minister did not stoop to pick it
-up, as politeness would have induced him to do under
-any other circumstances. There was a silence of half an
-hour.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Afterwards the conversation was resumed in a
-cooler and calmer tone; and, in dismissing Metternich,
-the Emperor, taking his hand, said to him, "After all,
-Illyria is not my last word, and we may be able to arrange
-better conditions."</p>
-
-<p>This dialogue is of importance to history, for it
-decided the fate of Napoleon.</p>
-
-<p>The Emperor's habits of command made his language
-hasty and his summons for an answer abrupt; and, when
-he addressed himself thus to a person in an elevated
-position, it naturally gave great offence. Metternich retained
-the strongest resentment for his behaviour&mdash;he
-had been deeply insulted; and, besides, so experienced
-a minister could not fail to discover the secret thoughts
-of the Emperor, and must have been well convinced that,
-with such a character as his, there was but little reason
-to hope for the re-establishment of the balance of power
-in Europe.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless, Austria consented to the conferences at
-Prague, and, by a fresh agreement, the suspension of
-hostilities was prolonged till the 10th of August. Metternich,
-as the representative of the mediatorial power,
-was by right president of the congress, in the same
-manner as it had fallen to the Swedish minister at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
-the congresses of Nimeguen and Ryswick. M. Maret
-first raised difficulties on the score of etiquette, because
-Baron Humboldt and Baron d'Anstett, the representatives
-of Russia and Prussia, were only ministers of the
-second rank, while M. de Caulaincourt and M. Maret
-belonged to the first. They next discussed the order of
-precedence and little questions of detail; they considered
-whether the negotiation should be carried on in writing
-or <i>viva voce</i>, and the forms of the congresses of Nimeguen
-and Ryswick were called for. The object of each
-party was to gain time, in order that hostilities might
-recommence. At last, Metternich, seeing the indefinite
-turn affairs were taking, resolved to join the military
-Congress of Trachenberg, where the Crown Prince of
-Sweden, Bernadotte, was employed in tracing out the
-vast plan of the campaign of the allied armies against
-Napoleon. They decided upon marching straight upon
-Paris, without a moment's hesitation, and making an
-appeal to the people, dissatisfied with the Emperor. At
-Trachenberg, Russia and Prussia received all the propositions
-of the Austrian minister without the slightest
-difficulty; they agreed, whatever might be the personal
-pretensions of the Emperor Alexander, that the general
-command of the allied troops should be conferred upon
-Prince Schwartzenberg. The importance of securing
-the co-operation of the Austrian army was fully appreciated,
-and no sacrifice was spared to attach an additional
-force of 200,000 men to the coalition.</p>
-
-<p>With a view to avoid this immense co-operation, Napoleon
-had addressed himself at once to the Emperor
-Francis II., recalling to his mind the alliance of their
-families. Maria Louisa had gone to Mayence, and her
-husband, taking advantage of one or two days which the
-armistice still left at his disposal, went to meet her there,
-to give his last instructions to the daughter of the Cæsars,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
-and to confirm to her all the powers of the regency.
-France then would be governed by an archduchess, and,
-according to all dynastic ideas, could Austria fight
-against a country ruled by the daughter of her emperor?
-They were mistaken; the cabinets no longer stood in
-awe of Napoleon, and this was a circumstance which the
-French plenipotentiaries at Prague had not understood.
-M. Maret, in particular, had shewn his insufficiency, or,
-at all events, an inferior capacity, unable to bear a comparison
-with a statesman of the school and character of
-Prince Metternich. One of the greatest misfortunes of
-the Emperor Napoleon was, that he was surrounded by
-a crowd of people constantly at his feet, and dazzled
-with his glory: these were clerks, not statesmen.</p>
-
-<p>Thus the negotiations continued to assume the character
-of indecision and ill-humour, which had marked
-their origin. The slightest proposal called forth anger,
-the most trifling insinuation gave offence. Metternich
-retained the character of mediator, which had been recognised
-by the other powers; he resisted all idea of
-overturning the French government, and, when General
-Moreau arrived on the Continent, the first words the
-Austrian minister said to M. Maret were, "Austria has
-nothing to do with this intrigue; she will never approve
-of the proceedings of General Moreau." At last, the
-ultimatum of the allied powers, communicated by Metternich,
-was as follows. The dissolution of the duchy
-of Warsaw, which was to be divided between Russia,
-Prussia, and Austria (Dantzic was given to Prussia);
-the cities of Lubech and Hamburg were to be reinstated
-in their independence, the kingdom of Prussia was to be
-remodelled, and one frontier was to extend to the Elbe;
-all the Illyrian provinces, including Trieste, were to be
-ceded to Austria, and a reciprocal guarantee was to be
-given, that the condition of the sovereignties, both small<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
-and great, should not be subject to alteration, except by
-common consent, but should continue such as they might
-be settled by the peace. The Emperor of the French at
-first refused to accede to these terms, which were afterwards
-modified, and at last received a reluctant and
-tardy assent; for Austria was then entering with all her
-strength into the coalition.</p>
-
-<p>I have consulted upon the events of this period the
-two men who played the principal parts in the diplomatic
-transactions of the war, Count Pozzo di Borgo and
-Prince Metternich. I asked them, "Was there really
-a sincere desire for peace at Prague?" They both answered
-in the affirmative. Pozzo di Borgo, in his hatred
-for Napoleon, described to me the anxiety he felt at
-witnessing the hesitation of Austria; and Metternich
-justified himself to Europe for the indecision of his conduct
-by his desire to bring his diplomatic mediation to a
-happy issue, for the interests of Napoleon, Austria, and
-the general peace.</p>
-
-<p>A notification from the court of Vienna announced to
-Count Nesselrode and Prince Hardenberg, that, for the
-future, Austria, as a member of the coalition, would locate
-200,000 men, in large bodies, behind the mountains of
-Bohemia. The joy of the Allies was not to be expressed;
-one should have heard Count Pozzo di Borgo
-recount the magical effect produced by this letter of
-Metternich; it arrived in the middle of the night at a
-barn, in which were reposing the Emperor Alexander,
-the King of Prussia, Count Nesselrode, Prince Hardenberg,
-and all the staff of the allied troops. They arose
-and embraced each other, as if the salvation of Europe
-were achieved, and Napoleon tumbled from his throne.
-The manifesto of Austria, which was the work of Metternich,
-appeared ten days later. In spite, however, of
-this rupture, Caulaincourt remained at Prague, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
-chancellor of state still assured him he was ready to
-proceed with the negotiation if France would agree to
-the independence of the Germanic Confederation and of
-Switzerland, and to the reconstruction of the dominions
-of Prussia on a scale of greater importance. Napoleon,
-still unwilling to give in, applied to Count Bubna, in
-the persuasion that he would be able to exercise a favourable
-influence over his father-in-law, the emperor;
-at last, on the 14th of August, he gave his consent to
-the proposals of the Austrian cabinet, and his answer
-was despatched to Prague; but it was too late. Metternich
-declared the impossibility of entering into a separate
-treaty, and said it would be necessary to refer simultaneously
-to the three courts whose political interests
-were henceforth inseparable.</p>
-
-<p>Still Napoleon did not abandon all hope of drawing
-Austria over to his interests, and he proposed entering
-into a negotiation, even after the commencement of hostilities,
-when the Austrian army was actually in motion.
-200,000 Austrians came forth from the mountains of
-Bohemia, and turned the flank of the French army.
-Then the general rising in Germany took place; a
-transitory lustre was conferred by the admirable battle
-of Dresden, but Leipsic witnessed the last expiring gleam
-of the French glory. By the end of 1813, the line of the
-Elbe was lost, and even that of the Rhine was compromised.
-All Germany was in arms, and the whole of
-Europe had assumed a threatening posture.</p>
-
-<p>Austria had hardly joined the coalition before difficulties
-arose in this vast body, agitated by so many different
-interests. Some jealous feelings had already been
-entertained concerning the title of generalissimo of the
-armies, which had been conferred upon Prince Schwartzenberg,
-and other questions were subsequently started
-as to the object of the campaign. As long as the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
-occupied Germany, the most pressing anxiety was to get
-rid of this heavy yoke. Having once reached the Rhine,
-there was no confederation, no imminent danger; the
-soil was covered with the wrecks of Napoleon's empire,
-and Germany had recovered her ancient independence.
-The sole remaining possessions of the French in that
-country were some fortresses, which, after a siege of
-longer or shorter duration, must revert to their ancient
-sovereign. The house of Austria had ceased to be
-afraid of France, but had begun to entertain some apprehensions
-with regard to Russia. The Russians had
-been taught the road towards the south of Europe, and
-they were likely to remember it.</p>
-
-<p>In the opinion of Metternich, France, with a certain
-degree of power and a definite extent of territory, was
-necessary to the balance of power in Europe; and he
-took care this should be mentioned in the manifesto
-published by the allied armies on the Rhine. This
-manifesto, of which the idea belonged to Metternich,
-was executed by Gentz. Austria, being now free from
-danger in Germany, could, without risk, lend assistance
-to the threatened empire of France. The family connexion
-with Napoleon was not yet broken; his moral
-influence, it is true, was greatly weakened; but his
-powerful mind was in its pristine vigour, and he was
-still capable of making some daring attempt. These
-long-sighted views were clearly displayed in the conversation
-between Metternich and M. de St. Aignan.
-Austria, already embarrassed by her position with regard
-to France and Russia, would gladly have withdrawn
-from a war which no longer closely affected her own
-interests; but a principle, fatal to Napoleon, had been
-admitted,&mdash;the allied powers were no longer at liberty
-to enter into a treaty the one without the other. When
-Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent, he gave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
-additional solidity to this tendency to unite in a common
-cause; and the implacable enemy of Napoleon,
-Count Pozzo di Borgo, had been despatched to London
-to request the presence of the prime minister of England
-on the Continent. They were desirous of rendering the
-alliance incapable of future alteration, for the first successes
-beyond the Rhine had naturally given birth to two
-separate questions: one relating to territory in the new
-settlement of the boundaries in Europe; the other, a
-moral question, as to the form of government which
-should be established in France in case the allied armies
-should take possession of Paris. The interests of England
-and Austria were differently affected from those of
-Russia and Prussia by the arrangements that might be
-entered into.</p>
-
-<p>In the first place, what would they do with the most
-important conquests? Russia was in possession of Poland,
-Prussia of Saxony, and Austria of a great portion of
-Italy. Should the Emperor Alexander attempt to set up
-a sort of kingdom in Poland, the interests of Austria
-would suffer. Again, could Prussia be permitted to enlarge
-her dominions by the addition of Saxony? All
-these questions were already subjects of debate in the
-diplomatic body, which, to all outward appearance, was
-still perfectly united; the most unlimited confidence in
-each other was expressed by all parties, but, in reality,
-interest and selfishness were the prevailing feelings.
-Lord Castlereagh shewed great ability at this juncture
-by constituting himself the general bond of union of the
-coalition.</p>
-
-<p>With regard to the questions connected with the government
-of France, it was hardly possible to suppose
-Austria would agree to a project of a change of dynasty,
-when an archduchess held the reins of government as
-regent. The Emperor Alexander had entered into a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
-private contract with Bernadotte, whose feelings against
-Napoleon were very bitter. Alexander would agree to
-any form of government that might be proposed, but in
-the conference at Abo all possibilities had been discussed,
-even one which might place Bernadotte at the head of
-affairs in France. England, though well inclined towards
-the Bourbons, did not make their restoration so
-indispensable a condition as to render debates upon matters
-of more personal interest subordinate to it. Lord
-Castlereagh had explained this to the exiled princes;
-they had not yet been permitted to land upon the Continent,
-and the Comte d'Artois did not arrive at Dole
-until January, 1814.</p>
-
-<p>It is particularly in this point of view that the history
-of the Congress of Chatillon is deserving of a serious
-study. At this meeting there was still an evident desire
-on the part of Austria to conclude a treaty on the basis
-of the balance of power in Europe; but, from the very
-commencement, Metternich must have discovered that
-the position of Austria was no longer the same as at the
-beginning of the campaign. All moral influence had
-now passed over to the side of the Emperor Alexander,
-who had become the arbiter of the destinies of the coalition;
-Prussia and Austria only appeared in the light of
-useful auxiliaries, the principal influence and popularity
-rested with the czar; he alone was talked of, and the
-negotiations were especially addressed to his cabinet.
-The military treaty of Chaumont, which fixed the number
-of troops to be furnished by the coalition, was dictated
-by Lord Castlereagh, who was afraid of a dissolution
-of the alliance. It was then declared that the allied
-powers would never sheathe the sword till they had
-reduced France within the limits it occupied in 1792;
-and, for this purpose, each cabinet promised a contingent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
-of 150,000 men under arms, England agreeing to furnish
-a subsidy.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
-
-<p>From this period Metternich found himself in a very
-delicate position. As the events of the war gradually
-brought the allies nearer to Paris, the Emperor of
-Austria could not with any degree of propriety take a
-part in military operations whose object was the capture
-of a metropolis governed by the archduchess. Metternich,
-who was in correspondence with Maria Louisa,
-could no longer control the course of events, and,
-perhaps, this princess, weary of seeing herself surrounded
-by so much littleness of mind, avidity, and
-folly, as were exhibited by the relations and supporters
-of Napoleon, when the regency was at Blois,
-might not have been sorry to get rid of her fictitious
-dignity. The Emperor Francis II. remained at Dijon,
-while the bold advance of Schwartzenberg laid Paris
-at the mercy of the allies.</p>
-
-<p>A reproach has constantly been cast upon Metternich
-for his conduct upon this occasion; how, it is said, could
-he sanction a proceeding which rent the imperial crown
-from the brow of Maria Louisa? I believe, at this time,
-all idea of the continuance of the empire had been
-abandoned, its time had passed away: there are seasons
-when the force of public opinion carries every thing
-before it, and now there was a sort of weariness of mind,
-people were tired of Napoleon and his military system,
-the string drawn too tight had snapped asunder. A
-retrospect must be taken of that time, and it will explain
-the resolution of the allies. It would have been difficult
-to maintain even the regency of the empress, and at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
-the same time carry out the military engagements
-entered into at Chaumont. In France all were tired of
-the war, a general rising had taken place in Europe, nor
-would Napoleon have submitted to the degradation of
-a kingdom bounded by narrower limits than the Rhine.
-No doubt the regency would have been the most complete
-triumph of the Austrian system, but what would
-have become of Napoleon under the regency? would he
-have resigned himself to so humiliating a situation?
-would he not have been stifled in the small kingdom of
-France? The proceedings in Paris were quite independent
-of Metternich, who was not even present at
-them. The Emperor Alexander had acquired so overwhelming
-an influence in the senate with the patriots of
-1789, that no cabinet, even of the first order, would
-have contended with it. The archduchess had been
-conducted from Blois to her father, Francis II.,
-without any discussion taking place concerning the
-regency or the empire. Talleyrand had said, "The
-restoration of the Bourbons is a principle; every thing
-else is an intrigue:" and this expression put an end to
-all negotiations that had not the return of Louis XVIII.
-for their object. The diplomatic corps were occupied
-with the Treaty of Paris, which produced the re-establishment
-of order, the general peace, the restoration of
-the Bourbons, and the settlement of the boundaries of
-the French territory, which had been the principal
-object and most important result of the campaign. But
-this was not all; the immense empire of Napoleon was
-in ruins, and how should these important fragments
-with which the world was overspread be divided?
-Might Francis II. resume the old imperial crown,
-which he had resigned at the treaty of Presburg? In
-spite of the strong predilection then entertained for
-ancient customs, Metternich felt that the crown of Charlemagne<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
-would be merely an empty title unsupported
-by any real influence, and it would have been a cause of
-offence to Prussia, whose jealousy would have been
-roused by the existence of a German empire in close
-contiguity with her own kingdom, which embraced
-nearly a third of the population of Germany. With the
-strong instinct which forms part of his character, Metternich
-felt that, for the future, Austria, while retaining
-a great general influence over Germany, had better
-strive to become a southern sovereignty, having Gallicia
-at one extremity, and Dalmatia at the other, and including
-the Lombardo-Venetian territories, under the
-ancient and magnificent iron crown. He carried this
-idea into the Congress of Vienna, when the new constitution
-of the European sovereignties was to be established
-on a general basis, and he took care to bring it forward
-again upon every occasion in which the diplomatic
-system of Austria was displayed. This alone affords an
-explanation of the extreme and constant solicitude
-evinced for the possession of the Lombardo-Venetian
-kingdom, and the constant tendency, both by means of
-conquest and commerce, towards the shores of the
-Adriatic.</p>
-
-<p>At the Congress of Vienna, Metternich exercised a
-prodigious influence. The Emperor Francis had made a
-great family sacrifice, by abandoning the cause of Maria
-Louisa, and, in honour of this conduct, Europe fixed
-the assemblage of the sovereigns at Vienna. In the
-midst of balls, elegant amusements, and entertainments,
-Europe was to be remodelled on a different basis; the
-long conferences, which were to decide the fate of nations,
-were intermingled with flowers and pleasure. Prince
-Metternich, then in his forty-first year, saw the object
-of his anxieties and wishes fully accomplished; Vienna
-afforded the most brilliant spectacle; the sovereigns<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
-were assembled there, accompanied by a myriad of persons
-of princely rank, with their families, their courts, and
-their numerous suites. Love intrigues contended with
-the more serious business of this Congress, which had
-become the rendezvous of all the most distinguished
-characters in Europe. In the evening people assembled
-at the Royal Theatre, or in the brilliantly illuminated
-saloons, where, at the gaming-table, Blucher was employed
-in completing the ruin of his affairs, which he
-had begun in Paris.</p>
-
-<p>Prince Metternich had the direction of the diplomatic
-party, while the empress, wife of Francis II., received the
-august strangers with the grace and dignity she was so
-well known to possess. The splendours of the Congress
-of Vienna left a strong impression upon the minds of
-the diplomatic characters who were present at it; they
-are associated in their memory with the fresh and
-pleasing recollection of the days of their youth, and,
-when you converse upon the subject with those whom
-death has spared, they speak in enthusiastic terms of
-the chivalric entertainments, the fancy balls of the
-empress, and the <i>galanteries</i> of the sovereigns. What
-brilliant parties were those of Lady Castlereagh, a
-female diplomatist, as active as the English prime
-minister in all negotiations relating to the management
-of the world!</p>
-
-<p>In walking through the streets of Vienna, it was no
-uncommon sight to meet the three sovereigns of Russia,
-Prussia, and Austria, shaking hands, and giving each
-other marks of mutual confidence, and yet the most
-serious dissensions already prevailed in the Congress
-concerning the territorial arrangement of Europe. The
-quadruple alliance, as it had been settled in the treaty of
-Chaumont, was nothing but a military convention, intended
-to overturn the power of Napoleon; more a kind<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
-of plan of battle, or strategic stipulation, than a regular
-and political negotiation. After the fall of Napoleon,
-the allied powers resumed their natural interests. Thus,
-on the question of German supremacy, Prussia would
-naturally be inclined to side with Russia, and draw off
-from Austria; England, to oppose Russia in every thing
-relating to the sovereignty of Poland, which the Czar
-had already appropriated to himself; and France, though
-so terribly shaken by the late invasion, must endeavour
-to regain some degree of credit in Europe, by keeping
-on good terms with England and Austria. I must say,
-to the honour of the eldest branch of the Bourbons,
-that it always exhibited the most perfect dignity in its
-foreign relations, and perhaps the critical situation of our
-internal affairs was only produced by a fatal reaction of
-foreign dissatisfaction upon ourselves. From the first
-assembling of the Congress, private conferences had taken
-place between Lord Castlereagh, Metternich, and Talleyrand,
-to take into consideration the conditions of a treaty
-which might afford a counterpoise to the immense
-ascendancy Russia had obtained during the invasion of
-France and the events of 1814. By this treaty, which
-was signed in the month of March 1815, subsidies were
-agreed upon in the event of certain occurrences, and an
-engagement was entered into, that a fixed number of
-troops should always be in readiness for the <i>casus belli</i>,
-should Russia and Prussia attempt to disturb the equilibrium
-established among the European powers, and,
-according to a despatch of M. de Talleyrand, France was
-to maintain a half war establishment.</p>
-
-<p>Metternich was the principal author of this secret
-treaty, because, after things had been replaced in their
-original state by the restoration of Louis XVIII., he
-began to be afraid of Russia and her immense weight:
-the question of Poland was the pretext. France manifested<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
-particular anxiety for the re-establishment of the
-King of Saxony, whose territory Prussia was desirous to
-absorb; while England, on the other hand, but little
-inclined to favour Russia, considered it indispensably
-necessary that Prussia should possess very extensive
-territorial strength, that she might serve as a constant
-barrier against northern invasion. It was necessary
-Metternich should combat this opinion for the sake of
-Saxony, and he did so in a series of papers opposed to
-those of Prince Hardenberg and Baron Humboldt. On
-the Polish question he perfectly agreed with England:
-at the bottom of Alexander's good-will towards the
-Poles, there lurked an idea of political aggrandisement;
-for, by making a kingdom of Poland, he well knew that
-the portion of that country that had accrued to Austria,
-as well as what had fallen to the share of Prussia, would
-sooner or later all unite under one sceptre. On no
-account would Alexander resign his paramount influence<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
-over Warsaw. Things reached such a pitch, that Metternich
-issued orders that the Austrian armies should be
-maintained upon a war establishment, while Russia kept
-her troops in readiness, and appealed to the Poles to
-stand by their country. Whilst Metternich warmly
-opposed the establishment of Russian Poland as a kingdom
-under any circumstances, England was desirous it
-should be placed on so firm a foundation, as to serve
-as an obstacle to the encroachments of the Russian
-cabinet.</p>
-
-<p>Serious events already obliged Metternich to turn his
-attention towards Italy, and here we must look back
-upon events of a rather earlier date. As far back as the
-month of February 1813, England had taken advantage
-of some dissatisfaction entertained by Murat, and still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
-more by Caroline, Napoleon's own sister, to hasten the
-downfall of the French empire. All the good people of
-Buonaparte's family appear to have taken their royalty
-in good earnest, and to have fancied they possessed some
-consequence of their own, and might remain kings and
-queens independent of the great emperor. England,
-clever at taking advantage of these little absurdities,
-reminded Murat of the example of Bernadotte, and suggested
-the possibility of his becoming king of all Italy.
-While Napoleon was abusing his brother-in-law in his
-haughty and violent letters, reminding him that "the
-lion was not dead," the English cabinet soothed with
-the most flattering hopes the imagination of Murat,
-who had but a poor head for politics, and every thing
-was brought into play that could flatter the vanity
-of the most theatrical soldier of the imperial era.</p>
-
-<p>At the close of the year 1813, Murat was already in
-the occupation of the Roman States, making an appeal
-to the patriots, for it was the custom of Europe at that
-time to march forward invoking the liberty of the
-people. To detach him from a bad cause, Metternich
-had particularly recourse to a gentle and tender influence,
-a pleasing reminiscence of his embassy in Paris,
-and he guaranteed to Murat the peaceable possession of
-the kingdom of Naples. After the re-establishment of
-the Bourbons in France gave rise to the strongest
-uneasiness in his astonished mind, King Joachim deputed
-the Duke of Serra Capriola to the Congress of Vienna,
-pleading his treaties with Austria and England; but his
-envoy was not admitted to the assembly, for a negotiation
-was on foot to replace the old dynasty of Sicily
-upon the throne, a negotiation conducted by Prince
-Talleyrand. Louis XVIII. had recommended the
-interests of his family to the Congress of Vienna, and
-M. de Talleyrand was to receive from the Neapolitan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
-branch of the Bourbons a rich equivalent for his sadly
-compromised principality of Benevento. Austria was a
-little unmindful of her promises, and defended her
-engagements with Murat but very feebly; indeed, the
-general bent towards the restoration of the former order
-of things was so strong, that he who had usurped the
-crown of Naples was actually declared guilty of treason.
-In the English House of Commons, Lord Castlereagh
-read a private correspondence, carried on with Napoleon
-at the very moment when Murat was negotiating with
-the Alliance, which afforded evidence of a double policy
-having been pursued. Having become uneasy concerning
-the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna, he made
-vast military preparations, in concert with the patriots
-and the secret societies, with the intention of assuming
-the great crown of Italy. Metternich caused the
-Austrian armies to assemble <i>en masse</i> in the Lombardo-Venetian
-kingdom, where they awaited under arms the
-coming events.</p>
-
-<p>The storm soon burst.</p>
-
-<p>Napoleon then landed in the Gulf of Juan to attempt
-his heroic exploit of the Hundred Days. Matters
-were in a strangely complicated state at the Congress of
-Vienna, and Napoleon, looking at the affairs of Europe
-under one point of view only, had formed a fair judgment
-of the condition of the allied powers with regard to
-each other, without, however, comprehending that his
-presence on the Continent would unite them all in a
-terrible coalition. The very name of Buonaparte filled
-the old European sovereignties with so much alarm, that
-they recovered themselves with the utmost haste, in
-order to take measures for the general safety.</p>
-
-<p>They owed to the activity of Talleyrand and Metternich
-the official declaration of the Congress of Vienna,
-which placed Buonaparte at the ban of Europe, simultaneously<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
-roused against the common enemy. The
-mystic spirit of Alexander entered willingly into the
-idea of a Christian alliance and a European crusade,
-and Metternich, after the system he had adopted ever
-since the rupture in 1813, could not depart from the
-military agreement entered into at Chaumont. Napoleon
-was declared at the ban of the empire by a revived
-custom of the ancient assemblies of the German Diet.</p>
-
-<p>The pretended agreement between Napoleon, Austria,
-and England, at the time of his landing in the Gulf of
-Juan, was a romance invented afterwards by the
-imperialist party. Napoleon, who was well informed
-concerning the diplomatic state of things, might imagine
-a separation of interests among the cabinets a probable
-thing, but beyond this there was nothing. One of his
-first steps was to endeavour to place himself in communication
-with Metternich, and we again find Fouché in
-correspondence with the chief of the Austrian cabinet:
-they had never lost sight of each other since their
-memorable conference in 1809, and their acquaintance
-was renewed in 1813, when Fouché was appointed
-Governor-General of Illyria. I have reason to believe,
-that they had even then spoken to each other in confidence
-concerning the decline of power of <i>that man</i>, as
-the disaffected called Napoleon, and of the possibility of
-a regency under Maria Louisa; in 1813 the subject they
-would select for their conversation would probably be
-the abdication of the Emperor, which was one of the
-favourite ideas of the senatorial party. At the same
-time Napoleon wrote to Maria Louisa, he despatched,
-by means of some secret agents, confidential letters from
-intimate friends of the minister, and even from a
-princess of the imperial blood, between whom and
-Prince Metternich a tender feeling had existed: and
-finally, in order to sow dissension throughout the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
-whole of Europe, he transmitted to the Emperor
-Alexander a copy of the treaty of the triple alliance,
-concluded against Russia in the month of March 1815,
-and signed by Lord Castlereagh, Talleyrand, and Metternich:
-his primary object was to break the powerful
-union among the sovereigns.</p>
-
-<p>At this period, the Austrian armies had marched into
-Italy against Murat and the Neapolitans, and General
-Bianchi had obtained the most brilliant victories over
-the wavering and ill-organised troops of Joachim.
-Metternich caused all the fortresses of the kingdom of
-Naples and the Roman States to be garrisoned by
-Austrian troops; for he had decided, in concert with
-the French legation, upon the re-establishment of the
-House of Bourbon at Naples as completing the scheme of
-the government of Europe.</p>
-
-<p>While Fouché was negotiating with Metternich a plan
-for substituting the regency under Maria Louisa to the
-empire, organised as it had been during the hundred days,
-French agents were contriving means of carrying off the
-child who had been saluted in his cradle with the title of
-King of Rome. A great deal of mystification went on in
-all this; there was even one of these gentlemen, otherwise,
-too, a man in good society, who received a large sum of
-money, but who had in reality no other object than that
-of joining M. de Talleyrand at Vienna. Napoleon had
-promised that his wife and son would be present at the
-Champ de Mai, but Metternich's police baffled the intentions
-of the French agents, and, with the politeness which
-characterises all his actions, the minister conducted the
-daughter of the emperor and the Duke de Reichstadt to
-the palace of Schönbrunn, under an escort of the most
-trustworthy servants of the house of Austria. It was
-one of the most delicate circumstances that occurred
-during the life of Metternich, a man, too, always remarkable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
-for his attention to propriety; for Maria
-Louisa did not at that time feel the cold indifference for
-Napoleon which she afterwards exhibited, and she was a
-party to the project formed for carrying her off, by
-some attendants who had remained with her, but who
-now all received an order to quit Schönbrunn.</p>
-
-<p>The Austrian armies proceeded from Italy across the
-Alps, and took a part in the melancholy invasion of the
-south of France; they afterwards occupied Provence
-and Languedoc as far as Auvergne, their head-quarters
-being at Lyons and Dijon. On the dissolution of the
-Congress of Vienna, after the second fall of Napoleon,
-Metternich repaired to Paris, to be present at the conferences
-which were to precede the treaty of November
-1815. Prussia and England had been victorious at
-Waterloo, and their interest had proportionally increased.
-In the negotiations of Paris, the two cabinets of Berlin
-and Vienna acted in concert to represent the interests of
-Germany, which were very hostile to the French nation.
-The German population had been greatly irritated
-during the gigantic efforts that Europe had made against
-Napoleon; the secondary princes on the banks of the
-Rhine demanded Alsace and a portion of Lorraine,
-marked upon a map drawn in 1815 (which now lies
-before me), under the name of Germania, as the representation
-of Germany. There was a terrible reaction in
-that country against France, one of those refluxes of
-the people and the national feeling by which various
-periods of our history have been distinguished.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless, what organisation, exterior or interior,
-did they intend to establish, to form a general constitution
-in Germany? How could they restore to the Emperor
-Francis the influence in that country which he
-formerly possessed, but of which he had been deprived
-by Napoleon? Germany had arisen with the double<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
-cry of liberty and unity on her lips. Unity! how was
-it to be established among principalities of which the
-power and the population varied so greatly, and who still
-maintained the feudal principle in the midst of civilised
-Europe? And liberty! it was an indefinite expression;
-how could it be applied to so many different systems of
-government, and to so many various localities whose
-interests were so distinct from each other? The scheme
-of the Confederation of the Rhine had been formed by
-Napoleon solely with a view of increasing the importance
-of all the petty states, and of inducing them to enter into a
-coalition hostile to Austria and Prussia. Now circumstances
-were altered; Austria and Prussia were the
-great predominant powers, whose business it was to establish
-their own influence, and govern the whole confederation
-by means of a protectorate, more or less clearly
-defined; Prussia assuming the power in the northern provinces,
-Austria to the south. It was necessary, when
-the fatherland should be threatened, that its mixed population
-should be capable of being called forth to serve
-indifferently in the armies of Prussia and Austria. The
-unity of the German states was thus opposed as a
-barrier against Russia and France, and served equally
-as a protection against both those nations.</p>
-
-<p>Metternich, when he gave up the old imperial mantle
-in the name of the emperor, obtained for him a more
-real advantage as president of the diet; a number of
-votes were awarded to Austria and Prussia, in proportion
-to the importance of their position; and either by
-means of their command of the army of the confederation,
-or by their influence in the diet, these two countries
-held undisputed sway over the deliberations and the
-employment of the troops. No doubt, many little acts
-of injustice were committed, and some caprice was exhibited
-in the repartition of the states and of the contingents.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
-Sovereignties were sometimes aggrandised because
-they were protected by the Emperor Alexander,
-and, sometimes, even by Metternich; but where are the
-human operations over which perfect justice presides?
-Since they were desirous of unity, this sacrifice of some
-to the cause of all was the natural consequence of it;
-and should it now be asked, what is to be the result of this
-confederation, I reply, that Austria has reason to fear
-lest Prussia should assume a constantly increasing importance
-in Germany. The destiny of Austria henceforth
-is elsewhere, her future lies in the south; Prussia
-is too singularly situated not to strive to agglomerate her
-dominions; she will undoubtedly do so, either in point
-of fact, by means of conquest, or morally, by the influence
-she will exercise. It is towards the shores of the
-Adriatic that Austria will find herself indemnified for
-the diminution of her influence in central Germany.</p>
-
-<p>The cry of liberty had been raised in Germany when
-it roused itself against Napoleon; and the secret societies
-of Schill and Stein still had representatives in old
-Blucher and General Gniesenau. What did the government
-propose doing for the liberty they demanded?
-Constitutions had been promised, and representative
-states were granted to some principalities, but, the victory
-being once obtained, there was hesitation about proceeding
-any farther.</p>
-
-<p>Now that experience has made us perfectly acquainted
-with the spirit of revolutions, it is easy to understand
-how, in the rapid alteration of political situations, the
-promises of to-day are violated to-morrow. It is in
-vain to imagine that these periods of transition, when
-the people struggle for crochets of sovereignty, can bear
-a comparison with seasons when the proceedings of the
-government are calm and regular; after victory the
-popular excitement shews itself unreasonable, and wants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
-to insist upon promises the government is no longer
-able to perform.</p>
-
-<p>In 1813, during the period of battles and revolutions,
-many things had been promised to Germany; but was
-it possible to perform them in 1815 and 1816? Suppose
-that in Germany, that country of excitement and mystical
-spirit, the utopias of the secret societies had been
-realised,&mdash;a political existence given to the universities,
-and a turbulent representation to all the states,&mdash;that
-they had granted them the liberty of the press and an
-organised democracy,&mdash;would Germany ever have
-reached the high degree of prosperity and public tranquillity
-she now enjoys? We must take customs as
-they exist, and minds with the habits they have formed;
-we must not give a people institutions which would be a
-torment to their existence without increasing their well-being.
-I do not say that the governments of Austria
-and Prussia acted rightly in not fulfilling their promises&mdash;I
-merely say, that time alone can shew whether this
-conduct proceeded from prudence, or from a calculating
-spirit of selfishness. The events of 1814 and 1815 had
-considerably increased the possessions of Austria in
-Italy, and, as this was really a country obtained by conquests,
-it was natural and necessary that an armed
-surveillance should be established in the Lombardo-Venetian
-territory, as well as a police capable of controlling
-the provinces united to the Austrian empire.
-The utmost ability will be required to slacken successively
-the springs of this police, in proportion as the
-victors may be more firmly established in their foreign
-possessions. To have granted free constitutions to the
-people would have been an imprudent generosity, for
-this conquest, like those of Napoleon, could only be
-maintained by military occupation, which it was desirable
-to render as little oppressive as circumstances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
-would permit. The Italians, a hot and enthusiastic
-people, had driven out the French in the day of their
-calamity; the Austrians should endeavour to avoid a
-similar misfortune, and keep carefully upon their guard.</p>
-
-<p>Here begins the melodrama which has been cast
-around the person of Prince Metternich, with the picture
-of the cruel prisons and Piombi of Venice. I appeal to
-the Christian sincerity and good faith of Silvio Pellico,
-whether there be one word of real truth in his book,
-<i>Le mie Prigioni</i>. Does he call to mind the terrible
-Piombi of Venice, which, in his case, consisted of a room
-on the fourth floor in the ducal palace, commanding a
-most extensive view over the Great Canal, and for
-which Lord Byron would have paid some hundreds of
-sequins? He was deprived of his liberty, it is true; and
-this is, no doubt, a deplorable misfortune: but had he
-engaged in a conspiracy?&mdash;had he attempted to overturn
-the established government? He avows that he
-had done so, and in attempts of this kind a man sets his
-liberty and</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i24">"Life upon a cast,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And he must stand the hazard of the die."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>The Austrian cabinet, no doubt, takes ample precautionary
-measures, but there is no cruelty or oppression
-in its system; and whoever has had an opportunity of
-conversing with Prince Metternich ought to ask himself,
-whether it is possible a man of so calm and reasonable
-an intellect should be guilty of an act of barbarity
-without even a motive for his conduct?</p>
-
-<p>The strict repressive measures upon which the system
-of Prince Metternich in Germany and Italy is founded
-occasioned a movement of reaction; for liberty, that
-master passion of the mind, does not allow itself to be
-crushed without making some despairing efforts. Far<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
-from the secret societies having been dissolved in Germany,
-they were regularly organised in the universities
-among the students, and the heated state of their minds
-was encouraged by the influence of poetry and the political
-writings, which called upon the courage and patriotism
-of all those who possessed noble hearts to lend
-their assistance to the German unity. This unity, so
-loudly appealed to by the young generation, was in
-reality only a sort of federative republic, in which all
-the states, while enjoying their individual freedom, were
-to be united by the practice of virtue, and would thus
-tend to the general happiness of mankind. The old
-German sovereignties were obliged to curb these associations,
-which burst forth in the assassination of Kotzebue.</p>
-
-<p>Metternich had just been travelling in Italy when
-the universities distinguished themselves by this sanguinary
-crime. He was loaded with the benefits of his
-sovereign; he now bore the title of prince, and stars of
-almost all the orders of knighthood in Europe glittered
-on his breast. The state of fermentation which existed
-in Germany had not escaped his statesmanlike penetration,
-and it was solely at his suggestion that a congress
-took place at Carlsbad, where severe and distrustful measures
-were adopted against the organisation of the public
-schools in Germany. The conduct of the universities,
-the repression of seditious writings, the establishment of
-a political police,&mdash;nothing was neglected in this regular
-crusade, undertaken by the government against the revolutionary
-feelings by which the heated imaginations
-were then inflamed. After great disturbances have
-taken place in a state, the sole anxiety of the government
-is to check any disposition to disorder, and they
-are excited to do so by public opinion, and by the
-middle classes, who entertain a dread of fresh revolutions,
-and with good reason.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In the year of the Congress of Carlsbad, the Propaganda
-menaced the kingdoms of Europe with a fresh
-revolution. Let us observe accurately their situation in
-1820. Towards the south there was the insurrection of
-Spain and the Cortes, and the proclamation of a government
-more liberal than even that of England; at Naples,
-almost by a magical echo, the constitution was also proclaimed;
-from Naples the cry of liberty was heard in
-Piémont, and the king was deprived of his throne. In
-Paris the disturbances were so great that the government
-was exposed every evening to a change in its political
-system. This year of 1820 might be considered as the
-first edition of the stupendous event of July, which
-took place ten years later with all the fracas of an insurrection.</p>
-
-<p>Austria was particularly endangered by these revolutions,
-for the extremities of the kingdom of Naples
-and Piémont came in close contact with her Italian
-possessions. The people had declared themselves; the
-sovereigns then became aware of the danger, and roused
-themselves for their defence; congresses were held at
-Troppau and at Laybach, and Metternich, without
-hesitation, urged the adoption of powerful measures to
-quell the revolutionary spirit now manifested; he was
-so deeply convinced of their indispensable necessity,
-that he opposed every kind of delay, and only required
-the moral support of Prussia and Russia, declaring at
-once that an Austrian army was about to march into
-Italy and occupy Naples and Piémont. The Emperor
-Alexander, whose mind was full of the dread of secret
-societies and plots in Europe, lent his support to Metternich.
-There was but one single instance of opposition
-with regard to Piémont, and it is known from whence
-proceeded these objections. To such a degree has history
-been disfigured! It proceeded from the dignity of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
-Louis XVIII., and the despatches of the Duc de Richelieu
-and M. Pasquier. The revolutionary spirit was
-breaking out in the streets of Paris in 1820, and the restored
-sovereign declared to Metternich, that if the
-Austrian army entered Piémont their occupation could
-not be of long continuance, as France could not allow of
-the Austrians upon the Alps.</p>
-
-<p>In this <i>wrestling</i>, to use the old expression of M.
-Bignon, the cabinets had the advantage over the people.
-Naples was overcome in a few marches, and Piémont was
-occupied by the Austrian troops. The repressive impulse
-being once given, a combined system was every
-where manifested with the design of suspending political
-liberty. War was declared by the cabinets against
-all forms of government which owed their birth to military
-excitement or to an exclusively revolutionary
-spirit. Metternich was present at the Congress of Verona,
-a meeting which appears to me to have been the
-final expression of the will of Europe regarding the
-spirit of insurrection. France was charged with
-the suppression of the Spanish Cortes, as Metternich
-had executed by force of arms the will of the allied
-powers against Naples and Piémont. Here the cabinets
-were again successful, the revolution was completely
-suppressed, as far as regarded its power of action, and
-only kept a place in the disordered imagination.</p>
-
-<p>All these acts of government, and all the proclamations
-which followed the assembly of the Congress, were
-the especial work of Prince Metternich. The Chancellor
-of Austria possesses a remarkable flow of language, a
-pure taste, and a noble manner of expressing his ideas,
-even in a diplomatic despatch, where the sense is almost
-always hidden under technical, and, it may be added,
-heavy modes of speech. To him is owing the style distinguished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
-by the elevation of ideas, which always appeals
-to posterity and to the justice of future times,
-from the opinion formed by contemporary passions. He
-even allows himself to be carried on too far by his
-anxiety to express his meaning, and by the literary ornament
-he is desirous of conferring upon the most
-trifling despatch that leaves his cabinet; he takes the
-principal part in their composition, he writes in French
-with extreme elegance and precision, and he reads all
-the newspapers regularly, even to the part which contains
-merely literary and theatrical critiques. Those who
-saw him in 1825, when the unfortunate illness of his
-wife obliged him to visit Paris, were surprised to find
-him possessed of the most exquisite literary taste. He
-was acquainted with all our good authors, and shewed
-remarkable sagacity in the judgment he formed of the
-writers of our own times. One could hardly imagine
-how a politician, whose life had been spent in affairs of
-so much importance, could have found time to study
-the most trifling productions of literature.</p>
-
-<p>Affairs were now settled in Europe. The governments
-began to emerge a little from the undecided political condition
-proclaimed by the Holy Alliance. From the beginning
-of the year 1827, Metternich had felt some uneasiness
-concerning the proceedings of Russia with regard
-to the Ottoman Porte, which was likely to be productive
-of extreme danger to the Austrian influence.
-If the Russian projects were realised, Austria would see
-herself deprived of her ascendancy over the Porte, which
-was nearly as old as that of France. At this time Metternich
-caused the French ministry to be sounded, but
-he was hardly listened to, for the most decided negotiations
-were in progress between the three cabinets of
-Russia, London, and Paris, on the Greek question; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
-here it is well to explain the refusal of Metternich to interfere
-with the transactions which led to the treaty of
-July 1827.</p>
-
-<p>Since the year 1824, the cause of the Greeks had
-assumed a degree of consistency and a European character.
-Every era has its policy of sentiments, and
-people were now infatuated with a classic fanaticism for
-the Greeks. No doubt there was something glorious in
-the heroism which strove to burst the chain of the barbarians;
-but the enthusiastic declarations of Russia, her
-strong and pressing despatches in favour of the Greeks,
-were, in their main object, less the expression of a religious
-sympathy than the proceedings of a skilful policy,
-which sought to abase the Ottoman Porte, in order
-subsequently to reduce it into a state of vassalage.
-Russia, therefore, applied to Charles X., by speaking of
-the cross which had brought salvation to the world.
-In England it roused into action the Greek committee,
-and it was under the influence of these philanthropic
-prepossessions that the treaty of July 1827, and the
-battle of Navarino, which was the consequence of it, led
-to serious uneasiness on the part of Metternich. This
-minister instantly divined the full consequences of this
-shortsighted policy. The battle of Navarino, by crippling
-the power of the Porte, killed it, in a political
-sense, for the advantage of Russia: it was the prelude to
-the campaign of 1828 to the Balkan. Russia had succeeded
-in getting M. de la Ferronays placed at the head
-of foreign affairs in France: he was an honest man, but
-rather Russian in his inclinations and habits; consequently,
-Metternich could not draw France into a
-scheme of confederation and armed league against
-Russia. He was more fortunate in England with the
-Duke of Wellington, who acknowledged the mistake
-into which Mr. Canning had fallen, and pronounced the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
-battle of Navarino <i>an untoward event</i>. England had
-thus returned to a perfect understanding of which were
-her real interests.</p>
-
-<p>People may ask, why did not Metternich at this
-time decide upon war? how came it that he did not
-at once take part with the Ottoman Porte? It was
-in consequence of the fixed system of the Austrian chancellor;
-he has gained every thing through peace. The
-conquests of Austria are owing to her pacific principles&mdash;to
-the species of armed neutrality which is always
-ready at the proper moment to obtain some advantage.
-A war would have compromised its general position in
-Europe. Being on good terms with England, and in
-concert with that nation, the Austrian cabinet stayed
-the victory; it was gaining something during the Russian
-expedition of 1829, but it was not enough.</p>
-
-<p>During this time events were advancing in France
-towards an unavoidable crisis; the ministry of M. de
-Polignac had just been formed. Under a merely political
-point of view, this was an advantage for Austria,
-for the Russian system had been abandoned, and they
-had entered into all the English ideas concerning the
-Eastern question; still a mind possessed of so much
-penetration could not fail to entertain great anxiety
-while watching so earnest a struggle between the political
-powers in a country like France, which had been
-accustomed to give an impulse to the rest of Europe.
-It is said that Metternich advised a <i>coup-d'état</i>: does
-this idea evince an acquaintance with the spirit of moderation
-and the capacity of the prime minister of Austria?
-A <i>coup-d'état</i> is too decided and too noisy a step ever to
-enter into the mind of Prince Metternich: when a difficult
-situation occurs, he does not attack it in front&mdash;he
-turns it; and, when he shews himself very determined in a
-strong and firm resolution, it is because people's minds are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
-already made up, and there is no longer any risk in having
-recourse to it. The Chancellor of the Empire was
-too well aware of the folly of M. de Polignac, and
-of the want of firmness of Charles X., to be ignorant
-that they were incapable of conducting a perilous undertaking
-to a prosperous termination. In the Foreign
-Office there is a despatch on this subject from M. de
-Rayneval, then ambassador at Vienna, who details one
-of his conversations with Prince Metternich, precisely
-upon these <i>coups-d'état</i>; it was much the subject of
-conversation at Vienna, and the uneasiness entertained
-concerning the system followed by M. de Polignac is
-revealed in more than one despatch addressed to M.
-d'Appony, the Austrian ambassador at Paris.</p>
-
-<p>Then broke out the revolution of July, an event of
-prodigious importance. Europe had never been in so
-much danger; for what were the ideas that led to the
-eruption? Was it not the spirit of the secret societies?&mdash;republicanism
-again triumphant in France, the country
-which, for the last forty years, had been accustomed to
-give the general impulse to continental Europe? The
-Propaganda principles had for their leader that old and
-obstinate spirit, General Lafayette, who again went to
-make an appeal to the independence of the people, as he
-had done in 1792. A few Frenchmen, and the tricoloured
-flag displayed every where, might have caused a
-general conflagration. What was to be done? A
-young, ardent, and inexperienced minister would, perhaps,
-have engaged in a war; what a happiness it was
-for the friends of peace that Prussia was governed by a
-wise king, whose mind was rendered moderate by age,
-and Austria by a minister who had witnessed so many
-storms without being frightened by them! One of the
-principal traits of Metternich's character is his perfect
-freedom from prejudice, either against or in favour of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
-persons or events, so that he forms a judgment of them
-all with a degree of superiority. He therefore awaited
-the event of the revolution in a posture of defence;
-Austria merely held herself in readiness, and military
-precautions, combined with the renewal of political alliances,
-enabled her to oppose a barrier to all the invasions
-of a revolutionary spirit. This moderation was
-carried so far, that, as soon as a regular government was
-established in France, Metternich hastened to recognise
-it, without expressing either dislike or predilection,
-solely upon the principle that a regular government is
-always a protection to order and public peace. Since
-this time, Metternich has appeared to follow three rules
-of conduct, which govern the whole tenour of his political
-life. First, to enter into a close alliance with
-Russia and Austria for the suppression of all disturbances
-in Europe, and, consequently, to renew all the military
-contracts entered into at Chaumont in 1814,
-and Vienna in 1815; secondly, to combat the spirit of
-Propaganda, under whatever form it may appear; and
-this was a very laborious task, for the revolution of
-July had not only dispersed mischievous principles in
-Europe, but its money, its emissaries, its flag, and its
-hopes, had been circulated in every direction; and,
-thirdly, the Propaganda spirit having been every where
-diffused, Metternich had felt the necessity of augmenting
-both the military forces of Austria, and also her vigorous
-police establishment. The executive government
-has every where become more severe, because it was exposed
-to more danger. Liberty has sometimes been confounded
-with a revolutionary spirit in the system of
-strict repression that has been adopted; and it was unavoidable,
-perhaps, even necessary, in the complete overthrow
-of every thing that had been contemplated.</p>
-
-<p>The empire of Austria is composed of so many different<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
-nations, that political unity would be as impossible in
-that empire as in the Russian, which extends over the
-half of two hemispheres. All that can be looked for
-is liberty in their local constitutions, and in establishments
-quite in accordance with the spirit of the States,
-and more especially with their situation with regard to
-the Austrian government. The most prejudiced people
-agree that no country can be more peaceably governed
-than the hereditary states; the other provinces which
-have been successively attached to it require more active
-precautions and a more watchful police; but civil
-liberty, which is, indeed, the first of all, is even there
-complete and entire. Let us not exaggerate; I do not
-propose the Austrian government as a model&mdash;I am too
-great an admirer of liberty and of the institutions of my
-country not to remain deeply attached to them, but I
-also give their due to the manners and customs of the
-people; and we well know that there are some countries
-that require to be governed, because they are utterly incapable
-of governing themselves. When travelling in
-Italy, I have often asked myself whether all these nations,
-indolently at variance with each other, who possess
-more genius than national vigour, more liveliness and
-intelligence than strength and reason, could ever aspire
-to a laborious liberty under the dominion of the greatly
-extolled Unity, which must have been obtained sword
-in hand&mdash;in fact, if this rich and lovely Italy, like a
-charming coquette, was not under the necessity of submitting
-to the rule of some one, because she has not
-sufficient energy to master either her love or her hatred.</p>
-
-<p>The administration of Prince Metternich appears to
-be deeply imbued with this sentiment, which has been
-severely put to the proof by him, that if civil liberty is
-necessary to all, political liberty is only desirable for a
-few, so far as it does not affect the character and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
-safety of government. Protection should be granted
-to talent, but it ought to be serious talent, which will
-not evaporate in pamphlets; improvement, no doubt, is
-desirable, but it should take place without turbulence.
-The house of Austria has a great dread of noise, she is
-afraid of being talked of; never striving after <i>éclat</i> or
-clamorous liberty, she resembles those German professors
-who amass a store of erudition and science in some dusty
-corner of the university, and who only publish a few
-scarce copies of their works for the use of the learned.</p>
-
-<p>The private life of Prince Metternich has been repeatedly
-visited with domestic affliction. Mourning has
-darkened his dwelling, and the distractions of the busy
-world have not always been able to mitigate his grief.
-In private society his manners are affable, and he enjoys
-the repose of home after the fatigues of his vast
-ministerial duties. A clever writer has observed that he
-spends great part of his time in conversation; it is a
-propensity indulged in by men who have seen every
-thing&mdash;they take pleasure in <i>talking history</i> in their fireside
-conversations, which are carefully preserved by
-their auditors. And who has not listened with delight
-to M. Talleyrand, when he used to give vent to his recollections?
-Prince Metternich has written long and
-curious memoirs, full of justificatory notes, for he considers
-himself at the bar of posterity. His work is a
-great one, and, as I said at the commencement of this
-sketch, all the glory and all the responsibility of it will
-rest with him. When we look back upon what Austria
-was after the peace of Presburg, and that we contemplate
-her now, greater than she had ever been, with her
-public credit, her ascendancy among the European
-states, the peace and the government of her provinces,
-her civil and military organisation, and then consider
-that all this is the work of <i>one</i> minister, who has governed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
-the empire for the last thirty years, we may
-easily form an idea of some of the judgments of posterity.
-We are ourselves surrounded by ruins, both of men and
-things; government, administration, ministry, every
-thing, has fallen to pieces, and when, from the midst of
-the wreck the revolutions have brought upon us, we
-turn our eyes upon a countenance which has remained
-unmoved among all the ravages of time, it appears as if
-it did not belong to the present period; we look back
-upon Richelieu, upon those ministers who laid down a
-system, and then carried it onward to its completion.</p>
-
-<p>Prince Metternich has reached an advanced age, yet
-he preserves all his faculties perfectly, with a ready wit
-that is admirable, and a freshness of recollection, which
-turns with extreme pleasure to the time of the French
-Empire and his embassy to Paris during the reign of
-Napoleon. We have all some favourite period of
-our lives, and we love particularly to dwell upon the
-days of our youth, before the illusions which charmed
-us had entirely faded away. He always speaks with
-great respect of the Emperor Napoleon, whose noble
-countenance exercised an unspeakable influence over his
-future life. Wherever that great genius passed, it left an
-indelible impression; and it was by the desire of Metternich
-that the remains of the Duke de Reichstadt were
-placed beside those of Maria Theresa and Francis
-II. in the vault of the Capuchin Church. It is a
-fine idea of the emperors of Austria to choose their last
-abode in the church of the most lowly of religious orders,
-to humble their greatness before the poorest brethren of
-the Christian church. The Capuchins have every thing
-in common, among them there is no property, no distinction
-between mine and thine. Bab&oelig;uf was only a
-plagiary from them without the moral idea of heaven,
-which purifies and sanctifies every thing.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The house of Austria is accustomed to be governed
-by old ministers, and its traditionary spirit takes pleasure
-in it. In politics it is often better to do well than
-to do a great deal, to act after due deliberation than to
-act hastily, and then return to deliberate. Prince Metternich
-is not an enemy to any form of government that
-has order for its basis; and this offers an explanation of
-his conduct since the revolution. When the Propaganda
-was heard every where, he decided strongly in favour
-of war, and his expression to the French ambassador
-at Vienna is well known: "If we must perish, it is
-just as well to die of apoplexy as to be suffocated with a
-slow fire; we will declare for war."</p>
-
-<p>The wisdom of the French government, its salutary
-repression of every Propaganda spirit, maintained peace.
-Since that period the Austrian minister, in all questions
-of any importance, has preserved the position of an
-armed mediator, with the invariable desire of preserving
-peace, and what he terms the European <i>status quo</i>. He
-does not consider the present time requires agitation,
-war, or conquest. According to him, it is a season of
-organisation, and, by the position he gives to his monarchy,
-he holds the balance even, so as to prevent any conflict
-between the north and south of Europe. He said to
-me wittily one day: "I am, to a certain degree, the
-confessor of all the cabinets; I give absolution to those
-who have committed the fewest sins, and I thus maintain
-peace in their souls."</p>
-
-<p>In this situation it is easier for Metternich to employ
-himself in particular improvements. Austria is in a remarkable
-state of prosperity; we ought to be proud of
-our France, and it undoubtedly is a fine country, but, with
-our national pride, we form singular ideas upon the state
-of other people; and yet, among them also, we may
-every where observe signs of very forward civilisation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
-commerce, industry, railroads, with pleasing and kind
-hospitality, all are to be met with in the Austrian
-states; without speaking of the intellectual movement
-more sober, and as far advanced as in our country
-of little romances, novels, theatrical, and literary
-critiques.</p>
-
-<p>Men who like to bring circumstances together have
-sometimes instituted a comparison between Prince
-Metternich and Prince Kaunitz, who was so long at the
-head of the Austrian government. Although these
-parallels are always rather arbitrary, and that the
-different shades in the human character are innumerable,
-we may safely affirm in this instance, that there never
-existed two minds more completely opposed to each
-other; the only point of resemblance consists in the
-duration of their administration. Prince Kaunitz,
-altogether weakened by the ideas of the eighteenth
-century, allowed the Austrian empire to degenerate into
-a state of supineness and indolence. Prince Metternich,
-on the contrary, has reconstructed and consolidated this
-monarchy; he has retained nothing of Prince Kaunitz's
-system, except its extreme moderation, and the traditions
-of <i>status quo</i>, adopted after the great reign of
-Maria Theresa. After Metternich, will Austria follow
-a different system? Will the statesman that appears
-likely to succeed him adopt a less prudent and more
-advanced plan? We do not believe it. It is in
-Austria with the ministers as with the heirs of the
-throne in England; before their accession they aim at
-popularity, and, when once at the head of the government,
-they continue the proceedings of the former
-reign, because reason and experience are of some value,
-and that the magnificent part of Austria is to place
-itself as an idea of pacification between empires which
-would strike against each other with too much violence.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="M_DE_TALLEYRAND" id="M_DE_TALLEYRAND">M. DE TALLEYRAND.</a><small><a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></small></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p><span class="smcap">One</span> of the torments of a statesman who has played a
-great part in politics is to see his conduct subjected to
-the judgment of ignoble minds and the discussions of
-people incapable of forming a just estimate of it. How
-much has been written concerning M. de Talleyrand!
-how many <i>bons mots</i>, and how many rude sayings have
-been attributed to him! His biography has been made
-a sort of <i>Ana</i>, for the amusement of idle people; he has
-been represented as a kind of facetious personage, almost
-a mountebank, abounding in all the little wit of society,
-and of provincial towns. Few men have pierced through
-the mysteries of that long existence; still fewer have
-read in the wrinkles of this old man, and in his eyes,
-still sparkling under his slightly contracted brows, the
-secret thoughts, the powerful motives that swayed his
-life, which was one of unity and system.</p>
-
-<p>If you have ever travelled in the southern part of
-France, you must have lingered in the Périgord, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
-province which still comprehends the best and the most
-numerous nobility of very ancient descent in the whole
-kingdom. There you will on every side meet with
-memorials of the Bosons and the Talleyrands, the
-sovereign princes of the province of Quercy: the
-keepers of the old records will recount to you the
-exploits of the Bosons of Périgord, under the Wolf
-dukes during the Carlovingian dynasty, who received
-this name from their wild exploits in the forests. The
-families of Talleyrand and Montesquiou-Fezensac disputed
-with each other the precedence over all the
-southern nobility. M. de Talleyrand sprang from the
-younger branch of the Grignols, who were of the stock
-of André de Talleyrand, Comte de Grignols, the youngest
-branch of the Périgord family; the eldest branch became
-extinct upon the death of Marie Francoise, Princess of
-Chalais, and Marchioness of Exideuil.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>
-
-<p>I have been particular in dwelling upon the high
-nobility of his origin, because it greatly assisted his position
-in diplomatic affairs. Noble birth, however people
-may declaim against it, facilitates negotiations with
-European powers. Be it a weakness, be it a habit, when
-a man takes his place as a titled nobleman, among so
-many foreigners of illustrious birth, it is an advantage to
-his position; he treats on a footing of equality, he
-obtains more because he is among his peers, misfortune
-does not upset him, because he preserves his name in
-spite of every thing; he cannot be degraded, for revolutions
-no more deprive him of the nobility of his race,
-than the royal confiscations that formerly took place
-could destroy the old family coat-of-arms.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord was born at
-Paris in the year 1754; his maternal grandmother was
-the clever and witty Princess des Ursins, that eminent
-person who directed the councils of Philip V. of Spain,
-as her friend Madame de Maintenon governed the
-mind of Louis XIV. M. de Talleyrand, being the
-youngest of the family, was intended for holy orders,
-according to the custom of the nobility, who devoted
-themselves to the profession of arms, to the church, or
-the manor; an active life was necessary to men of
-family. There had always been a high prelate of the
-house of Talleyrand, and this ecclesiastical dignity was
-intended for the young Abbé of Périgord, who was
-accordingly sent at the age of fourteen to the seminary
-of Saint-Sulpice. One ought to have heard Talleyrand
-himself, in his hours of gaiety and unreserve, recount
-the pranks and first love-affair of the young abbé; his
-scaling the walls, his visits to the roof of the house,&mdash;all
-of them things little suitable to the serious profession for
-which he was intended by his family. I think that in
-reading his Memoirs in the year 1827-28, at which time
-he was out of favour, he made some concessions to the
-little philosophers of the eighteenth century, who surrounded
-him under the Restoration.</p>
-
-<p>His ecclesiastical studies were limited; he occupied
-himself but little with theology, but already very much
-with business. The situation of general agent for the
-clergy was given him by the custom of his family, which
-was a very lucrative appointment, for he might be considered
-as the <i>chargé d'affaires</i> of that great body, and he
-exhibited great method and remarkable judgment in the
-skilful application of the revenues of the church, which
-amounted to above one hundred and thirty-six millions
-of livres. The clergy met in a chapter every year, and
-the Abbé de Talleyrand gave an account of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
-revenues, of the steps he had taken, and the duties he
-had performed with regard to the court; his reports are
-remarkably exact, with a clearness of style that is very
-uncommon.</p>
-
-<p>At the age of five-and-thirty, after having attained
-the majority required by the Church, he was raised to the
-bishopric of Autun,&mdash;a fine appointment, which would
-afterwards lead to the archbishopric of Rheims and a
-cardinal's hat. The revenue of the see amounted to
-60,000 francs, a magnificent situation for a young bishop,
-but such was the custom of the nobility; nevertheless,
-the bent of his inclinations led him to belong to the
-philosophical society, and the followers of the English
-school, which began to appear upon the horizon in 1789;
-among these were Mirabeau, Cabanis, Lally-Tollendal,
-and Mounier, in fact all the men who were dreaming of
-a reform in France. People said wittily that M. de
-Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, with his prebend and his
-bishopric, looked upon himself as an abuse. At this
-time people were animated with a glorious passion for
-suppressing themselves; and when one recollects that
-the proposal to abolish the titles of nobility was made by
-De Montmorency, De Montesquiou, La Rochefoucauld,
-De Talleyrand, and Clermont-Tonnerre, those illustrious
-elders of the French nobility, one must honestly confess
-that an incomprehensible spirit of vertigo had taken
-possession of the French society. There was in this
-something so insane, so eccentric, that I imagine the
-ancient nobility must have been led by an interested
-motive towards the suppression of titles: during the last
-three centuries so many patents of nobility had been
-conferred, that the really illustrious families were no
-longer distinguished: there were too many titled plebeians.
-Now, if all titles were abolished by a decree, all
-this nobility of a modern date would be entirely suppressed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
-for it depended solely upon royal grants and
-letters patent written according to the caprice of the
-sovereign; whilst those who bore a historical name, as
-the Rochefoucaulds, the Montmorencys, and the Montesquious,
-had no need of deeds to prove their genealogy;
-it was part of the soil.</p>
-
-<p>The Abbé de Talleyrand was in possession of his rich
-bishopric of Autun when the States-General were convened,
-and he was appointed deputy of the clergy of his
-diocese to the Constituent Assembly, so remarkable
-from its adventurous spirit, the boldness of its conceptions,
-and its total want of connexion, and absence of all
-kind of unity or method, either moral or political. The
-Constituent Assembly was a great chaos, where the
-opinions of men of talent clashed with each other, where
-all sorts of extravagances were proposed in the executive
-government, and all the ideas most fitted to overturn the
-monarchy and the society of France were encouraged;
-Rousseau's social contract was applied to a people
-already old in its customs and civilisation.</p>
-
-<p>The Bishop of Autun shewed himself the most
-zealous protector of all these innovations; he proposed
-the abolition of titles, and vehemently advocated the
-civil constitution of the clergy; he also introduced into
-the public system of education all the ideas of false and
-mischievous philosophy which the eighteenth century
-had diffused in human minds. Along with the Marquis
-of Condorcet, and Cabanis, he was one of the adepts,
-and of the friends of Mirabeau, whom that statesman
-and popular orator used to employ for the furtherance
-of the interests of his intellectual dictatorship. They
-were accustomed to meet in the evening at Mirabeau's
-house, to prepare the projects which would resound the
-next day from the tribune of the assembly. Without
-being very well educated, the Bishop of Autun was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
-gifted with an extremely fluent style, and a mode of
-expression remarkable for its clearness, and its elegant
-precision: the ancient high nobility certainly always
-possessed great natural talents; they had but little
-information, and yet they were eminently gifted with the
-power of expressing what they wished to say.</p>
-
-<p>The solemn festival of the confederation took place at
-this period, a singular proceeding of which the spirit
-has been greatly misrepresented: it was theatrical, for
-such is always necessary in France. In the Champ de
-Mars an altar was erected, surmounted by tricoloured
-flags, upon a scaffolding fifty feet high, ornamented with
-ribands, also of the national colours. Then came M. de
-Lafayette, at that time a very handsome man, with his
-courteous and somewhat hypocritical countenance beaming
-with smiles, mounted upon his snow-white, slender,
-prancing steed, and wearing the uniform of the National
-Guard with long skirts and a three-cornered hat on his
-head, as it was the fashion at the time of the American
-War. He was then trying on his royal dignity.
-Around him crowded the deputations from the Departments
-with their flags; there were many drunken
-people, as it was natural there should be, and others
-tired with having wheeled earth from the Champ de
-Mars; and there was a plentiful exchange of kisses and
-embraces, according to the system so approved by
-Lamourette. At the foot of the altar of which I have
-spoken appeared M. de Talleyrand, bishop of Autun,
-dressed in his pontifical habits, his mitre on his head, a
-crosier in his hand, and with manners as elegant, as
-much refinement, and as studiously dignified a demeanour,
-as he afterwards discovered when carrying his crutch
-stick into the assembly of the corps diplomatique:
-kneeling beside him was the Abbé Louis (afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
-Minister of Finance) one of the curates, in his alb and
-surplice.</p>
-
-<p>The mass was celebrated with due solemnity by the
-Bishop of Autun; but there is a tradition which, for the
-honour and character of Talleyrand, we will believe to
-be unfounded, that when Mirabeau passed beside the
-altar the officiating pontiff addressed to him some expressions
-of mockery and irreligion, which must have
-weighed heavily upon his conscience on his death-bed.
-There are, unfortunately, seasons of youth and evil
-passions, when people give way to anti-Christian ideas,
-and at that time a degree of impiety was the fashion.
-Was it not then considered good taste to ridicule the
-holy and noble ceremonies of the Catholic religion?
-Talleyrand took a part in all the anti-religious proceedings
-of the Constituent Assembly upon the situation of
-the clergy in France, and he was commissioned to apply
-the civil constitution to his diocese, but the powerful
-opposition of his clergy did not permit him to accomplish
-his purpose, for the greater part of the parish
-priests refused to take the oath. He was present at the
-consecration of the first constitutional bishops, and, if
-this devoted conduct was considered deserving of praise
-by the assembly, it was regarded in a very different light
-elsewhere, and drew upon him the excommunication of
-the holy see. Pope Pius VI. published a bull against
-the Bishop of Autun, in which he declared him out of
-the pale of the Church, for having become an adherent
-of the civil constitution of the clergy. This step needs
-no explanation, such a constitution being in its very
-essence subversive of all Catholic faith. It was a work
-of the ultra-Jansenist party, and so thoroughly overstepped
-all the established rules, that it allowed the Jews
-and Protestants belonging to various districts and corporations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
-to participate in the election of the Catholic
-clergy. A bishop or a schoolmaster was appointed in
-the same manner that a deputy was elected for the
-National Assembly, for the whole electoral body discharged
-their duties in the same manner. An absurd
-principle of equality had levelled every thing; the people
-appointed the mayors, the bishops, the parish priests,
-the deputies, and the municipal officers. It was disorder
-in equality; the levelling principle had trampled
-down society.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand was the intimate friend of Mirabeau, or, to
-speak with more precision, the great tribune made a tool
-of him. They had lived together, and together had
-prepared their works for the Assembly. The popular
-orator had just been attacked by the mortal disease
-which carried him off in so rapid and mysterious a manner,
-and the Bishop of Autun was present when his
-friend breathed his last. It was not as a ghostly comforter
-affording him the consolations of his ministry, it
-was not as a Catholic bishop pointing to a world beyond
-the grave when those eloquent lips were about to be
-sealed in death; M. de Talleyrand sat by the bedside of
-the dying man as the depository of his last thoughts
-and of his political labours, which led to the destruction
-of the monarchy. Mirabeau had committed to writing a
-work upon the equal division of inheritance among the
-different members of a family, and on the right of making
-testamentary dispositions, it being the object of the
-Revolutionists to overturn civil rights as they had
-already destroyed political ones, because it was well
-known they were intimately connected. The Bishop of
-Autun undertook to read the discourse of Mirabeau in
-the name of his friend at the National Assembly, and
-excited the most lively enthusiasm while repeating the
-last words of the orator whose career was now at an end.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
-The life of Mirabeau had been, in some respects, the reaction
-of a mind filled with strong passions against the
-persecutions he had endured as a son from the hand of
-a severe and inflexible father, and his discourse upon
-limiting the right of making a will and on the equal division
-of inheritance affords the most certain proof of
-it. The gift of eloquence was held in the most enthusiastic
-estimation by the Constituent Assembly, it resolved
-the greatest part of its business into brilliant oratorical
-theories, resting upon the ideas of demolition, which
-were the offspring of the eighteenth century, and as
-Talleyrand had some difficulty in ascending the tribune,
-he played but a secondary part at that time. He excited
-attention principally by his management of business
-and by his assiduous attendance on committees; it
-does not appear that he had attained, even at this period,
-to the reputation of taciturn ability enjoyed by the
-Abbé Siéyès, and I seldom meet with his name in important
-and brilliant discussions.</p>
-
-<p>When the Constituent Assembly had concluded their
-work, Talleyrand quitted France for England. M. de
-Chauvelin was ambassador there from the unfortunate
-Louis XVI., and the Bishop of Autun received a commission,
-of which the object was to draw the two
-governments of France and England into a nearer
-resemblance to each other, by establishing a system of
-two legislative chambers exactly upon the model of the
-English houses of parliament. There was already some
-idea of a revolution like that of 1688, and Talleyrand
-might serve as an agent for the attempt, for there was a
-good understanding between him and M. de Chauvelin,
-and a still better between him and the clubs of England.
-But opinions travelled too fast to allow proper consideration
-being given to the due balance of power, and the
-sovereignty of the people had given rise to the scheme of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
-a single chamber. Diplomatic business now went on in
-a singular manner; instead of the clever and prudent
-system, which since the commencement of the reign of
-Louis XVI. had secured so many advantages to France,
-so many favourable treaties, so many important annexations
-of territory, the diplomatic corps now amused
-themselves in encouraging the propaganda and spreading
-every where the spirit of Jacobinism. M. de Talleyrand
-had some interviews with the principal leaders of the
-Whigs, and his intimacy with Earl Grey began from
-this date. Shortly after this, being concerned in the
-intrigues of Danton, he returned to Paris on the 11th of
-August, and he always took pleasure in saying that his
-not having perished on the 2d of September was owing
-to the efforts of that singularly energetic man, as well
-as his having been able to obtain a passport for England.</p>
-
-<p>As the course of events was progressing towards war,
-and that the trial of Louis XVI. was considered by the
-Tories as a total subversion of every thing, Talleyrand
-received an order to quit Great Britain in virtue of the
-alien act, and was only allowed twenty-four hours to
-make his arrangements. In the year 1793 people were
-in the midst of revolutionary excitements; he, therefore,
-did not return to France, but embarked for the
-United States, the country that was then pointed out as
-a model, a pattern government, which the republican
-party in the Legislative Assembly always cited as the
-most perfect that political ideas could conceive, and
-which M. de la Fayette never ceased to extol. At that
-time two schools prevailed, the American system and
-the revolution of 1688, both of which have been since
-renewed and perpetuated both in men and events.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand settled in the United States, and during
-some years he devoted himself to commerce, and engaged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
-in speculations with a considerable degree of
-activity. There always was something adventurous and
-bold in his disposition in money matters; to use a
-familiar expression, no one ever made his fortune oftener
-than M. de Talleyrand, without being particularly
-scrupulous as to the means he employed. His property
-in France was sequestered, it was, therefore, with very
-limited funds that he commenced his mercantile operations
-in the United States; and it was certainly singular
-enough to see a bishop of 1789, afterwards a
-popular orator, then a secret diplomatist acting as a spy
-for a party of the National Assembly, finally transforming
-himself into a merchant in a counting-house at
-Boston or New York. The shades of the ancient
-Bosons of Périgord, those great feudal barons, must
-have been horrified and have indignantly grasped their
-lances and their coats of arms when they contemplated
-their descendant seated amid bales of cotton in a republic
-of shopkeepers. In this manner do revolutions take
-hold of a man's destiny, play with it, and raise and abase
-it by turns; but the nobility had already accustomed
-France to still more extraordinary courses: had not men
-of noble birth in Brittany and Gascony become freebooters
-and buccaneers under Henry IV., Louis XIII.,
-and Louis XIV.?</p>
-
-<p>A commercial profession in a country so distant from
-important events did not suit Talleyrand's inclination,
-and when order was a little restored, he lost no time in
-soliciting permission to return to France, the scene of
-his earliest days. He had left many friends there,
-among the partisans of what was called the moderate
-republic and constitutional system; such were Chenier
-and Madame de Staël, belonging to the literary and
-philosophical portion of society under the Directory,
-who had regained some degree of importance after the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
-Reign of Terror was past, for in calmer times the
-different shades of a party become more evident.</p>
-
-<p>It was particularly to the earnest solicitations of
-Madame de Staël that Talleyrand owed his return, and
-we know that her influence was at that time very great.
-Chenier undertook the report, and a decree was passed
-revoking the rigorous measures that had been adopted in
-1793 against the late Bishop of Autun; it was also declared
-that he had not emigrated. Talleyrand had at
-that time entirely left off the ecclesiastical habit, and
-appeared every where as a layman. He enjoyed in the
-world a great reputation for wit and talent; there was
-something noble in his countenance, without its being
-exactly striking; he carried his head remarkably well,
-and his hair fell in curls upon his shoulders. He was
-no longer a young man, still his reputation for gallantry
-and for agreeableness in society had procured for him a
-great ascendancy over some women of that period, in
-the midst of that most singular society in the time of
-Barras and the Directory, in which were jumbled together
-men of high rank, contractors, renowned characters,
-and courtesans. Talleyrand had brought with
-him Madame Grand, with whom he had become acquainted
-at Hamburg, and, by a whimsical contrast, it
-was said no woman ever was possessed of less sense
-or less intelligence. We know how many capital stories
-were told of her in the Fauxbourg St. Germain, of which
-even the republic was so much afraid. The reason is,
-that the spirit of good society possesses great influence at
-the time that a bad state of society prevails. Jests were
-uttered, and the most charming <i>naïvetés</i> were attributed
-to Madame Talleyrand, of which that regarding <i>M.
-Denon and Robinson Crusoe</i> is, perhaps, the most inimitable.</p>
-
-<p>As soon as he arrived in Paris, Talleyrand joined the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
-Constitutional Club, which used to meet at the Hôtel
-de Salm. Many thinking people saw the republic was
-gradually coming to an end, it had then but very little
-root in France. It was no longer possible to maintain
-a feeble and violent democracy, which gave way to the
-most fantastic and extraordinary paroxysms in the public
-assembly; people returned to the system of the balance
-of power, and to the English ideas that the school
-of Mounier and Lally-Tollendal had been desirous of
-rendering prevalent in the Constituent Assembly, and
-that Talleyrand had been commissioned to represent in
-London, in his secret mission, in which, as I before
-observed, there was mingled some idea of a revolution
-like that of 1688.</p>
-
-<p>The institution of an executive directory had been
-the first step towards an oligarchic system, where, in
-default of an unity of power, a centre of action, reduced to
-five persons, had been established. Talleyrand applied all
-his credit to the support of the Directory, for, not being
-strong enough at that time to resist or to try to overturn the
-government, his only object was to draw some advantage
-from it. He refused steadily to join the royalist party,
-which, before the 18th Fructidor, was preparing the
-downfall of the Directory; still less would he belong
-to the Jacobin faction, for which he felt a strong antipathy,
-on account of its construction and its inclinations;
-accordingly, when the 18th Fructidor burst over
-France, with the proscription of the councils and the
-press, he was appointed to the ministry for foreign
-affairs; and the <i>Moniteur</i> announced that citizen Talleyrand,
-devoted to the interests of the republic, was about
-to give a powerful impulse to our relations with foreign
-powers. To accept office under a republic was a singular
-employment for the heir of the Bosons of Périgord; but
-then was not the heir of the Barras, a family as old as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
-the rocks of Provence, the chief of the five directors?
-A curious history might be written by following the
-career of the old nobility during the French revolution;
-they assumed the position that men of gentle blood had
-done in former times during civil disturbances, every
-thing adventurous suited the younger branches of a
-noble family.</p>
-
-<p>We must now consider what was the state of France
-with regard to foreign affairs. The Directory was at
-war with Austria, Russia, and England; Belgium was
-ours, we occupied part of Italy, and the rest was transformed
-into little republics, after the model of the executive
-directory; for there was at that time, as during
-all revolutions, a great propaganda mania. Money was
-the principal instrument of the Directory, every thing
-was accomplished by means of bribery, and people made
-haste to achieve a fortune, that they might afterwards
-spend it in miserable debauchery. When a negotiation
-was opened with a foreign power, the first step was to
-impose contributions, and to demand secret presents; and
-the minister for foreign affairs was a sort of agent commissioned
-to receive all this <i>spolia opima</i>, which afterwards
-went to fatten the friends of Barras and Siéyès, or
-some women who invaded the saloons of the Luxembourg,
-and presided over their sensual rites. It was
-a time when modesty was banished; the state of society
-resembled the Greek courtesans of the Directory, who,
-while they almost dispensed with clothing, covered even
-their feet with precious stones. Talleyrand began afresh
-to work at his fortune, but, no doubt, he man&oelig;uvred
-with too little discretion, for at the end of some months
-he was openly denounced by Charles de Lacroix, and
-was obliged to give in his resignation, after having published
-a rather curious pamphlet, which I have succeeded
-in obtaining; it bears the name of "Eclaircissements."<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
-A pamphlet written by him is a very rare book,
-for he has written very little in the course of his life.
-This little work contains an exposition of the conduct of
-Citizen Talleyrand, from the time of the Constituent Assembly
-to his appointment to the ministry for foreign
-affairs, and is couched in very moderate language. The
-ex-minister replies to his calumniators with remarkable
-clearness and simplicity, appealing to the testimony afforded
-by the past, during the whole course of his life.
-This pamphlet excited a vast controversy. Citizen Talleyrand
-was also impeached as an extortioner from the
-tribune of the Five Hundred, even by Lucien Buonaparte,
-and he was overwhelmed under the evidence produced
-against him, with the view of applying the principle
-of ministerial responsibility to his case. He had
-great difficulty in escaping from this unpleasant situation,
-in which he had been placed by rather too much
-avidity during his ministry for foreign affairs. I must
-confess, one of the defects of his character was his public
-indifference to all charges brought against him with
-regard to money; it often compromised his reputation,
-and sometimes placed him in a very awkward situation.</p>
-
-<p>Having quarrelled with the Directory, we now find
-him working with all his might for the establishment of
-the consular government. Buonaparte had surrounded
-himself on his return from Egypt with all the men who
-possessed any political talent or any idea of order in society,
-and he did not disdain the extensive abilities of M.
-de Talleyrand. The Abbé Siéyès had no predilection
-for the Bishop of Autun; there was an angry feeling
-between them on clerical subjects; but Napoleon required
-them both, he indulged in no feelings of repugnance
-when the triumph of his ambition was at stake;
-he therefore employed them both, each according to
-his abilities, so as to render them subservient to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
-designs. The influence of Talleyrand over the constitutional
-party was not devoid of utility upon the 18th
-Brumaire, and when the consular government was established,
-the provisional commission appointed him
-minister for foreign affairs as a recompense for the service
-he had rendered, and Buonaparte confirmed him in
-his situation as soon as he was proclaimed First Consul.</p>
-
-<p>A more extensive field was now open before him;
-the consular government was founded on a principle
-of unity, there was no longer in their relations
-with foreign powers the unrestrained violence exhibited
-by the National Convention, or the unconnected measures
-pursued by the Directory. It was possible to negotiate
-with decency and moderation, the relations of
-one state to another were assuming a character of regularity
-they had never possessed under any of the preceding
-governments, and then commenced the great
-diplomatic arrangements which were at last to bless
-Europe with repose.</p>
-
-<p>The glorious commencement of the consulate was distinguished
-by numerous treaties; at Lunneville peace
-was concluded with Austria, at Amiens a covenant was
-made with England; other treaties were succeeded by
-peace with Russia and the Porte, and in all these negotiations
-Talleyrand evinced great skill and knowledge
-of what was proper and advisable. He placed the correspondence
-between governments upon an excellent
-footing, keeping aloof from the extravagant system
-which the agents of the Directory introduced into foreign
-negotiations during the time of the <i>Carmagnole</i> diplomatists,
-who levied so many forced contributions upon the
-pictures, the gold crucifixes, and the little property of
-the poor in the Mont de Piété.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>These treaties were a great assistance to the fortune of
-Talleyrand, being almost all followed by presents of considerable
-value, according to the custom observed in
-negotiations between one state and another.</p>
-
-<p>On these occasions the minister did not exhibit sufficient
-modesty, I might say, sufficient discretion, for
-people had a tolerably good idea how much he had
-gained by each treaty, in money and diamonds. No
-doubt there was some exaggeration in the charges
-brought against him by discontented people, but I repeat
-it, one great defect of M. de Talleyrand was an inclination
-to play with bribery and corruption, and to establish
-it as a theoretic principle, even in his conversation:
-the stain remains upon his name. He held men
-in too much contempt, and this is a sentiment which
-society always returns with interest. It was now necessary
-he should lay the foundation of a new fortune;
-he entered boldly into various speculations: while
-avaricious and economical in little things, he gambled in
-the stocks with a perfect frenzy, and even lost considerable
-sums of money in them. Immediately after the
-peace of Amiens he had speculated upon a rise, and his
-gain appeared almost certain, but it happened by one of
-those caprices which stock-jobbing can alone explain,
-that the public funds fell more than ten per cent after
-the signing of the treaty, and he lost several millions of
-francs in a single turn of the stocks. These caprices of
-fortune occurred repeatedly in the course of his long
-life, and explain the necessity he was constantly under of
-repairing his fortune.</p>
-
-<p>The late Bishop of Autun had just been entirely restored
-to secular life by permission of Pope Pius
-VII. While the negotiation concerning the concordat
-was in progress, the First Consul insisted M. Portalis
-should write to Rome, and request a brief from the pope
-authorising the secularisation of M. de Talleyrand; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
-the venerable Pius VII., who made so many sacrifices to
-obtain peace for the Church, consented to the act,
-though he rather exceeded his powers by so doing, as
-according to the canon the character of priest is indelible.
-It is said that this brief was not entirely explicit,
-the pontiff did not establish a principle permitting the
-marriage of priests; he merely, in virtue of his discretionary
-power, granted an act of indulgence and personal
-pardon to M. de Talleyrand for a deed he had already
-committed.</p>
-
-<p>The ex-bishop had hardly laid down his crosier before
-he was compelled to submit to the imperious requisitions
-of the First Consul. Buonaparte, who piqued
-himself upon his strict morality, insisted he should enter
-the state of matrimony&mdash;a most grievous yoke to impose
-upon a man of wit and good taste, for, with his habitual
-tact, Talleyrand had been well aware of the amusement
-afforded to the Fauxbourg St. Germain by the silliness
-and ignorance of Madame Grand, and when she should
-be legally invested with the title of Citizeness Talleyrand,
-how she would expose herself to the sarcasms and
-the ridicule of the aristocracy! But there was no help
-for it, for the First Consul had decided it should be so.
-The marriage was accordingly celebrated at the municipality
-and in the church, and as people expressed it,
-<i>the Bishop of Autun took to himself a wife</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The ministry of the First Consul now comprehended
-two men of great importance, Talleyrand and Fouché.
-The one represented at the court of Buonaparte the
-ancient aristocracy restored&mdash;he was essentially the man
-of diplomatic forms and traditions; Fouché, on the contrary,
-was the representative of Jacobinism and the revolutionary
-principle, which the First Consul considered
-as an internal malady fatal to his power. A deeply-rooted
-and continual competition could not fail to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
-arise between two characters who had been led to accept
-office by such different ideas, and who met in the presence
-of Napoleon as the expression of such different
-systems. Both were men of incontestable ability, and
-were constantly informing against each other, or, at
-least, keeping a careful watch over the proceedings of
-their rival colleague; in addition to which, Fouché was
-very anxious to obtain the direction of Foreign affairs.
-Buonaparte was perfectly aware of the hatred that existed
-between them, but he was too wise to sacrifice one
-of the ministers to the other; each served as a check
-upon his rival, and he listened to the information they
-gave him, quite certain that neither would allow the
-treacherous dealings of the other to escape. It was
-in this manner Fouché delivered to Buonaparte the
-minutes of the secret treaty with Paul I., which Talleyrand
-had communicated to the court of London through
-the medium of one of his agents. The agent was sacrificed,
-but Buonaparte did not venture to touch his principal,
-because there was some danger in making known
-the treachery. Talleyrand afterwards employed the
-same agent in several subordinate negotiations; indeed,
-it is well known that he rather preferred people who
-were not much incommoded by scruples of conscience,
-men of whom he could boldly disclaim all knowledge
-if necessary, and who were content he should do so.</p>
-
-<p>We now come to the lamentable affair of the Duc
-d'Enghien; and there is not the slightest doubt that
-Talleyrand was as well acquainted as General Savary
-with Buonaparte's determination to seize the prince.
-He denied it in vain, for positive proofs exist of the
-truth of our assertion; amongst others, his letter to the
-Baron of Edelsheim, minister of Baden, which has been
-preserved in an entire state. The following is an extract
-from it: "The First Consul has considered it necessary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
-to order two detachments to proceed to Offemburg and
-to Ettenheim, to secure the authors of so odious a crime,
-which is sufficient to deprive the persons who have been
-concerned in it of the benefit of the law of nations."</p>
-
-<p>After the arrest of the unfortunate prince, Talleyrand
-was acquainted with all the proceedings of this horrible
-affair, and he was present at the privy council where his
-condemnation was determined upon, or, at least, discussed.
-I dare not believe the cold and laconic reply
-attributed to him in the drawing-room of his old friend,
-the Duchess of ***, the very evening the Duc d'Enghien
-was tried at Vincennes. This reply was not only an
-atrocious expression, but it also involved a degree of imprudence
-which did not make part of his character. It
-is bad enough to have been concerned even indirectly
-in so fearful a crime.</p>
-
-<p>In the midst of the active negotiations in which Talleyrand
-felt obliged to appear and to take a part, was
-there a political system formed in his mind, or merely a
-general principle? He still retained a strong bias towards
-English ideas, and a wish for an alliance with
-that country. This system, on which his earliest diplomatic
-plans were based, was constantly in his mind; he
-had not forgotten his residence in England at the beginning
-of the French revolution under M. de Chauvelin;
-he was also intimately connected with the Whig
-party, and considered Great Britain as the political ally
-of France against Russia, which last appeared to him, of
-all the powers in Europe, the most dangerous, as far as
-the civilisation of the world was concerned. He had not
-observed that by her situation Russia is our easiest, our
-most natural, and our most disinterested ally, for France
-and Russia do not clash either in a political or commercial
-point of view. But there are some early impressions
-which never wear out, and Talleyrand had passed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
-some of the best years of his life in England, and on
-terms of friendship with Lord Grey, Lord Russell, Fox,
-and Sheridan.</p>
-
-<p>He received the title of Grand Chamberlain at the
-accession of Napoleon to the throne, for which event
-his diplomatic correspondence had already prepared
-Europe, and he had also entered into a solemn justification
-of it to all the different cabinets. Napoleon
-liked to be surrounded by people of illustrious birth,
-and it appeared useful to the brilliancy of his crown to
-have a Boson de Périgord among the officers of his
-palace; it was in accordance with his passion for aristocratical
-honours, and his wish to restore the old state of
-society. M. de Talleyrand played a great part in the
-first negotiations with Germany, before and after the
-peace of Presburg, that peace which effected such a radical
-change in the political and territorial situation of
-the German nation. It was he who, with the assistance
-of M. Reinhard, contrived to bring about the Confederation
-of the Rhine, which made an end of the predominancy in
-Germany of the ancient house of Austria. After these negotiations
-were concluded, he received the title of Prince
-of Benevento, with a real feudal authority under the protectorate
-of France, which afforded him a revenue of
-150,000 livres per annum, and made with his salary as
-minister for foreign affairs about 500,000 francs.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The
-peace of Presburg was certainly a most brilliant epoch in
-his ministry. As the representative of the magnificent military
-government whose grandeur overshadowed the
-earth, he assumed a certain degree of majesty in his
-manners and habits. The Prince of Benevento held a
-<i>cour plénière</i> for the German electors, who came to request
-from him a fief, or a portion of his supreme power. At
-the summit of his greatness, Talleyrand's mind still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
-turned to the English alliance, and when Fox succeeded
-Pitt at the head of affairs, he again conceived the project
-of opening negotiations with a view to peace; he was
-firmly convinced that no general peace could be concluded
-in Europe without the concurrence of England,
-and he was desirous a vast system of compensation should
-be arranged, which might incline her towards pacific
-measures, for no treaty can be durable that is not based
-upon equity. But these projects were interrupted by
-one of the most serious circumstances that occurred in
-the whole course of his life.</p>
-
-<p>It has been said that Talleyrand retired from office
-because he did not agree in the opinions of Napoleon
-regarding the war in Spain. I have deeply studied the
-question, and I believe this report to be utterly untrue.
-There is but a slight approximation of dates between his
-resignation and the treachery of Bayonne; it is this
-approximation that has been laid hold of to gild the disgrace
-of the minister. Talleyrand was, in fact, replaced
-by M. de Champagny a little before the Spanish war,
-but he took part with the cabinet in all the intrigues
-which led to the events of Aranjuez. The reunion of
-the Peninsula in one political system with France agreed
-well with his historical ideas upon the family compact,
-and several letters are still in existence from the Prince of
-Benevento which confirm his participation in all these
-events, as well as a curious report to the Emperor, demonstrating
-the advantages that would accrue from
-reuniting both crowns in his family, in imitation of the
-grand political scheme of Louis XIV.</p>
-
-<p>The real cause of Talleyrand's disgrace was the active
-attempts he made to negotiate peace with England independent
-of Napoleon. The Emperor did not at all like
-men who acted upon their own opinion; he liked every
-thing to originate with himself alone. He got rid of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
-Talleyrand as, in succeeding years, he shook off Fouché,
-minister of police.</p>
-
-<p>There are times when men of consideration are a
-source of embarrassment, when advisers are no longer
-required: devoted servants alone are necessary. The
-Prince of Benevento took advantage of the circumstance,
-and as the Spanish war was very unpopular, he assumed
-the attitude of a martyr to his love for peace and moderate
-measures. He was always clever enough to account
-for his being out of favour by attributing it to
-some motive which might secure him a good place in
-public opinion, and he then profited by his situation to
-wage an underhand, but murderous war, against the
-power which had rejected him from its circle of activity.
-When he was no longer at the head of affairs for the
-purpose of directing them, he took care to bring up the
-rear, for the sake of causing hinderance and annoyance.
-Nevertheless, his dismissal was now covered with a
-golden mantle; he received the title of vice-grand
-elector, with the same salary of 500,000 francs, that he
-enjoyed during his ministry. The activity of his mind
-led him afresh into commercial pursuits, he gambled in
-the stocks, became a partner in a banking-house at
-Hamburg and in Paris, he invested considerable sums of
-money in the English funds, and awaited patiently the
-course of events. To know how to wait is a great mark
-of political knowledge, and it was one of Talleyrand's
-favourite axioms, that patience often leads to favourable
-situations: he never would be in a hurry.</p>
-
-<p>A secret opposition was beginning to form against
-Napoleon, even in the highest ranks, among the heads of
-the senate, of the government, and of the army. Fearful
-of yet making itself manifest by any overt act, it only
-ventured upon apparently trifling remarks and half confidences;
-but people conspired in their <i>minds</i>, expressions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
-were used, which were repeated as apophthegms and prophecies
-of society. "It is the beginning of the end," said
-Talleyrand, at the time of the disastrous expedition to
-Moscow; and this just appreciation had been warmly
-applauded. What a terrible opposition is that of the
-<i>salons</i> and the gay world! It kills with a lingering
-death, it upsets the strongest ideas, it destroys the best-laid
-plans; it would be far better to be compelled to
-engage in a pitched battle face to face. This opposition
-was gradually increasing, and the police establishment of
-General Savary, which tended more to the employment
-of brute force than the adoption of intelligent precautions,
-was incapable of restraining it; it was gradually
-appearing on every side, besides which the men who
-placed themselves at the head of the resisting party were
-of too much consequence for the Emperor to venture to
-touch them. Talleyrand and Fouché now did whatever
-they pleased with perfect impunity&mdash;they were acting
-against the Emperor, and he did not dare to shew his
-displeasure. It has always been supposed that Napoleon
-when at the summit of his greatness might have put
-down any one; yet, great as he was, there were some
-men too powerful for him. The day that he had
-touched Talleyrand or Fouché, all the officers of government
-would have considered themselves at the mercy of
-a caprice; Cambacérès, Lebrun, Regnault de Saint-Jean
-d'Angely, feeling themselves henceforth without any
-security against a master whom they detested, would,
-perhaps, have shaken off the yoke.</p>
-
-<p>As early as the beginning of the year 1813, Talleyrand
-had opened a communication with the Bourbons.
-The venerable Cardinal de Périgord, grand almoner to
-Louis XVIII., was his uncle, but there was a considerable
-degree of coolness between them; still it may be easily
-imagined that it facilitated an exchange of hopes and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
-promises, against the chances of a future restoration to
-the throne; but all this was done secretly and in strict
-confidence, as the idea of the restoration was not yet sufficiently
-matured. Talleyrand had never ceased to maintain
-a communication through his agents with Louis
-XVIII., who was himself at that time engaged in a confidential
-correspondence with all the great officers of the
-state, even including Cambacérès himself. Paris was
-filled with these letters, notwithstanding which, Talleyrand
-was one of the council appointed to assist the
-regency of Maria Louisa, whom the Emperor had placed
-at the head of affairs. He always exhibited the greatest
-interest in all questions relating to the government, he
-attended assiduously the meetings of the council, and
-appeared the most zealous of the Emperor's servants:
-the plan of the regency also was congenial to his mind,
-and he would have been satisfied with it as a political
-idea. He still, however, carried on an underhand correspondence
-with Louis XVIII., who, with his perfect
-knowledge of mankind, engaged to maintain him in his
-magnificent position, to which he added a promise that
-he should be placed at the head of the ministry. As to
-the regency of Maria Louisa, it involved a project for a
-closer alliance with Austria, and was suggested by the
-most able men in the council of Napoleon, who were
-desirous of exciting dissensions among the allied powers
-by giving rise to divers interests.</p>
-
-<p>The misfortunes of war had now brought the enemy
-near the capital; and, as the powers of Napoleon became
-more feeble, people learned to estimate probabilities with
-a greater degree of certainty: first the regency, then a
-provisional government, and, finally, the restoration of
-the Bourbons. Since the year 1812, all illusion concerning
-the invincible power of Napoleon was over. The
-burning of Moscow, the snows which had covered the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
-grand army as with a vast shroud, the conspiracy of
-Mallet, all had tended to place the imperial power in a
-tottering condition. The negotiations of Talleyrand
-began to assume an indescribable boldness; the plenipotentiaries
-of the allied powers had fixed a congress at
-Châtillon, more for the sake of appearances than to
-discuss really diplomatic questions; and M. de Coulaincourt,
-whose devotion to the Emperor was undoubted,
-was to propose a treaty determining the
-limits of France under the government of Napoleon,
-or the regency of the archduchess. This was the moment
-selected by Talleyrand to despatch a secret agent
-to the head-quarters of the Emperor Alexander. This
-agent, who was, I believe, M. de Vitrolles, was commissioned
-to describe the condition of the metropolis, the
-anxiety there was to get rid of Napoleon, and, above
-all, the imperative necessity there appeared to be
-for the restoration of the old dynasty, as the only certain
-step that could be taken under existing circumstances.
-M. de Vitrolles evinced great zeal and ability
-in the discharge of this secret mission, which exposed him
-to extreme danger; he succeeded in conveying to the Emperor
-Alexander some letters written in cipher, and a
-very detailed memorial upon the state of the public
-mind; but&mdash;must I confess it?&mdash;the allies, who cared but
-little about the Bourbons, did not perfectly understand
-the scope of this movement, neither did they know what
-might be the result. It was then Talleyrand exerted
-himself to demonstrate that these two ideas, the ancient
-territory and the ancient dynasty, were correlative; and
-the same system had been forcibly represented at Châtillon
-by Lord Castlereagh.</p>
-
-<p>The disaffected party continued to gain strength in
-Paris. Talleyrand had made friends with several of the
-senators who still retained some recollections of the Republic,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
-and professed an especial hatred towards Napoleon;
-such were M. de Lambrechts, Languinais, and
-Grégoire, and the Prince of Benevento could rely upon
-their assistance in any rising that might be organised
-against the empire. At the same time he had collected
-around himself the Duc de Dalberg, the Abbé de Pradt,
-and a multitude of Royalist agents, who were in communication
-with MM. de Noailles, de Fitzjames, and
-de Montmorency, all engaged in secret machinations for
-the Bourbons. The time was come when the Empire
-must terminate&mdash;there was so much disaffection among
-the citizens of Paris and in the provinces. Great
-precaution was shewn in taking the first steps in favour
-of the Bourbon restoration, and the greatest secrecy was
-observed; as soon, therefore, as it was decided, according
-to the instructions of Napoleon, that the Empress should
-leave Paris, and establish her regency at Blois, Talleyrand
-hastened to declare his intention of shewing his
-zeal by following the regency, it being necessary he
-should offer a pledge to the imperialist party in order to
-prevent suspicion, but by a piece of duplicity, perfectly
-in keeping with his character and position, he apprised
-the allies of his pretended flight. Accordingly, Prince
-Schwartzenberg posted a small body of cavalry at the
-first stage on the road to Blois, which stopped the carriage
-of Prince Talleyrand, and obliged him to return
-to Paris, where the wily diplomatist also declared himself
-compelled by force to remain. By this means he
-was enabled to place himself as the head and the nucleus
-of the general rising against the Emperor; his saloon
-was open to all the disaffected, and he encouraged the
-idea of Napoleon's downfall in a manner which charmed
-the hearts of the Republicans; for Buonaparte's violation
-of the constitution was the only circumstance that appeared
-to occur to their minds. The ground was well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
-chosen, and Talleyrand worked at his ease and on an
-extended scale at the ruin of his master; every thing
-had tended towards it since the year 1812, and the
-moral strength of the Empire was gone.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand's grand intrigue even began in the senate.
-He well knew the simplicity and the instinctive repugnance
-felt by Grégoire, Lambrechts, and Languinais, for
-Napoleon, and he determined they should serve as a
-pivot for the new order of things. Some of them
-thought they were making preparations for a regency.
-Talleyrand promised them constitutional forms and the
-sovereignty of the people, those old visions of the Republic,
-and they welcomed all these recollections with ecstasy:
-there was not much difficulty, certainly, in inducing these
-second-rate minds to act in concert with him. The patriot
-party were the first to demand that the Emperor should
-be deposed; they enumerated all the grievances, upon
-which they had observed so prudent a silence in the
-days of his prosperity; they fell upon Napoleon, his forfeiture
-of the crown was pronounced by the senate in the
-month of April 1814, and he was thus sacrificed by the
-party which had obeyed his will with apparent alacrity
-during the ten years of the Empire. Nothing is so violent
-or so rancorous in its hatred as an assembly which
-has long been humbled under a despotic rule: it afterwards
-takes signal vengeance upon the fallen power.</p>
-
-<p>When the Emperor Alexander entered Paris, Talleyrand's
-ascendancy over his mind was sufficient to induce
-him to inhabit the Hôtel de la Rue Saint-Florentin,
-an unheard-of honour, which gave an undeniable proof
-of the great estimation in which he was held! The
-czar occupied the apartments, still to be seen, with
-the long stone balcony at the extremity of the Rue de
-Rivoli. It was in the blue drawing-room in this hôtel
-that the plan of the Restoration was organised, according<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
-to the ideas and principles which I have depicted in a
-work especially devoted to that purpose.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Talleyrand's
-influence over the proceedings of that time was unbounded;
-he induced the Emperor Alexander to reject
-all proposals for continuing the regency of Maria Louisa,
-as well as the loyal endeavours of Marshal Macdonald.
-He instigated all these refusals, and had adopted a
-maxim admirable for its clearness and precision, which
-he took pleasure in repeating as a means of putting a
-stop to all negotiations. "The restoration of the Bourbons,"
-said he, "is a principle; every thing else is an
-intrigue." In after years, he forgot none of the services
-he had rendered to the old dynasty, and, when out of
-favour under the Restoration, he took pleasure in shewing
-this blue drawing-room which had been inhabited
-by the Emperor Alexander, and would repeat in a tone
-of affected bitterness and ridicule, as if to brand the
-ingratitude of the Bourbons, "Nevertheless, gentlemen,
-it was here the Restoration was accomplished." And
-then he would describe in his admirable manner the
-proceedings of that time, and point out the spot occupied
-by each of the party in the month of May 1814.
-"At the corner of the table," he would say, "sat the
-Emperor Alexander, there the King of Prussia, and here
-the Grand Duke Constantine; a little farther off were
-Pozzo di Borgo, Nesselrode, and Hardenberg&mdash;yes,
-gentlemen, it was here, in this little room, that we restored
-the throne of the Bourbons, and the monarchy of
-1400 years." And this he would repeat with a sardonic
-smile which marked his dissatisfaction, and perhaps was
-an index of some future design of overturning what he
-had so easily raised. When a monarchy has been restored
-within the narrow limits of a drawing-room, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
-cannot be supposed to inspire very great confidence.
-Such was the secret thought of this great contriver of
-events.</p>
-
-<p>Up to the arrival of Louis XVIII. Talleyrand was at
-the head of the provisional government; all the responsibility
-rested with him, and he had cause to reproach
-himself with many evil actions which were connected
-with the spirit of that period, for there are seasons when
-the human mind does not belong to itself; it is hurried
-on by the rapid course of ideas, it is imbued with a
-spirit of reaction. Has the mission of M. de Maubreuil
-ever been perfectly explained? What was its
-object? Some people will tell you he received no
-orders, except to prevent the crown diamonds from being
-carried away; but other accounts tell a very different
-story, and assert that he was intrusted to perform a deed
-of blood, similar perhaps to that which had destroyed
-the last of the Condés. I can positively declare that
-M. de Maubreuil never had any direct conversation or
-personal interview with Talleyrand. He took care
-never to appear in deplorable circumstances of this kind;
-and all that passed was as follows: One of the confidential
-secretaries of the minister said to M. de Maubreuil,
-in perfectly plain language, "This is what the
-prince requires of you; here is your warrant and a sum
-of money, and as a proof of what I say, and of his assent,
-remain in the <i>salon</i> to-day, and he will pass through and
-bend his head in token of approbation." The sign was
-made, and M. de Maubreuil considered himself perfectly
-authorised to undertake the mission. What, I repeat,
-was its object? The time is hardly yet arrived which
-makes it allowable to tell and to publish every thing; I
-judge no man's conduct, I only repeat that there are
-times when people do not appear to belong to themselves.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>On his arrival in Paris, Louis XVIII. appointed
-Talleyrand prime-minister with the direction of foreign
-affairs; thus leaving him the supreme charge of all diplomatic
-negotiations, as a mark of gratitude and a
-pledge of general peace. A treaty was signed, France
-returned to her ancient territory and her ancient dynasty,
-as it had been decided after the events of Paris;
-all diplomatic questions of general interest were afterwards
-to be settled in the congress of the allied powers,
-fixed to take place at Vienna, where Talleyrand was appointed
-ambassador extraordinary to represent the King
-of France,&mdash;a mission he was certainly fully entitled to
-expect. In the month of November all the French legation
-arrived at Vienna, and the ambassador displayed
-great activity. It was necessary to place France in a
-favourable position, which was very difficult after all the
-wars and the disasters she had had to encounter; and we
-must do justice to the great abilities and exertions of
-Prince Talleyrand, for, in spite of the state of humiliation
-to which she was reduced, he succeeded in establishing
-her in the first rank; it was also owing to his
-intervention that the younger branch of the Bourbons
-was restored at Naples. Louis XVIII. was the means
-of saving Saxony from imminent danger, and finally,
-towards the close of the congress, Talleyrand entered
-into an intimate league with Metternich and Lord Castlereagh
-to prevent the encroachments of Russia in
-Poland, and concluded in the month of February<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> 1815
-a secret treaty with England and Austria, where the
-possibility of war was looked forward to, and the necessary
-arrangements made for such a contingency. I have
-given the curious original elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>During the whole time of the Congress of Vienna, the
-desire for an alliance with England and a feeling of antipathy
-for Russia never ceased to possess the mind of
-Prince Talleyrand; he followed up this system of regard
-and hatred with the utmost tenacity; he even went so
-far as to write, in his secret correspondence with
-Louis XVIII., "that a Russian princess did not come of
-a sufficiently good family for the Duc de Berri, and that
-it ought not to be thought of, as the house of Romanof
-could not place itself on a level with that of Bourbon."
-This circumstance was never forgotten by the Emperor
-Alexander, who from this time forward entertained an
-extreme dislike for Talleyrand, and his aversion became
-still more violent after the events of 1815, when the secret
-treaty concluded in the month of March came to
-his knowledge.</p>
-
-<p>Napoleon landed in the Gulf of Juan, and his rapid
-march upon Paris excited the greatest alarm in the
-Congress of Vienna. The activity of the French ambassador
-redoubled its vehemence, for Napoleon had outlawed
-him in his decrees dated from Lyons, and he in
-his turn revenged himself by causing Buonaparte to be
-placed at the ban of the empire. He took great pains to
-obtain this result, the declaration of the Congress of
-Vienna was his work, and it was he that induced Lord
-Castlereagh and Metternich to sign it. From this moment
-the coalition was in motion, and France was again
-threatened with an irruption of myriads of armed men,
-when the battle of Waterloo a second time terminated
-the sway of Napoleon. When a power is at an end, all
-attempts to restore it are in vain, it is merely the flash
-that precedes the extinction of an expiring light.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand returned to Paris with the Bourbons, but
-his authority was no longer what it had been. Louis
-XVIII. had discovered that his plenipotentiary, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
-Duc de Dalberg, in his name, had received overtures
-concerning the possibility of the younger branch of the
-Bourbons succeeding to the throne of France, and it was
-not likely he should forget it. The king, with his habitual
-sagacity and experience, would never have chosen
-for his minister the man who had been plenipotentiary
-at Vienna; but the influence of the Duke of Wellington,
-which placed Fouché at the head of the police, also restored
-to Talleyrand the direction of foreign affairs.
-The cabinet of July 1815 was entirely favourable to
-English ideas and interests.</p>
-
-<p>As long as Talleyrand had only to treat with Lord
-Castlereagh and the Prussians, he preserved his ascendancy;
-but how hard were the conditions imposed by
-those powers! The Duke of Wellington had a regard
-for him as the old representative of the English alliance,
-and supported him with all his influence, which was
-very great; however, in the month of August 1815,
-the face of every thing was changed; the Russians
-joined with 350,000 bayonets; the Emperor Alexander
-took a part in the negotiation, and as Russia alone was
-kindly disposed towards the house of Bourbon, as she
-alone defended the integrity of our territory, and did
-not exact the sacrifices required by England and Prussia,
-she soon became the predominant power. The first condition
-imposed by the Emperor Alexander, before he
-would enter into any negotiation, was the dismissal of
-Prince Talleyrand. He has since pretended that he
-voluntarily retired from office to avoid signing the Convention
-of Paris, that hard necessity to which France
-was compelled to submit through the heavy calamities
-which had fallen upon her, but this fact is as untrue as
-his opposition to the Spanish war in 1808. He has on
-every occasion striven to invest his dismissal with a degree
-of interest, but in this instance he had unavailingly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
-had recourse to all his influence with the Duke of Wellington
-and Prussia to obtain the direction of a treaty,
-and he only retired because it was impossible for him to
-carry on a negotiation. He had submitted to every
-thing, he had made a thousand concessions to the czar,
-even going so far as to recommend Count Pozzo di
-Borgo as Minister for the Interior; it was all in vain, Alexander
-never would consent to see or to treat with him.
-Had Russia withdrawn her influence we should have
-lost Lorraine and Alsace, which had been claimed by the
-Germanic Confederation, but when the czar took the negotiations
-in hand, he stipulated for better conditions
-than those proposed by Prussia and England. Louis
-XVIII. took pleasure in relating the scene, at the close
-of which he asked for or accepted the resignation of the
-Bishop of Autun, and he described it with all the malicious
-wit he possessed in so admirable a degree. The
-king was quite delighted, for he did not at all enjoy the
-imperative and arbitrary style of proceeding adopted by
-his minister, who was more apt to request he would
-affix his signature to the papers he laid before him than
-inclined to consult him upon any political business; and
-besides, though the king was a little of a free-thinker,
-he could not quite forgive the utter disregard of the
-laws of the Church evinced by a married priest. This
-feeling was so strong at court, that the Cardinal de Périgord,
-grand almoner of France, never would recognise
-any dignity but that of bishop as belonging to his nephew.
-The Royalist party, now very powerful, lost no
-opportunity of turning him into ridicule, and clever
-caricatures always represented him with the crosier in
-his hand. They wanted to get rid of him as they had
-already contrived to do of Fouché, the former regicide
-orator. One day at a party in the Faubourg Saint-Germain
-Talleyrand said in a loud voice to some Royalists,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
-"But, gentlemen, you want to bring back the old order
-of things, and that is not possible." The caustic and
-clever M. de Sallaberry replied, "Why, monseigneur,
-who would think of making you Bishop of Autun again?
-It would be an absurdity." The shaft was well
-aimed, and it <i>struck home</i>. In spite, however, of personal
-feelings, the king gave him the appointment of
-Grand Chamberlain of France, with a salary of 100,000
-francs, at the suggestion of the Duc de Richelieu, who
-had declared in the royal council that, after all the services
-rendered by M. de Talleyrand, the Bourbons ought
-to present him with a noble mark of their gratitude.
-One would think that Louis himself, must have remembered
-that he owed the defence of his dynasty to him, at
-a time when the Restoration was regarded with coolness
-by all the cabinets of Europe.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand continued to hold the situation of grand-chamberlain
-during the reign of the restored family.
-He was not a favourite at the Tuileries, where he went
-every day through etiquette to fulfil his office, standing
-behind the king's chair with admirable punctuality; and
-he was received with great coolness by Louis XVIII.
-Charles X. was more kindly disposed towards every
-body, and occasionally entered politely into conversation
-with him on some trifling subject. He also performed
-his duties at the <i>diners d'apparat</i>. The king was seated
-at table, the grand-chamberlain occupying a small
-chair at a little distance, and while Louis was discussing
-a pheasant, or other game, with an excellent appetite,
-Talleyrand dipped a biscuit in old madeira wine. It was
-a scene of considerable interest, and used to pass in the
-most profound silence. Every now and then the king
-would look fixedly at the grand-chamberlain with a
-sneering expression of countenance, while the latter,
-with his impassibility so coarsely defined by Marshal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
-Lannes, would go on soaking his biscuit and slowly sipping
-his madeira with a look of respectful deference towards
-the king his master. Not a word was addressed by the
-sovereign to the chamberlain during the short repast,
-after which Talleyrand used to resume his place behind
-the king's chair in a cold, ceremonious manner, that reminded
-one of the statue in the <i>Festin de Pierre</i>, only
-with this difference, that the grand-chamberlain's mind
-was filled with the most inveterate hatred, a feeling which
-he extended to all the members of the royal family.</p>
-
-<p>In the Chamber of Peers he adopted a system of opposition,
-which assumed a greater degree of solemnity,
-from all the statesmen of the various epochs who had
-been engaged in the management of affairs and vast negotiations
-being included in it. He very rarely spoke;
-indeed, I believe only two speeches delivered by him are
-on record. The first was on the occasion of the war in
-Spain in 1823, when he entered rather awkwardly into
-the question and foretold a disastrous event to our arms,
-whereas they were in reality crowned with success,
-shewing how great a mistake it is ever to give utterance
-to predictions in politics. The second time was on the
-occasion of the law of election and the liberty of the
-press; he then reminded the assembly of the promises
-entered into at Saint-Ouen, at which he had himself been
-present. He appeared at this time to be held in little
-estimation in the upper house, and there were not above
-five or six peers whose votes were at his disposal. The
-case was very different in his drawing-room and at his
-toilet, where he was in the habit of receiving a great
-deal of company and listened to confidential communications
-from men of all parties, flattering in turn the
-liberal societies and the aristocratic coteries; for the
-latter, especially, he entertained a strong predilection.
-His fortune was now very much involved in consequence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
-of an immense bankruptcy, by which his friend the
-Duc de Dalberg alone lost the sum of 4,000,000<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> francs,
-and he passed but little part of his time at Paris, but
-lived at Valençay, or at his great estates in Touraine;
-these were deeply mortgaged, and without the management
-of the Duchess of Dino, who was a woman of
-wonderful ability in business, he would, probably, have
-been obliged to part with some of them. He occasionally
-made an excursion to a greater distance, and once
-passed a whole season in the south of France, in a
-pleasant habitation selected for him at Hyères, in the
-country of fragrant flowers, of vanilla, and orange, and
-citron groves. His wit and noble manners are still recollected
-with delight in that part of the country; and,
-indeed, it is impossible to express the charm he infused
-into the evening conversations at his house.</p>
-
-<p>His social existence was, in fact, passed entirely during
-the night. He rose late, and it was near eleven o'clock
-before he rang for his <i>valet de chambre</i>, who brought
-him his morning gown. He was obliged to lean upon
-his stick as he walked from one chair to another, until
-he reached the fireplace; and he breakfasted after the
-English fashion, making a very trifling repast. Then
-followed his toilet, which occupied a long time, and
-was almost public, according to the fashion of former
-times, when dressing the hair was a perfect operation.
-His servant put on his cravat, still worn with all the
-pretension of an exquisite of the Directory, and he then
-went out for an airing. After dinner, and to conclude
-the evening, he generally joined some of his old intimate
-friends, and played a rubber, very late and always
-very high. He sometimes dozed a little in an easy
-chair, for he possessed an admirable faculty for closing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
-his eyes, and, perhaps, of indulging in a waking sleep.
-His conversation was generally brilliant and clever,
-sometimes very communicative, and he took great pleasure
-in talking over the events of his life, dwelling with
-especial delight upon the Congress of Vienna, which
-had been such a brilliant period for his diplomatic
-talents. Thus passed his life, full of a feeling of
-discontent and a constant looking forward to change;
-nothing was hurried, but he was constantly in a state of
-expectation, or carrying on one of those vast conspiracies
-which no one can lay hold of.</p>
-
-<p>At the time of the breaking out of the revolution
-of July, Talleyrand was deeply irritated against the
-elder branch of the Bourbons, whom he termed ungrateful
-and forgetful of his services; and there is no
-doubt of his having worked industriously towards establishing
-a new monarchical system. He had a horror
-of anarchy, power was his element. The time is not
-yet come when we may venture to tell every thing, but
-it is an undoubted fact, that Talleyrand was consulted
-and examined on the 9th of August, and his answer was
-altogether favourable to the new project. Did not this
-revolution carry him back in recollection to the period
-of the Congress of Vienna in 1814, when an arrangement
-of this kind had been suggested by him as a
-possible event and a means of solving a difficulty should
-such occur? Some secret conferences were held on this
-delicate subject; Talleyrand took upon himself the negotiation
-with the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, and also the duty
-of setting clearly before them that the peace of Europe
-depended upon the establishment of a monarchy in
-France,&mdash;a vast undertaking, to which a prince of very
-superior abilities was willing to devote himself. Talleyrand
-succeeded in the object he had in view; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
-despatches of the ambassadors were all in favour of
-royalty, it was considered as a guarantee of the principle
-of order in Europe, as an efficacious means of
-repressing the revolutionary spirit, and maintaining the
-treaties already concluded&mdash;in short, as the strongest opposition
-to the Propaganda tendency, and the most serious
-scheme of general conservatism.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand at this time refused the ministry for foreign
-affairs, as it would merely have added to his responsibility
-without increasing his power of action; but he
-accepted the embassy to London, which was a much
-more important office, as affairs of the greatest consequence
-would necessarily come under consideration there,
-it being upon the prompt decision of this cabinet that
-must mainly depend the consolidation of the new order
-of things; for, although England had been the first to
-recognise the events that had taken place, she had shewn
-some disposition to reserve regarding an alliance with
-the new government. The affairs of Belgium occasioned
-so much difficulty in the negotiations, and added so
-greatly to the danger of the political crisis, that it was
-necessary a person possessed both of talent and great
-consideration should be deputed to London, to secure
-the support of the English cabinet in the negotiations
-that had been begun, especially as the despatches received
-from Russia rendered the necessity for a good
-understanding with England particularly urgent.</p>
-
-<p>When Talleyrand arrived in London, the Duke of
-Wellington was still in the ministry, and the violent
-Tories had the direction of the cabinet,&mdash;a state of affairs
-which prevented his carrying on his man&oelig;uvres as he
-wished; he was perfectly aware of the attachment of the
-Tories to the secret treaties concluded in 1815, and,
-therefore, used all his efforts to overturn the Duke of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
-Wellington. He also renewed his old intimacy with
-Lord Grey, he sought the society of Lord John Russell,
-and lived in a most magnificent style.</p>
-
-<p>The revolution of July had produced an effect in
-England; the march of opinion became too powerful for
-the Tories, and Lord Grey was placed at the head of the
-cabinet, affording a complete triumph to the moderate
-Whigs. The course being now clear, Talleyrand could
-assume the position he wished: and hard had he laboured
-to prepare it! He now was able to work openly
-for a treaty with France.</p>
-
-<p>It ought to be known that, during the embassy of
-Prince Polignac, a conference had been arranged in
-London between the plenipotentiaries of Russia, England,
-and France, to decide upon all the questions relating
-to Greece; and the same course had been pursued
-afterwards, under the Duc de Laval. England attached
-great importance to it, and Talleyrand proposed its renewal,
-for the purpose of watching and deciding upon the
-general affairs of Europe, and also advised that the plenipotentiaries
-of Austria and Prussia should be admitted.
-They were to take the Belgic question into consideration,
-and decide what course should be pursued, in consequence
-of the dismemberment of the kingdom of the Low
-Countries, established in 1815; and Talleyrand being
-personally acquainted with all these plenipotentiaries,
-his position soon became as brilliant in London as it
-had been at Vienna in 1815. He was connected with
-Prince and Princess Lieven by the ties of old and intimate
-friendship, and the families of Talleyrand and
-Esterhazy had also long been well acquainted: Baron
-Bulow, the Prussian minister, was one of the second-rate
-diplomatists, who all entertained the greatest respect
-for Talleyrand and his long experience in public
-affairs.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Conferences were, therefore, undertaken upon very
-indefinite subjects, for their principal object was to seek
-the opportunity of meeting and maintaining peace. No
-doubt there was something very undecided in the numerous
-protocols signed at that time upon the affairs of
-Belgium, and the greater part of them were never put
-in force. In addition to this, though they had been the
-result of a common agreement, the Russian and Austrian
-plenipotentiaries never received the formal assent of their
-governments: the conduct of Prince Lieven and Prince
-Esterhazy was, in the first instance, disclaimed on the
-part of their courts, and they were shortly afterwards
-recalled; but the result of these conferences
-in London, the happy consequences of their developement,
-was the maintenance of peace, whose existence had
-at one time been greatly threatened. In 1831, when
-the foreign ministers met in such close communication
-with each other, it was almost impossible explanations
-should not take place, and that there should be any
-misapprehension between the governments; the proceedings
-of Talleyrand were, therefore, successful; for
-his main object was the preservation of the European
-<i>status quo</i>, by preventing those conflicts among the
-cabinets, those clashings among people, which fill history
-with tales of bloodshed; and the conferences in London
-were of service, because the close contact into which men
-were brought with each other was a means of reconciling
-affairs.</p>
-
-<p>According to his general custom, the French ambassador
-received a great deal of company; his entertainments
-were splendid; his evening parties, in particular,
-were remarkable for the good taste and distinguished
-company so much prized in England. I should not
-exceed the truth if I were to say that his wishes influenced
-certain votes in the House of Commons. No ambassador<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
-had ever before enjoyed so much consideration.
-But Lord Grey was aware of an approaching storm:
-the difficulty of his political situation had not consisted
-in overturning the Tory ministry&mdash;that was a simple and
-natural victory, for the agitation of minds and events
-had been sufficient to displace the Duke of Wellington,
-but the really dangerous part of Lord Grey's position
-was, on the contrary, the inevitable and powerful progress
-of the Whig principles, which sought to proceed
-to extremities; for when a nation lays its hand upon its
-ancient institutions, one change often leads to another.
-After having reformed the state, and given a greater
-latitude to elections, must they not reform the Church?
-did not the situation of Ireland require modification?
-The Dissenters complained, and with justice, of their
-grievances; it would have been an absurd attempt to set
-a limit to a reformed parliament, to say to the nation
-"Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther." The parliament
-became impatient, while religious scruples arose in
-the mind of Lord Grey, in the old party of which
-Canning was formerly the head, now represented by
-Mr. Stanley, and, above all, in the heart of William the
-Fourth.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand was as well aware of the danger as Lord
-Grey himself, for he well knew the powerful influence
-exercised by young and ardent opinions; it soon became
-impossible to arrest the parliamentary agitation. The
-venerable Lord Grey was suddenly seized with disgust
-for the whole proceeding; he would not raise a sacrilegious
-hand against the Church; he sent in his resignation,
-and England well remembers the touching explanations
-he gave upon his own ministerial conduct in
-the House of Lords. From the time of the appointment
-of Lord Melbourne, the French ambassador foresaw the
-invincible tendency of affairs, the triumph of the Ultra-Whigs,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
-and, perhaps, of Lord Durham,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> and began to
-think of retiring, for he no longer played the principal
-part, of which he was always ambitious.</p>
-
-<p>Another circumstance added to this feeling. In the
-revolution just encountered by the ministry, Lord Palmerston
-had still retained the Foreign Office, his opinions
-being of a less moderate cast than those of Lord Grey;
-and as his disposition was one rather difficult to deal
-with, serious dissensions had already arisen between him
-and Talleyrand. From the first formation of their
-ministry, the Whigs had felt the necessity of augmenting
-their consideration with foreign powers; they were not
-ignorant that the English nation, which preferred them
-for their popular opinions and their patriotic sentiments,
-did not feel equal confidence in their habits of business
-and their comprehension of the situation of Europe.
-Lord Palmerston considered that, after the treaty of the
-8th of July, which secured such great advantages to
-Russia, a certain armed demonstration was inevitable
-upon the Eastern question, and he, therefore, proposed
-to Talleyrand that the squadrons of France and England
-should be united, and sail under the flags of both nations
-in the Black Sea.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand perfectly understood the interest felt by
-the Whigs in this armed demonstration, but he considered
-it far too bold a step to be ventured upon in
-their actual situation. As a continental power, France
-might well call upon the alliance of England if necessary,
-or, on the other hand, afford to her all possible assistance;
-but then the whole of the Holy Alliance was
-close upon her, and this demonstration might lead to a
-real war. In the opinion of Talleyrand it was necessary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
-to fortify the moral alliance, and place a barrier to resist
-the encroachments of Russia; but it would be a hazardous
-undertaking to make a direct attack on her flag in
-the Black Sea. He, therefore, held back from the propositions
-of Lord Palmerston: he explained to him that,
-instead of an armed demonstration, which would be of
-doubtful advantage, nay, possibly altogether useless, it
-would be desirable to prepare an act, expressive of future
-policy; and made it evident to him that a treaty of
-quadruple alliance, which would unite the south of
-Europe against the north, could not fail to lead to great
-results, even in the midst of the various but transient
-events of a party war. The treaty concluded between
-France, England, Spain, and Portugal, owed its existence
-to this idea, this favourite conception of Prince
-Talleyrand; he would, however, have been much better
-pleased could he have also included Austria, according
-to the desire he had cherished in his mind ever since
-1814.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Palmerston entered into Talleyrand's plans.
-England confined herself to a few nautical parades in
-the Black Sea, but from this time a coldness sprung up
-between the two diplomatists. The English minister is
-a person of very irritable temper, touchy, and of a
-changeable disposition, and Talleyrand took a great dislike
-to him; and as, on the other side, the cabinet of
-which Lord Melbourne was the chief was drawn on
-from one concession to another, he soon resolved to leave
-England. It was announced that his health was failing,
-and he went into the country to seek peace in retirement.
-Like Pythagoras when the thunder is heard
-from afar, Talleyrand preferred the desert and the echo.
-During his last journey to Paris he became friends with
-Count Pozzo di Borgo, that is to say, with the Russian
-idea. The two diplomatists did not venture as yet to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
-hold any official communications, but they often met in
-little mysterious banquets, in a diplomatic retreat at
-Bellevue.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand quitted London, popular clamour was a
-source of annoyance to him; it was no longer a dispute
-between one portion of the aristocracy and another, from
-henceforth it appeared to be the people against the
-aristocracy itself: and the stake was too great. He therefore
-left England definitively for Valençay, explaining,
-in a most dignified letter, the reason of his retirement.
-There is a period with politicians when they begin to
-live for posterity; they then all seek an opportunity of
-explaining themselves, of laying open their conduct, and
-striving to rectify the judgment of future times&mdash;they
-feel a desire of revealing themselves solemnly to the
-public; and such was the motive which induced Talleyrand
-to speak at a meeting of the French Institute. He
-said but a few words on the occasion of an <i>éloge</i> that
-had been pronounced, but those few afforded an explanation
-of the motives that had actuated a long and
-busy political life, passed in the midst of governments,
-passions, and parties.</p>
-
-<p>After this time Talleyrand lived either in Paris or on
-his estates in the country, and was always consulted
-with the most profound veneration by all the thinking
-heads of government. He at one time had some idea of
-going to Vienna to accomplish a plan suggested by the
-Duchess de Dino, which would unite the two families of
-Talleyrand and Esterhazy. The latter, it is well known,
-is the richest family in Austria, and during the last seven
-years Madame de Dino had paid great attention to her
-uncle's affairs, and had been so successful in her management
-that his property was quite free from debt, and
-one of the most considerable of the present day. The
-fortune of M. de Talleyrand, after so many reverses, is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
-said almost to resemble one of the fairy tales in the
-"Arabian Nights."</p>
-
-<p>There are few political characters with whom the
-press has been more busy than with Prince Talleyrand,
-during the latter years of his life. Every step he took,
-every gesture, every action, was made the subject of
-the most contradictory reports. He had now attained
-his eighty-fourth year, and it was evident his faculties
-were beginning to suffer considerably from his advanced
-age. He was merely the shadow of his former self.
-Every now and then there would be a gleam of his
-powerful intellect, but they would soon disappear again
-in the weakness caused by extreme age, and so busy and
-exhausted a life. He could no longer walk a single
-step, but was carried about or wheeled in a chair, and
-the slightest jolt drew from him tears of suffering&mdash;most
-miserable resemblance that exists between decrepitude
-and childhood! In fact, his career was come to an
-end, though they in vain strove to prolong it by endeavouring
-to rouse him.</p>
-
-<p>That career had indeed been marvellous, and though
-Prince Talleyrand be reproached with the constant
-changeableness of his opinions, we may observe the
-same principle predominant under all circumstances&mdash;the
-alliance with England. I have selected the Duc de
-Richelieu as the type of the Russian alliance, and in
-comparing the services of these two political characters,
-we shall easily discover that the duke did more service
-to his country during the short time that he held the
-reins of government than Prince Talleyrand in his
-lengthened career, because Richelieu had adopted a more
-national plan, one more favourable to our foreign interests.
-Talleyrand never was subservient to any particular
-government or doctrine. He had a sort of personal
-feeling which degenerated into selfishness. He did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
-betray Napoleon in the literal sense of the word, he only
-quitted him in time; neither did he actually betray the
-Restoration, he abandoned it when it was abandoning
-itself. No doubt there is a good deal of selfishness in
-this system, whose first thought is of its own situation
-and fortune, and afterwards of the government it serves;
-but, perhaps, it is hardly to be expected we should find
-in men of very great talent the degree of self-denial
-which leads to a blind devotion towards a person or a
-cause. Talleyrand was a little inclined to apply to
-himself the expressions he was accustomed to address to
-his <i>employés</i> when he was minister for foreign affairs:
-"There are two things, gentlemen, which I forbid in the
-most positive manner,&mdash;too much zeal and too absolute
-devotion, because they compromise both persons and
-affairs." Such was the mind of Talleyrand; with a
-cold heart and barren imagination, he was compared to
-a real tactician, judging men and parties with mathematical
-precision. He reserved all his activity for the
-decisive moments which overturned thrones and governments,
-when he considered prompt action as of importance.
-In revolutions his experience had been very
-great; he immediately understood the value of a situation,
-and decided upon it by an apophthegm, which at once
-struck home. His was, perhaps, the mind which was
-most capable of foreseeing, least able to prevent, and
-most skilled in deriving advantage from the different
-phases of empires.</p>
-
-<p>But now his life was drawing to a close, and symptoms
-of approaching death appeared on every side. For a
-long time he had been afflicted with a painful complaint,
-which he bore with less resignation than he had exhibited
-under political events; the attacks were very
-violent, and the prince became subject to constant fainting
-fits&mdash;warning symptoms of the approach of his last<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
-enemy. The total decay of Talleyrand was apparent to
-every body; the sharpness and delicacy of his wit every
-now and then shot forth a dying gleam, but the <i>man</i> was
-at an end. His visits to the Tuileries were a most melancholy
-spectacle, a sad memorial of the nothingness of
-human greatness. Alas! that vast intellect was fast
-sinking into second childhood. His complaint was incurable;
-it was in the first place old age, and then, also, an
-old affection of anthrax, or white gangrene, for which he
-was obliged to undergo a very painful operation, and after
-it was performed the agonies of death followed in rapid
-succession. He was perfectly aware of the danger of his
-situation, and considered it a point of dignity not to
-appear alarmed, but went through all the proper etiquette
-with death. For a considerable time he had been
-in communication with a pious ecclesiastic in Paris; before
-him was the example of his family, and the recollection
-of his uncle the Cardinal, of blessed memory; and
-of late years his benefactions to the chapel of Valençay
-had been very great, both in magnificent donations and
-pious endowments. Though he had forgotten his religious
-obligations, he had never made an open profession
-of impiety, and had preserved a considerable degree of
-loftiness of mind, so that when the thought of death was
-presented to him he did not shrink from a retractation.
-No person was better aware of the weakness and puerile
-vanity of professed free-thinkers.</p>
-
-<p>This retractation was not the offspring of a sudden
-impulse; on the contrary, it had been concerted three
-months before with infinite care, as if it had been a
-diplomatic paper sent to the church. Full of submission,
-yet with a mixture of dignity, the prince addressed
-it to the sovereign pontiff, repenting all his
-participation in the scandals by which his life had been
-stained, particularly his adhesion to the civil constitution
-of the clergy; and he now acknowledged the jurisdiction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
-of the Archbishop of Paris, and submitted to the
-Catholic laws of the holy see. This was the manner in
-which he prepared for death. Accounts of the state of
-his health were incessantly despatched to Neuilly; he
-had rendered great services to Louis Philippe, who had
-often consulted him and derived the benefit of his experience,
-and who was now resolved to pay a last visit to
-the last descendant of the Périgords. When the king
-was announced, the prince said with a feeble voice, but
-without any appearance of emotion, as if the attention
-were due to him,&mdash;"It is the greatest honour my house
-has received."</p>
-
-<p>There was a strong aristocratic feeling in the expression,
-'My house;' it signified that, though the visit was
-honourable to his family, there was nothing to cause
-surprise in it. Neither did he forget, even at that moment,
-the etiquette which forbids that any body should
-stand in the presence of a sovereign without being presented,
-and he immediately added, in a calm tone, "I
-have a duty to fulfil&mdash;it is to present to your majesty the
-persons who are in the room, and who have not yet had
-that honour;" and he introduced his physician, his surgeon,
-and his <i>valet-de-chambre</i>. This behaviour when
-at the point of death bore the stamp of high aristocratic
-manners, perfectly in keeping with the visit with which
-his last moments had been honoured; it was part of
-the decorum and ancient ceremony observed between
-noble families; the escutcheons of both bore the same
-relative rank; the youngest branch of the Bourbons
-went to visit the youngest branch of the Périgords. In
-ancient times the houses of Navarre and De Quercy had
-met together on the common field of battle, and the cry
-<i>Re que Diou</i> had been uttered at the same time with the
-war-cry of Henry IV., by the old southern nobility, the
-language of <i>Oc</i> being common to both.</p>
-
-<p>People expressed surprise at the signal honour conferred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
-upon Talleyrand, but it shewed that the customs
-of gentle blood were not comprehended by the spirit of
-inferior society. No one was more attached to his illustrious
-descent than the old diplomatist, and the younger
-branch of the Bourbons came itself of too good a stock
-to forget it; the two cadets of De Quercy and Navarre
-had met in the recollection of their race, as in their political
-life.</p>
-
-<p>Surrounded by his family in his last moments, and
-assisted by the pious offices of the Abbé Dupanloup,
-vicar-general of the diocese of Paris, Prince Talleyrand
-received the sacraments of the Church, for he had been
-again admitted into her bosom, and, before expiring, he
-again uttered one of those happy expressions which were
-so often upon his lips. Observing one of his grandnieces
-dressed entirely in white, according to the custom
-observed before the first communion, he raised his
-heavy eyelids, kissed her forehead, gave her his blessing,
-and then turning to the spectators, he said, "See the
-way of the world&mdash;there is the beginning, here the
-end!" In a few minutes afterwards he expired, on the
-18th of May, 1838, at ten minutes before four o'clock in
-the afternoon, having just completed his eighty-fourth
-year. He left a will, by which his immense fortune
-was well and wisely disposed of. Has he also left memoirs?
-I think I know; but these memoirs are deposited
-in the hands of his family, or of other people of
-whose discretion he was quite secure.</p>
-
-<p>Well, then, must I confess it? I do not believe them
-to be in any way curious. People talk a great deal about
-these pretended revelations, but I still repeat that they
-are few in number. Talleyrand only wrote what he
-pleased, he only committed public transactions to paper;
-and it is well known that, in reading these memoirs, he
-used to dwell with pleasure on the mischievous pranks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
-of the young abbé. Was it the reminiscence of his
-youth that he enjoyed? I am inclined to think so, for
-I have always observed that this feeling is very strong
-among statesmen. Would you wish to awaken in the
-mind of Pozzo di Borgo all the vigour of his intellectual
-powers?&mdash;speak to him of Corsica and Paoli; would you
-bring a ray of delight and unreserve to unbend the
-brow of Metternich?&mdash;talk to him of his embassy to
-Paris in the beginning of the Empire, those days of pleasure
-and dissipation.</p>
-
-<p>My idea is, that the memoirs of the man who played
-so conspicuous a part in the political history of the
-world will consist principally of two parts&mdash;emotions and
-justifications: emotions, because people always remember
-them, they filter through the whole tenour of their
-lives, they dwell in the brain of man, and rule over his
-thoughts; and justifications will undoubtedly be required
-for the several fatal deeds committed during the life of
-Prince Talleyrand.</p>
-
-<p>In the course of that long life too much regard was
-shewn to customs and ceremonies, which are merely the
-trappings of life, and too little to duty and conscience,
-which are its foundation and object. He attended too
-much to the outward matters of existence&mdash;to riches, to
-honour, to decency of behaviour, but he thought nothing
-of the delicacy of mind, which is the strongest
-pledge of an honest man employed in public affairs. I
-am not fonder of simpletons in politics than other
-people, but, for the honour of mankind, I am willing to
-believe men may be clever and still retain perfect probity
-and good faith. It would be too dreadful to suppose
-that one cannot be a statesman without a complete
-abdication of the government of one's heart. Surely
-a strong head and powerful abilities are not the sole
-requisites for regulating the affairs of a government.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="COUNT_POZZO_DI_BORGO" id="COUNT_POZZO_DI_BORGO">COUNT POZZO DI BORGO.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">There</span> is no county in Europe whose national character
-is so ancient, so thoroughly peculiar, as the Island
-of Corsica. Imagine a vast landscape of Salvator Rosa's,
-with all the features which he alone was capable of
-depicting, and whose type he has sought in Calabria and
-the Abruzzi; add to this a people whose disposition is
-hardy and obstinate; whose affections, love, hatred, or
-jealousy, are perpetuated from one generation to another;
-whose proud and patriotic attachment to their
-native soil forms part of their earliest existence, and
-terminates only with their life; also cities cheerful as
-those of Tuscany, and wild, uncultivated, mountainous
-districts; you will still have but a feeble representation
-of Corsica, that picturesque and fertile island of the
-Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p>The population is divided into two distinct races; the
-one comprehending the old aboriginal families, the other
-composed of foreign colonists, the greater part descended
-from refugees who were compelled to fly from revolutions
-in Piémont, Genoa, and Tuscany, and were successively
-deposited in the island, like the layers of lava
-around a volcano. To the first of these races belong<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
-the Paolis and the Pozzo di Borgos; to the second, the
-Buonapartes and the Salicettis. According to the usual
-custom among primitive nations, each family forms a
-clan, and each village a community; sentiments are
-inherited like the patrimony of the family&mdash;it is like
-ancient Rome suckled by a wolf in the time of the companions
-of Romulus.</p>
-
-<p>The family of the Pozzo di Borgos, as I have already
-stated, belongs to the aboriginal races; its antiquity may
-be ascertained by consulting the book of the statutes of
-Corsica, and also the history of the feudal war between
-the Castellans of Montechi and the city of Ajaccio, of
-which they even disputed the sovereignty. One of the
-family is mentioned in the charters as orator of the
-people, and at the time the island was under the dominion
-of Genoa, the illustrious Pozzo di Borgo is described
-as attorney-general for the provinces of Ajaccio
-and Sartene; his name, like that of the Paolis, was
-Pascal. His opponents, even at that period, were from
-the family of the Bacciochi, then merely merchants of
-Ajaccio; and his notary was Jerome Buonaparte, who
-certifies the mission of Captain Secondos Pozzo di
-Borgo, deputy to the republic of Genoa.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> There is
-some pleasure in relating these circumstances, because
-the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo, during its whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
-course, appeared to be connected with ancient times.
-Nothing is forgotten on that burning soil, and we shall
-again meet with the Paolis, the Buonapartes, the Pozzos,
-the Bacciochis, and the Salicettis, engaged in the most
-important conflicts on the theatre of the great world, as
-they had formerly been in the little town of Ajaccio.</p>
-
-<p>In disturbed times European diplomacy employs two
-powerful engines of political research; in the first place,
-accredited ambassadors, who examine and decide upon
-affairs in a regular and almost a classical manner; and
-secondly, active agents, the greater part of whom are
-military men employed to travel about in Europe, for
-the purpose of ascertaining accurately the strength and
-the resources of each power. During the time of the
-French Republic and the Empire of Napoleon, England
-and Russia considerably augmented the number of their
-military diplomatists, and this may be said to have been
-the first employment of Charles Andrew Pozzo di Borgo,
-before the Russian cabinets had decided upon pursuing
-a regular and comprehensive system. The people of
-the south of Europe are especially gifted with a quick,
-subtle, and acute understanding, and the Corsicans add
-to these qualities an obstinate adherence to their purpose,
-and a rugged sentiment of their own rights, which
-formed such prominent features in the character of
-Buonaparte. Metternich is fond of repeating, "It was
-not the armies of Napoleon that occasioned us the most
-uneasiness; it was his inventive spirit, his acute subtleties,
-in short, his diabolical intellect, by which we Germans
-were hemmed in and entangled on every side."
-Count Pozzo di Borgo possessed the same species of
-sharp and sagacious activity; in that country there was
-a sort of general type common to all, like the bronzed
-complexion and the sparkling, searching eyes.</p>
-
-<p>A few leagues from Ajaccio lies a small village, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
-bears the name of Pozzo di Borgo (well of the city);
-tradition says, however, that the family of that name
-inhabited the little fort of Montechi among the mountains:
-the Pozzis, the Poggis, and the Pazzis, were all
-families of the middle ages. As it was in Germany with
-the Castellans of the Seven Mountains, so also in Corsica
-the nobles reckoned their pedigree from some of the
-highest peaks in the island, under the shelter of rocks
-and wild fig-trees, where so many black crosses, symbols
-of <i>Vendetta</i>, are still to be seen. When Corsica was
-annexed to France, the noble descent of the Pozzos was
-substantiated by a supreme council of the island. The
-subject of this memoir was born the same year as
-Napoleon, if we rectify a little the date assigned by
-chronologists to the latter event. He first saw the light
-on the 8th of March, 1768, and had, therefore, attained
-his majority at the time of the revolution, when the
-popular agitation produced a most startling and arousing
-effect upon Corsica; and as if awaking from slumber
-two parties started up&mdash;a national party, and one devoted
-to the French interests. Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo indulged
-in dreams of the independence of their country,
-but without the intervention of foreign aid. The Buonapartes,
-who had for a short time ranged themselves
-under the banner of Paoli, afterwards joined the Arenas
-and the Salicettis, partisans of the French and Jacobin
-school. Before these divisions had assumed a very decided
-complexion, they contented themselves with giving
-an enthusiastic welcome to the revolution; intoxication
-prevailed every where, and at the age of twenty-two
-years Pozzo di Borgo, secretary to the corps of the
-nobility, was despatched as deputy-extraordinary to the
-National Assembly.</p>
-
-<p>This primary office afterwards led to his appointment to
-the definitive deputation; and as the friend of Paoli, a circumstance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
-which at that time conferred the greatest popularity,
-young Pozzo took his seat in that insane convocation,
-which, under the name of the Legislative Assembly,
-and in the midst of tumults and massacres, soon made
-an end of the French monarchy. He was appointed
-one of the diplomatic committee, at the time their proceedings
-were conducted in so singular a manner by Brissot,
-under whose management despatches to foreign powers
-consisted of speeches borrowed from the tragedy of
-"Brutus," and directed against Austria and Prussia.
-Such language ought to have been backed by victories,
-but the Legislative Assembly had not as yet the internal
-strength of which, at a later period, the convocation
-became possessed, through the energy of its committee
-of public safety. The Legislative Assembly threw every
-thing into disorder: at war with the ministers of the
-king, governed by the idea of a republic, yet without
-daring openly to proclaim it, they permitted the horrors
-of the 10th of August, and the 7th of September, to
-take place before their eyes. This wretched meeting possessed
-neither the brilliancy of the Constituent Assembly
-nor the terrible authority of the Convention,
-but always represented a state of transition, which is
-invariably one of mediocrity, because men dare not undertake
-any thing, nor, indeed, are they capable of
-doing so.</p>
-
-<p>Pozzo very rarely appeared in the tribune, but whenever
-he had occasion so to do, for the purpose of expressing
-the opinions of the committee, he had recourse to the favourite
-phraseology of the period, for which less blame is
-due to the orators than to the general bent of the public
-mind: it was the pleasure of society to be governed after
-that fashion. I have preserved some fragments of a speech
-made by him on the 16th July, 1792, with the object of
-inducing the assembly to declare war against Germany.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
-It is well known that two different parties were at that
-time equally desirous of commencing hostilities in Europe&mdash;the
-court party, who, being desirous of placing Louis
-at the head of an overpowering public force, considered
-war as the most probable means of attaining a military
-dictatorship; while, on the other hand, the republican
-faction, headed by the Girondists, entertained hopes that
-the democratic principle would be more easily rendered
-triumphant in the midst of tumults and excesses. Pozzo
-di Borgo was the willing representative of the Girondist
-party at the tribune. "The German confederation,"
-said he, "whose independence is naturally protected by
-France, the only power capable of preserving it from
-the insatiable ambition of Austria, has beheld with
-joy the formation of that formidable league intended
-to overturn your constitution: their territory is
-already overrun by the enemy's troops, the northern
-league seeks to reduce the whole of Europe into a state
-of servitude, and exhibits every where a menacing appearance,
-supported by a strong force of mercenaries
-covered with iron and greedy of gold, to whom all
-usurpations will become easy. To the French nation
-belongs the task of preserving the world from this terrible
-scourge, and of repairing the mischiefs occasioned by
-the shameful carelessness, or the perfidious malignity of
-those, who view with indifference the utter destruction
-of all kinds of liberty. The French nation, by combating
-all the common enemies of mankind, will have the
-glory of restoring the political harmony which will preserve
-Europe from general slavery. We have contracted
-a vast debt towards the whole world, it is the
-establishment and the practice of the rights of man upon
-the earth; and Liberty, fertile in virtues and talents,
-affords us abundant means of discharging it in full.
-Our enemies' hopes, no doubt, have been raised by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
-transient dissensions that disturb our unanimity; they
-augur from thence the disorganisation of our government,
-but we will not accomplish their guilty desires.
-We are well aware that in the present state of affairs
-a change in our political institutions would necessarily
-occasion an interregnum in the laws, a suspension of authority,
-licentiousness, mischief in all parts of the kingdom,
-and the inevitable loss of our liberty. Our vigilance
-will preserve without destroying; it will place the
-traitors in a state in which they will be incapable of injuring
-us; and by the stability of our government we
-will deprive the ambitious of all the opportunities they
-hope for, in the incessant changes and revolutions incident
-to empires. By thus uniting energy and wisdom,
-we may attain to perfect and glorious success."</p>
-
-<p>It may be observed that in the midst of these expressions,
-set forth in the phraseology then in fashion, the
-stability of the government and the necessity for preserving
-order were spoken of by M. Pozzo di Borgo,
-both of which principles were afterwards displayed in
-the highest degree in his mind.</p>
-
-<p>The mission of the Legislative Assembly being concluded,
-the deputy returned to Corsica, and was associated
-with General Paoli for the direction of the administration
-of the island. The shocks sustained by the
-people had added fresh energy to their patriotic character,
-a public spirit was aroused, a proud independence in
-accordance with the national feelings of the ancient
-Corsica. Does not every people long for liberty? The
-Girondists had dreamed of federalism for France; and
-Paoli, in his turn, took a pride in forming a republic
-which should be perfectly independent and detached
-from the surrounding sovereignties. Paoli was a man of
-powerful understanding, completely the child of nature,
-and already old in years, though young in energy. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
-delighted in the idea of a Corsican republic, as being in
-some measure a return towards primitive habits; and
-this motive was strengthened by the horror inspired by
-the revolutionary events that were taking place in
-France. So ardent an enthusiasm never was known as
-that with which he inspired the Corsican families dwelling
-among the most rugged peaks of that mountainous
-country, and whose sole passion appeared to be a vehement
-love of liberty, acquired by the most laborious
-efforts.</p>
-
-<p>The families of the Arenas and Buonapartes, who were
-inhabitants of the plains and the cities, had sided warmly
-with the French party; they were connected with the clubs;
-and Salicetti was their organ at the National Convention,
-to denounce Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo as propagators of
-a system tending to separate Corsica from France; and
-as that island had been declared an integral part of the
-French Republic, they were both summoned to the bar
-of the nation to offer a justification of their conduct.
-In this lay one of the first germs of the deeply rooted
-hatred entertained by Salicetti, Arena, and Buonaparte,
-against Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo; from thence arose
-the enmity which, in their inflamed minds, overstepped
-the limits of the island of Corsica, and contributed, more
-than people suspected, to the marvellous events of the
-Revolution and the Empire.</p>
-
-<p>When Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo received this terrible
-summons, they were together at Corte, the capital of
-the mountainous district. It was not unexpected, and
-they were both well aware of the consequences of a refusal
-to obey the commands of the Convention, for the
-conduct of this inexorable tribunal was that of a victor
-with whom lenity and forgiveness are unknown. What
-was to be done? To obey would be to submit at once
-to the yoke of the territorial unity, which sought to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
-reduce all the various nations comprehended within it to
-one level. Resistance would, perhaps, be a still more
-dangerous course, for the French Republic had an
-army which they would be utterly incapable of withstanding,
-and it was also supported by a considerable
-party in Corsica. A few regiments occupied the
-city of Ajaccio, and a battalion formed the garrison of
-the fort of Corte and several posts on the sea-coast.
-Signals announced the arrival of a squadron bearing the
-tricoloured flag. Under these circumstances, the commissioners
-of the departments declared themselves a
-permanent assembly in a meeting of the people of Corte,
-and the tumultuous <i>comitia</i> of the national party unanimously
-invited their chief, Paoli, and Pozzo di Borgo, to
-continue their administration. Finally, they declared
-<i>that it was beneath the dignity of the people of Corsica to
-trouble themselves with the two families of Arena and
-Buonaparte, and that they should be abandoned to their remorse
-and to infamy for having deserted the public cause</i>.
-I here copy the expressions of the national <i>consulta</i>.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
-
-<p>The popular energy, which sways in all instances the
-first movements in favour of liberty, was here very evident.
-What steps did they propose taking to maintain
-themselves in this <i>improvisé</i> independence, as well as to
-uphold the decrees published by the assembly of Corsica?
-In the meanwhile fearful intelligence arrived among
-the mountains: Toulon, hitherto in the occupation of
-the English, had just fallen into the hands of the French
-Republic, whose orders Corsica had treated with contempt;
-and, to crown the whole, a young officer of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>
-twenty-six years of age, even the Buonaparte devoted to
-infamy and remorse by the Corsican council, had taken
-part in that memorable enterprise, and had been the
-principal cause of its success. The port of Toulon being
-now in the hands of the Republic, in thirty-six hours
-a squadron might arrive, and threaten with entire destruction
-the companions of Paoli.</p>
-
-<p>Just at this difficult juncture the English Mediterranean
-fleet appeared off Ajaccio, bringing news from
-Toulon and tidings of the warlike preparations going on
-there; the admiral also offered his protection to Corsica,
-agreeing to recognise her independence, under the sovereignty
-of the king of Great Britain. Paoli went on
-board the squadron to treat with the admiral regarding
-his country, and a general assembly was convoked to
-meet on the 10th of June, 1794, for the purpose of determining
-upon the form of constitution to be established.
-Their plan tallied nearly with the ideas of the
-English Magna Charta, proposing the establishment of a
-parliament which should consist of two chambers, a
-council of state, and a viceroy supported by responsible
-ministers. Paoli proposed Pozzo di Borgo as president
-of the council. When the latter was presented to Admiral
-Elliott he gazed upon his swarthy complexion, his
-sparkling eyes, and meagre and active figure, and asked
-Paoli whether that was the person he proposed placing
-at the head of the government. "I can answer for
-him," said Paoli; "he is a young man as well fitted for
-the government of a nation as he is capable of leading
-his countrymen unflinchingly on the field of battle.
-You may place implicit confidence in him." Upon this
-testimony the admiral confirmed his choice.</p>
-
-<p>The state-council being the executive portion of the
-Corsican government, the duty devolved upon Pozzo di
-Borgo of remodelling the institutions of his country,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
-which was henceforward to be free. I have seen the
-complete code of this administration: it is a summary of
-the public rights of the nation, a collection of primitive
-laws, one of those codes which regulates the most trifling
-circumstances affecting the interests of the people;
-among us it is a great historical curiosity, for we are
-too far advanced in civilisation to be capable of forming
-an idea of the first requirements of a people of such primitive
-habits.</p>
-
-<p>The national government in Corsica lasted, however,
-barely two years; the protection afforded by
-England was at too great a distance, and a few regiments
-despatched from Gibraltar did not possess
-sufficient influence to restrain the population of the
-cities devoted to France, which was at that time every
-where victorious, and, by its proximity, constantly held
-a sword suspended over the government of Paoli and
-Pozzo di Borgo. The latter embarked on board the
-English fleet when it became evident the crisis could no
-longer be averted, and that the standard of the French
-Republic was about to be planted at Ajaccio. This
-squadron quitted the shores of Corsica, bearing with it
-all the sad remains of the ruined government; it touched
-at the island of Elba, sailed towards Naples, and from
-thence again to Elba&mdash;rather a curious circumstance,
-which long held a place in the recollection of Pozzo di
-Borgo, and which may possibly have in some degree
-influenced the resolution of the Allies, in 1814, to confer
-upon Napoleon the sovereignty of Porto Ferrajo. The
-Corsican president completed his voyage to England in
-the Minerva, which formed part of the squadron of
-Nelson, who lost an eye in Corsica, and was afterwards
-so celebrated; but he was then only in the dawn of his
-fame, and had not attained to the renown which crowned
-his name at Aboukir and Trafalgar.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Pozzo di Borgo remained eighteen months in London,
-where he received great attention from the English
-ministry, who considered him to have displayed great
-method and ability during his short administration.
-Having become intimate with some old French families,
-he then began his career of diplomacy and secret negotiations;
-which, at a late period, led him into a more
-extended sphere of action. He was at Vienna in 1798,
-at the time of the campaign of Suwarof, when foreign
-courts were agitated by so many various projects. Tremendous
-shocks had been experienced in France. On
-emerging from the reign of terror, and the formidable
-system of unity proclaimed by the Convention, a strong
-and deeply rooted reaction towards the restoration of
-the royal family had taken place; the royalist colours
-were worn in good society, and the most extreme detestation
-was felt for the revolution, because it had not
-as yet given birth to any regular system of government.
-At this time Buonaparte was in Egypt, with the greater
-part of the brave legions who had conquered Italy and
-the Rhine; all our foreign conquests were lost to us; on
-the Alps we were hardly able to retain a few posts, and
-they were closely pressed; and, as a climax, Suwarof
-appeared with victory in his train&mdash;Suwarof, the hero
-and saint of the Russian army&mdash;Suwarof, around whom
-rallied all the hopes of the coalition! Pozzo di Borgo
-was engaged in all the diplomatic arrangements that
-accompanied the military proceedings.</p>
-
-<p>The antipathy that existed between the Austrians and
-Russians, far more than the battle of Zurich, put a stop to
-the progress of the coalition, and Pozzo di Borgo remained
-some time at Vienna, receiving a pension there as a French
-emigrant of noble birth. It was at the time when one of
-that family of Buonapartes, proscribed by the Assembly
-of Corsica, was elevated to the Consulate, and being now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
-in the position of a powerful dictator, he had established
-an efficient government in France, and was engaged in
-repairing the wrecks of the administration by means
-of his steady energy. The power of the laws once more
-became manifest; the executive administration was lodged
-in the hands of a few, and was active and advantageous
-to the people; and, by a singular chance, which the
-caprices of fortune can alone explain, the old friends of
-the Buonapartes, the Arenas of Ajaccio, were proscribed
-by the young Corsican, and delivered over to military
-law, or driven into exile. Other destinies, besides those
-of a city, or a population of about 100,000 souls, claimed
-the attention of Napoleon Buonaparte, now completely
-detached from his native country; but, in spite of all
-these commotions, his thoughts more than once turned
-upon his old personal enemy, Pozzo di Borgo, then on
-his journey from London to Vienna, and who must have
-shed some tears of vexation when he saw the power of
-the young consul extend so far as to prescribe to Europe
-the peace of Amiens. The shade of Paoli arose to protest
-against this immense advancement of the Buonapartes.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
-
-<p>When war again resounded on the earth, Pozzo di
-Borgo entered the service of Russia, and devoted himself
-to the diplomatic line. The firmness of character, the
-quick apprehension of facts, and the knowledge of mankind
-which he evinced, together with an extreme delicacy
-of judgment, were certain pledges of his success in the
-conduct of business between one government and another.
-He received the title of Conseiller d'Etat at St. Petersburg,
-and was soon despatched to the court of Vienna,
-charged with a secret mission. The prince whose service<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
-he had entered was that Alexander whose generous
-and mystical mind was sadly employed in veiling, by the
-uprightness of his conduct, and the exalted tenor of his
-life, a mournful recollection which weighed upon his
-heart and his conscience. The revolution of the palace,
-that had placed Alexander on the throne, had been
-directed by England; and consequently must have been
-inclined to favour the coalition against Buonaparte, who
-was about to place the imperial crown upon his heroic
-brow; and Pozzo di Borgo was one of the diplomatic
-agents charged with special and secret missions to the
-allied courts, once more united against France.</p>
-
-<p>We now find him at Vienna; but he only remained
-there a few months, for the Czar was desirous of acting
-with great vigour, and therefore despatched him, as
-Russian commissioner, to the Anglo-Russian and Neapolitan
-army, which was about to commence operations in
-the south of Europe under the influence of the noble
-Queen Caroline, so grossly slandered in the pamphlets
-issued by Napoleon. This army had hardly assembled
-at Naples, when the artillery of Austerlitz and the
-shouts of victory filled the air; and, as an immediate
-consequence, the peace of Presburg was signed. As this
-treaty separated Austria from the coalition, it occasioned
-the dissolution of the army of Naples; and Pozzo di
-Borgo returned to Vienna, and from thence to St.
-Petersburg, where great military events were in preparation.</p>
-
-<p>During the campaign crowned by the battle of Austerlitz,
-when Napoleon had advanced so boldly into the
-interior of Moravia, Prussia had hesitated whether she
-should join the coalition. It was impossible to deny her
-public conduct in that respect, and Napoleon had borne
-it in mind; this indecision, however, ceased after the
-battle of Austerlitz, and a twelvemonth afterwards the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
-united force of the Russians and Prussians was drawn up
-together.</p>
-
-<p>Pozzo di Borgo was called upon to accompany the
-emperor in this campaign, and the Czar offered him
-rank in the army; such being the custom of Russia,
-where there is no advancement except by means of
-military rank: he therefore received the title of Colonel
-in the suite of the emperor, a post which attached him
-to the person of the sovereign. Being, for the fourth
-time, despatched to Vienna, after the battle of Jena, he
-strove to arouse Austria from the torpor into which the
-peace of Presburg had plunged her, but in vain; for the
-Austrian cabinet was then desirous of peace at any
-price. Colonel Pozzo received a commission to proceed
-to the Dardanelles, to treat for peace with the Turks, in
-conjunction with the English envoy; he was received
-on board the Russian fleet, under the orders of Admiral
-Siniavim, stationed at the entrance of the Dardanelles,
-and off the island of Tenedos; he was present in the
-admiral's ship at the battle of Mount Athos, between the
-Russian fleet and that of the sultan, and there received
-his first military decoration.</p>
-
-<p>Napoleon was now approaching the apogée of his
-glory: the French and Russian armies had bravely
-measured their strength, and the French emperor had
-so greatly risen in Alexander's estimation that, at the
-peace of Tilsit, Napoleon was saluted with the title of
-Brother, at the very time the old Russian aristocracy
-were accusing their sovereign of abandoning the cause of
-his country. In the interchange of projects which
-took place at Tilsit&mdash;in those friendly meetings, when
-the waters of the Niemen flowed beneath the two
-emperors, locked in each other's arms, was it possible
-Colonel Pozzo should not be aware that his services<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
-would henceforth be an embarrassment to Russia?
-Upon his arrival at St. Petersburg he held a conversation
-with the emperor, full of confidence and unreserve
-on both sides, when each party took a candid
-survey of his position. The Emperor Alexander declared
-to Colonel Pozzo that there was no reason he
-should leave his service, and that the ties of friendship
-he had contracted with Napoleon did not oblige him to
-make such a sacrifice. The colonel replied that he
-could no longer be useful to his sovereign; on the contrary,
-he should be a source of embarrassment to him,
-for Buonaparte had not forgotten the feud of his early
-days: sooner or later he would demand the banishment
-of his old enemy, the Czar would be too generous to
-agree to this, and his refusal would raise difficulties for
-his government. "Besides," said he, "the alliance between
-your majesty and Napoleon will not be of long
-duration; I am well acquainted with the deceitful character
-and insatiable ambition of Buonaparte. At this
-moment one of your majesty's hands is held by Persia,
-the other by Turkey, and Buonaparte presses upon your
-chest; get your hands free in the first instance, and then
-you will cast off the weight that now troubles you.
-Some years hence we shall meet again."</p>
-
-<p>Count Pozzo requested permission to travel; and he
-was again at Vienna in 1808, when Austria, with her
-patient resignation, was preparing fresh armaments
-against Napoleon, and declaring the rupture that had
-taken place with him. I am not aware if history records
-a longer or more honourable struggle than that of
-Austria against the Revolution and the Empire. She
-submitted to every sacrifice, then prepared for battle;
-vanquished, she had recourse to negotiation; then again
-tried the fortune of war, until victory finally decided<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
-against her, and she was crushed under the weight of the
-French eagles. Patient and laborious German nation,
-never didst thou despair of thy cause!</p>
-
-<p>Pozzo di Borgo remained at Vienna during the whole
-campaign of 1809, and when peace was again imposed, Buonaparte
-did not forget him. He had taken an active part
-in all the diplomatic proceedings of Austria and Russia,
-and Napoleon was a person who always retained the remembrance
-of his enemies; accordingly, after the peace of
-Vienna, his first step was to demand the banishment of
-Colonel Pozzo di Borgo from the Austrian dominions.
-Alexander, warmly attached to Napoleon, had the weakness
-to consent, and this gave occasion to the fine and energetic
-letter, in which Colonel Pozzo already prophesied
-the invasion of Russia, and said to the Czar, "Sire, it will
-not be long before your majesty again summons me to
-your presence." In order to escape the fate which
-awaited him if his enemy of Ajaccio should succeed in
-seizing his person, he took the precaution of retiring to
-Constantinople, the only spot which still afforded him
-the power of quitting continental Europe and seeking
-refuge in England.</p>
-
-<p>He was now a proscribed man, travelling in Syria,
-visiting Smyrna and Malta, and from Malta proceeding
-to London, where he arrived in October 1810. He was
-already an agent of some importance, on account of the
-missions upon which he had been employed; and the
-limited intercourse between England and the Continent
-made her set a value upon the information to be obtained
-from a man of political talent and experience, who had
-just arrived from the principal capitals of Europe. In
-several conferences with Lord Castlereagh, Colonel
-Pozzo explained to him the hopes he still entertained of
-a continental rising against the colossal empire of France:
-in the midst of all his great qualities, Napoleon had still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
-some vulnerable points, and nobody was better aware of
-them than Pozzo di Borgo, because he had studied them
-through the medium of his resentment. Who could be
-so well acquainted as he with that Buonaparte, whom he
-had had such opportunities of observing in the closest
-manner, with his infirmities, his fits of anger, his weaknesses,
-and his ambition?</p>
-
-<p>At last the terrible war of 1812 broke out, and the
-French armies passed the Niemen. Russia was invaded;
-the battles of Moscowa and the Mojaisk drove back the
-armies of Alexander towards the sacred city of Moscow,
-and the ancient capital was reduced to ashes. During
-the whole of this campaign Pozzo di Borgo remained in
-London, and his influence was of service in promoting
-the union between Alexander and the English cabinet;
-he did not join the army of the Czar, because a revolution
-had taken place in the ideas of the cabinet of
-St. Petersburg. The fact was, that when Alexander
-found his finest provinces invaded, and the murderous
-war which was desolating his territory, he summoned to
-his assistance the old Russian spirit and the ancient
-traditions of the country; the banner of St. Nicholas
-was unfurled, the churches resounded with prayers and
-calls to arms against the invader, and the Czar placed
-himself at the head of the army: but this popular appeal
-had precisely the effect of rousing the national spirit
-against foreigners. Ever since the time of Peter the
-Great, the ideas of civilisation had favoured in Russia
-the influence of the Italians, the Germans, and the
-French, who filled many important military situations,
-and were raised to the first dignities of the state; and the
-old Russian families naturally entertained a jealous feeling
-regarding this influence. This colony of courtiers
-offended their pride, and interfered with their interests;
-therefore, when Alexander had occasion to invoke the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
-shades of his country at the foot of the Kremlin, and to
-rouse the devotion of the Muscovite nobility, who lived
-among their serfs in the central provinces, he was obliged
-to sacrifice the strangers to their prejudices. Pozzo di
-Borgo was not recalled till the close of the campaign,
-when the impulse had ceased to be entirely Russian, but
-had become more eccentric and inclined towards Poland
-and Prussia, and he returned through Sweden just at the
-time when Bernadotte was becoming more nearly connected
-with England, and, without however openly
-committing himself, had begun to lend a favourable ear
-to the overtures of the court of London. The Russian
-councillor was commissioned to encourage the inclination
-of Bernadotte, and to strive to forward a decision which
-would afford his sovereign a new opportunity of taking
-vengeance for the invasion of his country by the Emperor
-of the French. This was the first beginning of his
-intimacy with the Crown Prince of Sweden.</p>
-
-<p>The Emperor Alexander received Pozzo di Borgo at
-Kalisch, after a separation of five years. They had
-parted immediately after the interview of Tilsit, which
-had so greatly reconciled the Czar to the politics of
-Napoleon. Now, how different was the situation of
-affairs! Alexander had seen his empire invaded by his
-ancient ally, his cities in flames; and, according to the
-excited ideas of Alexander, it was the sainted spirits of
-the ancient Russians who had raised the stormy tempests,
-and engulfed the immense army of Napoleon in the icy
-floods of the Beresina. The language of Alexander to
-Pozzo di Borgo reminded him of his sagacious prophecies,
-and the colonel made great efforts to win him back
-to simple and positive plans against the power of Napoleon;
-for having been one of the patriots of 1789,
-Colonel Pozzo perfectly understood the importance of
-the conspiracy of Mallet, and of the discontent that was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
-beginning to pervade France. He was opposed to all
-species of compromise, and his view of the case was to
-strive to effect a separation between the interests of
-France and her leader. Whilst Alexander, still prepossessed
-with the idea of the stupendous power of
-Napoleon, hesitated to plunge into the perils of a distant
-campaign, Pozzo di Borgo advised him to induce Prussia
-to take advantage of the secret societies, which proudly
-raised their heads at the cry of <i>Germania</i> or <i>Teutonia</i>,
-and to assemble all Buonaparte's rivals in glory under
-their banners, so as to occasion confusion and disorder in
-his preparations for war.</p>
-
-<p>A threefold negotiation was now opened; the first
-with Moreau, whom they were desirous of drawing into
-France, to rouse the Republican party by the influence
-of his name; the second with Eugène and Murat, between
-whom they wanted to divide the kingdom of
-Italy; the third and last with Bernadotte, who was to
-join with the Swedish troops and effect a division in the
-French army. Pozzo di Borgo was charged with this
-last mission, furnished with full powers from the Emperor
-Alexander, while the Russians were advancing into
-Saxony. Without clearly explaining the views of the
-alliance with regard to France, or on the distinctive and
-positive results of the war, he was directed to suggest, in
-his conversations with the crown prince, all the possible
-events which might encourage the emulation of the old
-companions of the Emperor Napoleon; and he engaged,
-in the name of the Czar, to acknowledge Bernadotte as
-Crown Prince, and eventually, according to the order of
-succession, as King of Sweden: in the same manner he
-had promised to Moreau the presidency of a republic,
-if it should arise from the order of affairs, or from a
-popular anti-Buonapartist movement in Paris. One
-ought to have heard the ambassador himself recount all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
-the trouble and anxiety he experienced during this negociation;
-the vacillations of the Crown Prince, his ill-humours
-and discontent. Still he hesitated. At last,
-when the Swedish army was embarking at Karlscrona
-and landing at Stralsund, the artillery of Lutzen and
-Bautzen were heard in thunders through the whole of
-Germany. These brilliant victories had astonished the
-Crown Prince, and the Russian army was in full retreat
-through Upper Silesia. Still, though his troops were
-already assembled, he did not dare to come to a final
-decision; he could not forget the star of his former
-master, the remembrance of his victorious eagles, the
-irresistible influence of his glory; the Swedes, therefore,
-halted at Stralsund, and awaited the course of
-events. Bernadotte was a powerful ally; not only did
-he bring into the field 20,000 brave Swedes, but also his
-name, like that of Moreau, might be the means of sowing
-dissension and uneasiness in the French army, if the
-invasion were to take place; when, therefore, in the
-interval afforded by the armistice of Neumark, Colonel
-Pozzo observed the hesitation he still exhibited, he
-hastened to Stralsund, by the desire of Alexander, to
-endeavour to persuade him to march at once. He had,
-however, the greatest difficulty in inducing him to join
-the military congress of Trachenburg, where the plans
-were laid for the campaign against Napoleon, and it was
-necessary he should exhibit, at the same time, firmness
-with Bernadotte and forbearance towards Sir Charles
-Stewart, afterwards Lord Londonderry, a young and rather
-presumptuous officer, who was commissioner from
-England, and was always ready to give offence to an old
-soldier like Bernadotte. His efforts were crowned with
-success; the Crown Prince had already had an interview
-with Moreau, and Pozzo di Borgo afterwards held a confidential
-conversation with both those personal enemies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
-of Napoleon, in which they reciprocally exchanged their
-hopes, their present hatred, and old resentments, Pozzo
-against the adversary of Paoli, Moreau against the Consul,
-and Bernadotte against the Emperor. The plan
-adopted by the allied powers at the military congress of
-Trachenburg was very simple. Colonel Pozzo di Borgo
-maintained that they ought to march at once upon
-Paris, the central point of Napoleon's strength or weakness,
-where the question would speedily be settled; and
-this was the opinion entertained by all those military
-men who mingled any political ideas of the decline of
-Buonaparte's power and of his personal character with
-the question of war. Besides, in the opinion of the
-Russian envoy, Buonaparte and France were not synonymous
-terms; and it was to save France and her
-liberty that he so closely pursued the Emperor.</p>
-
-<p>At this time the congress of Prague was assembled,
-which was in reality nothing more than an armistice
-required by all the forces. Metternich had assumed
-for Austria a position of armed mediation, being the
-commencement of a new political system, a wary and
-provident plan, which, in her state of relative weakness
-and isolation, gave her a predominant influence over
-cabinets far more powerful than her own. All the
-negotiations of this congress tended to one point only;
-the endeavour to detach Austria from this mediatorial
-system, and to induce her to decide in favour of one side
-or the other,&mdash;either for the coalition, or for France.
-In the army of Napoleon, as well as among the allies, a
-strong desire for peace existed, with this difference, that
-the victorious soldiers of the Emperor were thoroughly
-weary of war; for them the illusions of conquest had no
-longer any charms, and their generals, in the midst of the
-wonderful success that had crowned their arms, regretted
-the life of luxury and enjoyment they had been accustomed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>
-to lead in Paris. The sons of Germany, ardent in
-their desire for liberty, flocked to the ranks of the allied
-armies, under the command of old Blucher, whose mind
-was also full of enthusiasm for the German unity; while
-the general officers of the French army indulged in
-dreams of their hotels, in the Chaussée d'Antin, or the
-Rue de Bourbon, or their delightful retreats at Malmaison
-and Grosbois, while their brothers-in-arms were
-falling under the enemy's fire,&mdash;that fire which no longer
-respected the marshals. An unanimous cry of bitter
-accusation was heard among the staff, "That man will
-make an end of us all!" Exaggerated accounts of
-disaffection were brought to the Emperor. At one
-time some thousands of conscripts were said to have
-mutilated their fingers, in order that they might be sent
-back to their homes; at another they reported the desertion
-of the brave fellows who had cried "Vive l'Empereur!"
-under the grape-shot of Lutzen and Bautzen.
-The allies were well aware of this decline of military
-ardour in the French camp, and they knew a feeling of
-weakness and a disposition to discord were connected
-with it. The proposals for peace at Prague never were
-sincere on the part of Russia and Prussia, and the
-Emperor was thoroughly deceived in imagining them to
-be so.</p>
-
-<p>The main object was to prevail upon Austria to
-declare herself openly; and here Napoleon was guilty of
-many faults. In the situation assumed by the cabinet
-of Vienna, a good deal was naturally exacted, and with
-perfect justice, for upon them depended the strength,
-and we may almost say the success, of the coalition. In
-offering herself as a mediator, Austria was desirous of
-regaining the position she had lost during the struggle
-with Napoleon, and the law was now in her own hands,
-for she could throw the weight of 300,000 men into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
-either scale. Napoleon committed the great oversight
-of not acceding to the offers of the cabinet of Vienna: he
-went farther still; he deeply offended the minister who
-directed the fates of that cabinet&mdash;Prince Metternich,
-a man of extraordinary ability and consideration, and
-whose inclinations had previously tended towards France.
-I have elsewhere related the stormy and imprudent
-scene which broke up the conference between Buonaparte
-and the Austrian minister.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p>
-
-<p>The allied sovereigns awaited the decision of the
-cabinet of Vienna with indescribable anxiety. It was
-eleven o'clock at night, and they were all assembled in a
-barn; the ministers, Count Nesselrode, Pozzo di Borgo,
-and Hardenburg, in the lower apartment; the Emperor
-Alexander and the King of Prussia on the first floor:
-the rain descended in torrents, and it was one of those
-stormy nights which add even to the horrors of war,
-when all at once a courier arrived, bearing a letter
-for Count Nesselrode, which contained merely these
-words,&mdash;"Austria has decided, and four armies will be at
-the disposal of the Alliance." Imagination may picture
-the shouts of joy, the transports of the coalition, on thus
-receiving the support of 300,000 men, who were to join
-the rest of the army by the mountains of Bohemia.
-The chances of war were now clearly against Napoleon;
-and General Pozzo di Borgo, for he had lately been raised
-to the rank of major-general, was again despatched, in the
-character of commissioner, from the Emperor Alexander
-to the Crown Prince of Sweden, who at this time covered
-Berlin at the head of an army, composed of 40,000
-Prussians, 30,000 Russians, and 20,000 Swedes.</p>
-
-<p>The most glorious events recorded in the military
-history of France have nothing that can bear a comparison<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
-with the admirable defence of Dresden by Napoleon,
-when all the armies of the coalition went successively
-to try their strength under its walls. They
-were repulsed with considerable loss, and Moreau was
-mortally wounded on the field of battle; but this
-admirable man&oelig;uvre of concentration was followed by a
-very great fault&mdash;the division of the main body of his
-army, one portion being intrusted to General Vandamme,
-the other to some marshals upon whose deeds the star of
-Napoleon's fortune did not shine. At Gross Beeren,
-Bernadotte broke the brilliant line of the French, at the
-same time that the corps of Vandamme was cut to pieces
-or taken prisoner by the coalesced enemy, and the
-Emperor was obliged to retreat beyond the Elbe. I
-cast a veil over the mournful catastrophe of Leipsic,
-where so many faults were committed, and so much
-want of foresight exhibited, both on the part of Napoleon,
-and also of those who were charged with the
-execution of his orders; the sad disorder, the horrible
-confusion that prevailed, when the soldiers were decimated
-at once by sickness in the hospital, the steel
-of the enemy, and the hordes of peasants raised by
-Blucher along his path, and which swallowed up the
-French army, already perishing with hunger, without
-guns, and barefooted, in the midst of the cold rains of
-October.</p>
-
-<p>The coalition was now victorious; its advanced guard
-had reached the banks of the Rhine. Still they could
-not refrain from a degree of secret terror as they approached
-the French territory, which was still pervaded
-by the presiding genius of Napoleon. The army of
-Bernadotte was separated from the allies to march
-against Holstein, invade Denmark, and prepare a rising
-in Holland; and General Pozzo di Borgo quitted him to
-proceed on a mission to Frankfort, to concert military<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
-operations with the allies. They had there a better
-opportunity of judging of the state of public feeling
-in France, and were able to study the progress
-that had been made by the different opinions and parties
-against the imperial government. The Emperor's administration
-had surpassed itself; the Senate had voted
-troops upon troops, the levies proceeded with extraordinary
-energy, and they sought by every means,
-pamphlets, songs, operas&mdash;in short, nothing was neglected
-to re-awaken the cry of national independence in
-the breasts of the French nation. But though from the
-powerful organisation of the empire every thing appeared
-clear on the surface, its stability went no deeper;
-there was an under-current of murmurs, complete dissatisfaction,
-and weariness of mind; commerce was annihilated,
-leaving the unemployed workmen no resource
-but a musket, and no choice but of seeking bread or
-death with the army. Secret agitations began to be
-whispered about every where; the legislative body had
-separated itself from Napoleon by a protest, executed
-under the influence of discontent, and of MM. Lainé
-and Reynouard, and it had in consequence been dissolved;
-the council of the regency of Maria Louisa
-was composed of timid, hesitating men; some, like Talleyrand,
-ready to abandon a falling cause; the people
-called for a termination of this state of affairs, and
-gloomy, foreboding clouds hung on the brow of Napoleon.</p>
-
-<p>Existing circumstances certainly offered a favourable
-opportunity for invading the imperial territory; but
-were the allies well agreed upon the end they proposed to
-themselves? Were they all actuated by the same interests?
-Although Austria had made an effort to shake off
-the enormous power of Napoleon, would she be willing
-to ruin the son-in-law of her own emperor, Francis II.,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
-especially when the advantages resulting from it would
-fall principally to the share of Russia and Prussia,
-whose power had been already excessively augmented
-by the late events? Having regained the territories of
-which Napoleon had formerly deprived her, why should
-she join in the invasion of France, and aim a last blow
-at a nation so necessary to the balance of power in Europe?
-Even England, though the determined enemy
-of Buonaparte, could not fail to entertain some degree of
-uneasiness in observing the immense increase of the
-Russian influence, and the ministers were assailed with
-incessant questions as to the object and probable termination
-of the war. All these circumstances caused a
-dread that the coalition was ready to fall to pieces at the
-very moment its great object had been attained. This
-state of affairs soon became evident to the diplomatic
-chiefs assembled at the conference of Frankfort, and
-Pozzo di Borgo was despatched by the three sovereigns
-on a mission to the Prince Regent to request the presence
-of Lord Castlereagh, the English prime minister, at
-head-quarters, in order to strengthen the bands of the
-coalition and determine its object. The general lost no
-time in accomplishing his voyage, and arrived in London
-in the beginning of January 1814, while parliament was
-sitting, and just at the time when Lord Castlereagh had
-been obliged to enter into an explanation in answer to
-the pressing requisitions of the Whigs. He was the
-bearer of an autograph letter to the Prince Regent from
-the allied sovereigns, by which they engaged to follow
-the most moderate measures, and as far as possible to
-keep the balance of power in Europe in view, so as to
-remove any fears on the part of England. It was just
-six years since Pozzo di Borgo, as a proscribed person,
-had last visited that country, and under what different
-auspices he now returned to it! He came as the organ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
-of the triumphant coalition, and his reception was distinguished
-by all the magnificence and joy inspired by
-the late victories. With what cordiality Lord Wellesley
-pressed his hand! "I believe, my dear Pozzo," said the
-marquess, "you and I are the two men who most earnestly
-desire the fall of Buonaparte." Lord Castlereagh
-had already begun to entertain some thoughts of the
-restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, and he communicated
-his idea to General Pozzo di Borgo, who replied,
-"You are well aware, my lord, that we must never
-present any but a perfectly simple idea to the sovereigns;
-complicated matters do not take hold of their minds.
-Let us first overturn Buonaparte,&mdash;this is a thing we
-shall easily make the Emperor of Russia and the King
-of Prussia understand,&mdash;and then afterwards, when the
-coast is clear, we can return to examine the second difficulty."
-"Very well," said Lord Castlereagh, "whom do
-you wish us to send to the Continent?" "If Mr. Pitt
-were alive," replied the general, "I would tell him to
-hold himself in readiness; it is sufficient to make you
-understand that we are most anxious to see you in
-person on the Rhine, that the question may not get
-perplexed and confused."</p>
-
-<p>It was with these opinions that Pozzo di Borgo visited
-the French princes, especially the Comte d'Artois. His
-royal highness was anxious to appear at head-quarters,
-and blend the idea of a restoration with the plan of the
-campaign of the allies, but General Pozzo strongly opposed
-his design. "Monseigneur," said he, "you are
-well aware of my devotion to your person and to your
-interests, but do not come to spoil our game; we still
-have great difficulties to overcome effecting the fall of
-Napoleon, when that point is gained it will be necessary
-to turn to something else, and your turn and your name
-will naturally occur."</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>It was a matter of some delicacy to obtain the departure
-of Lord Castlereagh and the full and entire adhesion
-of England to the coalition; they were obliged to
-work at it a long while with the Prince Regent and some
-influential members of parliament; at last, at a dinner
-given by Lady Castlereagh, the English minister, on
-rising from table, said to the emperor's messenger,
-"Well, my dear Pozzo, it is decided that I am to accompany
-you; the Prince Regent has given me an autograph
-letter for the sovereigns, and we shall act in
-concert and good fellowship with you." The two diplomatists
-embraced each other with delight, two days
-afterwards they embarked for the Continent, and in three
-weeks rejoined the sovereigns at Baden.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Castlereagh's arrival at head-quarters strengthened
-the unity of the alliance and enabled them to form some
-resolutions for the general benefit, and also to decide
-upon the plan of the political campaign about to be
-commenced against Buonaparte. England had never
-recognised the Emperor of the French, and in all the
-acts of parliament, as well as those of the cabinet, he had
-no other designation than that of <i>the common enemy</i>, or
-<i>the head of the government</i>, a circumstance which facilitated
-Pozzo di Borgo's labours with Lord Castlereagh
-towards gaining the object he had in view, viz., the
-complete overthrow of Napoleon. The English minister,
-who was armed with full powers, laid down as the fundamental
-principle of all their diplomatic transactions,
-that France, although necessary to the balance of power
-in Europe, must be reduced within her ancient territorial
-limits, a principle which almost inevitably involved
-the restoration of the ancient dynasty. This, however,
-was only mentioned in the acts, both public and secret,
-of the congress, as a <i>possibility</i> reserved for a further consideration
-of the French question.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>One of the most important principles laid down in the
-political plan of the alliance was the separation of the
-question concerning Napoleon from those regarding the
-interests of France. This line of conduct was recommended
-by Bernadotte, Pozzo di Borgo, and the patriot
-party, who were the enemies of the emperor, and it was
-formally announced in the public acts of Frankfort and
-the proclamations of all the allied troops who crossed the
-Rhine. Their great object was to weaken the common
-enemy, at the same time that they promised France that
-her ancient territory should remain untouched, and
-hinted at the possibility of establishing a constitution
-independent of the emperor. By adopting this plan
-they summoned all disaffected persons to the assistance
-of the coalition; and, without entering into engagements
-with any one party, they offered to <i>all</i> the hope of
-bringing their pretensions and wishes to a favourable
-issue; they even contrived to conciliate the partisans of
-a republican form of government as well as the advocates
-of the regency of Maria Louisa.</p>
-
-<p>Pozzo di Borgo continued attached to the person of
-the Emperor Alexander during the whole of the operations
-of 1814, that glorious but melancholy campaign
-where the military genius of Napoleon shone with
-so brilliant a lustre&mdash;a bright ray emanating from that
-star which appeared but for a fleeting moment, soon to
-grow dim and set for ever! During the negotiations at
-Chatillon, General Pozzo urged the rejection of all the
-propositions of the French emperor, and also that the
-time and circumstances granted by the coalition to him
-whose attempts had so often been crowned with victory,
-should have a limit defined with the utmost accuracy.
-"Grant no armistice, but march <i>en masse</i> straight to
-Paris!" Such was the advice of Pozzo di Borgo, to
-whom some overtures had already been made by Talleybrand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
-and the disaffected party in the capital. Had the
-preliminaries of peace been accepted, a treaty might possibly
-have been entered into at Chatillon with Napoleon
-and Maria Louisa; but how would it have been possible
-for the emperor to submit to the ancient limits of France,
-without exposing himself to inevitable ruin in the interior
-of his kingdom? M. de Caulaincourt, it is true,
-received orders to accede to the proposed conditions, but
-it was then too late. It would, however, have been impossible
-for Napoleon to have continued peaceably on
-the throne, even had pacific terms been granted him,
-under existing circumstances; for his government would
-have been overturned by an internal revolution. How
-could the victorious emperor, who had given laws to the
-world, now in his turn submit to receive laws from the
-whole of Europe combined against him? And, supposing
-he had returned to Paris with the humiliating
-treaties which deprived France of all her conquests and
-reduced her within the narrow limits she formerly
-occupied, would not the loss of his throne have been,
-sooner or later, the inevitable consequence of such a
-change of circumstances? Would not discontent have
-reared its head at every step he took? Or would his
-government still have retained sufficient power and influence
-to secure him the possession of absolute dominion?
-As soon as peace had been proclaimed, the adverse
-parties would have burst forth with violence, and Napoleon
-have been overcome by a republican insurrection.
-They would have said to the emperor, "What have you
-done with the conquests of the republic and with the
-legions it bequeathed to you?" And, to escape from the
-tumult of public opinion, the emperor would have been
-forced again to engage in some military enterprise.
-"The peace you grant to Napoleon," said Pozzo di
-Borgo, "will merely be giving him an opportunity of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
-recruiting his strength, and in less than a year you will
-find him again engaged in an attack upon your territories;
-with the spirit of a gambler, he will stake his last
-crown upon his last card."</p>
-
-<p>For the sake of giving a powerful unity to the alliance,
-the sovereigns signed the famous treaty of Chaumont,
-which was a general coalition of the whole of
-Europe against the common enemy; they declared, in
-the first place, that they would not separate until they
-had attained the objects they proposed to themselves,
-which were a general peace and the establishment of independence
-and of the rights of all the nations of Europe.
-In addition to this, it was agreed that each power
-was to keep up a standing army of 150,000 men besides
-those in garrison; England undertook to furnish immense
-subsidies; and they engaged mutually to support
-each other with a formidable armed contingent, in case
-any of the governments should be threatened. The
-campaign then proceeded with fresh vigour, and the advance
-upon Paris produced all the effect anticipated by
-the sovereigns. I will not describe the sad events that
-succeeded; they are, alas! but too well known. General
-Pozzo di Borgo was in the suite of the Emperor Alexander
-when he entered the city, and from that time forth
-he assumed the part of a mediator between France and
-the allies.</p>
-
-<p>We must take a retrospect of that melancholy period
-of our disasters in order to form a reasonable judgment
-of the events about to be accomplished. The hearts of
-the whole nation were filled with weariness to a most
-painful degree. Some few soldiers might, perhaps, have
-been ready to range themselves around the emperor and
-defend his eagles which, though now abased, had so often
-led them to victory; but the great mass of the population
-was no longer desirous of war; a feeling of hatred towards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
-Napoleon had gradually arisen among the republican
-party and the Royalists, who were in a state of commotion;
-while, on the other hand, the proclamations of
-Schwartzenburg, and the promises he had made at the
-time of his entry into Paris, had inspired hopes of repose
-and reasonable liberty. Pozzo di Borgo exerted all
-his influence over the mind of Alexander to lead him
-towards the liberal system, upon which his resolutions
-appear to have been formed. The whole idea of the constitutional
-charter, and all the plans breathing a spirit
-of liberty, were suggested at the meetings in Talleyrand's
-house, where the patriots used to assemble to give vent
-to their dissatisfaction with the conduct of Napoleon. I
-must here mention a curious circumstance relating to
-the famous proclamation of Schwartzenburg which first
-made open mention of the Bourbons. It was the work
-of Count Pozzo, and Schwartzenburg had not signed it
-when Alexander said to him in a meeting at the head-quarters
-of Bondy, "My dear prince, you have written
-an admirable proclamation&mdash;it is perfect; sign it, you
-will get great credit for it." And the prince, partly
-through self-love, and partly through respect for the
-Emperor Alexander, affixed his signature to the document.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>
-
-<p>General Pozzo di Borgo had kept up his acquaintance
-with all the patriots of 1789, whose noble and generous
-principles of independence met with a sympathetic
-feeling in the breast of Alexander. Napoleon, the
-representative of a powerful and united system of
-government, would only be overcome by the principle
-of liberty. "Europe," said Talleyrand, "was then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
-on the highroad to emancipation; it was with the
-name of Fatherland, with the enthusiasm for free institutions,
-that the people had been excited to rise
-against him, who was termed by the Germans <i>the oppressor
-of mankind</i>." These ideas prevailed, and Count
-Pozzo di Borgo was appointed commissioner from the
-Emperor Alexander to the provisional government.</p>
-
-<p>That government certainly stood in need of the support
-of the friend of Paoli, who pursued with relentless
-perseverance the last glimmering ray of Napoleon's fortune.
-Some of the marshals had just made an attempt
-to induce the Emperor Alexander to treat with the
-regency, and, moved by the recollection of his ancient
-friendship, and by the influence which the noble countenance
-of Napoleon exercised over his mind, the Czar
-would, perhaps, have agreed to the proposal, when
-Pozzo di Borgo was despatched in haste by the provisional
-government to Alexander, to put a stop to the
-treaty, and he worked on the mind of the Czar by
-means of the same considerations he had formerly presented
-to his view, and of which he had acknowledged
-the justice. "The regency was still Napoleon, and
-France no longer desired his rule; to sign a peace with
-him was merely to expose themselves to a repetition of
-hostilities; if Europe was desirous of rest, they must
-have done with the imperial system altogether." The
-commissioner spent two hours in this conversation, and,
-by his perseverance, he obtained the important declaration
-of the allied sovereigns, that they would enter into
-no treaty with the emperor or his family. Having
-gained this point, he returned with speed to the provisional
-government, and gave vent to the picturesque
-expression of his triumph in his communication to Talleyrand.
-"My dear prince," said he, "I certainly cannot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
-be said single-handed to have politically killed
-Buonaparte, but I have cast the last clod of earth upon
-his head."</p>
-
-<p>Thus was played the drama of life between these two
-men: Pozzo, formerly proscribed by Buonaparte, now
-came in his turn to be present at the obsequies of his
-rival's power! Born within a few months of each
-other, the one had quitted Ajaccio merely with the rank
-of a sub-lieutenant, and had ascended the greatest throne
-under heaven; the other, as an exile, had traversed
-Europe, to rouse the spirit of war and vengeance against
-his compatriot, and, after unheard-of efforts, had at last
-succeeded in realising the plan which had always kept
-possession of his mind. He had his foot on his enemy's
-neck, and had him banished to the island of Elba, which
-he had himself twice sailed past, pursued by the fortune
-of his rival. General Pozzo never would admit the
-hypothesis that France and Buonaparte were the same
-thing; and in this respect he was as good a patriot as
-Moreau, Lannes, Bernadotte, Massena, Dessoles, and
-Gouvion St. Cyr.</p>
-
-<p>As soon as the senate had decided upon the restoration
-of the ancient dynasty, and laid the foundations of the
-constitution, Pozzo di Borgo was commissioned by the
-sovereigns to go to London, to meet Louis XVIII.
-This was not only an honourable mission of congratulation
-to the new French sovereign; the general's special
-duty was to explain to Louis the real state of public
-opinion in France, and the necessity of adopting the
-constitutional forms and liberal ideas of a charter, to
-answer the public expectation. He went with all possible
-speed to London, for the provisional government
-were well aware that the ardent royalist party would
-immediately surround the French king, and it was necessary
-to prevent his being guilty of any imprudence;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
-and this they hoped to effect by means of the salutary
-intervention of Pozzo di Borgo, especially as his being
-the confidential servant of the Emperor Alexander would
-naturally invest him with a considerable degree of influence
-over the mind of Louis XVIII. When the
-general arrived at Calais, he engaged a packet-boat for
-his sole use, and at the moment of his embarkation, an
-episode occurred, which he often related as a proof of the
-instability of human opinions. He was standing on the
-sea-shore, when a stranger accosted him, and requested
-a passage in his little vessel to enable him to go and
-meet the king. "Who are you?" asked Pozzo di
-Borgo. "I am the Duc de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt,"
-replied the stranger; "and I am going to the king to
-resume my ancient office." One may imagine the
-amazement of the ambassador; the Duc de Liancourt
-had not only deeply insulted the Comte de Provence at
-the Constituent Assembly, but he had afterwards carried
-his offence still farther, by sending back to him, from
-the United States, the ribbon of his orders, as a mark of
-his contempt for what he called the <i>crotchets</i> of the
-old school: Louis XVIII. could not forget this contemptuous
-bearing in a man of noble birth.</p>
-
-<p>The ambassador did not refuse a passage to the noble
-duke; and it was a most curious circumstance that the
-first step taken by M. de Liancourt when they reached
-the royal yacht in which Louis had embarked, was to
-adorn himself with the blue ribbon he had formerly
-sent back to the king during his sojourn in the land of
-equality and liberty. It is impossible to describe the
-despair of the duke when he found he could not be
-received by Louis XVIII., while Count Pozzo was welcomed
-in the warmest manner, and the king expressed
-himself in the most flattering language, with tears in
-his eyes. The ambassador from the allies explained the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
-orders he had received. "Though the constitution
-proclaimed by the senate might have fallen into contempt,
-it was no reason for abandoning the principles of
-liberty upon which it was founded." Pozzo di Borgo
-remained with the king during his voyage, and assisted
-him in preparing the declaration issued at St. Ouen,
-containing the plan of such a representative system as
-the liberal party were desirous of establishing in France.
-Let us imagine that country passing from the military
-rule of Napoleon into constitutional principles, finding
-herself free, on emerging from the firm, but despotic
-government of the emperor, had she not already gained
-an immense step in securing the advantages of a public
-representation? The treaty of Paris was based on the
-diplomatic scheme determined upon at Chaumont and
-Chatillon: it restrained France within her ancient limits,
-and placed her under the government of the ancient
-dynasty, thus offering a pledge of peace and the maintenance
-of order, so necessary to the tranquillity of
-Europe.</p>
-
-<p>General Pozzo di Borgo remained in Paris as Russian
-ambassador to the new French government, until the
-meeting of the Congress of Vienna, where all the diplomatic
-chiefs were summoned to attend. I will not
-recount the events of that period, having related them
-in a work especially devoted to the history of those
-times;<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> I will only observe, that had they listened at Vienna
-to the warnings, derived from the former experience
-of the friend of Paoli, France would never have suffered
-the misfortunes inflicted by the reign of the Hundred
-Days. The <i>corps diplomatique</i> received intelligence
-that Napoleon was seeking the opportunity of returning
-from exile, and reappearing in Europe, and General<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
-Pozzo, who well knew the energy of his countryman,
-proposed removing him to a more secure spot,&mdash;as, for
-example, one of the islands of the African Ocean, from
-whence escape would be impossible, so as to prevent
-any risk of his again throwing the whole of Europe into
-a state of danger and revolution.</p>
-
-<p>At Vienna, a coldness took place for the second time
-between Alexander and his confidential <i>employé</i>, occasioned
-by the difference of their opinions on the question
-of Poland. The Czar had taken it into his head that
-Poland must be formed into a vast kingdom, separated
-by its constitution from Russia, and even comprehending
-its ancient provinces within its boundaries, and Pozzo di
-Borgo was strongly opposed to the whole scheme: he
-foretold the consequences of such a proceeding in an
-exceedingly well-written memorial, full of sound judgment,
-and evincing a deep and extensive consideration of
-the subject. "The creation of such a kingdom," said
-he, "would only be encouraging the spirit of rebellion,
-and this would eventually involve the nobility and
-people of Poland in a deeper slavery; for if an insurrection
-were to take place, it would be necessary to
-repress it with severity."<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Alas, he spoke but too
-truly! What has been the ruin of Poland, and caused
-the dispersion of her generous nobility? Was it not
-the insane project of an impossible revolution? The
-Emperor Alexander withdrew for a short time his confidence
-from General Pozzo, to place it in Count Capo
-d'Istria, a man of rather a dreamy and visionary cast of
-mind, and whose opinion exactly coincided with his own,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
-concerning the emancipation of Greece and Poland, under
-the <i>suzeraineté</i> of the Czar.</p>
-
-<p>But all these occurrences were suddenly interrupted
-by the landing of Napoleon in the gulf of Juan. It
-was like the fall of a thunderbolt. Pozzo di Borgo,
-however, received the intelligence without any appearance
-of surprise; and when the <i>corps diplomatique</i> sought
-to remove the fears that had been excited as to the
-probability of war, he replied, "I well know Buonaparte;
-since he has landed, he will proceed to Paris, and
-if so, there must be no delay, no attempt at pacific
-measures; Europe should march at once against the
-common enemy." The Emperor Alexander sent for
-Pozzo di Borgo, to whom he restored his perfect confidence,
-and then despatched him to Ghent to Louis
-XVIII., charged with a military mission to the Anglo-Prussian
-army of the Low Countries. A general cry
-for war now arose at Vienna, and the allied powers
-made preparations for a fresh campaign, in spite of all
-the endeavours of Napoleon to separate Austria and
-Russia from the coalition. With this view, it is well
-known that he transmitted to Alexander a copy of
-the secret treaty concluded in March 1814, between
-England, France, and Austria, against Russia, relative to
-the Polish question; and from this point dates the
-extreme antipathy of Alexander for Talleyrand&mdash;an
-antipathy which more than once stood in the way of
-diplomatic transactions after the second invasion of
-France.</p>
-
-<p>General Pozzo arrived in Belgium, now the inevitable
-theatre of war, as Russian commissary to the Anglo-Prussian
-army, which formed the advanced guard of
-the coalition, at the very moment Napoleon made his
-appearance on the frontier. The Duke of Wellington
-was informed of the sudden arrival of his terrible adversary,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
-in the midst of a brilliant ball, under the
-thousand lustres of the palace of Laeken: the English
-troops were assembled in all haste, and a courier was
-despatched to Bulow, to desire him to quicken his
-march, and join the rest of the army. The Prussians,
-under Blucher, received a check at Ligny, and the
-English took up their position at Mont St. Jean. Pozzo
-di Borgo arrived there in a state of considerable anxiety.
-"How long do you think you can hold out?" said he.
-"I do not put much faith in the Belgians," replied the
-Duke of Wellington; "but I have a dozen British
-regiments with me, and I will engage to maintain my
-ground all day; but Bulow must come to my assistance
-before five o'clock in the evening." In the middle of
-the battle a note arrived from Bulow, promising his
-arrival in less than three hours; the news flew along
-the ranks, and the English army, feebly supported by
-the Belgians, resisted with an obstinate courage, which
-gained them the victory. At the funereal battle of
-Waterloo, Count Pozzo di Borgo received rather a
-serious wound.</p>
-
-<p>Napoleon's last battle-field was fought and lost! still
-Count Pozzo felt uneasy, and with reason, for the army
-of Alexander had taken no part in these events, indeed
-it had scarcely reached Germany; and was it not probable
-that the Duke of Wellington and Blucher, profiting
-by their successes, might take upon themselves to
-decide alone upon the fate of France? Pozzo di Borgo
-sent for a young Russian officer serving in the Prussian
-army, and said to him, "Spare not your horses, but in
-forty-eight hours let the czar be informed of this victory!
-Your fortune awaits you at the end of your journey."
-Though suffering from his wound, the diplomatist followed
-the Duke of Wellington closely to Paris: he
-resumed his office of ambassador to Louis XVIII., but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
-without the same favourable circumstances in regard to
-credit, as he had enjoyed in 1814. As he had foreseen,
-the occupation of Paris by the English and Prussian
-generals had rendered them all powerful there, the
-Fouché-Talleyrand ministry was almost entirely formed
-by the Duke of Wellington, and both those political
-characters were known to be devoted to England. Russia
-thus played but a secondary part, which it was very
-desirable should be augmented; but the arrival of the
-Emperor Alexander at the head of 230,000 bayonets
-soon changed the face of affairs.</p>
-
-<p>Talleyrand had evidence of this from the very first
-steps taken towards the preliminaries of peace; the Czar
-had an old grudge against the French plenipotentiary at
-Vienna, and he would not hear of any negotiation
-carried on by him; still Alexander's mediation was
-indispensable to our interests, in the discussions preparatory
-to a treaty of peace. England, Prussia, and
-Germany, exacted the most exorbitant conditions, being
-apparently desirous of making the most of their victory,
-and vieing with each other in the pillage of our unfortunate
-country. Lord Castlereagh's first minutes
-demanded the cession of a chain of fortresses along the
-Belgic frontier from Calais to Maubeuge; while the
-Prussians and Germans claimed Alsace and part of
-Lorraine; who but the Czar could defend us from the
-greediness of our conquerors? Talleyrand tried to
-appease Alexander by promising a high political situation
-to his ambassador; he offered Pozzo di Borgo the
-ministry of the interior, combined with that of the
-police, now vacant by the resignation of Fouché, or any
-other appointment he might prefer; but Count Pozzo
-declined his offers, declaring he could only be useful to
-France as an intermediate agent between the two governments;
-a Frenchman in his affections, and a Russian in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
-his position and duty, he would appear as a type of
-alliance between the two cabinets and the two nations.
-Talleyrand's plans fell to the ground, owing to the
-invincible objections of the Emperor Alexander, who
-persisted in his desire of seeing the ministry for foreign
-affairs intrusted to a man of his choice, and in whom he
-could place confidence; and he recommended the appointment
-of the Duc de Richelieu, designating him as
-the best of Frenchmen, and the most upright of men:
-Talleyrand was, therefore, obliged to give way; he
-gave in his resignation to Louis XVIII., who intrusted
-the Duc de Richelieu with the formation of another
-cabinet.</p>
-
-<p>From this moment the influence of Russia on public
-affairs became clearly defined. The Czar placed himself
-as the intermediary in all questions regarding territory,
-and he had, in point of fact, some object in wishing to
-uphold the active power of France in the south of
-Europe, in order that he might hereafter meet with an
-ally and supporter there. Pozzo di Borgo's influence
-increased with that of his emperor, and he always
-exercised it in a kind and favourable manner towards
-France. Let us take a retrospective glance of that most
-disastrous period, when the country, invaded by 800,000
-foreigners, was completely crushed under the burden of
-military contributions; but Alexander threw the weight
-of his opinion and his power into the scale, as opposed to
-the demands of the English, Prussians, and Germans,
-and the question of the cession of Alsace, Lorraine, and
-a great part of the northern provinces, was at an end.</p>
-
-<p>In the secret conferences of the plenipotentiaries, the
-Russian minister pressed the necessity of not exercising
-too much severity in the conditions exacted from France
-and the new dynasty; because, when dishonour, weakness,
-or degradation, are imposed upon a king or a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
-nation, a natural reaction takes place against a yoke too
-oppressive to be borne. The treaty of Paris, the result
-of these conferences, was no doubt a very hard measure;
-when the Duc de Richelieu signed it, the trembling of
-his hand shewed the pain and grief he endured, and he
-wrote a most noble letter, which is still extant, deploring
-this cruel necessity; still, compared with the conditions
-imposed by the Anglo-Prussians, a great step had been
-gained. France underwent no partition; though she
-lost some posts on the frontier, though she was obliged
-to submit to a military occupation, though a contribution
-of seven hundred millions<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> of francs was levied, at
-least she could look forward to a limit, however
-distant, to the evils of war, she neither lost Lorraine nor
-Alsace, she still was a great nation.</p>
-
-<p>When the Emperor Alexander quitted Paris, he invested
-Pozzo di Borgo with full power to uphold the
-government of Louis XVIII., to watch his first proceedings
-and prevent his first faults. A powerful royalist
-reaction had taken place; the greater part of the Chamber
-of 1815 had decided in favour of a system of unbounded
-energy, in which parties, when left to themselves,
-are always apt to indulge in the first joy of
-victory. This chamber was strongly opposed to the
-Richelieu ministry, and made political order of impossible
-attainment, though it was the only means of realising
-the loans, and, consequently, of fulfilling the terms
-imposed by the army of occupation. Under existing
-circumstances, moderation was not merely a natural
-impulse of elevated minds, it was an actual law of
-necessity; besides which, reactions do not create real
-resources, they only disturb people's minds, and destroy
-public prosperity. Pozzo di Borgo upheld the Duc de
-Richelieu in the plan common to both, of endeavouring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
-to arrest the ultra-royalist movement, which threw
-obstacles in the way of the fulfilment of their engagements
-towards the allies; and the <i>ordonnance</i> of the 5th
-of September altered the course of ideas, and political
-principles of the Restoration. The despatches of
-Pozzo di Borgo had prepared the Emperor Alexander
-for this change, being altogether in favour of the moderate
-royalist system, which the duke was desirous of
-following; "It was necessary," said he, "to put a stop
-to the reaction of 1815;" and the emperor perfectly
-agreed with him in opinion. The Russian minister considered
-this <i>ordonnance</i> as an act evincing the royal will,
-likely to be favourably received in Europe, and thus to
-advance the deliverance of the country from foreign
-occupation; the event shewed he was not mistaken, for
-Louis soon received letters from the Czar, congratulating
-him upon the act of firmness which enabled his government
-to pursue the path of salutary moderation.</p>
-
-<p>The Russian influence continued to increase. The
-military occupation was still in force, and France, which
-had to arrange pecuniary conventions resulting from
-various treaties, was exposed to very severe trials: war
-was succeeded by famine, famine by internal disorders,
-and simultaneous revolts. In his despatches to the
-emperor, Pozzo di Borgo endeavoured to convince him
-of the necessity of alleviating the burden of the military
-contributions, unless they wished to drive to despair a
-nation which they might find it difficult to bring into
-entire subjection. I never met with a collection of
-documents better reasoned, or more thoroughly imbued
-with the desire of putting an end to the military occupation
-of the country; perhaps his strong and patriotic
-anxiety on that head often made him form too severe a
-judgment of the royalist party.</p>
-
-<p>The influence of the Russian ambassador was favourable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
-to all the negotiations of the French government,
-and at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle it assumed the
-character of a most generous intervention. Before starting
-for the congress he had received full authority from
-his sovereign to endeavour to prevail upon the Duke of
-Wellington to declare himself arbiter and mediator in
-the delicate question regarding the debts claimed by
-foreigners from the French government. These liabilities
-exceeded all bounds; and Pozzo di Borgo, appealing
-to the generosity and military honour of the Duke of
-Wellington, persuaded him to give over the military
-occupation which injured and tormented France, and to
-make an end of these liquidations, which appeared to
-have neither limit nor probable termination. Though
-the Duke of Wellington had an interest in keeping up a
-command which invested him with such vast authority
-in France, he consented to become the arbiter of the
-different interests; and affairs were thus arranged
-beforehand, that no obstacle might arise to interfere with
-the resolutions already formed, and which were to be
-finally settled at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle.</p>
-
-<p>The result of that congress was the liberation of
-France, the credit and trouble attending which are due
-to the Duc de Richelieu; but the exertions of Pozzo di
-Borgo also contributed greatly to calm the fears of
-Alexander, which had been excited by the liberal tendency
-at that time so vehement in Europe.</p>
-
-<p>The disposition of the Czar always evinced a greater
-degree of warmth and generosity than of deep reflection;
-a bias had been given by education, and he was also surrounded
-by timid people, constantly ready to be alarmed
-at the posture of affairs, and more especially uneasy at
-the excited state of the German universities. During
-his brief stay in Paris, after the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle,
-Alexander had entered into an explanation on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
-this subject with the French king. According to his
-ideas, the principal danger in Europe at that time arose
-from Jacobinism, and this was an evil above all others
-to be avoided; it was a disorder of a new species, against
-which the Holy Alliance would have some difficulty in
-acting so as to preserve the world from its contagion.
-The instructions left with Pozzo di Borgo bore the
-stamp of the same opinions; and what must have been
-the disappointment of the emperor, when, upon his
-arrival at Warsaw, he received intelligence that the
-Richelieu ministry was dissolved, and that a political
-system more decidedly liberal had been adopted by
-France! The Russian ambassador felt no repugnance
-for General Dessole, and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, who
-formed part of this administration, for they both belonged
-to the military opposition which had formed the basis of
-the restoration; but, when the choice fell upon M.
-Grégoire, and when the Duc de Berri was assassinated,
-terror and amazement took possession of the <i>corps diplomatique</i>,
-and Pozzo di Borgo was not unacquainted with
-the resolutions which again placed the Duc de Richelieu
-at the head of affairs. The influence of the ambassador
-was then neither very strong nor important, for a very
-simple reason; from the year 1815 to 1818 it was impossible
-the French government should act independent of
-foreigners; they occupied the country; it was necessary
-to consult their diplomatic agents, and be in a great measure
-decided by their opinion; but, when France was delivered
-from them, the influence changed its nature, there
-was then no material action, only a moral, and consequently
-limited, influence exercised by the <i>corps diplomatique</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The revolutionary spirit began to be manifest in
-Europe: Spain, Naples, Piémont, had all proclaimed
-the constitution with arms in their hands; the assassination
-of Kotzebue, the excited state of the universities, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
-mysterious societies in the Russian army, the riots at
-Manchester, the commotions of the active population of
-Paris in the month of June 1820, all were presages of a
-popular movement against crowned heads. The thrones
-of Europe were never more shaken than in those two
-years of 1820 and 21; it was necessary they should
-defend themselves. Pozzo di Borgo, therefore, received
-orders to uphold the royalist system of the Duc de
-Richelieu's second ministry, and he entered into it with a
-loyal ardour which proceeded not only from the personal
-friendship he entertained for that minister, but
-also from his profound conviction that certain limits
-would not be overstepped. Nevertheless, from the
-hands of M. de Richelieu the government fell into those
-of MM. de Montmorency and De Villèle, the representatives
-of the ultra-monarchical and religious opinions,
-and who had a bias towards the English system. Count
-Pozzo felt some annoyance in viewing the triumph of
-men with whom he was well acquainted, and whom he
-had even been called upon to oppose in the <i>ordonnance</i>
-of the 5th of September; but the orders of his sovereign
-were imperative, and he became their organ at Paris.
-He approved of the occupation of Piémont by the
-Austrians; and his advice principally decided the question
-of the war with Spain, which had been suggested
-at the congresses of Troppan and Laybach, and finally
-resolved upon at Verona.</p>
-
-<p>The royalist party returned in triumph from Cadiz,
-having replaced Ferdinand VII. on his throne. In that
-country, where moderation either in politics or religion
-is unknown, the power had fallen into the hands of Don
-Saez, the king's confessor; and the object of Russia being
-always to exercise a powerful influence in the south of
-Europe, in order to counterbalance that of England,
-Count Pozzo received orders to repair to Madrid and use<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
-all his endeavours to push M. Hirujo into the ministry,
-who was a man of moderate views, and consequently inclined
-to favour the Russian interests. A perfect understanding
-on this head existed between the Russian
-minister and M. de Villèle. M. de Hirujo, forerunner
-of M. Zéa, gained the ascendant at Madrid, and people
-could reckon upon the government of Ferdinand being
-conducted with some degree of order and regularity.
-Pozzo di Borgo then returned to Paris; he was on intimate
-terms with MM. Pasquier and Molé, friends of the
-Duc de Richelieu, and disapproved highly of the folly
-of the royalist party, who tormented France every year
-with fresh laws, still more remarkable for their silliness
-and want of importance than for their unpopular tendency;
-but the ambassador had now hardly any influence
-upon the government; it was almost entirely confined to
-the opposition formed in the diplomatic circles and in
-good society, which before long extended to the conduct
-of the sovereign. Although he approved of the law
-regarding the conversion of the <i>rentes</i>,<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> he had no hesitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
-in giving utterance to his opinion concerning the
-extreme unpopularity the measure would naturally be
-attended with. "The King of France," said he, "wishes
-to become the richest sovereign in Europe; but I greatly
-fear this measure will lead to some unfortunate catastrophe.
-People do not play with impunity with the
-<i>pot-au-feu</i> of the citizens." And the event shewed his
-opinion to have been well founded.</p>
-
-<p>At this period the Russian ambassador lost his protector,
-I may almost say his friend. Alexander died on
-his journey into the Crimea, a pilgrimage enveloped in
-mystery,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and which was immediately followed by the
-revolutionary movement in St. Petersburg. Some officers
-were desirous of throwing the government into the
-hands of the old Russian nobility, always ready to enter
-into any measure calculated to restore the predominance
-of the Muscovite aristocracy, which was a sort of republic
-formed of the great vassals of the crown. Would the
-Emperor Nicholas repose the same confidence in Pozzo di
-Borgo that his predecessor had done? He had not like
-Alexander a sort of brotherhood in arms and affairs with
-his ambassador, but as Count Nesselrode remained at the
-head of affairs, he retained his situation and presented his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
-renewed credentials to Charles X. at the time when the
-storms of the opposition assumed every where a menacing
-aspect. Two years afterwards the ministry of M. de
-Villèle was at an end, and the king formed a fresh
-administration, at the head of which he intended placing
-M. de Martignac and M. de la Ferronays. The latter
-was at that time ambassador at St. Petersburg, and enjoyed
-the confidence of the Emperor Nicholas, who was
-therefore likely to be satisfied with his appointment to
-the ministry, and Pozzo di Borgo considered it necessary
-to support him with all his power; for the interests of
-Russia had at that time assumed so complicated a form,
-that the concurrence of France was a matter of the greatest
-importance to her.</p>
-
-<p>Russia had deeply offended the Porte by signing the
-treaty of the month of June 1827, which established the
-independence of Greece; and the Mussulmans, proud of
-their ancient glory, had been still further irritated by the
-battle of Navarino. The occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia
-had given rise to fresh dissensions, which ended
-by the Russian ambassador's quitting Constantinople.
-Every thing was thus progressing towards a war likely to
-involve Russia in considerable danger, especially if England
-were to take part with the Sultan: the Emperor
-Nicholas was determined to pass the Balkan, for he found
-it necessary to employ the superstitious and turbulent
-disposition of the old Russian nobility in active military
-operations, to prevent its bursting out in revolutionary
-attempts.</p>
-
-<p>Under these circumstances Count Nesselrode commissioned
-Pozzo di Borgo to sound the French cabinet as
-to the conditions they would require,&mdash;not for an armed
-alliance, but simply to observe a friendly neutrality
-during the oriental war. Count Pozzo proposed that
-France should keep up a force of 100, or 150,000, to act<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
-as a check upon Austria, and augment her armaments, so
-as to restrain England; he also hinted that should any
-important advantages result to Russia from the events of
-the campaign, the frontiers of France might possibly be reconsidered
-and the natural boundary of the Rhine granted
-to her without expense, by arranging an indemnity for
-Prussia and Holland; and that indeed it was not impossible
-the Morea might be given her as a compensatory
-measure, with the same rights as those enjoyed by England
-over the republic of the seven islands. What a
-magnificent portion this would have been for France!</p>
-
-<p>The first operations of the campaign were not attended
-with success: there were sanguinary sieges and doubtful
-battles. During this time Count Pozzo exhibited the
-utmost activity in Paris, where the checks sustained by
-the Russians were the general subject of conversation, and
-General Lamarque had even published a series of articles
-to prove that the destruction of the army was inevitable.
-General Pozzo entered much into society, and at every
-fresh disaster or difficulty he strove to remove the fears
-they excited as to the consequences of the war: "Wait,
-have patience," repeated he incessantly, "and then you
-will see." The best understanding existed between him
-and M. de la Ferronays, who exerted himself to calm the
-minds which England took equal pains to disturb.</p>
-
-<p>The following year the Russian armies were more fortunate,
-having advanced upon Constantinople, and the
-position of the ambassador became less difficult; but to
-counterbalance this advantage, the ministerial revolution
-took place in the month of August, which placed Prince
-Polignac, and consequently the English system of precedents
-and opinions, at the head of affairs. Pozzo de
-Borgo was much annoyed at this change; the cabinet of
-St. Petersburg entered into an explanation on the subject
-with M. de Mortemart, and in proportion as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
-French ministry advanced in the adventurous path of
-<i>coups d'état</i>, Count Pozzo multiplied his despatches to
-his government to warn them of an impending catastrophe.
-The information he gave on this subject was so
-positive, that the Emperor spoke to M. de Mortemart,
-telling him he was well aware some foolish steps were
-about to be taken in Paris. "The king of France," added
-he, "is at liberty to act as he pleases in his kingdom, but
-if evil comes of it, so much the worse for him. Give him
-warning that he will not be supported, and that Europe
-will not engage in a quarrel on his account."</p>
-
-<p>The Russian ambassador only became acquainted with
-the <i>ordonnances</i> of July the evening before they were
-promulgated; he had neither been informed confidentially,
-nor had he received any official intimation; only a
-few days before the event he said in a conference with
-Polignac, "Prince, I do not wish to inquire into your
-secrets, I do not ask you what you are about, only take
-precautions not to compromise Europe;" and then Prince
-Polignac replied with his habitual smile, so expressive of
-perfect security, "All we ask is, that Europe will not
-compromise us." At these words the ambassador turned
-his back upon him. When the fatal <i>ordonnances</i> appeared
-the next day in the Moniteur, Pozzo di Borgo expressed
-great dissatisfaction and alarm at seeing the utter carelessness
-of the government in the midst of so much
-difficulty and danger, and the total absence of any military
-force or precaution. "How," said he, "are there no
-troops? The bridges are not occupied! Have no military
-precautions been taken?" "Every thing is quiet," replied
-they, "nobody stirs." "Every thing quiet!" repeated the
-ambassador warmly, "yes, every thing will probably
-be quiet to-day, but to-morrow we shall have firing in
-the streets, and the next day who knows what may happen?
-I shall be obliged to ask for my passports."</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Here was the commencement of another series of
-events. It is necessary to judge the conduct of the ambassador
-during the latter days of the government which
-was about to expire, and the commencement of that which
-succeeded to it.</p>
-
-<p>The events of July were characterised by so much
-agitation and importance, that the <i>corps diplomatique</i>
-must have found itself placed in an embarrassing position:
-Charles X. had quitted St. Cloud and sought refuge at
-Rambouillet, and a municipal commission had restored
-order in the midst of the insurrection. If Prince Polignac
-had possessed the slightest political forethought, he
-would have notified to the <i>corps diplomatique</i> that the
-king proposed removing his menaced government to
-such and such a part of the kingdom; this resolution
-would have served as an official order to all the ambassadors,
-to accompany the sovereign who had received
-their credentials, and by whom they were officially
-accredited, and their presence at St. Cloud would have
-been a sort of protest against the events then taking
-place at Paris; it might also have facilitated the negotiation
-between the royal party and the Hôtel de Ville,
-for the provisional government would have been afraid
-of committing itself with Europe, and being exposed to a
-general war. But with the utter carelessness he displayed
-in the whole business, Prince Polignac, minister
-for foreign affairs, made no official communication to the
-<i>corps diplomatique</i>, but treated every thing with a degree
-of levity quite in keeping with his predestinarian character.</p>
-
-<p>The ambassadors naturally hesitated what course
-they should pursue in the midst of so many difficulties.
-Should they proceed to St. Cloud? But it was necessary
-the translation of the government should be officially<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
-notified to them by the minister for foreign affairs;
-ought they to make observations, to mix themselves up
-with the withdrawal of the <i>ordonnances</i>, or the negotiations
-of the Hôtel de Ville and the provisional government?
-That was not their duty, nor had they any
-right to interfere. The only plan, then, they could adopt
-was to await the end of the struggle, and not concern
-themselves with the plan of the government, until it
-placed itself in communication with their respective
-courts by requiring to be recognised.</p>
-
-<p>In a meeting at the residence of the Nuncio, they
-decided upon remaining at Paris until further orders,
-and taking no part in events until they should receive
-an official communication from Charles X. Couriers
-extraordinary were despatched to the different courts to
-keep them constantly informed of the progress of this
-important affair, and request further instructions; generally
-speaking, all the despatches blamed Prince Polignac's
-carelessness, and described the events that had taken place
-in Paris in moderate language; mentioning the order
-that prevailed in the midst of disorder, the appointment
-of a lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and the
-abdication of the King and of the Duke of Angoulême:
-they then awaited patiently the termination of the
-insurrection, without compromising themselves, and
-without either giving or receiving an impulsion.</p>
-
-<p>Here we must take a general view of the life of Count
-Pozzo di Borgo to explain the constantly serious and
-temperate direction of his despatches. He had never
-belonged to the ultra royalist party, but being a man of
-moderation and principle he had restricted himself to
-measures, corresponding with the events brought to pass
-by the French revolution: in this consisted the bond of
-union between him and the Richelieu party, composed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
-of Pasquier, Molé, and de Rayneval, who were all strongly
-opposed to <i>coups d'état</i>. The despatches of Count Pozzo
-evince at all times a spirit of forethought and moderation.
-In 1816 he supported the Duc de Richelieu; in
-1828, the ministry of M. de Martignac and the Comte de
-la Ferronays; when the ministry of Prince Polignac was
-formed, he, like every one else, foresaw the disasters
-likely to ensue, and his correspondence made such an
-impression at St. Petersburg, that the Emperor Nicholas
-thought it necessary to speak to M. de Mortemart on the
-subject. The Czar entertained a strong dislike to the
-ministry of Prince Polignac, because he believed him to
-be devoted to the English system, and the fall of M. de
-Martignac appeared to him a sort of check to his eastern
-policy; he repeated several times to M. de Mortemart,
-"Are they preparing anything in Paris against the
-charter? Write to the King to take care what he is
-about; above all, let him avoid <i>coups d'état</i>." In considering
-the attitude assumed by the <i>corps diplomatique</i>
-at this juncture, it is very important to bear in mind, that
-in the transactions of 1814 and 1815, as well as in the
-minutes of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, the charter and the
-dynasty were considered equally under the protection of
-Europe, and were viewed as inseparable.</p>
-
-<p>They had not long to wait for the recognition of most
-of the various courts of Europe; England, though
-governed by the Duke of Wellington and the Tories,
-approved in many successive despatches of a revolution
-conducted on the plan of that in 1688; Prussia came next,
-then Austria, without any symptom of hesitation; and,
-lastly, Pozzo di Borgo received credentials from his
-sovereign, which he presented with confidence and
-dignity, one idea being constantly predominant in his
-mind,&mdash;that order and peace were the first requisites in
-an European government.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Matters were in this state when the Polish question
-placed Pozzo di Borgo in a situation of great difficulty;
-perhaps under no circumstances of his diplomatic life
-was more discretion required and displayed. The ardent
-sympathies of the mob had been roused in favour of the
-Poles; a commotion took place in Paris, and spread in
-that city scarcely recovered from the agitation occasioned
-by the revolution of July; the cry of "Success to Poland!
-Down with the Russians!" was heard under the windows
-of the ambassador, stones were thrown at the hôtel,
-and the Russian legation surrounded their chief, endeavouring
-to persuade him to demand his passports, a step
-that would have announced a complete rupture. The
-ambassador appeased the impatience of his legation:
-"Our sovereign," said he, "is just now in a ticklish
-situation, and we must take no rash steps with regard to
-France, so as to involve ourselves in a fresh difficulty;
-let us wait for the apologies which will soon be made us;
-the mob is not the government; we are not ambassadors
-to the street, but to a regular authority. Let us turn
-the popular fury, not attack it in front." The next
-morning the minister for foreign affairs paid an official
-visit to Count Pozzo, to apologise on the part of the
-government, and a body of troops was ordered for his
-protection against any violence that might still be
-attempted by the mob.</p>
-
-<p>From his earliest youth Pozzo di Borgo had been
-accustomed to dwell in the midst of political crises, and
-he was therefore not disturbed by the symptoms of
-insurrection around him, especially as he had full confidence
-in the wisdom and decision of the cabinet; some secret
-conferences had also made him aware, that France would
-not interfere in favour of Poland, but would allow Russia,
-Austria, and Prussia, the free exercise of their rights
-over that unfortunate country. The treaties of 1815<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
-were still more firmly established than before, a few
-empty words of sympathy or encouragement were
-bestowed upon the insurgents, and Europe viewed with
-satisfaction the conduct of the new government, whose
-moderate measures had been rendered more difficult, by
-the threatening attitude assumed by different parties, and
-the prevalence of excited opinions armed with sufficient
-power to make them dangerous. Is no credit due to the
-wisdom which was the means of preserving peace? the
-forethought and moderation which averted the evil tendency
-of party spirit? Count Pozzo was loaded with
-compliments and expressions of gratitude, for he had
-probably saved Europe from a general war by not quitting
-Paris. The Polish insurrection was put down, after
-which all the forces of Russia were available against any
-foreign interference; and the ambassador who had safely
-passed through the dangerous crisis, had great cause to
-congratulate himself upon results, which left the cabinet
-of St. Petersburg at liberty to decide at once upon the
-fate of Poland. That country received no assistance from
-France; the interference of the French Chambers was
-limited to some barren protests in answer to which Pozzo
-di Borgo represented that Poland had been the aggressor,
-having torn asunder the bands of the constitution by her
-revolt, and that the Propaganda alone would be to blame
-should Poland now cease entirely to exist: that great
-efforts had been made since the year 1815 to overcome
-the natural antipathy entertained by the Russians for
-the Poles, which was as strong as the dislike existing
-between the Jews and Christians in Poland. What
-exertion and anxiety it had cost the generous heart of
-Alexander to give a national constitution to Poland! it
-was a subject on which he had consulted rather his
-feelings than his understanding, and the old Russian
-nobility had never forgiven his conduct on the occasion.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In the midst of all these serious political occurrences,
-of the disturbances in Paris, the various plots both foreign
-and domestic, the Russian campaign against Constantinople,
-and the imperative,&mdash;I might almost say, the
-capricious orders of his court, Count Pozzo always
-preserved the character of a man of impartial moderation,
-and of a skilful statesman who conceives and works out
-a system, without giving way to any of the crotchets
-formed by prince or courtier capable of endangering
-more serious interests. He who had resisted the Emperor
-Alexander by expressing his opinion with firmness,
-always continued to refuse obedience to instructions
-irreconcilable with the rules of general policy, which
-form the basis and regulate the relations between one
-state and another. Such was the constant tenor of his
-despatches after the year 1830. He was convinced that
-France, to the rest of Europe must serve as a principle
-either of order or disorder, possessing either way very
-great influence; and to all requisitions which did not
-tally with these ideas, he replied by writing to his court,
-"You have other agents besides me for affairs of this
-nature; I am only fit for moderate and conciliatory
-measures."</p>
-
-<p>When the Turkish war was concluded, the ambassador
-received orders to proceed to London for the
-purpose of forming a just estimate of the state of affairs,
-and the position of the Whigs and Tories; having been
-successful in his endeavours to prevent France from
-taking part against Russia, it now became equally
-essential to sound the Tories, and become acquainted
-with the bent of their views, should parliament and the
-march of public opinion again place them at the head of
-affairs. The official ambassador from Russia to London
-was Prince Lieven, or rather it was said <i>Princess</i> Lieven,
-a woman of great ability, whose brilliant assemblies were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
-the favourite resort of the Tory nobility, and the centre
-of political intelligence. Count Pozzo had very little
-communication with the Whig ministry; his acquaintance
-was principally with the Duke of Wellington and
-the Earl of Aberdeen, who was minister for foreign
-affairs, for the Tory interest; for that party, although out
-of office, still retained some representatives among the
-ministry. The conversations between the Duke and
-Pozzo di Borgo, were an interchange of recollections and
-hopes, together with the means of regulating the probabilities
-of the return of the Tories into the ministry.
-It was already in contemplation, although public opinion
-had strongly opposed a premature attempt made by the
-Duke of Wellington to resume the direction of affairs.
-In political life it is a mark of great ability to know how
-<i>to bide one's time</i>.</p>
-
-<p>Still a kind of slight was about to cloud the life of
-Count Pozzo. Hitherto whatever missions might have
-been assigned to him exclusive of his official functions in
-Paris, he had always retained the title of ambassador to
-the court of France, and his tastes and inclinations led
-him to consider that country as his own. When he was
-despatched to Madrid, and more recently to London, his
-sovereign had not withdrawn his credentials, his post was
-still Paris: what was the reason a different course of
-proceeding took place upon this occasion, and that he received
-the title of ambassador extraordinary to his Britannic
-Majesty? It would be in vain to deny that it was
-a mark of his being out of favour, nor was this the only
-occasion upon which such had been the case in the course
-of his life. His disposition was not one that would bend
-to caprices or submit to demands which did not concern
-him. I have heard him complain of being watched by a
-number of special envoys, whose employments did not
-fall within the range of the regular communications<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
-between two governments, two nations naturally formed
-to esteem each other. This somewhat haughty disposition,
-led to the ambassador's loss of favour; it was
-however covered by a purple robe, by the appointment
-of ambassador to London.</p>
-
-<p>Count Nesselrode entered into an explanation of the
-duties connected with the ambassador's new appointment.
-It was intended he should use all his influence
-to support the menaced Tory interest; his intimacy with
-the Duke of Wellington was well known, but it was
-considered that a merely provisional title, would not be
-sufficient to confer the necessary <i>éclat</i> and importance
-upon the Russian ambassador, for which reason he was
-to receive the definitive and official appointment. As soon
-as the mission should be accomplished, when the Duke of
-Wellington should have been dissuaded from his inclination
-to unite with Austria on the Eastern question, and
-the Tories have been actively supported, Pozzo di Borgo
-was to be reinstated in his appointment in Paris, and
-permitted to follow his tastes and habitual pursuits in
-the country he considered as his home. This despatch
-afforded some consolation to the ambassador, who was
-affected by a feeling of sadness in breaking the ties that
-bound him to a society in which he had so many intimate
-friends, but in these mournful separations he was now
-supported by the hope of a speedy return. Every thing
-around was dear to him, even the palace whose gradual
-embellishment he had taken pleasure in watching; the
-verdure of the gardens, the shade of exotic trees, the
-fragrant flowers, the vast and well-chosen library of
-Italian authors, whose works he was so fond of reciting
-from memory, and the views of Corsica suspended in his
-apartments, the gulf of Ajaccio which recalled the early
-youth of the friend of Paoli.</p>
-
-<p>When admitted to any degree of intimacy with Count<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
-Pozzo, you were particularly struck with the energy of
-his manners and his vigorous mode of expression; his
-handsome though swarthy countenance was shaded by
-greyish hair, always arranged in a picturesque manner,
-as Gerard has represented him in one of his admirable
-portraits. His conversation was at first reserved and
-guarded, but gradually became animated and full of
-imagery and wit which sparkled through a slightly Corsican
-accent; his memory resembled a vast bazaar, full
-of the varied recollections of a long and troubled life.
-If you were desirous of seeing the mind of Count Pozzo
-in its full glory, you had only to speak to him of Corsica,
-ask him questions concerning the history of Paoli, or
-turn the conversation upon the national republic established
-in the island, and the <i>Consulta</i> which chose him
-as secretary to the government, and then you would be
-struck with the animation of his voice and gestures; his
-piercing eyes seemed to seek in your mind the emotions
-that glowed in his own, till you actually felt as if present
-with him at the assembly where the Corsican people
-proclaimed their independence. He did not indulge in
-anecdotes to the degree Talleyrand used to do in his
-long evening conversations, but he was more serious and
-truthful in his reminiscences, and did not play with facts,
-but always took a serious view of them. Without the
-habitual tact that characterised him, he might have been
-drawn into further confessions, for he was scarcely
-master of himself when speaking of his early political
-life. He was a man whose memory was so full of facts,
-that they oozed out at every pore; a spirit I took great
-delight in consulting, because the great struggle of
-Europe against Napoleon was shadowed forth by him,
-in a very different point of view from that assumed by
-the bad pamphlets of the imperial school.</p>
-
-<p>I saw him depart for London in the full enjoyment of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
-his powerful faculties, retaining his eagle glance, the
-elevated expression of his noble brow, and his bright
-searching eyes, while his mouth was expressive of mildness
-and goodness. But he was evidently out of spirits,
-and he quitted Paris with the idea that some misfortune
-would occur before he should see it again. In London
-he transacted the affairs of his government with the same
-devotion and activity as ever, but he took no pleasure in
-his employment; the friendship of the Duke of Wellington,
-his companion in more than one battle-field, was his
-only enjoyment; they passed whole days together at
-Apsley House talking over the affairs of Europe, and
-their recollections; speaking, the one of the caprice of
-the people who broke his windows, the other of the
-ingratitude of a court incapable of comprehending that
-order, and peace with a powerful nation like France, are
-essential to the tranquillity of Europe.</p>
-
-<p>Weary of so long a diplomatic career, he had at last
-obtained permission to seek the retirement he so ardently
-coveted, when a letter from the Emperor apprised him
-of the intended journey of a Czarewitch to London, and
-requested him to act as a guide to the young prince
-during his stay in England. This involved a degree of
-responsibility and of moral fatigue which shortened the
-life of Count Pozzo. How would the heir to the Russian
-throne be received by the English nation, so capricious
-both in their affections and their hatred? The trial terminated
-happily, but it may be safely asserted that the
-last remains of strength possessed by the ambassador
-sunk under the exertion.</p>
-
-<p>I saw him on his return to Paris: what a sad alteration
-from his former self! and what mere worms we are in
-the hand of God, who disposes at His pleasure of the mind
-and intellects of man! He no longer found any enjoyment
-or ease except in the society of his nephew, Count<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
-Pozzo di Borgo, and his amiable niece, a daughter of the
-noble house of Crillon. Was the old ambassador
-desirous of shewing that he had never ceased to be a
-Frenchman, by quartering his Corsican coat-of-arms
-with the escutcheon and honourable devices borne by the
-brother-in-arms of Henry IV.?</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="M_PASQUIER" id="M_PASQUIER">M. PASQUIER.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> administration of the Empire was, generally
-speaking, strong, full of energy and unity of purpose;
-it was composed of two elements, the ruins of the republican
-party now rallied around the dictatorship of
-Napoleon, and became submissive under his iron rule,
-such as Treilhard, Merlin, and Thibaudeau, and the
-pure and elevated remains of the old monarchical school,
-like Molé, De Fontanes, and De Narbonne. According
-to the custom observed in all governments possessed of
-any portion of strength and intelligence, Buonaparte collected
-around himself all the persons whose names were
-honourably connected with past events, or exercised any influence
-over the present or the past; he indulged neither in
-fear nor repugnance, because he had perfect confidence in
-his own power of restraining and managing every thing.
-Before the revolution of 1789, some parliamentary families
-existed, who transmitted the highest magisterial
-offices from one generation to another, forming a sanctuary
-in which public morals, duties, and learning, were
-preserved and perpetuated. There were no doubt some
-little party prejudices among them, together with a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
-tendency towards the feelings of the patricians of Rome;
-considering themselves to have succeeded to the assemblies
-of the states-general. But though the parliament
-sometimes threw difficulties in the way of the executive
-government, still they maintained the spirit of liberty
-and probity through the lapse of ages, and people
-considered them as a political guarantee, upon occasions
-when a degree of confusion and disorder prevailed in the
-constitution of the country.</p>
-
-<p>The family of the Pasquiers were descended from
-Etienne Pasquier, a man of great talent and erudition,
-author of a celebrated work entitled "<i>Recherches sur la
-France</i>." His character was very remarkable from the
-versatility of his talents and occupations; he wrote clever
-verses, and displayed the greatest ability in the important
-correspondence in which he was engaged, and during
-the troubles of the League, he strove to find a middle
-course from whence he might offer himself as a timid mediator
-among the opposing parties. In my writings upon
-the events of the sixteenth century, I have often spoken
-of that good Etienne Pasquier, with his ingenious talents
-and the exquisite tact he displayed in the evil times of
-civil war.</p>
-
-<p>The direct progenitors of the subject of this memoir
-held an appointment in the parliament, and his father,
-Etienne Pasquier, councillor in the parliament of Paris,
-was denounced at the revolutionary tribunal and condemned
-to death on the 21st of April, 1794. His son
-was brought up at the College of Juilly, a fine institution,
-which has produced many distinguished characters. I
-have always admired the mild and careful system pursued
-by religious bodies, where the education of the heart
-and mind is as carefully attended to as that of the
-head, and which invested each professor with so paternal
-a character, that even the most ungrateful of his pupils<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
-could never entirely shake off the recollection; witness
-Voltaire and Diderot.</p>
-
-<p>M. Pasquier had scarcely left college before he was
-appointed to a situation in the Parisian parliament,
-according to the custom observed in families of the legal
-profession, where the office of the father was inherited
-by the son. He did not long continue to wear the parliamentary
-habit; he was, however, enabled to be present
-at the solemn debates which took place in that assembly,
-and were terminated by the convocation of the States-general,
-and he there received his first lesson in political
-life. The magistracy were carried away in the general
-tempest, and the parliaments were destroyed by the revolution;
-the resistance to the royal prerogative had
-originated with them, and both were abolished at the
-same time.</p>
-
-<p>Popular excitement is always ungrateful, and deals its
-first blow upon those by whom it has been assisted or
-fostered, thus affording an important lesson to demagogues
-or flatterers of the populace.</p>
-
-<p>M. Pasquier did not emigrate during the revolutionary
-troubles; he was proscribed like all persons bearing a historic
-name, and at the age of twenty-six years he received
-a summons to appear before the committee of public
-safety, which was soon after succeeded by his being
-placed under arrest at St. Lazare, on the evening before
-the 9th Thermidor. The close of the reign of terror
-restored him to liberty, and the restoration of the
-property of condemned persons enabled him to retire to
-the estates of his family, which like those possessed by all
-the parliamentary races were covered with thick woods,
-in whose impenetrable retreats they were accustomed to
-seek shelter, in the evil days of exile, from their accustomed
-employments.</p>
-
-<p>When order was restored under Napoleon, M.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
-Pasquier returned to Paris, and appeared in society,
-especially at the house of M. Cambacérès, who was partial
-to the old magisterial families, and his remarkable
-talents soon brought him into notice. At that period
-the Emperor was desirous of establishing a monarchical
-system upon elevated principles, and sought every where
-among men and things the materials for his purpose;
-every noble or influential name attracted his attention,
-for he was well aware of the power exercised by hereditary
-rank, and knew that past recollections have as
-much influence as present energy in the restoration of
-States. The Arch-chancellor Cambacérès agreed in the
-Emperor's sentiments; and he, who was himself one of
-the enlightened magistrates of the <i>Cour des Aides</i> at
-Montpelier, suggested the name of M. Pasquier for the
-situation of Master of Requests. It is rather a remarkable
-circumstance that the memorial of the Arch-chancellor
-contained the names of three candidates,
-MM. de Molé, Pasquier, and Portalis; they all received
-appointments on the same day, and have never
-been separated in the course of their political life, their
-career having been facilitated and its importance augmented
-by the strong political friendship that subsisted
-between them, in spite of the difference in their age and
-capacity.</p>
-
-<p>M. Pasquier, while master of requests at the <i>Conseil
-d'Etat</i>, was distinguished by his laborious attention and
-assiduity, at the time when improvement had assumed
-a serious and reflective form; he had passed his fortieth
-year when he was appointed attorney-general of the
-great seal, and afterwards Councillor of state. The State
-council was a powerful and important school; the Emperor,
-who entertained a strong antipathy towards all
-bodies that deliberated under the sanction of publicity,
-had a perfect horror of the representative system, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
-public speaking; he liked to collect suffrages, to listen to
-all opinions, reserving to himself the right of deciding
-upon them, and weighing them against each other in
-such a manner, that an imperial decree should never
-sanction an equivocal project or a bad measure. The
-council of state, composed of very eminent men, was the
-real <i>corps politique</i>; and even the title of Master of
-requests was not a common rank granted to aspirants of
-an inferior grade. In this anxious and laborious situation,
-the Masters of requests, attached to a section of the
-council, devoted their existence to it, and the great end
-and aim of their executive career was the situation of
-Councillor of state, a title of which the characters best
-known to fame were ambitious.</p>
-
-<p>This close and incessant every-day application suited
-perfectly the studious mind of M. Pasquier; a generation
-of young men had sprung up, whose souls were entirely
-given up to assiduous attention to business, and who
-devoted themselves to the active and deliberative portion
-of the administration. The Master of requests had
-already received the title of Baron and officer of the
-legion of honour in reward of his services, when the
-dismissal of M. Dubois, after the melancholy burning of
-Prince Schwartzenburg's palace, left vacant the prefecture
-of police, an appointment originally instituted
-during the Consulate. The police was divided into two
-parts:&mdash;the political police, which was charged with the
-general safety of the kingdom and the surveillance of
-political parties, constantly in a state of commotion even
-under the heavy hand of Napoleon; it was always intrusted
-to the minister of a department, and the situation was at
-that time filled by General Savary; and the prefecture
-of police, an appointment of a more simple order, circumscribed
-within the walls of Paris, whose chief had charge
-of the <i>édilité</i>, that is to say, of the safety and cleanliness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
-of the city and the inspection of the markets and provisions,
-all duties of considerable importance. The
-prefect of police also regulated the bulletins concerning
-the state of the public mind, so as to act as a check upon
-the minister of police. During the time of the Empire,
-each of these situations involved serious duties and considerable
-responsibility.</p>
-
-<p>When appointed to the prefecture of police, M. Pasquier
-devoted himself entirely to the discharge of his
-official duties, and voluminous writings still exist upon the
-provisioning of the capital, and the method of multiplying
-magazines in the time of abundance; this had now
-become a question of great anxiety, occupying the serious
-attention of the government, for in the year 1811, the
-first symptoms of an alarming scarcity made their
-appearance. The price of bread had reached an exorbitant
-height, and people were constantly on the brink of
-a disturbance owing to the dearness of grain of all kinds.
-I have perused and analysed with the greatest attention
-the important writings of M. Pasquier under the empire,
-deposited in the archives of the prefecture of police.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
-
-<p>It must be recollected that Napoleon was then about
-to depart upon his Russian expedition, and it may easily
-be imagined that contending parties would give occasion
-to extreme anxiety during his adventurous campaign:
-how great was that entertained by the prefect of police!
-his nights were devoted to quieting the alarms excited
-by false bulletins, and strengthening the confidence of
-the people, for the <i>prestige</i> that surrounded Napoleon
-was beginning to disappear, a certain spirit of independence
-and animadversion was gradually gaining ground,
-and numerous caricatures, <i>bons mots</i>, and epigrams,
-attacked the moral power of the Emperor.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The romantic enterprise of General Mallet took place
-at this juncture; it was a prodigious act of boldness,
-shewing how slight was the tenure of Napoleon's power;
-one hour more, or one man less, and the most powerful
-empire of modern times would have been at an end!
-M. Pasquier has been reproached with having allowed
-himself to be surprised by the insurrection, but, in the
-first place, he had nothing to do with watching the formation
-of plots, that duty devolved upon M. Savary, the
-minister of police; and besides, to do justice to all
-parties, what vigilance can possibly foresee or control
-the plans conceived by <i>one</i> man in the silence of a prison?
-General Mallet was armed with a military power which
-it was in vain to resist, and M. Pasquier was surprised at
-the prefecture, hurried into a <i>voiture de place</i> and conveyed
-to the prison of La Force, with injunctions that he
-should be detained there until the provisional government
-was established. He was not liberated until
-after the suppression of the conspiracy, having steadily
-refrained from making any concessions to the conspirators,
-but merely submitting to the fate prepared for him
-by a military insurrection. A magistrate who gives way
-to the commands of unlawful authority, is guilty of
-betraying his trust; he ought to remain steadfast in his
-duty, even should violence cast him into a dungeon.</p>
-
-<p>Napoleon formed a favourable judgment of the conduct
-of M. Pasquier, and continued him in his appointment
-of prefect of police, while M. Frochot, prefect of
-the Seine, was dismissed by the council of state, assembled
-to examine into the degree of culpability and negligence,
-to be attributed to the different functionaries in the sad
-affair of Mallet. The Emperor viewing matters from
-his elevated position, judged the prefect of police to be
-perfectly undeserving of blame or censure, as he
-had merely yielded to force, and it was utterly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
-impossible for him either to foresee or to prevent a
-disturbance conducted in so unusual a manner; the most
-subtle and watchful mind could not have suspected the
-meditations indulged in by so adventurous a person as
-General Mallet; besides which, as I said before, General
-Savary had charge of the political police. This severe
-trial soon afforded M. Pasquier an opportunity of rendering
-an important service to the city of Paris, by the
-creation and organisation of the gendarmerie, which,
-under a different name, has on so many occasions greatly
-contributed to maintain the peace and security of the
-capital. He had before, in the year 1811, remodelled the
-corps of firemen,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> whose devotion to their duty and noble
-courage deserves the highest praise.</p>
-
-<p>The difficult circumstances of the times were increasing;
-if the management of the Parisian police was a hard
-task while the glory and prosperity of Napoleon were at
-their height, how much more delicate, and consequently
-more odious and watchful, was its office during the
-season of reverses and misfortune? Parties were now in
-commotion, people were no longer silent upon their desire
-of a change, and the probability such might be the
-case, and the enemy was rapidly approaching the capital:
-M. Pasquier fulfilled his duties to the very last moment,
-by the wise and firm administration of his office; he
-reduced the duties of his prefecture to the maintenance
-of public tranquillity, and the careful management of
-every thing relating to the repose and well-being of the
-city; thus returning to the original charge he had received
-from the Emperor,&mdash;attention to the safety and
-cleanliness of Paris, which were formerly almost the only
-duties required from the lieutenant of police.</p>
-
-<p>When the artillery was heard in thunders upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
-capital, the senatorial party and Talleyrand invited him
-to support the political alterations produced by circumstances,
-but it was not until the evening before the allies
-entered Paris, that he, like M. Chabrol,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> prefect of the
-Seine, joined the movement which led to the restoration.
-The enemy were about to enter Paris, and it was necessary
-the public safety should not be endangered by any
-popular tumult; the influence of the prefect of police was
-therefore most essential, but it was merely passively
-exerted with regard to political events; it received an
-impulse from them, but did not communicate any. Talleyrand
-had formed a just estimate of the character of M.
-Pasquier, and attached great importance to obtaining his
-concurrence. It was he who prepared the proclamations
-urging the citizens to the maintenance of order; and he
-entered into a communication with Count Nesselrode
-and the allied generals, then taking possession of Paris.
-His connexion with diplomatic affairs dates from this
-difficult period, as well as his political career under the
-restoration; and when afterwards appointed minister
-for foreign affairs, the reminiscences of Paris in the year
-1814 rose to his mind and were of great service to him
-in assisting the diplomatic arrangements of his cabinet.</p>
-
-<p>A conciliatory character was manifested at the accession
-of the Bourbons, and the police ceased to possess the
-importance attached to its active administration during<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
-the reign of Napoleon; it was no longer a fit situation for
-a man of such abilities as M. Pasquier, he therefore
-resigned the prefecture, and was appointed by the king
-one of the council of state, and received, a few days afterwards,
-the situation of inspector-general of the bridges
-and causeways, an active and important appointment in
-a country where so much remained to be done for the
-improvement of the roads, and internal communication
-of the kingdom. He displayed in his new office the
-activity and laborious attention which characterised the
-imperial school, and the principal part of the great enterprises
-with regard to roads were executed under his
-direction. In France we think a great deal of public
-speeches and very little of improvement; and it is a singular
-fact that we, who are the most intelligent and
-industrious of nations, are at least twenty years behind
-our neighbours in every thing relating to roads: even
-Germany and Switzerland are far in advance of us. The
-commissioners for bridges and causeways, while they
-spend large sums of money, are faulty in their mode of
-administration, and do not make the most of their resources;
-M. Pasquier exerted himself to improve this vast
-branch of the public service, but his appointment was of
-short duration, for the march of Napoleon upon Paris
-put an end to all executive existence, and he was unemployed
-during the hundred days.</p>
-
-<p>When the white flag of Louis XVIII. floated above
-the tower of St. Denis, M. Pasquier offered his services
-to the king; he was included in the first ministry of
-Talleyrand as keeper of the seals, and exercised at the
-same time the functions of minister for the interior, an
-appointment of extreme delicacy and difficulty in the
-crisis of that period. France was invaded by 700,000
-strangers, the public mind was in a state of constant agitation,
-and the principles of the restoration had excited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
-a deplorable reaction in several of the provinces; it thus
-became necessary to organise the system of the prefects,
-to repress the too ardent zeal occasionally exhibited,
-prevent the sanguinary vengeance of parties, and prepare
-and advance the election of upright persons of moderate
-views, in order to heal the wounds of the country.
-Nothing is easier than to judge people with severity
-after a lapse of years, and when events are long over;
-and thus the services rendered by some statesmen in seasons
-of peril are soon forgotten, or are but imperfectly
-appreciated by people, who are in the full enjoyment of
-peace and security, and therefore inclined to exercise a
-mathematical rectitude in their judgment of facts. If
-we look back upon the year 1815, after the double invasion
-and heavy military contributions, we shall see that
-it was impossible for a government to display more
-exemplary moderation, before the face of a victorious
-party, to whose conditions it had been compelled to
-submit. M. Pasquier followed the fortunes of Prince
-Talleyrand; he gave in his resignation and was succeeded
-by M. de Barbé-Marbois.</p>
-
-<p>He had however, always been strongly inclined towards
-the moderate system which gained the ascendant under
-the Richelieu ministry, and shortly after its formation he
-was appointed one of the commissioners for the liquidation
-of the foreign debts; it was a post of great confidence,
-for if the laws of honesty were set aside, enormous
-fortunes might soon be amassed. M. Pasquier's integrity
-was unimpeachable, and he was the worthy colleague of
-M. Mounier, the most honest man belonging to the noble
-Richelieu school.</p>
-
-<p>He was elected by the department of the Seine as their
-representative, and on taking his seat in the chamber of
-deputies, after the ordonnance of the 3d of September,
-he was nominated president; from this parliamentary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
-position, he again passed into the ministry in the month
-of January 1817, the Duc de Richelieu having caused
-him to be appointed keeper of the seals.</p>
-
-<p>A conciliatory system was predominant in the whole of
-M. Pasquier's ministerial conduct at this period, and he
-was the first to enlarge at the tribune upon the principles
-of the liberty of the press and the responsibility of editors.
-There was still too much irritation in people's
-minds, and the country still too much overwhelmed, to
-allow the independence of the newspapers to be safely
-established as a principle; books and pamphlets only
-were free, for a gradual approach was making towards
-liberty, and the opinions laid down by M. Pasquier
-are still considered as law upon the subject. The
-degree of responsibility was perfectly well regulated, and
-the minister's motives are clearly explained, and expressed
-with an elevation of principle and closeness of
-reasoning which distinguish the true parliamentary
-style. In England statesmen are in the habit of publishing
-their speeches, because they form the record of
-their lives.</p>
-
-<p>When the Duc de Richelieu's ministry was dissolved
-in the latter part of the year 1817, M. Pasquier had no
-hesitation in retiring from office with the noble negotiator
-of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. M. Dessolle
-was at the head of the new ministry, and M. Decaze
-naturally filled a post of the highest importance in it;
-but the movement which was about to incline them
-towards the ideas of the <i>parti gauche</i> was too decided to
-make it possible M. Pasquier should join them; and it
-soon became apparent to him that the law of elections,
-although commendable for its simplicity, was still liable
-to produce evil results. He possessed very remarkable
-influence over the course of affairs, in spite of his having
-retired from office; and one of his political habits was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
-always to compose a memorial upon every situation that
-occurred, for he liked to observe men and circumstances
-as from an eminence, so as to enlighten those in authority.
-In the month of October 1819, he presented a
-memorial to Louis XVIII. upon the proceedings of the
-ministry, calling attention to the faults they had committed
-and the bad effects of the law of elections; and he
-considered the situation of affairs to be such as to render
-an immediate change necessary in the government of the
-country.</p>
-
-<p>Accordingly when the ministry of M. Decaze decided
-upon modifying the law of elections, M. Pasquier was
-offered an appointment; he did not resume the situation
-of keeper of the seals, but undertook the direction of
-foreign affairs; our situation with regard to our foreign
-relations having assumed a serious aspect, it was necessary
-they should be under the charge of a minister quite
-resolved to resist any tendency towards a spirit of revolution.
-M. Decaze lost office after the assassination of
-the Duc de Berry; and on the formation of the second
-Richelieu ministry, M. Pasquier retained the situation of
-minister for foreign affairs, only with the proviso that he
-was to consult the noble duke upon points relating to
-diplomatic matters. The Duc de Richelieu, from his
-connexion with the various cabinets of Europe, must
-have inspired great confidence in diplomatic proceedings
-of importance.</p>
-
-<p>From this period the existence of M. Pasquier was
-divided into two distinct portions, the one being passed
-at the tribune, and the other devoted to business. I am
-not acquainted with any session when the debates were
-more violent or more contested than that of 1820; the
-speeches were remarkable for their eloquence, the
-names of General Foy, of Camille Jordan, and Benjamin
-Constant, appeared, beside those of Casimir Périer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
-and Lafitte; each question was decided by a small majority,
-and it was necessary to modify the law of elections,
-and determine upon measures rendered indispensable by
-the circumstances succeeding the death of the Duc de
-Berry. The superiority of M. Pasquier's abilities was
-evident during this long session, where he was incessantly
-in the tribune, opposing, in the most decided and authoritative
-manner, the orators of the liberal party. When
-an alarming tumult took place in the public square, M.
-Pasquier appeared at the tribune to denounce the instigators
-of the disturbances, undismayed by the threats and
-vociferations of the revolutionary <i>parti gauche</i>. He
-spoke without disguise or circumlocution, and as to the
-phrase with which he has been so much reproached, <i>sur
-l'arbitraire</i>,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> is it any thing beyond a simple declaration
-of what the government was desirous of obtaining, and
-requested from the power authorised to grant it? Every
-thing that was obtained had demanded incredible
-efforts, and whatever may have been said of the session
-of 1820 by those under the influence of party spirit, it
-was undoubtedly the finest period of the representative
-system, recalling the times of Pitt, Grenville, and Dundas,
-opposed to Fox, Erskine, and Sheridan.</p>
-
-<p>M. Pasquier's situation was not less difficult as minister<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
-for foreign affairs; for the revolutionary spirit had
-declared itself almost simultaneously in Spain, Naples,
-and Piémont. France, it is true, adopted the repressive
-system, and in this respect agreed with the plan suggested
-at the congresses of Laybach and Troppau; nevertheless
-the minister for foreign affairs could not overlook the
-material interests of France; the Austrians, desirous of
-marching upon Piémont and Naples, wanted to occupy
-definitively both these places, and how was it possible
-France should not feel uneasy at the sight of the German
-standards unfurled beyond the Alps, and extending even
-as far as Savoy? A series of notes passed on this occasion
-between M. Pasquier and Prince Metternich; and
-it was positively decided between the two ministers, that
-if the Austrian occupation should be necessary, it should
-be strictly limited to such a period, as would neither
-affect the consideration nor the importance of France.
-Metternich faithfully fulfilled this engagement, and the
-evacuation of Piémont took place at the stipulated time.</p>
-
-<p>If you consult any of the persons employed in the
-foreign office, they will speak of M. Pasquier's assiduous
-attention to his work, and of his perfect capability of
-bringing a negotiation to the termination he wished;
-and they will also tell you he shewed extreme judgment,
-in all the great difficulties incident to a situation
-so liable to constant change of circumstances.</p>
-
-<p>A complete rupture had taken place with the old
-liberal system; and to insure success in this enterprise, the
-Richelieu ministry had been obliged to apply to the ultra-royalist
-party. At the commencement of the session of
-1821, the council decided upon adding MM. de la Corbière,
-de Villèle, and Lainé, to the cabinet; it was a great
-mistake, it was either granting too much or too little;
-for, in fact, what figure could they make in the cabinet
-as ministers without appointments, and yet chiefs of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
-majority? And what was the consequence? secret dissensions,
-as might naturally be expected, arose from the
-very commencement of the attempted coalition; consultations
-were held in the king's council, after which,
-MM. de Villèle and Corbière privately expressed their
-dissatisfaction, and revealed the designs of the ministry
-to their colleagues on the <i>côté droit</i> in the Piet society;
-quarrels naturally suceeded, which eventually led to the
-rupture that took place after the session of 1821.</p>
-
-<p>The royalists, in general, entertained an extreme dislike
-to M. Pasquier, and a great part of the <i>côté droit</i> could
-could not endure him.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> All the opposition towards the
-end of the session was directed against him, till, at last, his
-patience was exhausted, and he assumed a high tone with
-the Ultras by openly and unhesitatingly declaring his
-inclinations and his repugnances, expressing himself with
-so much boldness and freedom that the whole of the
-<i>parti droit</i> declared war to him. M. Pasquier wanted to
-have done with the whole business; his situation fatigued
-him, and, foreseeing the downfall of the ministry, he obtained
-a seat in the upper chamber, being made a peer of
-France in the course of the month of November 1821.
-The ministry of the Duc de Richelieu had resigned office
-on the occasion of the address, and the Duc de Montmorency
-assumed the charge of foreign affairs.</p>
-
-<p>M. Pasquier took his seat in the upper chamber, at
-that time a powerful institution possessed of hereditary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
-rank, property, and the <i>majorats</i>. The prospects of the
-young peerage were very great, and evidence was soon
-afforded of what they were capable of doing, by their
-constant opposition to the faults and ill-judged proceedings
-of the restoration. M. Pasquier, placing himself on
-the same benches as the statesmen of the Richelieu party,
-made a point of speaking upon every subject that came
-before the house, and the judgment and deep thought
-which characterised his discourses, caused them to exercise
-great influence over the chamber. He spoke against
-the rights of primogeniture, the creation of the three per
-cents, and the law of sacrilege; and his speeches were
-often the means of deciding the question by their influence
-on the majority obtained. He placed himself in
-constant and direct opposition to the Villèle cabinet,
-which occasioned a strange advance in revolutionary
-ideas, by the constant injury it inflicted upon the interests
-and affections of modern France.</p>
-
-<p>There was not quite the same vehemence of debate in
-the chamber of peers as in that of the deputies, but it
-attained to more certain results. There was a degree of
-quiet, and at the same time great political judgment, in
-the discussions, not allowing themselves to be carried
-away by the spirit of party, but continuing so steadily to
-advance towards the downfall of M. de Villèle's ministry,
-that we may safely assert, the retirement of the royalist
-cabinet of the restoration was owing to their efforts.
-It must be confessed, this opposition was rather against
-the order of things; an aristocratic power which opposed
-the elements of an aristocratic constitution, was not in
-good keeping; but the fault lay with the party of the
-restoration, which interfered too hastily with the new
-ideas and prejudices prevalent in France.</p>
-
-<p>The chamber of peers obtained a complete triumph;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>
-although weakened by successive promotions,<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> its influence
-over the elections of 1827 was very great. The
-Martignac ministry was formed upon the principles of
-the Richelieu administration, that is to say, with the
-upright intentions that characterised the statesmen of
-that noble school. M. Pasquier naturally assumed his
-proper degree of ascendancy over that administration;
-the bond of recollections and of similarity of principles
-united him with M. Portalis, the keeper of the seals; and
-it was repeatedly proposed that he should resume the
-charge of the foreign office, his name having even been
-suggested by the council of the ministers after the retirement
-of M. de la Ferronays. Charles X. however
-negatived the appointment when the list of the candidates
-was presented to him, for he did not wish to have any
-man of importance in a ministry which could only be
-of transitory duration; and certain prejudices, dating
-from the year 1815, which had never been effaced
-from the king's mind, first made him prefer M. de Rayneval,
-and afterwards, finding the influence of that able
-diplomatist upon the two chambers not sufficiently powerful,
-M. de Portalis was appointed minister for foreign
-affairs.</p>
-
-<p>The formation of the Polignac ministry occasioned
-great uneasiness to the political party, which was always
-composed of men of eminent talents, and desirous of the
-establishment and preservation of order; they observed
-with great anxiety the impending crisis, and they dreaded
-the fatal struggle likely to be attempted by the party of
-the restoration. All these experienced minds were well
-acquainted with Charles X.; they knew that with all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
-advantages of his chivalrous disposition, his undoubted
-uprightness of mind, his thoroughly French character,
-he still had an unfortunate inclination for <i>coups d'état</i>,
-and extravagant actions that might compromise the safety
-of his government. The <i>corps diplomatique</i> were equally
-uneasy, and confidential communications took place
-between them and the political party, expressing their
-sense of the danger and agitation likely to be caused by
-a <i>coup d'état</i>; they were consequently less surprised
-than alarmed by the promulgation of the <i>ordonnances</i> of
-July. The political party held itself in reserve during
-the popular crisis, and when order was a little restored,
-it confined itself to giving a monarchical bias to society,
-as the only means of preserving France from a foreign or
-domestic war. As soon as the charter had restored the
-balance of power, and the monarchical form of government,
-M. Pasquier was appointed president of the
-chamber of peers.</p>
-
-<p>He had hardly taken his seat before he had to
-encounter the trial of the ministers of Charles X., the
-chamber of peers having been converted into a court of
-justice. We must look back upon the feelings of that
-time, and remember the storm of passion that roared
-around,&mdash;the tumult that was excited! Those parties
-who seek their own advantage in every thing wanted to
-profit by the solemnity of these trials to occasion disorder;
-this sovereign people, these heroes of the barricades,
-thirsted after the blood of the imprudent ministers of
-Charles X.; shouts and yells were heard recalling the
-days of horror of the first revolution, the national guard
-was devoid of energy, and the troops of the line discouraged
-by the check they had received at the barricades.
-Matters were in this state, when the chamber of peers
-was called upon to deliberate in the midst of tumult and
-disorder, and history will confess that it proved itself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>
-worthy of better times, by refusing to sanction the sanguinary
-vengeance so loudly demanded by the populace.
-Some degree of strength of mind and courage was required,
-when crowds of people, agitated like a troubled
-sea, threatened to invade the Luxembourg and assassinate
-all the members of the chamber; nevertheless the peers
-resisted, and a sentence of imprisonment alone was pronounced,
-which could hardly be considered as a punishment,
-because in seasons of political troubles, if people
-escape with their lives, there is no doubt that in
-due time the popular fury will subside, and permit
-their restoration to liberty and civil existence. The
-prudence and talents of M. Pasquier did admirable
-service to the cause of justice and order at this
-juncture.</p>
-
-<p>It was no doubt to reward the spirit of moderation
-evinced by the peers on this occasion, that the parties
-made haste to deprive them of their right to hereditary
-succession. The first blow aimed at the importance of
-this assembly was evidently the clause in the charter,
-which annulled the peerages created by Charles X.
-The peerage was thus deprived of its indelible character,
-it was now no more than an office capable of
-being revoked, and of which one might be deprived
-almost like a prefecture; what sort of aristocracy could
-be formed of such elements? The next step was to take
-away the hereditary transmission of the peerage, <i>majorats</i>
-were abolished, it was reduced to a mere office for life,
-without power or influence upon the government. From
-the time the peers consented to vote away their hereditary
-rights, they became a mere council of elders, a kind
-of chapel of ease to the chamber of deputies; the
-chamber of peers was converted into a sort of noble hospital,
-where the wounded among the old political or
-military ranks might seek repose. The chamber of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
-peers no longer possessed inviolability, hereditary rank,
-or property; from henceforth it could no longer be an
-aristocratic body capable of resisting a democratic impulse,
-but its sole greatness must consist in the
-superiority of intelligence, the extensive experience, and
-great political ability it possessed, and which no other
-body could dispute with it.</p>
-
-<p>Parties were not yet overcome, and a despairing effort
-had been made by the republican party in the streets of
-Paris: the sword of justice still hung suspended over
-many of the accused, and in virtue of the charter all
-these offences were referred for trial to the chamber of
-peers. It was said at that time in the newspapers, and
-even at the tribune, that these trials would not take
-place; "It was impossible," repeated they, "that the
-accused should be summoned before an old worn-out
-body, like the chamber of peers." I must mention that
-M. Pasquier's personal opinion had in the first instance
-been in favour of an amnesty, and he wrote a memorial
-in which his motives were clearly explained, but when
-the government decided that course to be impossible, he
-comprehended the full extent of his duty as a magistrate.
-People may recollect the firmness, the gravity, the
-patience, even the haughtiness exhibited by the president
-of the court, during these debates; he retained his superiority
-over these excited and straightforward minds, and
-over the hearts of the young men who were animated by
-patriotism and elevation of feeling. Not a single sentence
-of death was pronounced, all the punishments were
-mild, and the prisoners were able to profit by the
-amnesty shortly afterwards granted to the solicitations
-of M. Pasquier.</p>
-
-<p>The trial of Fieschi was going on almost at the same
-time, after the atrocious crime which had filled Paris
-with horror and bloodshed. History will, perhaps,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
-deprecate the too great consideration exhibited towards
-Fieschi, and blame the undue attention shewn to that
-sanguinary mountebank, who declaimed at the bar of
-justice like a street orator. One of the prisoners alone had
-something remarkable in his appearance and character;
-this was the aged Morey, a faithful specimen of the old
-Jacobins, whose erroneous opinions are deserving of pity,
-because he sealed them with his blood. This abuse was
-remedied in the affair of Alibeau, by assigning a subordinate
-rank to that miserable trial, with which the
-chamber of peers was burdened. On this occasion the
-scene was restrained within due proportions, the reward
-of celebrity was no longer conferred upon all those who
-dreamed of murder and assassination, and the alteration
-produced so good an effect, that during the last trial,
-that of Meunier, public curiosity was scarcely excited,
-and the crime was abandoned to its proper obscurity.</p>
-
-<p>The great exertions M. Pasquier was compelled to
-make injured his health, but had no effect upon the
-great qualities of his mind, or upon the activity and skill
-in the management of affairs, which always particularly
-distinguished men of the political party. I believe no
-circumstance of importance has occurred during the last
-seven years, upon which he has not been consulted. It
-is said he exercised great influence on the formation of
-Casimir Perier's ministry; at all events, his habit of preparing
-memorials, and of examining closely into all the
-circumstances likely to produce any striking effect upon
-public life, has often decided the resolutions of government,
-and his connexion with the cabinet, and with the
-principal diplomatic characters, has always facilitated the
-direction of affairs. He rarely takes them in hand himself,
-but, like Talleyrand, he makes people act without
-personally appearing; occupying thus, perhaps, a more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
-elevated position than if he were openly at the head
-of the government.</p>
-
-<p>He is a man of great experience and of extreme readiness
-of mind; add to which, I never knew a man more
-assiduously devoted to his work; and it is worthy of
-remark, that at the very time he was engaged in taking
-part in all the most active and violent questions of
-government, he found leisure to write more than twenty
-volumes upon the history of his own times. His positive
-determination not to allow any of his manuscripts to see
-the light during his lifetime, and even to forbid too early
-a publication of them after his death, is a sure pledge
-of the perfect independence of men and circumstances,
-with which he has devoted himself to so great a work.
-This constant habit of occupation, and study of facts,
-enlarges the ideas, and nothing gives a more exalted tone
-to the minds of statesmen. In the present day we are
-apt to throw ourselves into political life without any
-preliminary study; and because we know how to write a
-few sentences, or that we have uttered a few words at the
-tribune, we consider ourselves equal to the task of governing
-a country. Far different is the English method!
-Political life among our neighbours is a great duty, an
-entire and constant devotion to the subject; history,
-diplomacy, administration, in fact every thing must be
-learned by a public man who aspires to the honour of
-the ministry, or to a confidential situation for the service
-of his country.</p>
-
-<p>M. Pasquier had attained his sixty-eighth year at the
-time he was invested with the dignity of chancellor of
-France, he had been president of the chamber of peers
-ever since the revolution of July.</p>
-
-<p>This elevated situation was well suited to a Pasquier,
-the descendant of a family which had held magisterial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
-office for the last two centuries, and the present chancellor
-answers perfectly to the idea his ancestors had formed of
-the office he holds.</p>
-
-<p>There are few men in modern times who, like the
-magistrates of old, devote a certain portion of their
-leisure hours to study and to writing; all their country
-residences and their thick forests are redolent of their
-recollections and their learning; such are Malesherbes,
-Baville, and Champlâtreux.</p>
-
-<p>M. Pasquier's private life is very simple; he inhabits
-the apartments of the <i>petit château</i> at the Luxembourg,
-leaving the great palace to M. Decaze. No person is
-easier of access; he speaks rapidly, and apprehends and
-resolves questions with admirable perspicuity; his habits
-are very industrious, and reading is his favourite occupation;
-there is no time thrown away with him, for he
-contrives to make even his visits a matter of business.</p>
-
-<p>Perhaps he has been appreciated as president of the
-judicial court and of the chamber. He exhibits the most
-perfect impartiality in his regulation of the debates in
-the court of justice. His dislike to useless words and lawyers'
-speeches, which are of no use either to direct or
-enlighten, is very great, and he always exercises a degree
-of firmness without severity, which abridges the proceedings
-without in any way interfering with the defence of
-the accused. As president of the chamber, he never
-separates himself from an idea or opinion in politics: it
-has been written that the president of a chamber ought
-not to have an opinion, but I think differently, for he is
-the expression of a majority, and essentially the man of
-a system, and therefore I think he ought to form his
-own opinion; he cannot allow every thing to be said or
-to be done, and it would be very fortunate if the president
-possessed authority to put a stop to all idle debates;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
-we sink under the press of words in France, when shall
-we come to business?</p>
-
-<p>The political school of the restoration, of which M.
-Pasquier was one of the most eminent chiefs, is gradually
-disappearing; it was the heir of the moral and intellectual
-portion of the empire, and must have afforded great
-strength of support to the Bourbons. Every time that
-adverse parties have seized the reins of government by
-means of its expulsion, the most serious catastrophes
-have ensued; it is fortunate for the existence of kingdoms,
-and to preserve them from dangers occasioned by the
-prevalence of excitement, that some men of sense and
-reflection still exist, of a calm and prophetic turn of
-mind, who render the transition between one system and
-another almost imperceptible, and contrive that, in our
-capricious country, the only definitive system should
-have been linked with moderation and a constitutional
-government, which assumes its proper superiority after
-a long struggle of adverse parties.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON" id="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON">THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> life of the Duke of Wellington forms, for England,
-a sort of epitome of the glorious career of the Tory
-party. The venerable chief of the British armies is not
-only endowed with extraordinary abilities in military
-operations, he also possesses a cool head in politics, and a
-wise and pre-eminently moderate mind. Few publications
-have produced so deep and lively an impression
-as the "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, during
-the various Periods of his Military Command, from
-India to Waterloo." It changed and modified all party
-opinions concerning his character; Whigs and Tories
-were equally struck with the forethought of his measures
-and the temperate current of his ideas, both in the
-most difficult and the most varied situations, while in
-power as well as during the time of war.</p>
-
-<p>In France, opinions do not progress so fast, and people
-are still full of prejudices concerning the talents and
-character of this great man. The remains of the Buonaparte
-faction still affect us, and disfigure history. His
-power of organisation and his restoration of the elements
-of society, are not the qualities for which Napoleon's
-genius is considered especially worthy of admiration, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>
-people want to prove impossibilities, even to the detriment
-of his fame; and the Duke of Wellington is sacrificed
-to the resentments inspired by the battle of Waterloo.
-We have been distinguished enough on the field
-of battle, and our country has produced names sufficiently
-known to fame not to make it necessary for us to sacrifice
-upon the tomb of Napoleon all the rival reputations
-which opposed obstacles to his career. The careful
-perusal of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches first
-caused me to rectify my ideas concerning the man who
-has both filled the first military place in his native
-land, and has also been, in the present times, at the
-head of a powerful and organising party in the affairs of
-government.</p>
-
-<p>When you study with attention the splendid English
-engravings that represent the misfortunes and downfall
-of Tippoo Saib, surrounded by his mourning family;
-when you gaze upon the magnificent Indian scenery,
-steaming with heat and moisture, the feathery palm-trees,
-the elephants with their gilded howdahs, the
-black Sepoys in European costume, intermingled with
-the English troops, whose cool determined spirit and
-military resignation are stamped upon their countenance;
-while in the back-ground appear the high walls
-of Seringapatam, and their heavy cannon breathing forth
-slaughter and defiance; in these scenes, amidst the
-wreaths of smoke and the gleaming of scimetars, the
-figure of a young officer may be discerned, with a calm
-countenance, quiet and reserved manners, and the meditative
-look which presages a great destiny:&mdash;that officer
-is Sir Arthur Wellesley, since then so celebrated as the
-Duke of Wellington.</p>
-
-<p>Sir Arthur, the fourth son of Gerard Colley Wellesley
-earl of Mornington, and of Anne Hill, daughter of Viscount
-Duncannon, was born at Dungan Castle, on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
-1st of May, 1769, one year after that which gave birth
-to Napoleon; it was a period fertile in great geniuses of
-all kinds, who came to humanise and to add greatness
-to the times of the Revolution. Sir Arthur was brought
-up at Eton, and afterwards went to the military college
-of Angers in France: our country at that time possessed
-the best military establishments and the most frequented
-universities; and I have already observed that Prince
-Metternich and Benjamin Constant were educated at
-Strasbourg.</p>
-
-<p>Arthur Wellesley entered the army at an early age,
-and obtained a commission in the 41st Foot; in 1793 he
-purchased the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 33d regiment,
-and made part of the expedition to Ostend against the
-French republic, where he commanded, at the age of
-twenty-four years, a brigade in the retreat from Holland
-under the Duke of York. The English dominions are so
-vast, that it is by no means uncommon to see men even
-of the noblest families sent from one extremity of the
-earth to the other in the service of their country, and
-young Arthur Wellesley embarked for Jamaica; but
-the fleet was driven back by a tempest, and after recruiting
-his regiment in Ireland, the young officer found his
-destination had been altered; and he was now directed
-to proceed with it to the banks of the Ganges, with his
-brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who had been appointed
-governor-general of India. He distinguished himself
-greatly in the war with Tippoo, that noble ally of France
-and of Louis XVI; and was present at the taking of
-Seringapatam, at the head of the auxiliary troops furnished
-by the Nizam; he was afterwards acting as
-governor of the conquered city in 1800, when Dhoondiah
-Waugh, an Indian adventurer, made an incursion into
-the Company's territory at the head of 5000 horse.</p>
-
-<p>Imagination carries us back to the times of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
-"Arabian Nights," when we turn our attention upon
-the power of the English in India, with their immense
-establishments among the Hindoos and Mahrattas, and
-the vast capitals of Calcutta and Madras, almost as
-highly civilised as Paris or London; where habits of
-extreme softness and indolence prevail in the midst of
-active military life.</p>
-
-<p>Shall we long continue to be dazzled by that fairy
-land, sparkling with diamonds and rubies? I think so;
-for no government possesses all the qualities necessary to
-insure the colonisation of distant countries in so eminent
-a degree as the noble and elevated system pursued by
-England. People constantly talk of the projects of
-Russia: what need has she of extending her conquests?
-These are dreams only fit for the period of the empire
-under Napoleon. Russia and England are united by the
-most powerful of all bonds, that of commerce.</p>
-
-<p>Sir Arthur Wellesley distinguished himself in the
-war against the Mahrattas, and was appointed to the
-command of 12,000 men destined to attack the enemy's
-country. Owing to the sagacity of the measures he pursued,
-in order to secure the movements and subsistence
-of the troops during his long march, he accomplished
-this difficult campaign, though undertaken at a very unfavourable
-season, with hardly any loss.</p>
-
-<p>Buonaparte at this time occupied Egypt; and it is
-rather a curious circumstance that Sir Arthur's name
-was suggested for the command of the expedition which
-was to embark from Calcutta, cross the Isthmus of
-Suez, and attack the French in the Desert. Had the
-appointment taken place, young Wellesley would have
-been called upon, at the very commencement of his
-career, to encounter the General Buonaparte whose
-power as Emperor was finally annihilated by him on the
-plains of Waterloo. The Indian campaign of this year<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
-is remarkable, because the Company had to encounter
-the combined forces of Scindiah and the Rajah of
-Becar. They were attacked by Sir Arthur near the
-fortified village of Assaye, which has given its name to
-the battle. He destroyed Scindiah's cavalry, defeated
-the infantry of the Rajah of Becar on the plains of Argaum,
-and seized the fortress of Gawoneilgar,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> which
-was quickly followed by the submission of the two
-chiefs. A monument, in memory of the battle of Assaye,
-was erected at Calcutta. The inhabitants of that
-city presented the victorious general with a sword of the
-value of 1000<i>l.</i>, and the officers of his army subscribed
-for a golden vase, still preserved by the Duke at Apsley
-House. The English parliament also passed a vote of
-thanks, and the king conferred upon him the order of
-the Bath. A person should read the first part of the
-Duke of Wellington's Despatches to be able to form a
-correct idea of the perils of this campaign and the precautions
-necessary to be taken, as well as of the moderation
-and judgment displayed in his orders.</p>
-
-<p>The Duke of Wellington thus commenced his military
-career in India. He returned to England in 1805, to
-take the command of a brigade in the army about to
-proceed to the Continent, under Lord Cathcart; Germany
-being now the destination of the general who had
-lately gathered laurels on the burning plains of Hindostan.
-The expedition, however, was recalled, in consequence
-of the glorious victory obtained by Napoleon
-at Austerlitz, which caused the death of Mr. Pitt; for in
-England, that country of noble and elevated feelings, the
-destruction of a great enterprise breaks the heart of a
-statesman. The political life of Wellington dates its
-commencement from this period. The English aristocracy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
-are filled with devotion to their country, and the
-Tories enter into her interests with their whole hearts;
-indeed, it is by no means a rare occurrence in England
-to see a man at the same time a member of parliament
-and employed on active service, for the life of Toryism
-is essentially patriotic. This intermingling of political
-situations and duties with military customs leads to the
-habits of order and method observable in the majorities
-and minorities that occur upon parliamentary questions;
-people obey their party or their opinions as they would
-their commanding officer. In 1806 the town of Newport,
-in the Isle of Wight, elected Sir Arthur as their representative
-in the House of Commons, and in the same
-year he married Miss Pakenham, sister to the Earl of
-Longford; shortly after which he was appointed secretary
-to Ireland under the Duke of Richmond. He commanded
-the reserve of the army under Lord Cathcart
-during the expedition to Copenhagen, which occasioned
-such stormy debates in parliament; and the capitulation
-of the city, an affair discussed, settled, and signed in the
-course of one night, was entrusted to him. By the
-terms of this capitulation the whole of the Danish fleet
-fell into the hands of the English. Upon this occasion
-an unanimous vote of thanks to the army was passed in
-both houses of parliament, and the Speaker of the House
-of Commons addressed the general individually when
-he again took his seat after his return to England.</p>
-
-<p>The theatre of war was gradually increasing, and, in
-1808, Sir Arthur received orders to embark for Corunna
-and oppose the victorious armies of France, now
-assembled under chiefs whose fame resounded through
-the whole of Europe; for Spain had been invaded, and
-England sought to measure her strength in the field
-with that of Napoleon. The fleet was directed towards
-Oporto, and Sir Arthur effected his landing in Portugal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
-in the face of the brave regiments of the great army, at
-the time when Junot was assuming a regal position at
-Lisbon: the monarchy of the house of Braganza appeared
-at this period like a brilliant ring, which was
-successively fitted on the finger of all the adventurous
-chiefs, despatched as a sort of disgrace to Portugal by
-Napoleon. General Junot compromised the army by
-his want of capacity and his vain pretensions, and the
-21st of August was marked by the battle of Vimiera,
-where the attack was commenced by the French. The
-complete destitution of the army rendered a treaty necessary,
-and by the miserable capitulation, called the
-Convention of Cintra, it was agreed that the French
-should evacuate Portugal and return into France with
-their arms and baggage. Sir Arthur did not sign this
-convention, and the real author of it, Sir Hew Dalrymple,
-being violently attacked by the opposition, Sir
-Arthur quitted the army to be present at the debates,
-and at the trial of Sir Hew by a court-martial. The
-Convention of Cintra has been greatly blamed by Lord
-Byron in his poem of "Childe Harold." Dalrymple was
-deprived of his command, and he was succeeded by
-Sir Arthur Wellesley, who landed at Lisbon on the
-22d of August, 1809. By the direction of Napoleon,
-the most bitter ridicule was cast upon him in the <i>Moniteur</i>;
-those wretched declamations against his adversaries
-were a weak and contemptible trait in the emperor's
-character, shewing a spirit of littleness in the
-midst of all his great qualities. The following is the
-article he dictated in Paris, with a mixture of folly and
-presumption:&mdash;</p>
-
-<p>"We are very well pleased Lord Wellington should
-command the armies, for, with the disposition he evinces,
-he will meet with great catastrophes.... Sir John
-Moore and Lord Wellington shew no symptoms of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
-provident forethought which is so essential a quality in
-warlike operations, which leads people to do nothing but
-what they can maintain, and to undertake nothing but
-what offers a probability of success: Lord Wellington
-has not shewn more talent than the cabinet of St. James's.
-To attempt to support Spain against France, and to enter
-into a struggle with France upon the Continent, is to
-form an enterprise which will cost dear to those who
-have attempted it, and occasion them nothing but disasters."</p>
-
-<p>It must certainly be admitted, that Sir Arthur had no
-longer to contend with an inexperienced general like
-Junot, the command of the army of Portugal having
-been conferred upon Marshal Soult, an old soldier, who
-would not fail to display the perfect knowledge of military
-tactics which had raised him to the highest rank in
-his profession. The uncertain battle of Talavera de la
-Reyna was celebrated in England as a most decisive
-victory; great enthusiasm was excited, and, in spite of
-the speeches of the opposition, a vote of thanks to the
-English general was passed by both houses of parliament,
-and a pension of 2000<i>l.</i> per annum was settled upon him;
-he was also raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount
-Wellington of Talavera. The junta of Cadiz, which
-had hitherto opposed him from motives of pride and
-national feeling, now offered him the rank and allowances
-of captain-general of the Spanish army; but Lord Wellington
-declined accepting any thing but a present of a
-few horses of the Andalusian breed, which the Spaniards,
-in the name of Ferdinand VII., offered him for his stud.
-The conduct of the commander of the British armies on
-this occasion was quite in keeping with the English character;
-he considered a few fine horses, of a noble breed,
-as his most distinguished trophy. The rapid march of
-Marshals Soult and Ney from Salamanca into Estramadura<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
-compelled him to retreat as quickly as he had advanced;
-he therefore crossed the Tagus, and took up a
-strong position to defend the passage at Almarez and the
-lower part of the river. He was now destined to encounter
-the two most remarkable lieutenants of Napoleon; for
-Massena, in his turn, had entered Portugal, and commenced
-operations by the sieges of Almeida and Ciudad
-Rodrigo.</p>
-
-<p>The Duke of Wellington, in his old age, takes pleasure
-in talking over the campaign of Portugal at Apsley
-House, because he there offered a powerful resistance to
-the French army, displayed the most consummate strategic
-skill, and was opposed to the most renowned marshals
-of the empire; first Soult and Massena, and afterwards
-Marmont, who, though skilful in his arrangements, was
-always unfortunate, and Ney, the boldest and most adventurous
-of them all. The Duke of Wellington has
-caused drawings to be made of the celebrated lines of
-Torres Vedras, whose plan he traced himself, and had
-executed with a rapidity and perseverance that appear
-almost to belong to fabulous times. They were intended
-to protect Lisbon, and extended from the sea to the
-Tagus, at the point where the river, being about six miles
-broad, defended them as completely as the sea itself.
-They were constructed with so much secrecy, that Marmont
-was struck with amazement at the sight of them;
-and the English system of tactics, which consists in
-taking up a fortified position, was displayed on this occasion
-in all its glory. The brave Massena passed nearly
-six months before these lines,&mdash;this magnificent military
-work, roaming like a chafed lion desirous of engaging
-with his enemy around these masses of granite, and the
-waters of the great river, almost as vast as the sea. The
-old general of the Italian campaign expected reinforcements
-from France, but he received no assistance either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
-in men or provisions&mdash;a circumstance which must have
-rendered his retreat to the frontiers of Spain very difficult
-to accomplish. The Duke of Wellington always
-does justice to the skill of Marshals Soult and Massena;
-and, in speaking of them in present times, he acknowledges
-them both to have been men of great military capacity.
-The English general again received the thanks of
-both houses of parliament on this occasion; an additional
-subsidy was voted him, and the title of Marquis of Torres
-Vedras was conferred upon him, to perpetuate the memory
-of the military resistance that had saved Portugal.</p>
-
-<p>At this period the English government lavished marks
-of gratitude upon its generals, in order to excite them to
-fresh acts of self-devotion; and England already discerned
-in the Duke of Wellington a man capable of
-coping with the power of Napoleon. An attempt had
-been at first made to institute a comparison between
-Admiral Nelson and the Emperor, and after his death at
-Trafalgar the Duke of Wellington succeeded him in
-public estimation; such, at least, was the opinion expressed
-and acted upon by the British parliament.</p>
-
-<p>The English army were guilty of many faults, from
-the time of the blockade of Almeida up to the siege of
-Badajos; and the battle of Fuentes d'Onoro was a severe
-lesson for their commander. The juntas were not favourably
-disposed towards England, in spite of which
-Lord Wellington had organised the Portuguese army,
-and placed it on a firm military footing; and every
-thing at Lisbon was already under the influence of England,
-which furnished provisions, artillery, clothing, and
-arms. The Tagus was now occupied by a formidable
-English fleet, and from this time forth the cabinet of
-London gradually extended its influence in the Peninsula;
-in fact, Lisbon was actually in a state of vassalage,
-and commercial relations contributed their share towards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
-strengthening the military bonds which war had
-imposed with such mighty power.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Wellington passed the Tagus to prevent supplies
-of provisions and ammunition being thrown into
-Ciudad Rodrigo, which was now the central point of the
-military operations; and the city was carried by storm
-after a siege of ten days.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Fortune had ceased to
-smile on Napoleon; Massena had been recalled, and
-Marshal Soult shortly after him, leaving Marmont, who
-was always unfortunate; while the Duke of Wellington,
-on the contrary, had just succeeded in overcoming the
-repugnance of the regency of Cadiz, by whom, after the
-taking of Badajos,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> he was created a grandee of Spain of
-the first class, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, and commander-in-chief
-of the Spanish army. The English parliament
-also voted him an additional pension of 2000<i>l.</i> per
-annum.</p>
-
-<p>Badajos was taken by storm some months after the
-fall of Ciudad Rodrigo, and our eagles veiled their heads
-before the British armies. His flanks being secured,
-Lord Wellington crossed the Tagus and entered Castile;
-his means were very superior to those of his antagonists;
-besides which the generals did not agree in opinion, and
-the court was totally devoid of energy: Napoleon was
-not there to interpose his will, which bore down all opposition.
-The battle of Salamanca,<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> which decided the fate
-of Spain, took place shortly after. Lord Wellington hastened
-on, with forced marches, towards Valladolid, and
-turning suddenly to the right he made a bold movement
-towards Madrid, while Joseph Buonaparte retreated to
-Burgos. I cannot imagine what induced Napoleon to
-send Marshal Jourdan as a military guide to his brother,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
-for he was the most inferior of all his captains, and the
-Emperor had greatly ridiculed his first revolutionary
-successes. Lord Wellington again received the thanks
-of parliament on this occasion, the Prince Regent conferred
-upon him the title of marquis, and the House of
-Commons voted him the sum of 100,000<i>l</i>.</p>
-
-<p>It is necessary to enter into these details to understand
-the source of the political fortune of the Duke of Wellington.
-We here see that all his rank, his honours,
-even his income, are derived from the field of battle.
-The rewards granted by parliament were profuse, because
-it was of the highest importance to create a military
-existence capable of opposing the wonderful fortunes
-of Napoleon. At this time, Marshal Soult, who had
-raised the siege of Cadiz and abandoned Andalusia, made
-so well-arranged a movement in concert with the main
-body of General Souham's army, that Lord Wellington's
-line of communication was compromised; he was compelled
-to make a precipitate retreat, and Marshal Soult
-resumed a glorious offensive position.</p>
-
-<p>The English general having here forgotten the prudent
-system he usually observed, for two days his whole
-army was exposed to the enemy, and it is evident, from
-this circumstance, that the Duke of Wellington's talent
-for defensive measures was greater than for an active
-military campaign.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> He never appeared to understand
-how to observe an exact medium between the well-considered
-temerity, which seizes upon a fault for the
-chance it affords of success, and the prudence which
-foresees all the chances that may occur, even in a bad
-position.</p>
-
-<p>In order to complete the deliverance of the Peninsula,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
-Lord Wellington in January 1813, repaired to Cadiz, to
-communicate in person with the regency; by this step
-all doubts were dispelled, and the Spanish army, after
-being better organised, was placed under his immediate
-command. He was tenaciously regardful of his title of
-generalissimo, and explained his plan for the campaign
-at the head of the combined army of England, Spain,
-and Portugal, as far as Vittoria, where the battle took
-place which was so fatal to our arms in the Peninsula,
-and where every thing was taken by the English, even
-to the treasure of Joseph Buonaparte. The utter incapacity
-of Marshal Jourdain, and the avidity of some of
-the French generals, were among the principal causes of
-this misfortune; and the efforts made to save the treasure
-occasioned the destruction of the army. All the
-family of Napoleon, by whom he was surrounded, being
-incapable of comprehending his glory, only served to
-endanger his fortune; and when the day of misfortune
-has arrived, what power can arrest the torrent? The
-battle of Vittoria procured for Lord Wellington the
-elevated rank of field-marshal, so rarely conferred in
-England; and it opened the road of the Pyrenees to the
-Coalition. It was when approaching Pampeluna and St.
-Sebastian, that the English general unfolded his plan of
-carrying the war into France. Soult had again taken
-the command of the French troops on the Bidassoa; for
-Napoleon had found it necessary to despatch from the
-field of Bautzen, a marshal of skill and ability to the
-point most threatened with danger, and the army in Spain
-was in a state of utter confusion. Lord Wellington extended
-his line to Bayonne, after having carried the position
-of Nivelle: it was certainly a wonderful war, full of
-strategy! Marshal Soult displayed great skill in the
-manner in which he man&oelig;uvred before a superior force,
-which only advanced when prudence permitted; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
-thus the two armies remained for nearly two months,
-watching each other's motions, but prevented by the
-severity of the season, and the dreadful state of the
-roads, from proceeding any farther. Soult made an
-attempt to imitate the lines of Torres Vedras on the
-frontiers of France, and erected formidable intrenchments
-near Bayonne; but Lord Wellington, without
-attacking them in front, turned them by the right, and
-thus compelled his antagonist to abandon them.</p>
-
-<p>The name of France inspired even the Allies with so
-much respect, that they could not avoid a feeling of
-hesitation as to entering her territories. When, however,
-we look back upon the early ages of the French
-monarchy, we find that English troops had more than
-once distinguished themselves on the plains of Gascony;
-and the exploits of the Black Prince are interwoven
-with the feudal history of Guienne. The Emperor's
-orders to Marshal Soult were to retreat very slowly,
-and to endeavour as far as possible to avert the progress
-of the English, Spanish, and Portuguese troops, by constant
-skirmishes. He had himself entered into a treaty
-with Ferdinand VII., in the hope of separating by this
-means the Spanish army from the Anglo-Portuguese
-force under Lord Wellington.</p>
-
-<p>Matters were, however, too far advanced to admit of
-the realisation of these political plans, for the Pyrenees
-were already passed. After the battle of Orthes the
-French army was unable to maintain the road to Bourdeaux,
-and Lord Wellington, in concert with Marshal
-Beresford, was obliged to give a decided opinion concerning
-the inclination in favour of the Bourbons, which
-began to manifest itself in the southern provinces. On
-this occasion he assumed a political position for the first
-time; until now he had been merely a general officer,
-exhibiting some degree of dexterity in his negotiations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>
-with the junta of Cadiz, but the events of 1814 were
-evidently assuming a decisive character fraught with
-great importance. Would he be justified in giving a
-political impulse in favour of the restoration of Louis
-XVIII., and what were the orders of his government on
-this subject when the Allies were engaged in negotiation
-at Chaumont? Lord Wellington permitted the full
-and energetic manifestation of the public feeling; and
-Marshal Beresford made no objections to the white flag
-being hoisted. The empire was gradually declining
-from the northern to the southern extremity of the
-kingdom; and letters were received from Lord Castlereagh,
-informing the chief of the English armies of the
-events that had taken place in Paris. The battle of
-Toulouse was fought a few days afterwards, a melancholy
-and useless sacrifice of human life,&mdash;for it was incapable
-of arresting the progress of the coalesced armies;
-in fact, all was now over, the restoration was completed,
-and Louis XVIII. in the act of re-entering his capital.
-The English remained in possession of Toulouse, and
-the peace of 1814 was concluded by all the allied
-powers.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Wellington took no part in this treaty, for he
-was then possessed of no political influence, his life being
-entirely military; and Lord Castlereagh, then at the
-head of the cabinet, was not inclined to yield his ministerial
-influence to any one. When, however, the congress
-was assembled at Vienna, the Duke of Wellington,
-who had been received with the utmost enthusiasm in
-England, attended this meeting of crowned heads, to exhibit
-the grandeur of his country, and recall to mind
-the services he had rendered to the common cause. The
-talent he had displayed in the Peninsular war, and the
-perseverance he had exhibited during that long struggle,
-had cast a halo round his person, and greatly excited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
-the public curiosity concerning him. He was at that
-time forty-five years of age, cold and reserved in his
-manners, but attaching some value to the attention
-shewn him by some of the ladies at Vienna; an immense
-number of entertainments were given to him, and
-it is well known that no city in Europe offers so many
-resources for those inclined to pleasure and dissipation.</p>
-
-<p>In the midst of all these amusements the congress
-was startled by the fall of the thunderbolt,&mdash;news was
-received of the landing of Napoleon in the gulf of Juan!
-It was necessary immediate recourse should be had to
-military measures, and without a moment's hesitation
-the direction of the operations was entrusted to the Duke
-of Wellington, as the person most capable of opposing
-Napoleon; besides which, as Great Britain gave the impulse
-to the European league, it was necessary to give
-her a pledge of their sincerity, and the title of generalissimo,
-conferred upon the Duke, was undoubtedly due
-to him, in consideration of the subsidies which the
-English parliament were about to vote for the advantage
-of Europe. After a hurried journey to England, Wellington
-returned with all speed to the Low Countries, to
-decide in concert with Field-marshal Blucher upon the
-plan of his campaign; and when opposed to the powerful
-army of Napoleon, he followed the same system he
-had been accustomed to pursue in Spain; that is to say,
-he assumed a defensive attitude, in a well-chosen position.
-His military reputation had commenced with the
-lines of Torres Vedras, and was destined to reach its
-zenith at Waterloo;&mdash;thus shewing that the whole of a
-man's destiny is sometimes comprehended between two
-ideas.</p>
-
-<p>I shall not enter here into military details, but content
-myself with observing that the battle of Waterloo was a
-perfect type of the system pursued by two men whose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
-military capacities were entirely dissimilar&mdash;the Emperor
-and the Duke of Wellington. Napoleon was impetuous,
-actually sublime, when advancing to attack his enemy;
-but disordered and devoid of reflection in a retreat. The
-Duke, on the contrary, was timid, watchful, and undecided
-during an active campaign, to such a degree that
-he endangered the safety of his troops whenever he attempted
-a bold movement; but he was at the same time
-cool and collected, and accustomed to avail himself of
-every advantage when acting on the defensive. The
-attack made by Buonaparte at Waterloo recalled the
-battles of Wagram and Austerlitz, while the Duke of
-Wellington again saw the lines of Torres Vedras in the
-intrenched position of Mont St. Jean.</p>
-
-<p>The influence of the Duke of Wellington naturally
-increased after this great battle; he was advancing at
-the head of a victorious army, and though Blucher did
-not actually fill a subordinate situation, yet the Duke,
-from his being covered with the glory of Waterloo,
-could not fail to exercise a considerable influence over
-the mind of the Prussian generalissimo. At last, when
-they approached Paris, all the revolutionary party, with
-Fouché at their head, came to meet the Duke, considering
-him as the supreme arbiter, whose word was to
-decide upon the fate of France. Fouché opened an
-active negotiation with him for the occupation of France;
-and the noble Duke, in a conversation with Louis
-XVIII., recommended the ministry of Talleyrand and
-Fouché, as the only one capable of bringing about an
-union between royalty and the liberty obtained by the
-revolution. Was the Duke mistaken? or was he duped?
-Whichever may have been the case, the coalition fell to
-pieces almost immediately, and the powerful and long-continued
-ascendency of Lord Castlereagh and the English
-government was replaced by the personal influence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
-of the Emperor Alexander. Talleyrand was succeeded
-by the Duke de Richelieu.</p>
-
-<p>By the treaty concluded in the month of November
-1815, it had been stipulated that an army of occupation
-should remain in France; and it was placed under the
-command of the Duke of Wellington, without making
-any distinction among the contingents furnished by the
-different powers. He was also appointed inspector of
-the fortresses in the Low Countries, which were erected
-as advanced posts against France, and with the money
-levied upon her. The generalissimo resided in Paris,
-where he saw a good deal of Louis XVIII.; and his
-English principles were in perfect agreement with a
-system of moderation and freedom. He possessed an
-honest and upright heart, and a habit of judging with
-ease and simplicity of the state of events; and we must
-do him the justice to say, that when on various occasions
-he was constituted arbiter of the claims of the
-Allies, he almost invariably gave his opinion in favour of
-our unfortunate country. Even when he was consulted,
-more than once, upon the possibility of diminishing the
-army of occupation, he declared that the state of the
-public mind in France would permit this relief to be
-granted, which the suffering condition of the country
-rendered imperatively necessary. At this period, when
-the Duke of Wellington was engaged in rendering us
-most essential service, the Buonapartist spirit armed a
-fanatic against his life, and a pistol was fired actually
-into his carriage. The Duke escaped unhurt; and I
-deeply regret that Napoleon, in his will written at St.
-Helena, should have degraded himself to such a degree
-as to award a recompense to the miscreant who had thus
-attacked his former military adversary. Conduct like
-this communicates a stain which cannot be effaced even
-from the most renowned characters in history.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>After the departure of the army of occupation, and
-the signing of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Duke
-of Wellington quitted Paris; his military career was at an
-end, and his political life may be said to have just begun:
-having been raised to a seat in the House of Peers,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> with
-the rank of duke, in the enjoyment of an immense fortune,
-and decorated with the stars of every order of
-knighthood in Europe, he could hardly fail of possessing
-a considerable degree of influence. But the order
-of things was now changed in England: during the
-long wars against the French Revolution and Empire,
-the English had shewn extreme energy, and had made
-great and very judicious use of their powerful means,
-thus enabling the Tories to overcome all the difficulties
-presented by their situation; they were successful because
-they were strongly opposed to all revolutionary
-principles, and firmly resolved to carry out the war.
-The people had then no time to think of internal dissensions,
-they were breathlessly engaged in incessantly recurring
-struggles, and always hoping for victory; but
-now that the war was at an end, passions were reawakened,
-and Lord Castlereagh saw his power gradually
-declining, while that of the Whigs and Radicals was progressively
-increasing.</p>
-
-<p>The Duke of Wellington was a Tory upon principle
-and family precedent; he took his seat in the House of
-Peers among the Conservatives; and he and Lord Aberdeen
-formed the centre of the Tory benches that supported
-Lord Castlereagh's ministry. He was not an
-eloquent speaker, but he expressed himself with great
-clearness and precision; and, without being a man of a
-very enlarged mind, he was gifted with an instinctive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
-good sense, that enabled him to form an accurate judgment
-of the generality of questions; while, at the same
-time, he was perfectly <i>au fait</i> of the political occurrences
-and situations of Europe, for he had taken a part
-in too many affairs of importance not to have retained
-a deep impression of them. In short, the Duke of Wellington,
-as a statesman, was less distinguished for the <i>great</i>
-than for the <i>good</i> things he had done. His popularity
-was now on the decline; the time had passed away when
-his carriage was surrounded by crowds of people on his
-return to England after his campaigns, for the Hero of
-Waterloo was too staunch a Tory to be a favourite with
-the populace. The queen's trial had excited public
-opinion in the highest degree, and every thing was progressing
-rapidly towards reform.</p>
-
-<p>Under circumstances like these, the Duke had little
-political influence except in the diplomatic circle; but
-he found himself mixed up with all the serious continental
-affairs, in consequence of the important part he
-had formerly played; and he was present at the congress
-of Verona. He preserved a certain degree of influence
-in foreign affairs during Mr. Canning's ministry, although
-the Whig party was in the ascendant. Russia appeared
-at this time likely to become the rival of England; the
-Greek question caused considerable public excitement,
-and difficulties existed as to fixing the new boundaries of
-the Hellenic territory. Mr. Canning, therefore, considered
-it necessary a person of great consideration
-should be sent to St. Petersburg, and the Duke of Wellington,
-being held in high estimation by the Emperor
-Nicholas, and having also been actively engaged in most
-of the questions of general interest, it was decided that
-his mission should be attached to the treaty of the sixth
-of July, which established the independence of Greece,
-and settled her territorial boundaries. It had become<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>
-necessary the business should be finally decided; and
-as, in England, strong prejudices against individuals
-are never indulged in when business is at stake, the
-Duke of Wellington was selected as being the person
-most capable of being useful.</p>
-
-<p>When he returned to England Mr. Canning was dead;
-Lord Goderich's ministry was struggling feebly with the
-difficulties it had to encounter, and as diplomatic matters
-were assuming a singularly complicated appearance, the
-king thought it advisable to form a Tory ministry of
-men of capacity and experience. It was composed of
-Mr. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington;
-and peculiarly adapted for resisting any encroachments
-on the part of Russia. When the Duke came seriously
-to examine into the state of the country, he was convinced
-that one of the first steps necessary to secure the
-efficiency and consistency of his ministry was the emancipation
-of the Catholics. This had long been a favourite
-idea in his family; and Marquis Wellesley<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> had formerly
-detached himself from George III. on this very
-question. The Duke had no hesitation as to the course
-he was to pursue, and a bill presented to parliament was
-passed by a majority; the Tories were desirous of the
-glory of originating so just and equitable a measure.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>
-
-<p>The revolution of July, some months afterwards,
-struck a fatal blow to the heart of the Tories; for Radical
-opinions were already obtaining great influence in
-England. The Duke hastened to recognise the events
-that had taken place, but in his own mind he qualified
-the proceedings with the epithet <i>untoward</i>&mdash;the same expression
-he had used concerning the battle of Navarino.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>
-Had not every thing been overturned and altered by
-this revolution? How, then, was it possible for the
-Duke to contend with a political system which threatened
-to destroy the treaties concluded in 1815? He
-comprehended the full consequences of this change,&mdash;nor
-did he attempt to avert them; but, on the first occasion
-of an equivocal majority, he sent in his resignation,
-and gave up his situation to Lord Grey and the Whigs.
-As in England all political characters are independent
-of their position, they resign it without regret, even for
-some incidental circumstance. The Duke then placed
-himself at the head of the Conservative party, and of
-the enlightened Tories in the House of Lords; assuming
-there about the same situation as Mr. Peel in the House
-of Commons. Conservative and Tory signify in England
-men of worth and consistency, who venerate the
-ancient institutions of their country, and do not wish
-them to be interfered with; and it is certainly a magnificent
-ground for a statesman to take up, for he places
-himself as a barrier to oppose all the storms raised by
-parties. The Duke's Conservative principles made him
-averse to the plan of reform that attacked the ancient
-constitution of England: he continued to observe this
-steadfastness of opinion in the House of Lords; and
-when, in 1833, the continental question again became
-perplexed, the king proposed forming another ministry,
-in which he was to be included; but on this occasion,
-with an admirable appreciation of existing circumstances,
-Mr. Peel was placed at the head of the cabinet, and the
-noble Duke only filled a secondary place. He considered
-that a name belonging to the commonalty, like
-that of Mr. Peel, was better suited to the juncture than
-that of the Duke of Wellington or the Earl of Aberdeen.
-In consequence of this arrangement the Duke
-found himself completely eclipsed by Mr. Peel, and he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>
-appeared only to have been included in the ministry
-that he might act as its representative in the House of
-Lords: as it has been remarked by an English political
-writer, he certainly did not form its basis, whatever
-strength and consideration he might have brought to its
-assistance.</p>
-
-<p>Peel's ministry was not of long duration; and the
-Tories were certainly guilty of an oversight in forming
-this ephemeral cabinet, for nothing more deeply injures
-a party than abortive efforts, or attempts which are not
-crowned with success. The Duke of Wellington resumed
-his place in the House of Lords, and spoke with
-seriousness and moderation upon all the questions of
-importance that came before them. As I have before
-observed, strong good sense, and clear reasoning, are the
-qualities for which he is especially distinguished, and
-which carry every thing before them. His manner of
-expressing himself is quiet and serious; and he is always
-listened to with respect and attention. His private life
-is essentially military; and at Apsley House he is surrounded
-by pictures of all his battles, from India to
-Waterloo. His favourite campaign is that of the Peninsula;
-and one might say that the recollections of his
-youth, under the exhilarating sky of the south of Europe,
-are intermingled with it. The Duke likes the old
-friends, and the society that reminds him of his military
-adventures; he is also very intimate with the <i>corps diplomatique</i>,
-and entertains magnificently,&mdash;displaying all
-the splendour of an immense fortune and the grandeur
-of the English aristocracy. Sometimes he speaks with
-bitterness of his past popularity contrasted with the feelings
-evinced towards him in later times; and he has more
-than once called attention to the windows of his palace,
-now defended by iron gratings against the violence of
-the mob, who threw stones against his windows and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
-into his splendidly decorated apartments. "What a
-contrast!" said he to Pozzo di Borgo, in 1834. "Recollect,
-my dear friend, my popularity after the battle of
-Waterloo, and my entry into London in the year 1815;
-and now see how completely I am out of favour with
-these people!"</p>
-
-<p>The Duke of Wellington likes to be compared to
-Marlborough and Nelson&mdash;the two most illustrious of
-English heroes; but he avoids all comparison with Napoleon,
-for their two careers are neither on the same
-scale nor can be measured by the same proportion.</p>
-
-<p>The Duke of Wellington, a general essentially attached
-to the defensive system, always knew how to
-select a favourable position; received battle, but very
-rarely gave it. Every time that he ventured on bold
-measures he was guilty of imprudence; and he only
-shewed himself eminently superior when acting on the
-defensive.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Napoleon, on the contrary, was bold and
-magnificent in the attack; his plans were cleverly laid,
-and were the result of a sudden inspiration,&mdash;his wonderful
-genius enabled him to modify them according to circumstances;
-but at the slightest reverse Napoleon was
-cast down, and his retreat was almost always a flight:
-though his attack was made in the most brilliant manner,
-he knew not how to resist; and in this he personified
-the military genius of the French nation, from the
-times of Cressy and Agincourt. I think it necessary to
-repeat this parallel, as it is the only one that it is possible
-to draw between Napoleon and the Duke of Wellington.
-Nelson was the only Englishman who carried
-into naval warfare the spirit exhibited by Napoleon in
-the continental war. Had the Emperor lived to the
-age of the Duke, it would have been curious to compare<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
-these two great characters at the extreme point of
-existence.</p>
-
-<p>Since the revolution of 1830, the history of parties
-and statesmen has been greatly developed; Whigs and
-Tories have in turn been at the helm&mdash;Lord Grey, Lord
-Palmerston; Mr. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen; affording
-opportunities of forming a more correct judgment of the
-character and personal value of each. The Tories have
-now returned into power with Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen;
-but the Duke would not accept any office beyond
-a sort of patronage over the House of Lords.</p>
-
-<p>A parallel may now be drawn between the Whigs
-and Tories, embracing the most distinguished characters
-among both. Lord Grey left all his celebrity as a leader
-of the opposition, to become a minister of mediocrity at
-the head of the government. Lord Palmerston exhibited
-so much emptiness and folly in his adventurous attempt
-at liberalism, as to lose all his consistency in England.
-The Tories on the contrary, have retained two men of
-high consideration, whose reputation is unblemished,
-viz. Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen. No man can equal
-the chief of the Tory party in his clear and perspicuous
-manner of speaking of business; and the Earl of Aberdeen
-possesses in an eminent degree a knowledge of
-foreign affairs and a most extensive acquaintance with
-facts: and this, in truth, constitutes the superiority and
-the seal of the Tory party.</p>
-
-<p>People generally mistake the Duke of Wellington's
-character, by supposing him to feel a dislike to France;
-on the contrary, he has many feelings quite in agreement
-with our national character and history. The Tories,
-to a greater degree than the Whigs, are persuaded that
-the predominance of France is necessary for the balance
-of power in Europe; they seek all occasions to give a
-proof of this opinion, and are often grieved at the prejudices<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
-which exist at the bottom of our character against
-the politics of their cabinet.</p>
-
-<p>The Duke of Wellington has now reached the advanced
-age of seventy-four years, and he seldom speaks in
-the House of Lords; but when he does so his speeches
-are always worthy of attention, for his words carry with
-them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate
-statesman. His career, which began at so early an
-age in the burning climate of India, has been already several
-times endangered by sudden attacks of illness, from
-which he has recovered,&mdash;thanks to the strength of his
-constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he
-himself corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches,
-which not only place him in the front rank as a <i>strategic</i>
-writer, but also award him an elevated position in the
-scale of minds imbued with the principles of order, government,
-and administration. Let us repeat it, three
-men form a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr.
-Peel for the administration, Lord Aberdeen for foreign
-affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for military glory
-and renown. All these three are men of powerful
-minds.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="THE_DUC_DE_RICHELIEU" id="THE_DUC_DE_RICHELIEU">THE DUC DE RICHELIEU.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Among</span> the admirable works that have emanated from
-the pencil of Lawrence, the reader must have observed a
-countenance with a melancholy expression, and a high
-forehead shaded by locks prematurely blanched; the
-mild intelligent eyes, delicate nose, and firmly compressed
-mouth, are indicative of a mind of a superior
-order, but at the age of scarcely fifty years this countenance,
-whose nobleness and simplicity of expression are
-remarkable, conveys the idea of a man worn out with
-the troubles and anxieties of life; and I may almost add,
-by whom its vanities and illusions are viewed in their
-true colours. It is a mixture of the Frenchman of noble
-descent, and of the highest Russian nobility, who live so
-fast. This portrait was painted by Lawrence at Aix-le-Chapelle,
-and the original was distinguished during his
-childhood by the title of Comte de Chinon; in youth he
-was called Duc de Fronsac, and he finally inherited the
-title of Duc de Richelieu.</p>
-
-<p>The political systems of all ages are personified by
-certain statesmen, who were their representatives. Since
-the commencement of the eighteenth century, France
-has been constantly placed between two preponderating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
-interests; these are, 1st, an alliance with England, effected
-during the regency, and overturned by Louis XV. at
-Fontenoy; then resumed by the treaties of 1783 and
-1785; again broken by the convention, with expressions
-of contempt and violence, in 1793; renewed for a moment
-under Talleyrand in 1814, when it was destroyed
-by the personal influence of the Emperor Alexander;
-and finally restored for a short time in 1833, by the
-feeble treaty between France, England, Spain and Portugal.
-2dly, the Russian alliance, of more modern date,
-though naturally very suitable to the interests of France.
-It was first attempted by means of the embassy of M. de
-Ségur, under Louis XVI.; was restored by Napoleon at
-Erfurt, until the disastrous campaign of Moscow; resumed
-in 1815, and supported by the ministries of the
-Duc de Richelieu in 1816, and M. de la Ferronays in
-1828, until Prince Polignac brought back the English
-system. After the revolution of July the diplomatic
-projects of Prince Polignac were resumed, with this sole
-difference, that Talleyrand attempted with the Whigs
-what the ministers of Charles X. had endeavoured to
-effect with the Tories.</p>
-
-<p>I am about to write the life of the Duc de Richelieu
-as the personification of the Russian alliance, which I
-shall consider in all its various stages, from the period
-of the Restoration; and this is an era of very great importance
-in diplomatic history, for we are living under
-the treaties of 1814 and 1815. Those concluded at
-Vienna, at Aix-la-Chapelle, at Troppau, and Laybach,
-form the basis of our present relations with the rest of
-Europe.</p>
-
-<p>Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu, well
-known in his early youth under the name of Comte de
-Chinon, was born at Paris on the 25th of September,
-1766; his father was the Duc de Fronsac, son of the old<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
-Marshal Richelieu, and his mother was a daughter of
-the house of Hautefort. Paris was full of the endowments
-of his ancestor the great cardinal, whose purple
-robe was the glory of his family; and it was at the college
-of Plessis, founded by him, that the Comte de
-Chinon first commenced his education, and was tolerably
-successful in his studies, especially in acquiring the
-various languages of Europe; for he learned to speak
-Italian, German, and English with facility, and at a later
-period Russian became as familiar to him as French.
-At the age of fourteen he was married to a daughter of
-the noble house of Rochechouart, and the young count
-and his little wife, who was just thirteen years of age,
-went to travel for some years, according to the custom
-that prevailed at that time among families of rank:
-he visited Italy, the country of the fine arts, to admire
-the works of the old masters, and the ancient
-cities, whose renown had once overspread the world.
-On the first breaking out of our domestic troubles the
-young nobleman hastened to offer his services to his
-menaced sovereign, and on the 5th and 6th of October,
-1789, he proceeded on foot and alone to Versailles, and
-making his way through the assembled mob of ragged
-men and women, he went to warn the court of the danger
-with which it was threatened. As if in anticipation
-of his future diplomatic career, Louis XVI. employed
-him a few days afterwards on a mission to Joseph II.,
-a sovereign who patronised reform; and he discharged
-it with the silent discretion so necessary to be
-observed in the relations of the king with foreigners, at
-a time when he was so closely watched and surrounded
-by the spies of the people. The Comte de Chinon, under
-the title of Duc de Fronsac, was already distinguished
-for the uprightness of his character; political intrigues<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
-did not suit his frank and open disposition, and he therefore
-quitted Vienna and hastened to the siege of Ismael,
-celebrated by Lord Byron in his poem of "Don Juan."
-Many of the French nobility were serving in the armies
-of Catherine II., and the Duc de Fronsac fought by the
-side of Count Roger de Damas at the taking of the
-redoubt, where, according to the sarcastic rhymes of the
-poet, the cannon that thundered upon the besiegers were
-as numerous as the lovers of the licentious empress.
-The Duc de Fronsac was slightly wounded, and Catherine
-sent him a gold-hilted sword and the order of St.
-George. He also accepted the rank of Colonel in the
-Russian army, when he inherited the illustrious title of
-Richelieu upon the death of his father.</p>
-
-<p>When Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII., made an
-appeal to the old and noble families among his countrymen,
-calling upon them to serve under the white banner,
-the Duc de Richelieu joined the army assembled to fight
-for the ancient crown of France; and after the unfortunate
-termination of the campaign of 1792, when the
-Prince of Condé requested an asylum in Russia for the
-French exiles, he was despatched by the Empress Catherine
-to arrange with the Prince the plan of a colony,
-to be established on the shores of the sea of Azof: it was
-to consist entirely of men of birth, and this idea was of
-some service when the noble foundation of Odessa took
-place; but in a military crisis like this, how was it possible
-to conceive and follow out a project involving a
-regular system of administration?</p>
-
-<p>At the siege of Valenciennes by the coalesced armies,
-the Duc de Richelieu commanded a company of men of
-noble birth. There was something glorious and honourable
-in this emigration, which followed the fortunes of
-the royal banner as their ancestors had done that of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>
-Henry IV; and we must not judge their proceedings
-according to our little party prejudices. After the victorious
-republic had reconquered her frontiers he
-returned to Russia, and became colonel of a cuirassier
-regiment; but the Emperor Paul was then on the throne,
-and with his usual harshness and brutality of disposition
-he punished the Duke for his personal attachment
-to the Czarewitch Alexander, by depriving him of his
-regiment; he even went so far as to forbid him to appear
-at St. Petersburg: for with a degree of imperial egotism
-the Czar expected devotion should be exhibited to himself
-alone. Such being the cause of his exile, it is hardly
-necessary to say, that on the accession of Alexander he
-was restored to his former rank, with every mark of the
-sovereign's favour; and the esteem and confidence entertained
-for him by Alexander, at this early period, was
-of the greatest service to France during the events that
-took place in the year 1815. Even then the Duke was
-fully sensible of the importance of an alliance between
-France and Russia, two countries whose interests are
-constantly meeting without its being possible they should
-clash; but at this time people could not even dream of
-the restoration of the royal dynasty&mdash;no event could
-appear less likely to occur.</p>
-
-<p>After peace was concluded with Russia in 1801, the
-Duke took the opportunity of returning to France and
-collecting the remains of the enormous fortune of his
-ancestors, for the sake of paying the debts of his father
-and grandfather, both of whom had greatly involved
-their patrimony by their insane prodigality: this was
-his <i>sole</i> object; and he abandoned the whole of his
-rights to the creditors, retaining for himself nothing of
-that immense inheritance. It was certainly giving evidence
-of a most noble disposition! The Duc de Richelieu,
-prime minister of Louis XVIII., and great-nephew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>
-of the celebrated cardinal, did not himself possess an
-income of more than 20,000 francs!<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p>
-
-<p>Buonaparte was at the summit of his consular glory
-when the illustrious name of Richelieu was presented to
-him; and he who attached a great value to names of
-historic celebrity, and who was also a great admirer of
-the iron-handed minister, offered the Duke employment
-in his army: but he refused it, and is it possible to
-blame him for so doing? He was a man of high and
-ancient descent, warmly attached to the House of Bourbon,
-and resolved not to serve in a French army except
-under the royal banner: his refusal, however, rendered
-it necessary he should immediately quit Paris; and on
-his return to the Emperor Alexander he was entrusted
-with the execution of rather a difficult task, being appointed
-to the government of the southern portion of
-that immense empire. All the provinces on the borders
-of the Black Sea had been converted into uncultivated
-deserts by the ravages of war, and the barbarous ignorance
-of the Mussulman inhabitants rendered them incapable
-of repairing the mischief&mdash;in fact, the old Roman
-colonies of the Palus Meotides no longer existed except
-in name; and in repeopling this desert, the closest and
-most careful surveillance was necessary for the purpose
-of introducing European customs and civilisation. In
-the beginning of 1803, the Duke was appointed Governor
-of Odessa, and he was afterwards employed in
-the general administration of New Russia&mdash;a country
-where the climate is mild and genial, and which is like
-Italy, only devoid of the arts and of cultivation: institutions
-had been commenced, but nothing was completed,
-and in a city of considerable extent there were
-hardly 5000 inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> M. de Richelieu, without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
-the slightest hesitation, had recourse to the measures
-necessary for improving this state of things, even though
-he sometimes offended ancient customs and selfish interests;
-but it is only by means of absolute power that
-great reforms can be accomplished. Every thing appeared
-to have received new life; commerce, set free
-from the bonds by which she was before shackled, made
-a rapid advance, and the population of Odessa was in a
-short time doubled. The administration of the governor
-extended from the vast countries of the Dniester
-to the Kouban and the Caucasus; and the colonies of
-German Anabaptists, by whom more than one hundred
-villages were peopled, first set the example of agriculture
-upon the most enlightened system, so that, in a short
-time, immense fields of corn displayed their waving verdure
-on plains which, formerly, scarcely afforded to the
-Tartars pasturage for their cattle.</p>
-
-<p>It became necessary to establish a sort of feudal system
-to defend the country against the invasions of the
-Circassians, armed, as in the time of the Crusades, with
-golden helms and knightly mail; and the Duke, brave,
-devoted to his undertaking, and desirous of glory, became
-the military chieftain of the colony. It was impossible
-the establishments on the Black Sea should
-attain their full greatness until Circassia should have
-submitted to the Russian government; this conquest the
-Russian cabinet is at present accomplishing.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>To set a limit to the depredations of the Circassians,
-the governor was repeatedly compelled to penetrate into
-their mountains at the head of some Russian regiments;
-he neglected nothing that could lead to the diffusion of
-the benefits of European society in that barbarous
-country, and several young Circassians, whom the fortune
-of war or other events had placed in his hands,
-were carefully educated under his superintendence, instructed
-in our arts, accustomed to our manners, and
-then restored to their homes to dwell among their countrymen,
-whose customs and habits might be softened
-and improved by their example: such was the custom
-of the ancient Romans with regard to their vanquished
-nations. This active administration continued during
-the plague which devastated Odessa in the year 1813;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
-and the Duke then displayed the utmost firmness and
-energy, though he was obliged more than once to have
-recourse to the military power, which in Russia is always
-confounded with the civil administration. But it would
-be necessary to visit Odessa to form a just estimate of all
-he has effected there; he appeared to have inherited
-the creative genius of the great cardinal.</p>
-
-<p>A new field soon opened before him. The events of
-1814 had brought about the restoration of the Bourbons,
-and the influence of the Emperor Alexander
-reigned paramount over the proceedings of the senate
-which prepared the fall of Napoleon. Louis XVIII.,
-who was a prince of a touchy disposition, and very ceremonious
-habits, had but very little inclination for the
-Duc de Richelieu, for he could not forgive his having
-preferred filling a high and important situation in
-Russia to the dignity of an attendant upon his exiled
-person; nevertheless, he restored the peerage to his
-family, as well as the situation of first <i>gentilhomme du
-roi</i>. The Duke was not in office during the first restoration,
-and he employed himself in studying the new
-spirit that had arisen in his country, after so many domestic
-troubles; for he was sufficiently aware of the
-state of affairs to comprehend that events exercise an irresistible
-power in the modification of the character, and
-that when a person is desirous of bringing a revolution
-to a close, it is necessary to make incessant concessions
-to men and circumstances, and submit to unavoidable
-acts of necessity: these, no doubt, are painful
-duties, but are we not all called to wear the crown of
-thorns?</p>
-
-<p>Totally unconnected with the negotiations of 1814,
-which were entirely in the hands of Prince Talleyrand,
-the Duc de Richelieu may be said to have spent the
-first restoration in renewing his acquaintance with his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
-country. He had quitted it a young man, and since
-then what marvellous events, what a new existence, had
-taken place! Property had been invaded, the homes
-of his forefathers pillaged! The domestic hearth no
-longer existed&mdash;even the tombs were violated and the
-bones of the dead were cast out; and this in the midst
-of a revolutionary society, which attached guilt even to
-the tears of the victims! The events of the 20th of
-March were caused by a fatal reaction in the minds
-of the soldiery, and a democratic hatred against the unfortunate
-nobility of France; and the Duc de Richelieu
-accompanied the ancient banner of his country into
-voluntary exile.</p>
-
-<p>On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted
-Talleyrand with the formation of a ministry
-based upon the English system; nevertheless, the chief
-of the cabinet was well aware that Russia must necessarily
-exercise very considerable influence over the
-negotiations relating to France, and he proposed M. de
-Richelieu as minister of the king's household, with the
-idea this choice would be agreeable to the Emperor
-Alexander: the appointment, however, was not accepted,
-for the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be
-seated beside the regicide Fouché; besides which, he
-was well aware that Alexander was displeased at the aspect
-of a ministry so entirely devoted to England, and
-which had been formed under the ascendancy of the
-Duke of Wellington. I have already mentioned the
-causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after its
-dissolution, Louis XVIII. considered that the Russian
-influence would alone be capable of procuring for us
-some alleviation of the heavy burdens imposed by the
-invasion, for the Czar was the only party whose interest
-was not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary
-to read the diplomatic correspondence of Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>
-Castlereagh and the German diplomatists to judge how
-overwhelming were the conditions imposed by the Allies.
-Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum,
-had been published; the negotiations did not advance,
-while, at the same time, the disastrous condition of the
-country was aggravated by the presence of a million of
-foreigners. It was in order to obtain the powerful support
-of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed
-the Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and
-president of the council; thus assigning him a double and
-most difficult office.</p>
-
-<p>Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten
-the conclusion of the treaty; nobody had so much reason
-to hope he might succeed in abating its severity.
-The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the noble governor
-of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France
-had but little to hope for in point of support from her
-neighbours, who had been too long irritated by the
-weight of her power. Russia alone had nothing to
-claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to
-lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of
-Europe. The Duke was well convinced of all these
-circumstances, and he took care to represent to the
-Czar, that all the importance lost by France would be so
-much added to the strength and power of her rivals,
-and would increase the superiority of Austria and
-Prussia. Alexander's inclinations were favourable to
-our country, and by drawing out these kindly feelings
-the Duke was enabled to fulfil the immense task that
-had been imposed upon him. Let us take a retrospect
-of the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year
-1815. 700,000 soldiers occupied the country, the people
-of Germany were in a state of extreme irritation,
-and the remains of the seditious and disorganised army
-on the other side of the Loire had been disbanded with
-great difficulty; add to which, the treasury was exhausted,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
-and the course of the contributions interrupted by
-a long abuse of power. Surely it required a mind of
-no common energy to grapple with a situation so
-fraught with difficulty and disaster! In quiet times
-diplomacy is a work of skill and address, a polished interchange
-of political generalities, and some plans proposed
-for future accomplishment; but at this time, when
-we must recollect that Paris was in the hands of an
-imperious and vindictive enemy, what could we expect
-from the magnanimity of conquerors so long humbled
-and trampled upon by French domination? Under
-these fearful auspices the course of the negotiation was
-intrusted to the Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive
-moment when, after a most stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries
-had come to an agreement concerning the sacrifices
-they were determined to exact from France. The
-most ruinous projects were maintained by England,
-Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended
-between four points, viz. the cession of a territory,
-including the posts of Condé, Philippeville, Givet,
-Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau, and
-the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the fortifications
-of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity
-of 800 millions; and the occupation of the frontiers by
-an army of 150,000 men, kept up at the expense of
-France for seven years. England insisted particularly
-that the chain of fortresses on the northern frontier should
-be so closely curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last
-in the possession of the French. The country was to
-be restored to the limits it occupied in the days of
-Henry IV., and a party, dating its birth from the national
-excitement which roused Germany against Napoleon,
-considered it undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine
-were to be reunited to the Germanic confederation.
-The map which represented France deprived of
-these fine provinces had already been designed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
-the German geographers, and it has since been preserved
-as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family.</p>
-
-<p>Deeply affected by these resolutions, the minister
-drew up a memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander,
-and expressed with the conscientious energy of
-an honest man. "France," said he, "in regaining her
-sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they
-governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete."
-The minister depicted, with the fervour inspired
-by deep conviction, the despair of a great people,
-and the prospective consequences to be feared from it;
-for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to
-arms. This remonstrance made a great impression upon
-Alexander, and though it was not possible to induce the
-allied powers to agree to the general idea contained in
-it, at least the Duke succeeded in obtaining that the important
-posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont, and the
-forts of Joux and Ecluse, should not be included in the
-territorial cessions. The pecuniary indemnity also was
-diminished by 100 millions of francs, and it was determined
-the military occupation should not exceed five
-years, and might possibly terminate at the end of three.
-The French minister signed the memorable treaty on
-the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears honourable
-witness to the sadness that oppressed his heart.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>
-He had succeeded in obtaining great and noble advantages
-for his country, but he bore the name of Richelieu,
-and was the great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal
-who had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and he
-could not, without pain and grief, see the smallest particle
-of its grandeur torn away. The speech he made five
-days afterwards bears the stamp of patriotic sorrow and
-dignified resignation, and it was impossible, while listening<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
-to it, not to feel that the minister had yielded solely
-because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the
-measure of imperious necessity.</p>
-
-<p>The cares incident to so important a negotiation had
-not led the Duke to neglect the internal administration
-of the country; and while the chambers sanctioned the
-extraordinary powers required by the government to
-repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the
-ministry was occupied in taking just and solemn measures
-against those who, by favouring the return of
-Buonaparte, had led to the misfortunes of their country,
-and authorised these terrible reprisals. The fatal trial
-of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now
-that political ideas are clearer, and we are no longer
-carried away by declamation, the motives of the great
-debate that ensued are easily explained. The marshal
-was summoned before a council of war, by an <i>ordonnance</i>
-signed under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand;
-and this council having declared itself incompetent,
-the marshal ought to have been tried by the House
-of Peers, this being the natural order of jurisdiction.
-The Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of November, 1815,
-carried to the chamber the royal <i>ordonnance</i>, which constituted
-it a court of justice, and, with his heart still
-full of the sad sacrifices that had been exacted from his
-country, he expressed himself with warmth and firmness
-against the authors of the revolution of the Hundred
-Days; for was it not the actions of those people
-that had brought a million of foreigners into our land?
-After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous
-of calming the unruly passions that raged in the
-country, presented a bill for a general amnesty to the
-two chambers, in which there were no exceptions, except
-the names contained in a list drawn up by Fouché.
-During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyond<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>
-the plans proposed by governments, and upon this project
-the chamber of 1815 established its system of
-<i>categories</i>; and the regicides were banished the kingdom,
-contrary to the personal opinion of Louis XVIII.
-In the course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate
-the property of condemned and banished persons,
-but Richelieu rejected the measure, saying that
-"confiscations rendered the evils of war irreparable."
-And how much generosity was exhibited in this conduct,
-when we consider that the Duke had himself been
-deprived, by the most implacable confiscations, of all
-the property of his family!</p>
-
-<p>The finest portion of his life begins from this period.
-The great object he had proposed to himself was the
-deliverance of invaded France, overwhelmed by foreign
-powers; and, at the same time, the situation of the
-country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness.
-It was now necessary to levy an army to act as a
-weight in the European balance of power, and also to
-fulfil the hard conditions imposed by the treaty of 1815;
-while, to remove the fears entertained by the different
-cabinets, the Duke gave them to understand that the
-divisions arising in the chambers were merely the natural
-result of the representative system. One ought
-to remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817;
-the dearness of grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in
-various provinces, the occupations of the strong posts in
-France by 150,000 bayonets, and a military contribution
-of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all these
-disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the
-foreign army, thus commencing a negotiation which
-led to much greater results; and, on the 11th of
-February, 1817, he came to announce to the chambers
-that 30,000 men were about to repass the frontier, and
-that the expense of the army of occupation would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
-diminished by 30 millions of francs. This relief was
-owing to the reparative system he had pursued, and to
-the efforts of France, so fruitful in resources.</p>
-
-<p>We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history,
-with two years more difficult to get over than
-from 1815 to 1817. An armed invasion, famine, vehemence
-of parties, factions up in arms; and withal, extreme
-constraint in the administration, both as a whole
-and in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers
-must be by all means preserved.</p>
-
-<p>The army of occupation having been diminished, it
-became indispensable to have recourse to forced levies,
-to secure the safety and the dignity of the country; and
-a law for that purpose was proposed and accepted at
-the opening of the session of 1817, as a complete military
-system: the essentials of this law are still in force.</p>
-
-<p>At this period commenced the intimacy between the
-Duc de Richelieu and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval,
-two men of great ability, and who remained faithful to
-his memory. And let me be permitted to offer a last
-tribute to both these distinguished persons, then in the
-flower of their age, and now consigned to the tomb;
-for men of strong feelings are soon worn out by public
-life. M. Gérard de Rayneval belonged to an ancient
-diplomatic family, whose employment in the foreign office
-dated from the ministry of M. de Vergennes, and the
-treaty with the Low Countries. M. Mounier was endowed
-with a lively and penetrating mind, and possessed
-immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had,
-in early youth, been thrown into the administration of
-the Empire, and had filled the situation of secretary to
-the cabinet; and the Duke conceived a friendship for
-both these men equal to the confidence he deservedly reposed
-in them. He had a great regard for honour and
-probity, and where could it be more fully met with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
-than in people, whose characters remained pure and
-free from blemish, nay, who retained an honourable
-poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign debts,
-amounting to 1700 millions of francs?</p>
-
-<p>When the peace of 1814 was signed, the governments
-had declared their reciprocal debts at an end; but while
-they renounced their own claims upon the treasury,
-they made a reservation in favour of those of private individuals,
-which had been so violently attacked by the
-wars of the Revolution and of the Empire. When
-Europe dictated the implacable treaty of November,
-1815, claims poured in on every side; it was stipulated
-that payment should be effected by inscriptions in the
-great book of the public debt of France, and 9 millions
-a-year were at first set aside for that purpose; the time,
-however, for presenting claims was not to expire
-until the 28th of February, 1817; and&mdash;will it be believed?&mdash;the
-sum total amounted to 1600 millions!<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> a
-sum of almost fabulous magnitude, which surpassed the
-value of the two budgets of France. It was enough to
-drive one to despair, especially as each person demanded
-payment in full. What was to be done under circumstances
-of so much difficulty? Russia was so situated
-as naturally to assume the character of a mediator, for
-she had but few claims; and the Emperor Alexander,
-convinced that, unless the negotiation were carried on
-by an arbiter common to all parties, it would fall to the
-ground before the diversity of views and opinions, proposed,
-as I have before stated, to intrust it to the Duke
-of Wellington, making, at the same time, a sort of appeal
-to his generosity.</p>
-
-<p>The mediator, under the guidance of M. Mounier,
-and after unheard-of retrenchments, fixed the sum destined<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
-for the payment of the debts of France to individuals
-at 16 millions and 40,000 francs. People are
-too apt to forget in the present times the extreme difficulties
-encountered by the public credit of the restoration,
-during the period of our misfortunes. The Duc de Richelieu
-very soon came to the conclusion, that a system of
-well-conducted loans offered the only possible means of
-fulfilling the obligations imposed by the treaty. During
-the sway of Napoleon, the credit of the government
-had been utterly null; confidence had been destroyed by
-too many violations of the public faith, and too many
-arbitrary actions, for the Revolution and the Empire
-were merely the abuse of power; and the events of
-1814 and 1815 having compelled the government to increase
-the public debt to 126 millions, would it be possible
-to obtain an additional loan? No French house
-had presented itself possessed of sufficient capital to act
-upon so vast a scale; their fear of the risk was too great.
-But the Duke considered there would be an advantage in
-foreign loans, in raising a competition among all the
-capitals of Europe, and effecting our deliverance by a
-mere change of location. The necessary pecuniary resources
-were found in the opulent firm of Hope and
-Baring; and, to prepare the departure of the foreign
-troops, the minister succeeded in obtaining that the
-sovereigns who signed the treaty of 1815 should assemble
-at Aix-la-Chapelle, to determine whether the
-occupation should terminate at the end of three years,
-or whether it should be prolonged to five, according to
-the alternative left by the treaty.</p>
-
-<p>This proposal having been accepted, the congress
-assembled on the 20th of September 1818. All the obstacles
-had been already overcome by the pacific views of
-Russia, which had acted favourably upon the scruples
-entertained by Prussia and England; and on the 2d of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
-October the evacuation of the French provinces was
-decided upon, and the last traces of the invasion disappeared;
-besides which the Duc de Richelieu obtained
-a reduction of part of the indemnity still unpaid. Who
-does not recollect the proud and natural delight of the
-French minister on his return? France was no longer a
-country in the occupation of Europe, but a government
-admitted into the first rank among nations, with its greatness,
-its liberty, and its independence. Sufficient justice
-is seldom rendered to statesmen who restore to a
-country its dignity and consideration: vulgar history
-only extols those that destroy.</p>
-
-<p>Another crisis, however, was in preparation. The
-value of the public securities, owing to excessive speculations,
-had risen to an immoderate height, which was
-followed, in 1818, by an equally rapid fall, and the
-Allies might have destroyed the public credit by rejecting
-the <i>rentes</i> that had been assigned in payment of the
-subsidies; but the word of the Duc de Richelieu was
-sufficient to obtain a considerable extension of the time
-fixed for the payments to be made to the allied powers:
-and as great embarrassments still prevailed on the Exchange,
-he still farther obtained, that 100 millions which
-were to have been discharged by inscriptions of <i>rentes</i>,
-and which were included in the payments stipulated by
-the Allies, should be withdrawn, and in their stead <i>bons</i>
-on the treasury should be substituted, to become due in
-eighteen months.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the end attained by the negotiations of the
-Duc de Richelieu with foreign powers; the great object
-of his life was fulfilled, for in what a state of misery
-was France when he assumed the reins of government!
-700,000 foreigners, contributions of all kinds, the country
-placed at the ban of Europe! Now to that country he
-had restored liberty, he had reorganised her army, had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
-established her public credit, and reconciled France with
-the world. Before this great result was achieved, the
-Duke had repeatedly declared to his friends that, as soon
-as the personal credit he enjoyed with foreign powers
-was no longer necessary, he should quit the situation he
-had been compelled to accept, and retire into private
-life, and accordingly he sent in his resignation; but it
-was not accepted, for the old liberal spirit had arisen
-to struggle for victory. Many men possessed of no
-ability, except for public speaking, had striven to secure
-the elections, and the result of the proceedings of several
-of the electoral colleges had caused great anxiety
-to the friends of government. M. de Richelieu was
-therefore compelled to remain at the head of affairs;
-and he returned to Paris for the purpose of concerting
-the measures rendered necessary by the actual circumstances.</p>
-
-<p>The cabinet were agreed upon the necessity of opposing
-a barrier to democratic opinions and principles;
-nevertheless, serious dissensions arose when the electoral
-system came to be debated; and the Duke, much
-annoyed by the difference of opinion that existed in the
-council between himself, M. Decaze, and Marshal Gouvion
-St. Cyr, returned to his former wish of retiring
-from office. His example was followed by the rest
-of the ministers, who gave in their resignation in a
-simultaneous manner that was very remarkable. It is a
-melancholy truth, that the statesman who had so powerfully
-contributed to deliver the territory from foreign
-occupation, was compelled to retire before the petty intrigues
-suggested by narrow policy and the Chamber of
-Deputies. The Duke's opinion of the electoral system
-was different from that entertained by the partizans of
-the old liberal school, and he resigned his portfolio to
-General Dessole.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In spite of all the great affairs in which M. de Richelieu
-had been engaged, he was in a condition of honourable
-poverty, and the king conferred upon the retired
-minister the appointment of Grand Huntsman, in the
-same manner as he had conferred the title of Grand
-Chamberlain upon M. de Talleyrand, after his services
-in 1815. The chambers, however, were conscious that
-a recompense was due from the country to the able negotiator
-of Aix-la-Chapelle, and M. de Lally made a
-proposal that the king should be requested to confer a
-national reward upon the Duc de Richelieu. The same
-suggestion was made in the upper chamber, at the very
-moment when a letter from the Duke declared to the
-president of the deputies, that he should be proud of
-receiving a mark of the king's favour, given with the
-concurrence of the chambers; but that as it was proposed
-to award him a <i>national</i> recompense at the expense
-of the nation, he could not consent to see any thing
-added for his sake to the burdens under which the
-country was already groaning. Every body was well
-aware that the Duke possessed no fortune, and that his
-sole income was derived from his office of grand huntsman;
-a good deal of littleness, however, was exhibited in the
-Chamber of Deputies when it was proposed to assign
-a <i>majorat</i> of 50,000 francs to the heir of the name of
-Richelieu, as a recompense to the minister who had
-obtained the liberation of the territory. Are public
-bodies only capable of great actions when a profit arises
-from them to the passions by which they are actuated?
-The proposed <i>majorat</i> was afterwards changed into an
-annuity; and, out of respect to the king's wishes, the
-Duke did not refuse this acknowledgement of his services,
-but he devoted the entire income derived from it
-to the foundation of a religious charity in the city of
-Bourdeaux. Such was the personal generosity of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
-great man, who was desirous of retiring entirely to
-private life.</p>
-
-<p>Alas! his political career was not yet concluded!
-The Decaze ministry, on every side inundated by old
-liberal opinions, was at its last gasp. Advantage was
-taken of the law of elections against the government,
-one concession led to another, and the Duke was summoned
-to the council extraordinary, presided over by
-the king in person, to advise upon the measures to be
-pursued in this emergency. The crime of Louvel
-had filled Paris with grief and horror, and M. Decaze,
-abandoned by the <i>côté gauche</i> of the chamber,
-who defended the law of February 5th, 1817, rejected
-by the royalists, who reproached him with not
-having agreed to the propositions of the Marquis Barthélemy,
-at last sent in his resignation; and at this difficult
-juncture, the king again placed the Duc de Richelieu
-at the head of affairs. The most urgent entreaties
-were required to induce him to accept the appointment,
-for the situation was melancholy, and the country full
-of anxiety, while the irritation of parties had reached its
-highest pitch. The preceding administration had proposed
-an electoral system, which was distasteful to all
-parties in the chamber; it had demanded laws arming
-the government with extraordinary powers; no majority
-was yet formed, and the ministry were doubtful
-whether these laws would be capable of overcoming the
-formidable opposition they would have to encounter;
-the fears of Europe also had been aroused, and it was
-necessary to appease them. At length, every thing,
-however, was provided for, and, at the end of a long
-and painful discussion, exceptional laws were voted.</p>
-
-<p>But then, who was able to calm the public mind?
-and what hand was sufficiently powerful to arrest the
-evil tendency of society? A bias had been given to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
-education in France ever since the revolution of 1789;
-people were closely surrounded by mischievous opinions
-and frightful systems; parties considered themselves
-sufficiently powerful to conspire openly, and intimidate
-the government by tumultuous meetings. Seditious
-assemblies took place with a view to political catastrophes,
-and the slightest hesitation might have given
-rise to the most dreadful calamities. The command of
-Paris was now committed to Marshal Macdonald, by the
-ministers' council, formidable military preparations were
-made, and proofs were obtained of a conspiracy, involving
-some names since exalted by another revolution.
-During the ten days that this state of anxiety and
-trouble prevailed, they had only to regret the lives of
-two of the disturbers of the public peace; and now that
-the ideas concerning government are become more advanced,
-people will be surprised at the declamations of
-those who held liberal opinions, against measures which
-were indispensable for the safety of the country. Has
-not every government a right to defend itself, and is it
-not bound to do so?</p>
-
-<p>Europe now began to assume an alarming aspect.
-The revolt of the Spanish army at the island of Léon
-found an echo in a similar movement among the Neapolitan
-troops. Portugal quickly followed their example;
-and the seditious, imagining the French army
-well inclined to imitate the conduct of their neighbours,
-directed all their efforts towards this end. After having
-broken all the bonds of civil order, the revolution endeavoured
-to overturn the principle of duty and obedience
-among the soldiery. In most of the corps, however,
-the officers continued faithful to their engagements;
-a few only were unable to resist the torrent, and
-a conspiracy was formed in several of the regiments at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
-Paris, extending in its ramifications to various military
-stations, and it was determined that the rising should
-take place in the barracks on the 20th of August, 1820.
-On the proposal of M. Mounier, then director-general
-of the police, the ministers' council determined upon
-arresting the conspirators before they had unfurled a
-standard and actually proclaimed the insurrection. The
-heads of this military conspiracy are well known at
-present, and some of them have even been rewarded;
-but, as is always the case, the plot was denied by the
-parties engaged in it. The Chamber of Peers behaved
-with much indulgence, as able and experienced
-authorities usually do when severity is not indispensably
-necessary; and the government preferred pardoning
-many offences, and consigning much to oblivion, to being
-compelled to authorise the shedding of blood.</p>
-
-<p>The elections of 1820, which had taken place when a
-favourable impression had been raised by the birth of
-the Duc de Bourdeaux, gave a powerful and compact
-<i>côté droit</i> to the chamber, and MM. de Villèle and
-Corbière, who had assumed the position of its chiefs,
-ought naturally to have supported the Duc de Richelieu;
-but, at the very commencement of the session, clouds
-appeared on the horizon. The <i>côté droit</i> of the chambers
-had hitherto fought by the side of the ministers,
-and triumphed with them, and consequently they claimed
-a direct participation in the administration. Negotiations
-were entered into with them; the Duke would not
-consent that any of the men who had hitherto governed
-with him, and preserved the kingdom in its hour of
-peril, should be excluded from the council; however,
-two only of the principal deputies on the <i>côté droit</i>, MM.
-de Villèle and Corbière, were appointed members of
-the cabinet, with the title of ministerial secretaries of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
-state.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> M. Lainé, a man with whose honest and upright
-character the Duke had been particularly struck,
-was also a member of this administration.</p>
-
-<p>The political principle of this revised ministry was the
-agreement of the centre of the <i>côté droit</i>, and the <i>droite</i>
-itself, in one common vote; but the session under this
-management was long and troublesome, and a tedious
-and stormy debate took place before the Duke was able
-to decide upon the execution of his idea of an extended
-system of canal navigation, like that at present in force.
-He drew up a plan, inviting men possessed of large
-capital to take a part in these great works; for at that
-time the principal part of the capital in the kingdom,
-was invested in the funds, and enterprises tending to
-the benefit of industry and the improvement of the
-country were not popular: many difficulties were encountered,
-but they were all overcome by means of
-firmness and determination.</p>
-
-<p>Order was now established in all the departments of
-government; the restraints formerly imposed upon the
-action of the municipal authorities, by a system of excessive
-centralisation, were removed; and in the financial
-department the most unlimited competition was invited,
-for the first time, in the sale of stock, and the value
-of public securities reached its highest pitch. In his
-foreign policy, the Duke never ceased for a moment to
-support the idea of the Russian alliance, less from
-former recollections, and his affection for the Emperor
-Alexander, than upon the principle constantly expressed
-in all his correspondence, that the Russian alliance
-was advantageous to France because it was perfectly
-disinterested. In fact, what can Russia demand of
-us? On what point can we clash? Commerce with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
-her can never be otherwise than an equal exchange;
-the productions of industry in her country are not
-of equal value with ours; she requires our wines, our
-fashions, our manufactures, and we, in exchange, require
-her timber, her copper, and her iron. Her
-fleets cannot assume any dominion over us, her frontiers
-do not reach us in any direction, and we are
-benefited by her influence; whilst, on the other hand,
-the designs and interests of France are opposed by
-the English alliance in all questions of importance.
-M. de Richelieu's system was resumed by M. de la
-Ferronays in 1828.</p>
-
-<p>During the Duke's second ministry the great European
-powers met at Laybach, to agree upon a vast
-repressive system to be pursued against the insurrection
-rising in arms around. The Richelieu cabinet was resolved
-upon a firm resistance against all the tumults and
-disorders that were disturbing the peace of Europe.
-Agitation had also arisen in the East, and the Greeks
-had raised the standard of the cross. But Russia, which
-under Catherine had supported the Hellenic emancipation,
-was now too fully occupied with her own affairs
-to be able to follow up the system she had then commenced.
-France, therefore, determined upon sending a
-naval force into the Grecian seas for the protection of
-commerce, and, while observing a generous neutrality,
-assistance was still afforded to all who implored it from
-the French flag. But now the Richelieu cabinet, entirely
-occupied with its foreign relations, was threatened
-with danger to itself. Its very feeble parliamentary
-combination rested upon a false basis in the chamber.
-The ministry only existed by the will of the <i>côté droit</i>;
-and that party with its chiefs, MM. de Villèle and Corbière,
-would not fail, sooner or later, to assume the
-direction of affairs, because they possessed the majority.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
-The <i>droite</i> and the <i>gauche</i> were both distinct from the
-cabinet, and the former was evidently impatient to seize
-the reins of government.</p>
-
-<p>These two fractions of the chamber were desirous of
-concluding with a <i>coup d'éclat</i>; and the reply to the
-speech from the throne in 1821 became the arena for
-the great political struggle. The commission under the
-direction of the <i>côté droit</i> insisted that in the plan of
-the address presented to the chamber these words should
-be inserted: "We congratulate you, sire, upon your
-friendly relations with foreign powers, feeling a just confidence
-that so valuable a peace has not been purchased
-by sacrifices incompatible with the honour of the nation
-and the dignity of the crown." So offensive an expression
-was an open rupture with the cabinet. M. de
-Richelieu declared such an insinuation was an insult to
-the crown, and the ministers tendered their resignation.
-The chamber persisted, and voted the address, which
-was, in fact, a declaration that they did not wish the
-ministry to stand: the cabinet, therefore, retired in a
-mass, and were succeeded by MM. de Montmorency and
-de Villèle.</p>
-
-<p>And here let us pause, and observe to what trials men
-are exposed who devote themselves entirely to the defence
-of the interests of their country, without intrigue
-or passion, simply from the feeling for all that is right
-and noble! No character can bear a comparison with
-that of the Duc de Richelieu; no services equal those
-he rendered to his country; and, behold! he was overturned
-both by the <i>côté droit</i>, and the <i>gauche</i> of the
-Chamber of Deputies. The conduct of the <i>gauche</i> was
-this: the Duke took charge of France at the time of the
-foreign invasion; the Buonapartists and the remains of
-the Jacobin faction, having a second time endangered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
-the country by their madness of the <i>hundred days</i>; the
-enemy was in Paris&mdash;it occupied France; the influence
-of the Duke succeeded in preserving the country, and
-diminishing the sacrifices exacted from it; the foreign
-troops were withdrawn, and, as a recompense, the spirit
-of liberalism overturned the Duke.</p>
-
-<p>Would you also know the conduct of the ungrateful
-monarchical party? A great crisis had occurred for
-the crown; the royalists were giving way, and the
-power was about to be wrested from their hands by the
-<i>côté gauche</i>. The restoration was completely compromised,
-when the Duke again sacrificed himself: holding
-his popularity cheap, he augmented and strengthened
-the royalist party, and this was the summary of the
-instructions concerning the elections, directed by M.
-Mounier: "Before every thing, the friends of royalty;"
-and then the ultras, masters by this means of the majority,
-had nothing so much at heart as the dismissal of
-the Duc de Richelieu, in order to give themselves up to
-their mad projects.</p>
-
-<p>This moment was the conclusion of the Duke's political
-life; his feelings had been severely tried by the injustice
-of parties. It soon became apparent that his health was
-rapidly declining, and in a journey to the Château of
-Courteille, where the Duchess was living, he was taken
-ill, suddenly became insensible, and died at Paris, on the
-night of the 16th of May, 1822. He was only fifty-five
-years of age; his carriage was erect, and his features
-simple and regular, as they appear in the fine portrait
-of Lawrence of which I have spoken. All parties concur
-in awarding the highest praise to the noble qualities of
-the Duc de Richelieu. He was not a man of extraordinary
-genius, but of a thoroughly honest and upright
-character; and there are times, when no talent possessed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
-by a statesman is of so much avail as honesty. I admire
-the infinite superiority of a man capable of allowing
-virtue and honour their full weight in the political
-balance, and I take especial pleasure in rendering this
-tribute to the Duc de Richelieu, because I have never
-known so fine a character combined with so noble a
-name.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="PRINCE_HARDENBERG" id="PRINCE_HARDENBERG">PRINCE HARDENBERG.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">It</span> is natural that States which feel an incessant desire
-of increasing, should not retain the inflexible principles
-of upright and generous policy in their diplomatic system.
-Every time they feel stifled, they strive for more
-space and the means of more extended respiration; and
-such has constantly been the condition of the Prussian
-monarchy, from the time of its foundation, which may
-be said to have taken place unexpectedly, at the beginning
-of the eighteenth century. At this period the
-Duchy became a Kingdom, and no sooner was the kingdom
-established than it wanted to become great; for
-more room is required to unfold the sweeping train of a
-King, than to wear the robes merely of a Duke or a
-Margrave.</p>
-
-<p>This necessity for augmentation created a national law
-peculiar to Prussia; and looking at nothing but the
-necessities of her position, she seized every thing she
-could lay her hands upon. Frederic II. carried on this
-system of conquest, for his wars were regulated by no
-principle of the law of nations, and he appeared to have
-but one object in view, which was, to attack at one time
-Poland, and at another Silesia, for the purpose of conquering<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
-cities and provinces. On this account he availed
-himself of all means of distinction, striving for the celebrity
-of a writer and the pretension of a poet; even
-making the most of the puerile vanity of the philosophical
-party of the eighteenth century. When we examine
-into the actual constitution of Prussia, as well as into that
-she formerly possessed, we shall observe that her organisation
-has always been such as to render conquest imperatively
-necessary; even at present is not the kingdom
-like a lean giant, armed at all points, whose head is at
-Königsberg and his feet dipped in the Rhine, but whose
-middle is wanting? and the country that is required to
-complete the picture, is it not Saxony?</p>
-
-<p>It is, then, as the personification of the Prussian political
-system, that I am about to write the life of Baron,
-afterwards Prince Hardenberg, the most remarkable
-statesman that has been at the head of affairs in the
-monarchy of Frederic. Charles-Augustus, baron Hardenberg,
-was born in October 1750, at Hanover, that principality
-wedged into the midst of Germany, which recalls
-to the recollection the origin of the kings of England.
-Hanover preserves its German character under a separate
-administration, although it belongs to the patrimonial
-inheritance of the princes called to wear the English
-crown; and this separation was imperatively demanded
-by the English, a people so tenacious of their liberty, in
-order to avoid the chance of fatal continental wars, to
-defend the patrimony of their sovereign&mdash;a contingency
-their constitution will not permit.</p>
-
-<p>Baron Hardenberg was descended from an ancient
-family, carried back by the old heraldic traditions as far
-as the eleventh century, at the time of the Emperors of
-the house of Suabia; he was himself the son of a marshal
-of the empire, and went to the military university
-of Brunswick with the intention of following his father's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
-profession. The bent of his inclinations, however, appeared
-to be different, and while he applied his mind to
-the severest studies, he felt a strong vocation for a diplomatic
-life, and his curiosity led him always to endeavour
-to discover by what springs the cabinets recorded in
-history were actuated. He afterwards went to travel,
-gaining knowledge while visiting the different parts of
-Europe, and arrived in London at the time when Mr.
-Pitt was at the head of affairs, and a most violent and
-active opposition surrounded the ministry. As Hanover,
-as I have before mentioned, forms part of the patrimonial
-inheritance of the reigning family, Baron Hardenberg,
-though not an English subject, was naturally
-desirous of acquiring an extensive knowledge of the laws
-and customs which form a national law peculiar to
-England, and with which every British subject ought
-to be acquainted. But England was the scene of his
-greatest domestic infelicity; for having in early youth
-married the most beautiful woman in Germany, Mademoiselle
-de Randlaw, he introduced her into the brilliant
-society and dissipation of London, and she was received
-with an almost chivalric enthusiasm in the highest
-circles.</p>
-
-<p>A Prince, from whom Richardson would have drawn
-his character of Lovelace, the Prince of Wales, heir to
-the throne of England, remarkable for his personal
-beauty, magnificent in his equipages, and accomplished
-in all manly exercises, fell desperately in love with
-Baroness Hardenberg; and so much publicity attached to
-his admiration, that a separation became inevitable; the
-Baron therefore quitted England and returned to Germany.
-He already gave evidence of three qualities
-denoting great ability; the subtlety of intellect necessary
-in all negotiations of any importance; a habit of conversation,
-alternately discreet and unguarded, cold or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>
-vehement, according to circumstances; and a most profound
-knowledge of European national law&mdash;talents
-which naturally fitted him for a high diplomatic situation:
-nevertheless, young Hardenberg gave himself up
-entirely to the details of the administration of the country&mdash;a
-circumstance in which he resembled William Pitt,
-who was at the same time a first-rate politician and
-attentive to the smallest minutiæ regarding war and
-finance. His perfect acquaintance with the laws of
-Germany was a great assistance to him, when he was
-summoned to the supreme direction of the affairs of
-Prussia.</p>
-
-<p>Another quality possessed by Hardenberg, was his
-strong and decided taste for literature; and his intimate
-friendship with Goëthe, who exercised such absolute
-dominion over the intellects of his time, arose from this
-source. This was not one of the relations of protector
-and protégé; for in Germany, where matters of genius
-and study are viewed in a serious light, a man of literary
-celebrity is placed almost in a superior rank, and he is
-not only on a footing of equality with statesmen, but
-sometimes even in a position of master and scholar.
-What a brilliant sceptre was that extended by Goëthe
-over Germany! The poet who had shewn such incomparable
-skill in his delineation of the feudal ages, appeared
-to blend in his escutcheon of glory all the ancient
-colours of the German nobility. This threefold aptitude
-of Baron Hardenberg for literature, politics, and administration,
-produced great and uncommon results: first,
-an expansion of mind arising from the habit of treating
-important affairs; then, a close application to detail,
-arising from his employment in the executive administration;
-and, finally, a clear, exact, and benevolent mind,
-the consequence of the literary intercourse he had pursued
-with enthusiasm during his youth.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>We must recollect what was at that time the spirit
-that prevailed in Prussia, and also the bent of its government.
-In addition to her never-failing desire of conquest,
-there is always in that country a certain inclination
-for serious study, and a wish for the advancement of
-ideas; and though no free debate be permitted on matters
-connected with the government, the discussion of
-philosophical and rational questions is entirely unshackled;
-religious opinions also are independent of any
-controlling theory, the Protestant spirit having introduced
-a sort of egotism into the schools, from which it
-results that every opinion, even though it be mischievous,
-is admitted and examined without regard to the
-chivalrous feelings that attach a people to a dynasty, or
-a generation to the articles of their faith.</p>
-
-<p>It was in this school the statesmen of Germany were
-formed, more especially Baron Hardenberg. His devotion
-to the study of German law had given him a precise
-and accurate manner of examining facts, without
-being carried away by prejudice or enthusiasm; and
-when the French revolution burst forth, Prussia, which
-was foremost to join the coalition, saw a new class of
-statesmen arise to oppose the chivalrous spirit of the
-nobility, and place the check of cool reason upon the
-ardour of the old families. Baron Hardenberg did not
-completely concur in the opinions of M. Haugwitz, of
-the secretary M. Lombard, and the Countess Lichtenau,
-who were even well inclined towards the revolutionary
-powers that then reigned in France; he had less inclination
-than Count Goltz towards French ideas, but being
-completely a Prussian in his interests and opinions, he
-considered that the object of his cabinet could not possibly
-be to act as a knight-errant in defence of certain
-political opinions, but rather to endeavour to acquire
-a great influence in Germany, at the expense of Austria,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
-and also a territorial addition in Poland; and as Prussia
-was not immediately threatened by the principles and
-ideas of the French revolution, he considered it very important
-to reap all possible advantage from the new
-situation of events.</p>
-
-<p>This rendered him the most active partisan of the
-treaty of Basle, though he was not at first engaged in it
-by name; for that very difficult negotiation was originally
-undertaken by Count Goltz with M. Barthélemy;
-but after the death of the plenipotentiary it was concluded
-by Baron Hardenberg; and this was the first
-commencement of his being really actively employed in
-public affairs. His manners were singularly pleasing to
-the men of the revolution, especially to Merlin de Douai,
-who thought them like those of a marquis of the old
-school, with intelligence, ease, and a method of action
-free from prepossession or prejudice, even with regard
-to democratic opinions. The committee of public safety
-treated him almost in royal style, by sending him a fine
-service of Sèvres china, as at the conclusion of treaties
-under the old monarchy, when an interchange of diplomatic
-presents used to take place among plenipotentiaries.</p>
-
-<p>In this treaty, as in the negotiation of Rahstadt, Baron
-Hardenberg was less actuated by French principles than
-by the firm conviction that the treaty of Basle tended to
-realizing the two most constant and deeply-rooted feelings
-of his mind: viz. the Prussian influence over Germany,
-and the aggrandisement of his cabinet. He promoted
-the system of German neutrality, which influenced
-the interests of the country, and to a certain degree
-excited Germany against Austria; and for this purpose
-he made use of France, considering it of little consequence
-whether it was a monarchy or a republic: he had a particular
-object in view; but he was guilty of a mistake on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
-that point. There were two questions to be particularly
-considered in the French revolution: if it had confined
-itself to measures that merely regarded its own internal
-condition, and had disseminated nothing, neither ideas
-nor interests, the selfish policy of Prussia might have
-been successful; but neither the committee of the convention
-nor the directory had any respect for fixed
-principles. Baron Hardenberg had established neutrality
-in part of Germany; how was it observed when the
-republican army required again to pass the Rhine? Did
-it trouble itself concerning the principles laid down by
-the Prussian minister, and the territorial line of the neutrality?
-When entering into a treaty with a government,
-the first necessary inquiry is, whether it will respect the
-general principles of the law of nations. Prussia, however,
-had assumed too egotistical a position; indeed she
-carried her system to such a pitch, that the minister
-interfered with the levy of contingents, lest they should
-augment the Austrian influence. Many years elapsed
-before the ideas of this school were effaced; but Hardenberg's
-mind afterwards expanded, and he saw there
-were other circumstances to be attended to, besides the
-antiquated system of politics, which would keep up a
-rivalry between Prussia and Austria, at the time when a
-general social revolution had taken place.</p>
-
-<p>After a long stay at Basle, during which time he was
-in habits of the greatest intimacy with the ministers of
-the French republic, Baron Hardenberg returned to
-Berlin, where the king conferred upon him the order of
-the Black Eagle of the first class, as a mark of his perfect
-concurrence in the politics of the treaty just concluded.
-The direction of foreign affairs was still, however, in the
-hands of Count Haugwitz, a friend of Countess Lichtenau,
-and the secretary Lombard, and Baron Hardenberg
-being a person of too much importance to occupy a situation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
-subordinate to Count Haugwitz, the administration
-of the principalities of Bayreuth and Anspach was again
-conferred upon him. This was a recreation to the diplomatist,
-who was glad to seek repose from political
-theories in the executive government of a principality,
-which he may be said to have added to Prussia. In
-Germany statesmen like to be men of business, and even
-in retirement their life is one of labour and study.</p>
-
-<p>Baron Hardenberg took no part in active business
-during the life of Frederic William II.; his private
-opinions had been a little modified, and he was not quite
-so decided in his approval of the convention of Basle,
-since he had had occasion to see the mischievous and
-arbitrary application made by the republicans of its
-principles in Germany. Nothing had been awarded to
-Prussia by the treaty of Rahstadt, in spite of the promises
-of real indemnities, as well as of absolute liberty,
-which had been made to her at Basle; he, therefore, had
-no connexion with the negotiations carried on by M.
-Caillard, when an endeavour was made to place Prussia
-in a new attitude, and produce a great degree of intimacy
-between the republic and Frederic William II. Baron
-Hardenberg does not appear to have exercised any influence
-until the accession of the young prince Frederic
-William, when, being attached to the young queen,
-Louisa of Prussia, by the most respectful and chivalrous
-devotion, he adopted her ideas and opinions, as indeed
-did all those who were within the circle of her almost
-magical influence. What a grand though melancholy
-existence was that of Louisa Wilhelmina, queen of
-Prussia, daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz
-and of Caroline of Hesse Darmstadt! Filled with the
-enthusiastic and visionary feelings natural to her country,
-she exercised, at the age of scarcely twenty years, the
-most holy, as well as the most absolute influence over<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
-her husband, while the hopes of Germany appeared to
-centre upon her. She introduced a more noble and
-elevated feeling into the selfish system of politics hitherto
-adopted by Prussia; and being as it were queen of the
-students and of the universities, she was the origin and the
-hope of the secret societies, which gave so poetical a tinge
-to Germany during the latter years of Napoleon. Under
-her influence, Baron Hardenberg took charge of the
-ministry for foreign affairs, shortly after the commencement
-of the consulate. In the midst of the various
-coalitions of the period, Prussia had hitherto preserved a
-strict neutrality; after the 18th Brumaire, however, she
-shewed herself perfectly willing to agree to all required
-by the First Consul, and the insinuations made by Buonaparte
-to Louis XVIII., proposing to him to abdicate,
-were despatched from Berlin; nor was even the proper
-degree of dignity exhibited on this occasion, though it
-ought to increase, rather than diminish, where illustrious
-sufferers are concerned.</p>
-
-<p>The Consul became Emperor; and with a view of still
-farther strengthening the bonds of union with Prussia,
-Napoleon appointed Marshal Duroc, his confidential
-friend, to represent him at Berlin. It was rather a
-difficult moment, as war was about again to resound in
-Europe, and the combined armies of Russia and Austria
-to take the field, rendering it a matter of very great
-importance to create a suitable post for Prussia; Baron
-Hardenberg was, therefore, summoned to the head of
-affairs, as the representative of a middle system then
-beginning to arise and develope itself under the influence
-of the Queen of Prussia. He was attached at the same
-time to English principles, and to the politics of France
-and Germany, and was under the necessity of instituting
-a close comparison among the various interests and
-influences presented to his view; he, however, detached<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
-himself from the debased political system pursued by
-Count Haugwitz. His great fault on this occasion was
-his not perceiving that Buonaparte's deceit was equal to
-his genius, and that he only kept terms with Prussia
-now, to ensure him a greater facility in punishing her at
-a future period.</p>
-
-<p>The first dissatisfaction entertained by the cabinet of
-Berlin against Buonaparte appeared in a despatch of
-Hardenberg's, on the violation of the Prussian territory,
-an extraordinary dereliction of the law of nations, which
-had given extreme offence to the court and to the people.
-"His majesty," said the Prussian minister, "does not
-know with which he has most cause to be astonished,
-the violence the French armies have chosen to commit
-in his territories, or the incomprehensible arguments by
-which it is pretended to justify them. His majesty,
-properly tenacious of the consideration due as much to
-his power as to his character, has read, with feelings he
-would in vain endeavour to conceal, the justificatory
-despatches that have been sent by the French legation
-to his cabinet. They rest upon the example of the
-former war and the parity of circumstances, as if the
-proceedings then permitted had not been founded upon
-exactly defined treaties, which ceased with the peace!
-as if the Emperor Napoleon had borne these treaties in
-mind when he took possession of Hanover, of a country
-which by these same treaties had been for many long years
-under the protection of Prussia! Ignorance of our intentions
-is made a pretext, as if our intentions were not,
-in this instance, proved by the actual fact; and as if the
-nature of the affair could be altered without any previous
-stipulation! His majesty had not given sufficient
-publicity with the Elector of Bavaria to circumstances it
-was unnecessary he should mention! And as if I had
-not myself, with the map in my hand, declared long<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
-before, in my conferences with M. le Maréchal Duroc,
-and M. de Laforest, the impossibility of permitting any
-troops to march through the margraviate! The king
-considers himself, from this time forth, set free from all
-the engagements he has formed, and feels under the
-necessity of commanding his armies to assume the position
-necessary for the defence of the state." The
-Emperor Napoleon was greatly offended by this despatch,
-and the firm language in which it was couched;
-but he was then desirous of keeping on good terms
-with the cabinet of Berlin to prevent their joining the
-coalition.</p>
-
-<p>By assuming a system of perfect neutrality, Prussia
-was likely to derive the advantage of being on friendly
-terms, even with the parties opposed to Napoleon; and
-there were English, Austrian, and Russian ministers at
-Berlin, with whom Baron Hardenberg was naturally in
-communication.</p>
-
-<p>According to the principles and the precedents of the
-court of Berlin, Hanover, though a hereditary fief of
-the British crown, was, nevertheless, under the protection
-of the German neutrality; such, however, was
-not the theory of Napoleon, who was deeply irritated
-against England; and more than one violation of territory
-had already shewn that the powerful Emperor
-would not consider the respect due to the rights of
-neutral powers, if it were likely to prove any obstacle
-to his success.</p>
-
-<p>Prussia was greatly displeased, and a decisive moment
-was at hand, for the Russian and Austrian armies were
-advancing against Napoleon. According to his usual
-custom, the impetuous military chieftain of France had
-ventured all risks, for he had boldness and fortune in
-addition to his genius; he entered Moravia, and, if
-Prussia had then declared herself, it would have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span>
-all over with him, as with 150,000 men on his flank, his
-position would have been utterly lost; and to obtain
-this object the most pressing negotiations were going on
-at Berlin, England offering subsidies, Russia support,
-and Austria a larger share of territory, even in Poland.
-Hardenberg's opinion was to decide at once, but was
-his influence always predominant in the midst of so
-much corruption? Among those who sided with him
-was the noble-minded Queen, and the brave and generous
-Prince Louis of Prussia; but he had to contend
-with the personal opinion of Count Haugwitz and the
-Marquis Lucchesini, both strongly in favour of the
-French cabinet. The system of a supine neutrality,
-therefore, carried the day, and the utmost Hardenberg
-could obtain was permission to assure England that
-they would protect the independence of Hanover, so far
-as to allow a passage to the English troops, should they
-be attacked or pursued by Napoleon.</p>
-
-<p>On this subject the Prussian minister wrote a letter
-to Lord Harrowby, in which rather a remarkable view
-was taken of the neutrality; a certain inclination towards
-the opinions and sentiments of the coalition appeared to
-filter through it, with a considerable degree of irritation
-with regard to the French cabinet, which had already
-failed to respect the Prussian neutrality.</p>
-
-<p>Baron Hardenberg had been in hopes of obtaining a
-positive decision, which would have placed Prussia in
-the first rank among nations, for 150,000 men directed
-against the flank of Napoleon would have secured the
-victory to Europe, when intelligence was received of
-the wonders achieved at Austerlitz. Napoleon was a
-gambler on an immense scale! His eagle threw the
-dice of human destiny from his immense claws, and the
-chances had hitherto always been in his favour; but,
-besides this, did he not always quarrel with characters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
-inclined to temporise, and who delayed declaring themselves
-until victory had decided in favour of one of the
-parties? After the battle of Austerlitz was it a time to
-assume a threatening attitude, when Austria and Russia
-were going to treat with the Emperor of the French on
-a common footing?</p>
-
-<p>Under these circumstances, then, the position of Baron
-Hardenberg became difficult, nay, intolerable, for was
-he not considered as the representative of the warlike
-party and the opponent of Napoleon? How could the
-minister of the heroic Queen and Prince Louis of Prussia
-remain at the head of the cabinet, when Prussia, prostrate
-before Napoleon, seemed almost to solicit pardon
-for having assumed, however slightly, an attitude of
-independence? At that time, Napoleon, who was incapable
-of forgiveness, knew well how to ruin a man by
-dictating articles for the <i>Moniteur</i>, pronouncing thus a
-sentence against statesmen whom he wished to get rid
-of. Buonaparte was an excellent pamphleteer, and,
-when he got into a passion, he gave vent in this manner
-to his ill-humour, against a king, a minister, or a general.
-M. Maret used to write from his dictation in short-hand,
-and send it afterwards to the official newspaper, according
-to his original profession of a journalist; he,
-also, possessed a certain knack for composition.</p>
-
-<p>Upon this occasion Hardenberg was honoured by the
-capricious abuse of the Emperor, in consequence of a
-despatch full of impartiality which he had addressed to
-Lord Harrowby, concerning the neutrality of Hanover.
-A word from Buonaparte to the court of Berlin was
-sufficient to procure the dismissal of the minister, and,
-having retired from the cabinet, he the very same day
-repelled the attacks of the French emperor, who had
-accused him of not even being a Prussian. "I am
-proud," said he, "of the esteem and confidence of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
-sovereign and people of Prussia; I am proud of the
-opinion of estimable foreigners, and it is with great
-satisfaction that I number some Frenchmen among
-them. I am not a Prussian by birth, it is true, but I
-will yield in patriotism to no native of that country; and
-I have obtained a right to assert this fact, both by my
-services, and by having transferred my patrimony, and
-become a proprietor in this country. Though I am not
-a soldier, I feel that I should not have proved unworthy,
-had fate summoned me to bear arms in defence of my
-sovereign and his rights, or the dignity, safety, and
-honour of the state."</p>
-
-<p>There was a degree of asperity in these expressions as
-uttered by a man who had given up the direction of
-affairs, without the hope of resuming it. He resigned
-his portfolio to Count Haugwitz, under the influence of
-the Marquis Lucchesini and the secretary, M. Lombard,
-and then, encompassed by the attachment of the Prussian
-army, and the enthusiasm of the universities, he
-retired into the country, like a man to whom the present
-time is devoid of interest. Some very significant proceedings,
-however, were going on in Prussia; the government
-had adopted extremely moderate measures,
-and both the king and the cabinet were desirous of maintaining
-the conditions of the French alliance: but there
-was a movement among the people, an energetic expression
-of national feeling, which would not allow this condition
-of quiet and peace to be maintained in the state.</p>
-
-<p>This double situation affords an explanation of the
-events, and many of the faults, of this period; the tergiversations
-of the cabinet, which appeared constantly
-to have an inclination towards public opinion, and then
-again, especially after the battle of Austerlitz, returned
-to their former dread of the Emperor. At length the
-king, pressed by the people, roused himself, and manifested<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
-a chivalrous disposition in accordance with the
-spirit of the nation, and more especially of the universities;
-and it reached such a pitch, that, after the
-retirement of Hardenberg, the people flew to arms in a
-hasty and adventurous manner, and without sufficiently
-calculating the course they were to pursue. And who
-was to conduct this war? Count Haugwitz, already
-devoted to France, and the secretary Lombard, both
-creatures of Napoleon! One would have said treachery
-was already determined upon.</p>
-
-<p>Nothing could surpass the campaign of Jena, no
-praise be too great for that admirable military movement
-directed by the Eagle of Austerlitz. But were these
-splendid victories due entirely to the brilliant and energetic
-courage of the imperial army? had not a series of
-faults been committed by their opponents? and were
-those who directed the cabinet of Berlin perfectly faithful
-and devoted to the interests of Prussia? After the disasters
-of Jena so many acts of secret treason came to
-light, that Hardenberg, under the influence of Queen
-Louisa and the Emperor Alexander, was again placed at
-the head of foreign affairs, for an inclination to resist the
-power of France had now sprung up. This new situation
-of the cabinets of Russia and Prussia requires some
-explanation, because it formed the basis of the intimate
-union, which at a later period led to the ruin of the
-French empire. The dissatisfaction before entertained
-by the cabinet of St. Petersburg against Prussia proceeded
-entirely from the position of indifferent neutrality assumed
-by the latter ever since the treaty of Basle; and
-all the endeavours made by England, Austria, and
-Russia to induce the cabinet of Berlin to break through
-this mischievous situation had met with a refusal, for
-neutrality appeared to be the fundamental principle of
-the Prussian political system. It was, therefore, satisfactory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
-to see Prussia willing to engage in hostilities,
-though at <i>the eleventh hour</i>, for her position by that means
-became clear and decided; and it was of little consequence
-if they had been unsuccessful in the campaign of Jena,
-provided the spirit of their government was in favour of
-war; if, in short, there was a degree of unity and vigour
-capable of supporting the coalesced cabinets.</p>
-
-<p>Baron Hardenberg thus became the representative of
-the alliance between Russia and Prussia. Frederic William
-having been obliged to evacuate Berlin, had fallen
-back with the ruins of his army upon the Russian troops,
-and then commenced the campaign in the midst of wintry
-snows, the fiercely-contested and sanguinary battle of
-Prussisch-Eylau, where first paled the star of Napoleon!
-Friedland, however, saved the audacious eagle, as Austerlitz
-had preserved it two years before, and treaties
-were again had recourse to. Who can express the humiliating
-conditions dictated by the victor to Prussia?
-Who describe the cold sarcastic conduct of the fortunate
-soldier towards the heroic queen, the idol of the universities?</p>
-
-<p>Baron Hardenberg, being again compelled to retire,
-resigned his portfolio to the new cabinet formed by
-Napoleon, from which every mind possessed of any
-degree of independence or elevation was excluded.
-Prussia became almost a department of France, traversed
-in every direction by military roads; the whole population
-of some districts was carried away by the generals
-of Buonaparte, with blows and violence; the universities
-were closed, and the provinces reduced to the last extremity;
-while such heavy military contributions were
-imposed, that they wrung from the peasant his last hard-earned
-crown, and even his plough and his oxen. People
-must not treat a country thus, when they are desirous of
-governing it; they should recollect that the superiority<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
-of a power does not result from violence, but from the
-moral ascendancy produced by protection and support.</p>
-
-<p>But at the side of the public government of Prussia,
-bowed down before the wrath and violence of Napoleon,
-a number of secret associations had been brought
-into existence, by the oppression of the conquerors; and
-taking the Fatherland for their watchword, they only
-awaited a crisis for vengeance. After the death of their
-noble-hearted queen these associations greatly increased,
-and the most eminent among the patriots, as well as the
-statesmen out of favour, participated in them, for the
-salvation of the country was at stake. It is incontestable
-that Hardenberg was the <i>mind</i> of this national conspiracy,
-as Blucher and Gneisenau were its <i>sword</i>; this secret
-and magnificent undertaking, this moral resistance, advanced
-with indescribable and undeviating energy, during
-the period which elapsed between 1808 and 1811, and
-then, by a capricious will of the Emperor Napoleon,
-Hardenberg was again destined to receive a mark of
-confidence from his sovereign, and the government of
-Prussia was once more placed in his hands. I consider
-this to have been the most critical period for Northern
-Germany; the provinces, constantly traversed by French
-troops, were completely in the power of their generals,
-and that fine country was now nothing but a magazine
-of forage, provisions, and money for the French troops.
-In the midst of these disastrous circumstances, the minister
-applied himself particularly to reinstating some little
-degree of order in the complicated administration of
-Prussia; he relieved the people as far as it was possible,
-and above all, he endeavoured to reorganise the army,
-firmly, but not openly, for this Napoleon would not
-have permitted, but by a military system which constantly
-summoned the young soldiers to their duties, and
-then shortly afterwards restored them to their families<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
-and their homes; a plan which permitted him to have a
-fine army in preparation for future events, at a very
-moderate expense. The system of military reserves is
-essentially Prussian, because it realizes the double idea
-of a considerable army in time of war, and a limited contingent
-during peace; by this means every Prussian is a
-soldier.</p>
-
-<p>If at this time the Emperor treated Prussia with some
-little degree of respect, if he even called for the concurrence
-of Baron Hardenberg, it was because, being then
-almost on the eve of undertaking a campaign against Russia,
-he was desirous of engaging Prussia in it as an auxiliary;
-and as the cabinet was already devoted to him, Buonaparte
-sought to enlist popular opinion in his favour, by
-means of their favourite minister. And here a question
-may be asked, of great importance to history. How came
-Hardenberg to affix his signature to the secret treaty
-which placed the Prussian army under the orders of
-Napoleon? Had he really and in good faith entered
-into the alliance? or had he only signed it with the
-determination of breaking through its conditions at the
-first check experienced by the French arms? It is
-necessary we should recollect, that with Napoleon there
-were no discussions, no considering the various clauses of
-a treaty; and the correspondence of M. de Saint-Marsan
-with M. Maret, with the notes and explanations of the
-Prussian minister with the French ambassador, are sufficient
-to carry conviction that nothing was free or spontaneous
-on this occasion: every thing was submitted to
-from the most imperious necessity; there was no choice
-given of acceptance or refusal, but Prussia placed her
-army and her treasury at the disposal of the conqueror,
-because he had said, <i>It is my will</i>.</p>
-
-<p>Now in these necessities, imposed by misfortune, did
-no gleam of hope remain? In politics, no alliances are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
-durable but those resting upon a perfect agreement of
-views and interests. When two people unite because
-they are free and happy, because they feel a mutual
-esteem and regard for each other, because they reciprocally
-afford and receive important services, then, depend
-upon it, these alliances are durable, these treaties will be
-carefully carried out. But suppose, on the contrary, a
-people vanquished and humbled&mdash;a king of Prussia, the
-descendant of Frederic the Great, to whom M. Maret
-insolently writes, "that he must sign a military and diplomatic
-convention, under pain of captivity;" does such
-a treaty as that form an alliance? is the convention
-which delivers up Berlin to the French army, a treaty
-between friends and allies? or could the plan which
-parcelled out the Prussian army, into divisions under
-French marshals or generals, be a free, upright, or durable
-proceeding? Surely not: this reconciliation could only
-be momentary; it was imposed by main force, and with
-the decline of power it must come to an end.</p>
-
-<p>In addition to this, the Prussian government could no
-longer control the people of Germany, indignant at the
-humiliations they were called upon to submit to. That
-Hardenberg was acquainted with the proceedings of the
-secret societies, does not admit of a doubt, neither is it
-less certain that he permitted their developement, in order
-afterwards to avail himself of them, as a powerful instrument
-against the oppression of France; but a circumstance
-one cannot comprehend is, that it should not have occurred
-even to the inferior mind of M. de Saint-Marsan,
-and the very moderate capacity of M. Maret, that at the
-first reverse experienced by the grand army, all these
-alliances would be got rid of, as something troublesome
-and offensive&mdash;in fact, as a yoke to be cast off. To what
-a degree of humiliation was the House of Frederic now
-reduced! Prussia, in a suppliant attitude, had solicited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
-an alliance with the Buonaparte family, and Hardenberg,
-the principal negotiator, had received a cold refusal!
-Was it possible all this should be forgotten? On one
-side was the recollection of their young and heroic queen,
-who had died broken-hearted, insulted in the public
-papers, and calumniated in pamphlets; and on the other,
-was a people ground down by oppression, but undertaking
-its own preparations for the day of independence;
-while to the insolence of the chief we must add all the
-harshness of his generals, and of the people employed in
-levying contributions. I do not wish here to mention
-proper names, but if any men are still living who were
-then employed in the local administration of Prussia, let
-them speak, and say, whether the system to which Prussia
-was subjected, was one possible for her to maintain, in
-spite of all the hopes of liberty inspired by the general
-rising in Europe? and whether it was not natural the
-conflagration of Moscow should be succeeded by other
-flames?</p>
-
-<p>The most important events in Prussia commenced from
-this period. The fatal campaign of Moscow being concluded,
-the French army, a miserable swarm of fugitives,
-fell back upon the frontiers of Prussia, so lately traversed
-under different auspices! The corps of Marshal Macdonald
-was compelled to retreat from the siege of Riga,
-and the brave and faithful chief brought back with him
-the Prussians, especially the division of York, long under
-the influence of the principles inculcated by Schill.
-News suddenly arrived that the Prussians refused to
-fight, and General York addressed a respectful letter to
-the Marshal, declaring his intention of maintaining a
-perfect neutrality with the Russian armies. This defection
-extended to all the Prussian troops, and excited
-surprise, though it had long been in preparation; in fact,
-both officers and soldiers were all strongly imbued with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
-the doctrines of Schill, Stein, and the secret societies;
-and Prussia, ripe for independence, obtained it at last: a
-bright dawn had begun to appear, and wherefore should
-she not avail herself of it?</p>
-
-<p>Such being the state of popular opinion in Prussia, let
-us now inquire what was the spirit of the cabinet conducted
-by Baron Hardenberg. He had evidently been
-well acquainted with the existence of the secret societies,
-and the edicts of Breslau, issued on the 3d and 9th of
-February, which gave a military organisation to the
-<i>Tugendbund</i>, were drawn up and signed by him; and
-admirable indeed were these patriotic papers, calling upon
-all the sons of Germany to take up arms in defence of
-the Fatherland! It is necessary to read them, fully to
-understand the pitch excitement had now reached in
-Germany; all the young men between the ages of
-seventeen and twenty-four, were to take up arms, and
-form volunteer corps, clothed in the dress that had been
-worn by Schill and Stein, that is, the short frock girded
-with a leathern belt, and the little cap usually worn by
-students. No youth could be married unless he had
-performed this service, nor could he fill any public situation
-unless he had discharged his duty to his country;
-without this there was no hope for him, either in the
-path of ambition or of love. The patriotic edicts were
-signed by Hardenberg, who was desirous of placing himself
-at the head of popular feeling in Prussia. They
-were thus worded:&mdash;"The dangers with which the state
-is threatened demand an immediate augmentation of our
-military force, at the same time that the state of our
-finances forbids any increase of our expenditure. The
-subjects of Prussia have always been distinguished for
-their attachment to their king and country, and they
-require nothing to direct them to a determined object
-but a favourable occasion, which may enable our brave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
-youth to display the courage which leads them to join
-the ranks of the ancient defenders of their native land,
-and acquit themselves at their side, of their first and
-noblest duties. It is with this object, that his majesty
-has been pleased to command the formation of detachments
-of yagers, intended to be annexed to the battalions
-of infantry and the regiments of cavalry of which the
-army is composed, so as to summon to military service
-those classes of the inhabitants of the country who are
-not compelled to it by the laws, and yet whose means
-permit them, to clothe and equip themselves at their own
-expense, and to serve the state in a manner compatible
-with their situation regarding the civil government. It
-will also afford an opportunity to young men of education
-to distinguish themselves, and become some day
-clever officers, or non-commissioned officers."</p>
-
-<p>The spirit of Prussia was now thoroughly roused and
-up in arms. At the same time Baron Hardenberg was
-engaged in a negotiation with M. Maret, who did not
-perceive that the Prussian cabinet was merely following
-the stream&mdash;that it was, in fact, no longer the king who
-governed, but the people, and that the people were
-boiling with indignation. Generally speaking, the functionaries
-of the empire did not attach sufficient importance
-to public opinion; the greater part of them, forsooth,
-were too great people, men of too illustrious
-birth, as every one is aware, and they looked down upon
-the mass of the nation! These men, born of the people,
-raised by them&mdash;some being old newspaper-writers, others
-scriveners, or retired attorneys&mdash;considered themselves,
-by the grace of God, such great lords and princes, that
-they paid no attention to the vast power which gives
-laws to kings and states. When Hardenberg wrote
-that he was desirous of forming the plan of an alliance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
-even after the campaign of Moscow, M. Maret's mind
-was quite at ease on the subject of Prussia; and the
-diplomatic despatches give sufficient evidence of the
-perfect ignorance that existed at Paris as to the approaching
-movement at Berlin: they did not observe
-that fresh ideas were becoming developed, and that the
-cabinet was no longer master of the country. "What
-is going to happen?" wrote M. de Saint-Marsan to the
-Prussian minister; and, as his sole answer, the latter despatched
-General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to
-Paris, bearing soothing words. "Prussia is desirous of
-maintaining peace, and the French alliance is pleasing
-to her, but she requires fresh conditions." Read this
-note from Hardenberg to M. de Saint-Marsan, which
-describes perfectly the situation of Prussia, a situation
-M. Maret had not understood:&mdash;"It has occurred to
-the king, that nothing would more advance the great
-work than a truce, according to which the French and
-Russian armies would retire to a certain distance, and
-establish lines of demarcation, leaving an intervening
-country. Would his imperial majesty be willing to enter
-into such an arrangement? Would he consent to resign
-the charge of the fortresses of the Oder, of Pilau,
-and of Dantzic (with regard to the latter, conjointly
-with the Saxon troops, as agreed by the treaty of Tilsit),
-to the troops of the king, and withdraw his army beyond
-the Elbe, provided the Emperor Alexander should
-withdraw his beyond the Vistula? The king has commanded
-General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to inquire
-into the intentions of his imperial majesty on this
-head; and he has made similar proposals to the Emperor
-Alexander, as concerning an idea emanating entirely
-from himself, and which can in no way compromise
-the resolution which your sovereign, his imperial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
-majesty, may come to on this point. According to what
-is decided upon at present, the king will regulate his
-ulterior proceedings."</p>
-
-<p>Although Hardenberg's language was somewhat timid,
-matters were, nevertheless, in a state of progression. In
-her first position, the situation of Prussia was that of
-an ally; in the second, that of a neutral power: would
-she stop there? The arrival of the Emperor Alexander
-at Breslau decided the king upon following the
-popular movement, and the court of Berlin pronounced
-in favour of the coalition; information being conveyed
-to M. Maret, in a paper drawn up by Hardenberg, that
-Prussia had declared war. This remarkable exposition
-of their causes of complaint against Napoleon contains,
-more especially, a summary of pecuniary grievances, unheard-of
-violations of the various clauses of the treaty,
-and recollections of the harsh rule of the French generals.
-One circumstance, however, is omitted, although
-it occupied the first place in the mind of the Prussian
-minister, viz. that the country was weary of foreign
-dominion. The <i>Tugendbund</i> had arisen, like an ancient
-German warrior, armed at all points.</p>
-
-<p>Hardenberg quickly followed up this first despatch by
-a second, addressed to General Krusemarck at Paris,
-who transmitted it to M. Maret. "The Emperor of
-Russia offers a noble and faithful friendship to Prussia,
-while Napoleon has thrust away his ally, not even
-having condescended to enter into any explanation with
-her. Prussia has endured all the insolence unsparingly
-heaped upon her by the conqueror; all her fortified
-places have been seized by the French troops; Berlin
-has been occupied, and 94 millions levied upon the
-country. These circumstances render further hesitation
-impossible; honour commands us to draw the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
-sword, and never will we sheath it until an honourable
-and advantageous peace has been obtained."</p>
-
-<p>Baron Hardenberg was now completely in his element;
-his original inclinations bound him to Russia
-and the Emperor Alexander, and he rejoiced in seeing
-the idea of Queen Louisa accomplished, and the two
-monarchs pressing each other's hands. From this time
-forward, all the efforts of the minister were directed to
-the developement, and organisation of the secret societies.
-His object was to give a heroic impulse to Germany,
-and, laying aside for the moment all the divisions
-between the Catholic and Protestant parties, he resolved
-to see nothing but the Fatherland thirsting for deliverance
-from the tyranny of Napoleon; he encouraged the
-young men to carol patriotic songs, and excited them to
-march boldly to battle, without any distinction being
-made between the civilian and the soldier.</p>
-
-<p>Then were seen universities rising <i>en masse</i>, and the
-professors themselves leading their pupils to the battle
-of the giants. The engagements of Lutzen and Bautzen
-have never been considered in a point of view which
-would invest them with a melancholy interest. The
-flower of both countries was there opposed to each
-other; the conscripts of the empire, from the age of
-eighteen to twenty-one years, and the students of the
-universities bearing the funereal banner of Queen Louisa,
-the oldest of whom did not exceed the age of twenty-two
-years. In the midst of these noble squadrons were
-heard the thunders of 1500 pieces of artillery, tearing
-their youthful and tender bodies, carrying off heads,
-mutilating limbs; yet none of these youths faltered,
-for they were fighting for their country, their common
-mother.</p>
-
-<p>During this tremendous conflict, the minister did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
-neglect liberal concessions, capable of increasing the enthusiasm
-of the people. Germany, so heavily oppressed,
-thirsted after liberty, and when the people were giving
-such pledges to the government, it was but just the government,
-in return, should do something for the people.
-In Prussia there is a spirit essentially of organisation,
-a constant want of improvement and progress. All the
-acts of Hardenberg at this period were impressed with
-a character of liberty; he augmented the municipal administrations,
-all the pecuniary privileges of the nobility
-and clergy were annulled, and, following the
-ideas of the economic school, wardenships and the freedom
-of cities were abolished. By some acts of the
-cabinet a political constitution was promised to Prussia,
-although it is hardly possible to believe they could ever
-have thought seriously of such a thing for a country
-whose interests and opinions were so disjointed as
-those of Germany. But at that time Napoleon was
-regarded by the whole world as a great despot; the
-power raised to oppose him must of necessity be the
-spirit of liberty; and every national feeling rose in
-arms, because the season of oppression must be brought
-to a close. Under these peculiar circumstances, engagements
-naturally were entered into and promises made.
-To a people capable of such noble daring, great concessions
-might be promised, and in this, Hardenberg
-only followed the impulse that had been given; he
-pressed the hand of Stein, Blucher, and Gneisenau, because
-their names, like that of Suwarow in Russia,
-were the symbol of the country in arms.</p>
-
-<p>See what name is given in Germany to our disastrous
-defeat at Leipsic&mdash;the Victory of the Nations!
-Yes! it was indeed there, the nations overcame the
-terrible oppressor who had crushed them to the dust!
-It was from the battle of Leipsic, that dated the sudden,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
-but prolonged reaction, which finally delivered the
-people and the governments from that giant hand.
-Accustomed as we are to place the character of Napoleon
-in the highest rank, we will not understand that he was
-the tyrant of Europe, and that even now we are undergoing
-the reaction of two fatal ideas&mdash;the recollection of
-our conquests and of our disorganising principles.</p>
-
-<p>After Leipsic, the Rhine was crossed, and Hardenberg
-did not for a moment quit the head-quarters of the
-Allies: he also represented Prussia at the congress of
-Châtillon. From this moment, in all the diplomatic
-proceedings, as well as in the military operations, Prussia
-always manifested the strongest animosity against the
-French Emperor; she hoped for great reprisals, and
-would undoubtedly have obtained them, had not the
-general inclination in Europe for peace, and the exclusive
-and generous influence of the Emperor Alexander,
-swayed the negotiations concerning the treaty of Paris,
-and the restoration of the Bourbons. All the political
-transactions were signed by Hardenberg, from his having
-been the powerful hand which for two years had steadily
-directed public affairs; the King of Prussia conferred
-upon him the title of Prince; and he was invested
-with that high dignity when he accompanied the
-sovereigns to England.</p>
-
-<p>The sight of the palace of St. James's must have
-awakened melancholy feelings in his mind; in his youth
-he had there experienced domestic sorrow, and been
-agitated by contending passions; for he had been the
-lover and husband of the Countess Randlaw, the most
-beautiful woman in Germany: she had been lost to him
-through the means of the Prince of Wales, and her
-seducer was now the Regent of the British islands. But
-they had both grown much older; and when twenty-five
-years have been passed in political agitations and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
-tempests, the heart has been worn out by emotion, and
-but little room is left for recollections of enmity and
-vengeance. Prince Hardenberg was therefore presented
-to the Prince Regent, who received him with marked
-attention; and the past only recurred to their minds,
-like one of those views which scarcely leave a trace in
-the memory.</p>
-
-<p>From London, Prince Hardenberg repaired to Vienna,
-to be present at the meeting of the great congress, and
-he had the honour of seeing the immense aggrandisement
-of Prussia sanctioned by successive treaties. She
-now became the kingdom most immediately in an
-offensive position, and was placed in the situation of an
-advanced post in the coalition against France. Those
-who have investigated the spirit of Europe in the remodelling
-which took place in 1815, can easily perceive
-that the whole system of politics was directed against
-our country, whose influence had caused the most
-dreadful agitations in all the world during the last thirty
-years. Prussia, which during the revolutionary war had
-almost invariably maintained a neutral position, now
-received such a territorial organisation, as to render it
-necessary she should henceforth be the first to engage in
-war. This long strip of land, which has one extremity
-on the Niemen, and the other on the Meuse, must necessarily
-strive to extend itself by means of conquest, and
-in this manner the neutrality was avoided, which had
-occasioned a degree of torpor in Europe during the
-revolution.</p>
-
-<p>An implacable hatred again burst forth, when news
-arrived at the congress of the landing of Napoleon: the
-young students had but just returned to the universities,
-the <i>landwehr</i> and <i>landsturm</i>, disbanded but yesterday,
-were called to resume their arms on the morrow; and
-the closest alliance was renewed in Europe, so as to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
-march at once against Napoleon, who, like an adventurous
-soldier, threw himself almost immediately into Belgium
-and the Rhenish provinces. In this military movement,
-which threatened Prussia, Prince Hardenberg was compelled
-again to appeal to the national troops, who had
-shed their blood on the fields of Lutzen and Bautzen.
-The same spirit was still found in full strength and
-vigour; Blucher was at the head of the Prussian contingent
-at Waterloo; they fought with the utmost fury,
-and victory having decided in their favour on that
-plain, fatal to the last hopes of Napoleon, the northern
-provinces of France were soon inundated with enemies.
-In all the proclamations of Hardenberg, and all his acts
-calling Germany to arms, a deadly hatred, a rancorous
-degree of vengeance against France was manifested, in
-order to rouse the courage and the powerful energy of
-the old Prussian monarchy. This irritation was conspicuous
-at every step taken by the German troops on
-the French territory; they appeared desirous of at once
-taking vengeance for all the humiliations they had
-undergone during the last ten years. Waterloo was not
-sufficient to appease the anger excited by Jena; the
-recollection of the oppressive dominion of the French
-was fresh in every heart; and it must be confessed, the
-most rancorous and vindictive during the war were not
-the regular troops, the soldiers devoid of mind or
-imagination, but the young men from the universities,
-the <i>landwehr</i> and the <i>landsturm</i>: it was the fair-haired
-Germans, with the short frock and leathern belt, the
-admirers of Schiller and Goëthe, and, more than all,
-the noble worshippers of the Queen of Prussia, who
-came to claim the spoils of France; for the revered
-image of the heroic Louisa, oppressed and calumniated
-by Napoleon, was mingled in all their dreams.</p>
-
-<p>The despatches of Hardenberg, while the negotiations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
-of Paris were in progress, bore the impress of this bent
-in Germany, and in fact of the whole of his German
-existence. From the time he first took part in public
-affairs, he particularly interested himself in every thing
-concerning the confederation; his influence alone had
-induced Prussia to enter into the system of neutrality
-and centralisation, which became the national law of
-Germany from the time of the French revolution; and
-now these same interests were placed under his supreme
-direction. Germany, which had so long been endangered
-by French principles, was desirous of reacting
-against that power; and everywhere declared
-and averred, that Alsace and Lorraine had been taken
-from her, and that they ought to be restored to their
-elder sister; conquest alone had given them to France,
-and a reverse of fortune might deprive her of them.
-Prince Hardenberg set forth these ideas, and supported
-them at the conference in Paris; he asserted that the
-Rhine was not natural to France, but was, on the contrary,
-offensive to Germany; Strasburg is a threatening
-position, and so would be Mayence; the Vosges and the
-Moselle were the limits he was desirous of assigning as a
-disgrace to us, and this desire proceeded less from his
-own mind than from the detestation Germany had
-vowed against us: it was the reaction of liberalism
-against Napoleon, extending almost to the partition of
-France. I have already described how M. de Richelieu
-preserved us from this great misfortune, by appealing to
-the Emperor Alexander, more disinterested in the question
-of partition, and who interposed in favour of our vanquished
-country.</p>
-
-<p>Notwithstanding this, the sacrifices imposed upon us
-by the treaty of Paris were sufficiently heavy. Hardenberg
-was one of those who signed it, and the influence
-he had exerted gave him very great claims upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
-confidence of his sovereign. He became, in the Prussian
-cabinet, the representative of the Anglo-German alliance;
-renewing the union between the Tory party and the
-German aristocracy, whose fundamental principle was a
-hatred and hostility towards France, dating as far back
-as the battle of Fontenoy, where the troops of the Duke
-of Cumberland were humbled before the fortune of
-Louis XV.</p>
-
-<p>Although peace was now established, the task of the
-minister was not completed, and a most difficult mission
-remained to be accomplished. The strong national
-impulse given to Germany by the necessity of getting
-rid of Napoleon, had roused an energetic feeling in
-favour of liberty in every breast; charters and constitutions
-had been promised, and a sort of mystic unity in
-Germany had been spoken of; and how were these promises
-to be redeemed? This political question, which I
-have already mentioned as so delicate, I may almost say so
-terrible, for Prince Metternich, was still more so for the
-head of the Prussian government. In Austria the
-popular mind was neither so advanced, nor so philosophically
-organised, as in Prussia; the enthusiasm of
-the people was at bottom only an extreme devotion to
-the Emperor and the august house of Hapsburg; and
-all they requested in return, was the repeal of a few of
-their taxes, some local liberties, and a little public happiness.
-But in Prussia the desires were not so moderate;
-all the secret societies had visions of a state of things so
-strangely liberal, that Germany would have been
-nothing more than a republic under a king, if a free
-course had been allowed to their expectations. In order
-to arrive at a regular plan of government, Hardenberg
-was obliged, even in the face of his former promises, to
-break with the patriot party, whose efforts he had so
-strenuously seconded during the crisis. Blucher and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span>
-Gneisenau, the chiefs of these young men, were anxious
-for a national representative system, and for that purpose
-they wished the secret societies to remain in full
-force; but Hardenberg demonstrated to them that the
-object of these associations no longer existed, and that as
-to the constitution of the States, the part designated as
-the administration must be separated from the political
-legislation. Under this point of view Hardenberg's
-theory is particularly worthy of remark. According to
-him legislation belongs to the king alone; and it was
-certainly a right no one would have disputed with
-Frederic, the founder of the kingdom; the administration
-only belongs to the provincial states, as also the
-power of voting taxes. He established this theory by
-many successive acts, drawn up under his influence; and
-it reached such a pitch, that a royal edict even put a stop
-to the secret societies, as dangerous and fatal. The
-king's language is paternal, and explanatory of his
-motives; such being the usual course pursued in Prussia,
-where reason and explanation are had recourse to with a
-thinking people.</p>
-
-<p>This second portion of the life of Hardenberg presents
-exactly the reverse of the medal; and such, we may
-observe, is generally the case. The existence of political
-characters is almost invariably divided into two parts:
-the one, all action and advance; the other, devoted to the
-repression of the ideas they may have favoured in the
-days of their youth and strength. The secret societies
-occasioned alarm, and, perhaps, with some reason, at a
-time when the strangest theories had begun to appear in
-Germany, and the press was doing mischief. There had
-been a time when it was desirable to rouse Germany,
-and then every thing might be said in favour of Liberty,
-as it was by her means that every thing was to be done;
-but, after the crisis was over, the government would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
-exposed to sudden and unexpected accusations. In the
-Prussian universities it is permitted to discuss all questions,
-to examine into the most important points of
-theology and morals; but when they come to the application,
-when the principles of the government are
-actually attacked, there is liberty no longer. All discussion
-is formally forbidden which leads to the examination
-of the rights of the crown or the obedience of the
-subject, because the head of the state is essentially military,
-and his power is the work of the soldier.</p>
-
-<p>Hardenberg, as minister of the king, took a part in
-all the acts which prepared the Germanic constitution;
-for Frederic William abandoned himself to his long
-experience, and he was prime minister in the fullest
-sense of the word. To mark how perfectly he was satisfied
-with his services, the king not only wrote to him
-with his own hand on his birthday, but he also, as an
-agreeable surprise, caused his portrait to be placed in
-the principal apartment of his hôtel.</p>
-
-<p>By the act of the Germanic Confederation a close
-alliance took place between Prussia and Austria, in
-order that they might share the power equally between
-them; the one in the north, the other in the south;
-Prussia as the representative of the Protestant, and
-Austria of the Catholic system. The German unity
-was remodelled on that plan, and there was no longer
-any thing but a moral struggle between the two nations.
-Prussia was more advanced in her philosophical ideas,
-and Austria more paternal and provident in her domestic
-regulations.</p>
-
-<p>The well-established distinction between the administration
-and the political system is particularly owing to
-the exertions of Hardenberg. The administration is
-careful, economical, and often dishonest; the political
-branch watchful and military, carefully restricting the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
-developement of liberty within the most exact limits.
-After the termination of the great transactions of 1816,
-Hardenberg occupied himself only in applying his system
-of repression to the press, to the convocation and
-to the limited constitution of the States. At Troppau
-and Laybach he supported Prince Metternich's designs,
-and all the measures against the schools were taken in
-concert with Austria. The system of the German universities
-embraced two main points,&mdash;studious and intellectual
-ideas, and political influence. Hardenberg, a
-highly educated man, the friend of Humboldt, Gentz,
-and Kotzebue, and himself distinguished for his literary
-tastes, was willing to leave to philosophy the vast domain
-where intellect displays, and often loses itself;
-therefore the studies were not restricted in their developement,
-the universities were still left mistress of their
-doctrine, but they were obliged to resign their mysterious
-influence on secret societies, and they no longer
-formed acting and deliberating corps. Science, thought,
-and philosophy, remained as a grand and noble trinity
-in the domain of the learned, like the school divinity
-of the middle ages.</p>
-
-<p>Political action being restrained, it was easier to bring
-the administration to perfection. The system of Prussian
-presidencies was only a collection of vast prefectures
-or local administrations, and every thing was
-regulated with so much economy, that the taxes are
-collected with a third less expense than in France.</p>
-
-<p>In this long struggle of every-day labour, the life of
-Prince Hardenberg was worn out; and at Aix-la-Chapelle
-and Troppau it was evident that his strength was
-beginning to give way. Old age had come upon him,
-and one is astonished a war with parties should have
-been carried on so vigorously by a man who had
-reached the advanced age of threescore and ten. One<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
-can imagine the peaceful government of an aged man
-over a peaceful state; but the last four years of Hardenberg's
-life had been the most laborious, because he
-not only had to contend with external powers, but with
-his own opinions and ideas, hardly five years old. He
-had organised the secret societies, and he was now compelled
-to destroy them. It was not his feelings that had
-changed, but the necessities of Europe, with whom deliverance
-had passed into repression.</p>
-
-<p>At the congress of Verona, Hardenberg was seen,
-for the last time, exerting all his strength to support
-the opinions of the Emperor Alexander and Metternich,
-upon the necessity of a war with Spain. His last public
-act was a journey to Rome, to sign a concordat between
-Prussia and the Holy See; and the reconciliation between
-a Protestant state and the head of the Catholic
-Church was certainly a most singular and novel proceeding.
-Whence did it proceed? and what was the cause
-of it? The excitement occasioned in Europe by the
-Holy Alliance had reunited the various and scattered sovereignties.
-Their ideas were confounded by the necessity
-of mutual defence, and the various shades of opinion
-were effaced by the urgent anxiety for the repression of
-the democratic principle; so that the Pope was restored
-by the English, Prussians, and Russians, who all belong
-to different communions. These political reconciliations
-had strengthened the religious feeling, and, at this time,
-the Czar was dreaming of an universal church, by the
-union of all the sects, which offers some explanation
-how Hardenberg might go to Rome to sign the concordat.
-We must not, however, forget that, owing to her
-new position, and her great acquisition of territory, nearly
-half her population were now Papists, all the Rhenish
-provinces surrounding the great cathedral of Cologne
-being of that profession, and it was necessary to secure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
-the exercise of their religion to these people, but half-subject
-to their new master. Hardenberg had still sufficient
-strength to preside over this treaty; he then proceeded
-to Genoa in search of a milder climate, and had
-taken one of those delightful villas where Lord Byron
-was accustomed to enjoy the charms of a lovely country,
-when he was surprised by illness and death, at the age
-of seventy-two years.</p>
-
-<p>It was a diplomatic career as long as that of Prince
-Talleyrand; but Prince Hardenberg had not, like him,
-preserved the polished manners and mode of expression
-which, in his youth, won the hearts of the republicans.
-His speech had become thick and heavy; he
-spoke French well, but with the German accent, that
-is slightly observable with Baron Humboldt. His language
-was very cold, and appeared the mirror of his
-feelings, which seldom permitted themselves to be excited
-by the imagination; he appeared to be even more
-a man of business than a statesman; and, in fact he has
-organised, not created, an administration which still
-exists, and gradually advances on the path marked out
-for it by him.</p>
-
-<p>At present, Prussia has done nothing beyond enlarging
-this system, and at the same time stamping it
-more powerfully with a poetical and philosophical tendency;
-for the ideas and impressions of stormy and difficult
-times are not required in calmer seasons. Prussia
-appears likely to realise the problem of an intelligent people,
-highly advanced in philosophical knowledge, and yet
-capable of doing without what are called constitutional
-institutions. The idea that proposes to centralise and confound
-every thing, the visionary desire that would group
-Germany around the cathedral of Cologne, is grand and
-vast; but, in order this unity should triumph, would not
-the first necessary condition be, that there should be but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span>
-one faith, one object of love, one system of belief? And
-how can Protestantism, which is so constantly subject to
-internal dissensions, create unity? To make Berlin the
-capital of science, to cause all the universities to converge
-towards that point, as to an Athens dreamed of
-by the philosophers, is a noble idea of the government;
-but, on the other hand, what means this license against
-Christianity? Though Frederic the Great received
-Atheists privately at his table, he would never have
-permitted atheism to be publicly taught; and an empire
-desirous of seeking for unity in science and philosophy
-must lay the first foundations in religion and Christian
-instruction. My opinion, then, is, that the Romish
-system can alone form a powerful bond among the
-people; otherwise, Cologne restored will only present
-a barren proof of the utter incapacity of Protestantism to
-renew the Catholic union of the arts and religion, as it
-existed during the middle ages.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="COUNT_NESSELRODE" id="COUNT_NESSELRODE">COUNT NESSELRODE.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">In</span> the march of generations two distinct periods are
-observable: the one of ardent and vigorous activity,
-when quiet and lukewarmness are vexatious and annoying;
-the other of fatigue and exhaustion; and, when
-this reaction has taken place, it is necessary there should
-be at the head of affairs, wise and moderate ministers,
-perhaps even men who are themselves weary of too
-active and busy a life. The great European monarchies
-enjoy an incontestable advantage over freer but more
-stormy governments, in the perpetuity of their system
-and the lengthened career of their statesmen. Look at
-Austria and Russia during the last thirty-three years;
-they have been under the unvarying direction of two
-ministers, who have alone had the direction of affairs,&mdash;Prince
-Metternich and Count Nesselrode; and only the
-death of Prince Hardenberg has deprived Prussia of his
-services. This perpetuity of statesmen is attended with
-many advantages: it creates a constant succession of
-precedents in the cabinet; it permits the conception of a
-long series of measures, and allows one idea to be followed
-and worked out with perseverance. A young
-man is selected immediately he has finished his studies,
-and placed in the second or third rank among the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
-<i>attachés</i> of an embassy; he next becomes a minister plenipotentiary;
-and, if he rises and distinguishes himself,
-he obtains a post in the <i>chancellerie</i>; and when, owing
-to the confidence of his sovereign, or the force of circumstances,
-he has once been placed in a superior rank,
-he remains there to the end of his life. And what is
-the result?&mdash;a most serious attention to all transactions,
-and a most profound knowledge of business: the political
-situation, which was originally the great object of
-his ambition, now becomes the subject of his careful
-study, and, indeed, his whole existence is bound up
-in it.</p>
-
-<p>England, always intelligent and clear-sighted, has
-striven to apply a remedy to the instability of men, by
-the stability of parties. In that country there are two
-schools opposed to each other, the Whigs and the Tories;
-and men from their earliest childhood are destined to
-belong to one, or other of these vast divisions. The
-universities of Oxford and Cambridge receive into their
-bosom this twofold generation of students, who apply
-themselves to the study of the peculiar ideas which
-divide these shades of parliamentary opinion, and proceed
-without hesitation on the path they have chosen
-for themselves; and, on quitting the university, they
-support in parliament the opinions in which they have
-been educated, or which they have adopted. Suppose a
-young man to be a Tory, if the Tories are in power he
-obtains an appointment as one of the under-secretaries
-of state, and only resigns it when his party go out of
-office; should he be a Whig, and the Whigs are at the
-head of affairs, the same thing takes place: every thing
-is fixed, and proceeds according to rule in the government;
-by that means alone it is known whence people
-come, and they are equally well acquainted with the
-course they are likely to take.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In bringing together the names of Metternich, Nesselrode,
-and Hardenberg, I do not pretend to draw an absolute
-parallel between them; on the contrary, there exists
-a strong and well-defined difference. Metternich and
-Hardenberg always expressed their own ideas, and were
-the representatives of a system, which they followed
-with the utmost perseverance, and applied through all
-the changeful course of events that occurred in the two
-great kingdoms committed to their care. They were
-statesmen who had taken office with fixed principles,
-and their whole life was employed in their developement.
-For instance, the self-imposed object of Prince Hardenberg's
-foreign policy, was the increase of the national
-influence of Prussia against Napoleon; and of his internal
-government, the reconstruction of the States and
-of the Prussian citizen classes. Prince Metternich, in
-the foreign relations of the cabinet of Vienna, especially
-strove to establish his system of armed mediation, and
-moral influence produced by means of vast military
-establishments; while, to speak the truth, Count Nesselrode
-has been nothing more than the upright and
-intelligent executor of the will of his sovereign: he was
-the reflected image of Alexander, the faithful hand
-which undertook the execution of his wishes, even of
-those where his personal feelings were most concerned.
-The position of Nesselrode with regard to the Emperors
-Alexander and Nicholas, might be compared to that of
-the <i>ministres secrétaires d'état</i> under Napoleon; the influence
-he exercises results from his long experience, and
-from the circumstance of his every-day life being passed
-in the midst of politics, which are thus interwoven with
-all his habits; and this in itself confers a great degree
-of power.</p>
-
-<p>Charles Albert, count Nesselrode, was born at Lisbon
-in 1770, of a noble family of German extraction. His<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
-father was minister plenipotentiary in Portugal under
-Catherine II., and some traditions exist concerning the
-cause of this species of exile; there are, however, always
-some of these rather sneering, and random legends, current
-in the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, as if for the purpose of
-unbending the brow of official gravity.</p>
-
-<p>Count Nesselrode was still very young at the termination
-of the reign of Catherine,&mdash;that extraordinary
-woman, whose character forms so curious a study, because
-it perfectly represents the state of civilisation in
-Russia; whose political ideas were so masculine, and by
-whom the system of Peter the Great had been constantly
-followed up and advanced. She appeared to effect an
-alteration in the influence of the cabinet of St. Petersburg,
-which had hitherto been purely oriental, and to
-render it more German and central; being the first step
-towards the predominance in Southern Europe, which
-was afterwards the ambition of her grandson Alexander.
-Peter the Great had pointed to Constantinople; but
-Catherine considered Warsaw the most favourable point,
-as a position which might enable the Russian power, at
-a later period, to assume in the south the importance
-which her literary correspondence, and political despatches
-were already preparing. It was solely with this
-view that she encouraged the spirit of the eighteenth
-century, and caressed D'Alembert and Diderot, journalists
-who were devoted to her interests. When Voltaire,
-with his expression of flattering vanity, wrote to
-Catherine that light came from the north, he foretold
-the consummate ability of the Czarina, which prompted
-her to make herself talked of at any price; "because,"
-as she cleverly observed, "by dint of exalting the Russian
-name, it will at last be made some account of in
-France and in England; we shall no longer be reckoned
-among the barbarians; we shall be talked of at Versailles,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
-in London, and at Madrid; and this, in politics,
-is indispensable, if we are desirous of obtaining any
-ascendancy."</p>
-
-<p>The leading principle of the cabinet of St. Petersburg
-for the last hundred years, has been the agglomeration
-of Poland, and the expulsion of the Turks,
-whom they are desirous of driving back as far as the
-Black Sea. Poland has fallen; nor was it in the power
-of any government to prevent the ruin of that fated
-country. A strong antipathy, a deep, unmeasured
-hatred, exists between the Poles and Russians; they
-are two races ready to fall upon each other; two giants,
-armed at all points, constantly contending during six
-centuries. The most unpopular of all proceedings at
-Moscow, at Kalouga, at Novogorod, and in the old
-castles of the ancient nobility, was the erection of Poland
-into an independent kingdom, organised by Alexander,<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>
-which occasioned murmurs of dissatisfaction on
-every side. The other object of Russia, the fall of
-Turkey, will also take place sooner or later; it cannot
-be prevented, and, if the government will not undertake
-it, the people will do it themselves. Saint Sophia is
-required to crown the patriarchate of the Greek Church.
-Of this Europe is well aware; she delays the explosion
-until the proper time has arrived, and determines the
-various shares beforehand: but to prevent it altogether
-is beyond her power. And some day we shall hear
-that the Russians, with the cross as their banner, have
-marched to the succour of their brethren, and that
-another empire of Constantine has arisen on the Bosphorus.
-It is so written in the book of fate!</p>
-
-<p>I am not aware that the Russian cabinet has ever
-been made the subject of consideration in France, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
-point of view of its great diplomatic ability. The principal
-source of its predominance has been sought in the
-strength communicated by its armies, and in its absolute
-organisation; but they have been mistaken: the truth is,
-that there is nothing more persevering, or more deeply
-reflecting, than the Russian cabinet; it goes on slowly,
-without attracting attention by noise or tumult. During
-the last century, the Russian population has increased
-by eleven millions of souls, who occupy more than
-five hundred leagues square of territory, if we include
-Georgia and the part of Tartary united to the government
-of the Crimea; and, independent of these actual
-conquests, Russia has acquired an undoubted protectorate
-over Moldavia and Wallachia, and such a degree
-of influence in Persia, that no other country would now
-think of disputing it with her: finally, every one is
-aware of the position she has obtained at Constantinople,
-and also of the efforts made by the whole of Europe to
-prevent her from actually accomplishing the vast projects
-formed by Peter the Great. In order to arrive at
-this result, nothing has been neglected by Russia; neither
-political protestations, nor appeals to religious feeling,
-have been spared. Knowing exactly where to stop, she
-never ventures too far in an idea; she waits patiently
-till the opportunity is ripe; and, should her system have
-too much awakened attention, she does not overstep
-certain limits, but makes a momentary concession, and
-then resumes her projects with admirable consistency.
-As soon as the proper season has arrived, and that the
-obstacles she at first encountered are overcome, then
-Russia progresses straight to the accomplishment of her
-wishes.</p>
-
-<p>Catherine, struck with a fatal apoplexy, had descended
-to the tomb, and the sceptre passed to the Grand Duke
-Paul, who had been condemned to the most profound<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
-obscurity, until the moment when he was summoned
-from his solitude to the government of forty millions of
-people. The gloomy singularity of his character has
-been exaggerated; he has been represented as a capricious
-prince, who would pass suddenly from acts of savage
-tyranny to kindness and tender intimacy; but we must
-remember that Paul came of the blood of Peter the
-Great, and being incessantly surrounded by conspiracies,
-which threatened both his crown and his life, he often
-formed resolutions which flew at once from unreserve to
-anger, from confidence to sudden fury. Characters generally
-spring from situations, and are what events have
-made us. Paul had to defend his life, which had been
-endangered by many attempts against it; we must not,
-therefore, be too hasty in our judgment of this prince,
-but, in order to form a fair opinion, we must descend to
-the depths of the national character, and view the general
-situation of her politics.</p>
-
-<p>Europe had received a vehement impulse from the
-French revolution. The Grand Duke, who was himself
-threatened by the spirit of revolt, must have viewed with
-but little satisfaction this popular explosion at the other
-extremity of Europe; but the distance of Russia, her financial
-embarrassments, and the accomplishment of the partition
-of Poland, did not permit her to take part in the first
-coalition against the French revolution: the Russians
-did not join the hostile party until the second Italian
-war, during the campaign of Suwarof. I will not repeat
-the well-known military story; the divisions in the
-cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburg put a stop to the
-second coalition: but the Russian regiments had seen
-Italy; they had touched the soil of Switzerland; for the
-first time their breasts had been warmed by the mild
-rays of the southern sun; and, like the invaders of the
-third and fourth centuries, they recollected during the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
-long wintry nights of their icy clime, that there were
-large towns and fair cities in the south of Europe, that
-those fertile lands produced delicious fruits, while the
-smiling plains were crowned with abundant harvests:
-these recollections lay deep in the mind of many a
-Russian veteran in the years 1813 and 1814, and from
-this time forth the cabinet of St. Petersburg took a part
-in the interests of southern Europe.</p>
-
-<p>The diplomatic career of Count Nesselrode began at
-the time of the embassy of Count Marcoff at Paris, under
-the Consulate&mdash;that wonderful period when every thing,
-government, institutions, and political and social ideas,
-appeared to have been renewed with the vigour of youth.
-The forcible administration of the First Consul easily
-opened the way to negotiations with Russia, for whenever
-a regular power has been established in France,
-Europe has never attempted to overturn it. Count
-Nesselrode being attached to the embassy in Paris, had
-the opportunity of witnessing the magnificent developement
-of the power and genius of Buonaparte, then First
-Consul. Who would have foretold that fifteen years
-later, he, as the Chancellor of Alexander, would preside
-over the acts relative to the downfall of the Emperor,
-and sanction the decrees of the senate of 1814 for the
-restoration of the House of Bourbon?</p>
-
-<p>Paris, at this early period of the Consulate, was an
-abode full of pleasure and enjoyment. The treaty of
-Amiens had just been concluded, peace had been obtained
-through victory, and people were desirous of amusement
-and repose; they were emerging from the system of the
-Directory, the spirit of good society again raised its
-head, and its rules and customs were eagerly sought for,
-in order to restore it from its ruins. There was a little
-court at the Tuileries around Joséphine; all the ceremonies
-and etiquette of former times were collected with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
-avidity; ambassadors alone had liveries, and their splendid
-equipages shone with double lustre among the half-republican
-assemblage, where there was a long string of
-hackney-coaches with their numbers concealed. Napoleon
-still reserved all his magnificence for his military festivals;
-his grand reviews on the Place du Carrousel, where in
-the midst of clouds of dust the squadrons of <i>guides</i>, and
-the grenadiers of the consular guard defiled, as we see
-them depicted in the pictures of Isabey.</p>
-
-<p>The luxurious splendour of the embassies cast over
-every thing belonging to the legation, an aristocratic gloss
-which turned the heads of this generation; and this may
-explain the success in female society enjoyed by various
-members of the <i>corps diplomatique</i> at this period, and the
-close and tender intimacies which were afterwards so
-useful to Prince Metternich in his diplomatic <i>surveillances</i>.
-Young Nesselrode, like all Russians, spoke French with
-the greatest fluency, and without the decided accent,
-which all Prince Metternich's talents are unable to correct.
-He had his share of the dissipation of the new
-court, where some young women, as if astonished at their
-own position, forgot themselves, and forgot also that they
-had the gravest and most serious head in the world as
-their chief. I can hardly say wherefore, but nothing has
-given me a more contemptible idea of society in the time
-of the Consulate, than the perusal of some memoirs that
-have been written in apology for it; beside the wonders
-achieved by one man, how mean and wretched appear
-the tricks and narrow intrigues of those around him!</p>
-
-<p>The Russian legation was at that time obliged to concern
-itself, with one of the most important questions of
-maritime rights, and of the law of nations. The treaty
-of Amiens, which never could have been any thing more
-than a truce between France and England, was broken
-by both parties at once; and it is an invidious question<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
-to inquire which of these two governments, was guilty of
-the first infringement of the treaty: the peace fell to the
-ground because it was only a momentary repose for two
-cabinets unable to live in peace with each other, on
-account of their gigantic ambition. As soon as war was
-declared between France and England, Napoleon was
-naturally desirous of carrying on hostilities in a vigorous
-manner, and for that purpose he endeavoured to secure
-the co-operation of some of the continental powers. Paul,
-who was as ardent in his admiration as in his hatred,
-had conceived a high esteem for the First Consul, and
-Buonaparte, taking advantage of this feeling, requested
-him again to put in force, for the benefit of the neutral
-powers, the principle of the liberty of the sea; a principle
-completely opposed to the ideas and interests of England,
-for the British government never would admit that the
-flag should protect the merchandise. A squadron appeared
-in the Sound, to act simultaneously against
-Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, who had adhered to the
-principle of armed neutrality. The legation at Paris,
-under the direction of Count Marcoff, based the treaty
-on the rights of the neutral nations, being the developement
-of a grand maritime idea renewed by Louis XVI.</p>
-
-<p>A change, however, soon took place, for, as if stricken
-by a thunderbolt, Paul fell a victim to a conspiracy. The
-mysterious horrors of that awful night have been recorded
-in history. The mild and romantic Alexander
-was placed on the throne of his father, who appeared
-almost immediately inclined to proceed to warlike measures
-against France and Napoleon; and accordingly the
-influence exercised by England over the cabinet of St.
-Petersburg was very considerable. The Russian legation
-quitted Paris, and as it had lately exhibited great activity
-in obtaining information that was not favourable to the
-ideas of Napoleon, Count Marcoff was on the point of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
-being arrested, and there was a good deal of hesitation
-whether he should receive his passports. These acts of
-violence were a habit of Napoleon, for even the barrier
-opposed by the law of nations to his will was displeasing
-to him, and he was always on the eve of breaking
-through it.</p>
-
-<p>The part played since this period by Count Nesselrode,
-and the importance of the negotiations between Russia
-and France, render it necessary to explain the organisation
-of the highest class of the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, as it
-exists in the Russian empire. The Emperor being the
-supreme head of the army, of the government, and of
-the church, all the authorities depend upon him, and
-consequently he reserves to himself the entire direction
-of what is called the <i>Chancellerie</i>. This <i>chancellerie</i>
-appoints agents, who, under the title of ministers or
-ambassadors, represent officially their sovereign at foreign
-courts; it also exercises much activity and vigilance, and
-keeps a watch upon the ambassadors, who are often
-compelled to collect the most minute information&mdash;a proceeding
-not at all in keeping with their elevated rank,
-for the shades are almost imperceptible between what is
-allowable, and what is forbidden in diplomatic affairs;
-and, as I have before stated, this ambiguous situation
-often induced the Emperor Napoleon to be almost violent
-in his measures against the Russian ambassadors, when
-he found they obtained statements of the military establishments,
-and secret conventions, so as to become masters
-of the most carefully guarded secrets of the cabinet.</p>
-
-<p>Independent of these people, who are officially accredited,
-the Czar despatches aides-de-camp, without any
-positive commission except that of travelling, or perhaps
-being the bearers of some complimentary message; and
-these officers examine into every thing and send reports,
-not only regarding the government and the population<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
-they are deputed to inspect, but even concerning the
-Russian agents. To recall an example: under the Emperor
-Napoleon, in 1811, the aide-de-camp Czernitcheff
-made two or three journeys to Paris, ostensibly to compliment
-the Emperor, and to carry him autograph letters
-from the Czar; and then he returned to Russia with a
-statement of all the military strength of the country,
-which had been given him by an <i>employé</i> in the war-office&mdash;information
-that was of the greatest possible
-service to Russia in the defence of 1812. In addition to
-all this, when the Czar takes the field a great number of
-general officers unite diplomatic missions and services, to
-their military titles; as, for instance, Count Pozzo di
-Borgo, as we have before observed, attended at the same
-time to the strategic operations, and to the arrangements
-in the cabinets, which might secure their developement.
-When England, who was the first to follow this plan,
-granted subsidies to a power, she always sent a commissioner
-with each army to follow the campaign.</p>
-
-<p>Count Nesselrode was early attached as a councillor to
-the private <i>chancellerie</i> of the Czar, who soon discovered
-him to possess a faithful disposition, great and solid
-erudition, a serious understanding, and a spirit of ready
-obedience that would willingly support his sovereign
-will. Count Nesselrode took especial pains to please
-Alexander, whose mind was too full of his own ideas to
-bear any impulse that was not given by himself. At the
-time of his departure for the interview at Erfurt, it was
-evident that three ideas in particular possessed the minds
-of the members of the cabinet of St. Petersburg. The
-one, entirely Russian, observed with feelings of grief and
-humiliation, the alliance between Alexander and the head
-of the French government; a strong dislike was felt by
-the old Muscovites to the greatness of the new empire;
-the noble Sclavonian detested the proud and arrogant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
-<i>parvenus</i>. They did not wish for an open rupture with
-France, but the engagements entered into by the treaty
-of Erfurt, the intimacy between the two crowns, which
-had been formed by the fascinations of Napoleon&mdash;all this,
-I say, was a source of great displeasure to the old aristocracy,
-to the successors of those Boyards who claimed
-the feudal government of the Russian provinces.</p>
-
-<p>The second school of this diplomacy was in some
-degree Greek and Oriental. Napoleon had been desirous
-of satisfying some of the projects of Russia by the treaty
-of Erfurt; and as he was then dividing the world with
-Alexander, he conceded to him the full and entire realisation
-of the plans of Catherine, agreeing that Constantinople
-should be his in a few years, Ispahan and Persia
-in the course of time; they even spoke of the independence
-of Greece, and consequently of the possibility of an
-insurrection among the Hellenic and Syrian population.
-Napoleon had long revolved these projects in his mind;
-in fact, had not the general of the army of Egypt already
-had an idea of appealing to the Christian profession, as a
-means of rousing the Copts and Syrians against their
-Ottoman masters? Some maxims of liberty were to be
-attached to the Greek school of diplomacy, and they
-were brought forward some years afterwards at the
-congress of Vienna by Count Capo d'Istria.</p>
-
-<p>The third diplomatic school, which was to a certain
-degree founded by Count Nesselrode, consisted in taking
-a middle course between the two former systems. The
-young Count had never been devoted to the plans proposed
-at Erfurt, and he did not for a moment allow
-himself to be carried away by the gigantic projects then
-determined upon in a moment of enthusiasm; he did not
-identify himself either with the Greek or the German
-school, nor even entirely with the Muscovite, in its
-repugnance for Napoleon. What Alexander particularly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
-remarked was, the perfect obedience of his minister to
-all his wishes, though he sometimes strove to infuse a
-little moderation into his decisions, when their tendency
-was too abrupt or positive to be advisable in political
-affairs. Nesselrode always executed the orders of his
-sovereign, but in so doing he tempered the expressions
-of enthusiastic mysticism which often characterised the
-politics of the Czar; he did not attempt to give an impulse,
-but he endeavoured to prevent the will of his
-master from going too far.</p>
-
-<p>The commencement of Count Nesselrode's favour
-dates especially from the French expedition to Russia.
-The movement, still more national than military, which
-repulsed this gigantic undertaking, naturally took its
-source from the old Muscovite families, and in the
-savage energy against which the Czars, ever since the
-days of Peter the Great, have struggled in vain; and
-Alexander, whose education and principles rendered him
-particularly averse to this return of barbarism, felt the
-need of a confidential friend, in whose bosom he might
-confide his fears of the results to be apprehended from
-this Muscovite tendency, which went beyond his own
-ideas and wishes. Count Nesselrode became one of these
-confidential servants, and as early as 1812, although he
-did not fill the official situation of <i>conseiller d'état</i>, he
-took the principal part in the prodigious diplomatic
-movement then in progress; he concluded and signed
-the treaty of the subsidies with England, and the
-secret alliance of the two great powers against Napoleon,
-which completed his political fortune.</p>
-
-<p>The intimacy between Count Nesselrode and Prince
-Metternich began in the course of the negotiations at
-the congress of Prague. As I have before observed, it
-is impossible to institute a comparison between these
-diplomatists; Prince Metternich being the creator of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
-system, while Nesselrode was merely employed in executing,
-or perhaps in moderating an idea, which was
-not always his own. Count Nesselrode was not the
-official plenipotentiary at the congress of Prague, the
-full powers being entrusted to M. d'Anstett, a
-man of considerable ability, but hardly likely to be
-very favourably inclined to a peaceable system, for he
-was a French <i>émigré</i>; however, the impulse and the
-direction of the whole business emanated entirely from
-Alexander, and consequently from Count Nesselrode,
-the most faithful and devoted of his representatives. It
-was then, as we cannot but feel, of the greatest importance,
-to induce Austria to join the coalition of the
-Allies against Napoleon, for upon it depended the
-success of the campaign of Germany; but Metternich
-was far from being decided in favour of this step, and
-he wished to oblige them to purchase the co-operation of
-Austria at a very high price: the negotiations, however,
-were conducted with great ability by Count Nesselrode,
-and at the conclusion of the congress of Prague the
-alliance of Austria was well secured to the coalition.
-The Russian minister arranged in the name of his
-sovereign all the articles of this treaty, which calmed the
-fears of Austria, by assigning to her an advantageous
-frontier in Germany and Italy.</p>
-
-<p>A new element had just manifested itself in the
-Russian diplomacy, General Pozzo di Borgo having
-arrived at head-quarters, after accomplishing his mission
-to Bernadotte, crown-prince of Sweden. Count Pozzo
-was the friend of the disaffected generals of the Empire;
-and his constant thought, and the master-passion of his
-soul, was his desire to bring about the ruin of his ancient
-rival, whom he considered as the oppressor of Europe.
-It was necessary for Count Nesselrode, if not exactly to
-contend with this influence over the mind of Alexander,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>
-at least not entirety to concur in it; for he, like Metternich,
-for a short time considered it might be possible
-to treat with Napoleon, and to impose such a degree of
-restraint upon his military power, as to prevent him
-from injuring the German independence, or the security
-of the interests and relations of the States. On this
-head Nesselrode perfectly agreed in the opinions of
-Alexander, who, during the campaign of 1813, was as
-far from desiring the downfall of Napoleon, as from
-wishing to interfere with the form of government in
-France; there was then quite enough to do in Germany,
-the Rhine had not yet been passed, and the question
-concerning the deposition of the French Emperor did not
-occur until 1814. Count Nesselrode having been
-present at the interview at Abo, between the Czar and
-Bernadotte, it was impossible he should be ignorant that
-questions had been raised concerning certain possible
-events, among which the chance of another form of
-government being established in France was spoken of.
-Those who have some knowledge of the state of the case,
-are well aware that nothing could be more vague and
-undecided than all that was settled in this interview, if
-we except the close alliance between Russia and Sweden,
-and certain decisions concerning their territorial claims.
-The Emperor Alexander conversed with Bernadotte
-about the plan of the campaign, and the state of the
-public mind in France, as well as concerning all the
-possibilities and chances that might be the consequence
-of the war; and Bernadotte in his turn naturally spoke
-of his grievances, and of the injuries which, as a Republican
-general, he had been exposed to from Napoleon,
-and for which he retained a strong dislike to him: but
-there was no talk of any change, and they entered into
-no positive agreement to overturn the sovereign who
-then reigned in France.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>During the campaign of 1814, there was as much
-activity in the negotiations as even in the military
-operations; and when the Allies had once passed the
-Rhine it was considered necessary diplomacy should
-follow all the phases of the war, so as to be ready to
-reply to the proposals that might be made by the Emperor
-of the French, and also to resolve all the difficulties
-they might encounter. The arrival of Lord
-Castlereagh on the Continent greatly facilitated the transactions
-regarding the subsidies and the equipment of the
-troops; and the treaty of Chaumont was signed by
-Count Nesselrode, as well as by the plenipotentiaries of
-the other allied powers. The ascendancy acquired by
-England just then was so great, that she may almost be
-said to have alone given the impulse and direction to all
-the acts of the cabinet; it must, however, be acknowledged,
-that as she furnished the sinews of war, it was very
-natural she should fix positively the use to which they
-were to be applied. Count Nesselrode arranged with
-Lord Castlereagh the method of issuing the pay of the
-troops, and the diplomatic result of the campaign.</p>
-
-<p>The sad events of the war brought the Allies to Paris;
-and the moment was decisive for that portion of the
-senate which, under the direction of Talleyrand,
-D'Alberg, and Jaucourt, wished for the fall of Napoleon.
-A provisional government was established, after the
-occupation of the capital. There could be no hesitation
-in the choice of alliances, for the support of
-Alexander was indispensably necessary to accomplish
-the ruin of the imperial system, whose hour was
-come! For this purpose, however, it was essential to
-obtain the concurrence of Nesselrode, the minister who
-had signed all the diplomatic acts concluded in the last
-three years; and even had they considered him as a
-mere secretary (Alexander being accustomed to act<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
-very much for himself), they would naturally have been
-desirous of engaging him in the interests of the provisional
-government.</p>
-
-<p>As soon as Alexander entered the French territory,
-the disaffected placed themselves in communication with
-his cabinet. I have already mentioned the mission of
-M. de Vitrolles, who, with a view to the restoration, had
-informed the Czar of the state of the public mind; and
-Count Nesselrode had hardly arrived in Paris before
-he was surrounded and assailed by a thousand conflicting
-intrigues and negotiations of all sorts, for the purpose
-of inducing his cabinet to decide in favour of the
-Bourbons. It was the general bent of the period, as
-the revolutionary principle had been that of a former era.
-The first steps taken by the Russian minister were full
-of caution; he wanted to feel his way and judge of the
-public feeling, and it was also necessary to induce Prince
-Schwartzenberg, who commanded the active army, to
-make an open demonstration in favour of the Bourbons;
-yet, at the same time, they were not quite certain what
-was the ultimate decision of Austria, and, more especially,
-of Prince Metternich. All the papers written
-about this time by Count Nesselrode bear evidence of
-this complicated situation; he, however, spoke in plain
-terms in an official letter addressed to M. Pasquier, that
-he might set at liberty some people arrested on account
-of <i>the good cause</i>, and this <i>good cause</i> was the restoration
-of Louis XVIII.</p>
-
-<p>It was evident from this expression of opinions favourable
-to legitimate sovereignty, that the decision had been
-made before it was officially announced. Never, perhaps,
-at any time had more activity been displayed than
-at this period; Nesselrode must remember it as the
-most brilliant and busy part of his life. His <i>salon</i> never
-was empty; at one time Caulaincourt, with full powers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
-from the Emperor, solicited peace; at another, the marshals
-of the empire stipulated for the rights of the army,
-and a special treaty for Napoleon; then, again, Talleyrand,
-D'Alberg, and De Jaucourt, came to press the
-Russian minister to put an end to all uncertainty by
-pronouncing the downfall of Buonaparte; and, finally,
-the royalists devoted to the Bourbons, such as Sosthènes
-de la Rochefoucauld, and De Vitrolles, endeavoured to
-obtain the triumph of the ancient dynasty.</p>
-
-<p>After these various negotiations, the declaration of the
-Emperor Alexander, announcing to France that they
-would not treat with Napoleon, was agreed to in the
-cabinet. This remarkable declaration was drawn up by
-Pozzo di Borgo; it was printed by means of a hand-press
-at the hôtel of Prince Talleyrand, in the Rue St.
-Florentin, and thousands of copies were thrown from
-the balconies. It was a great party stroke for the
-house of Bourbon, for from that time its cause was secure.
-It has been reported that the resolution of Count
-Nesselrode was decided by immense diplomatic presents;
-but one should generally regard with distrust the various
-stories that are current after political events have
-been accomplished: there is less corruption than people
-imagine in public business. At the same time it is very
-probable that some gratitude would be manifested after
-so important an act; secret presents almost invariably
-accompany the signature of stipulations in all diplomatic
-transactions&mdash;it is an old custom, and, no doubt, the
-value of these presents was increased in consequence of
-the immense importance of the service rendered; but
-this is all that historical impartiality can say on the
-subject.</p>
-
-<p>This season of 1814 was very brilliant for Count Nesselrode;
-there was nothing at Paris but <i>fêtes</i> and flowers.
-The moderation of Russia had swayed all the resolutions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
-and softened the conditions of victory, and the Emperor
-Alexander enjoyed a great reputation as the symbol of
-peace and the expression of magnanimity in the midst of
-triumph. England and Austria were quite cast into the
-shade, nobody was spoken of but Alexander, and this
-celebrity was reflected upon Count Nesselrode in so
-great a degree as to occasion a feeling of jealousy in
-Metternich, who had hardly any thing to do with the
-transactions at Paris in 1814. The Austrian minister
-awaited his turn at the congress of Vienna. The first
-occupation of our capital was the <i>apogée</i> of the moral
-omnipotence of Russia in the affairs of southern Europe.</p>
-
-<p>Here it is necessary I should mention all the difficulties
-of Nesselrode's situation. Nothing could be
-more changeable and more prone to sudden impressions
-than the mind of Alexander, who passed from one enthusiastic
-fancy to another with inconceivable rapidity;
-when he had taken up one idea it was difficult to put it
-out of his head; and if you followed in the same track,
-some time afterwards he would meet with some other
-fancy, which he adopted with equal warmth. We may,
-therefore, imagine how difficult was the part of a secretary
-of state desirous of giving some consistency to these
-projects, of classing them in a certain order, and of producing
-any result from them all. From the close of
-1813, Alexander had been deeply imbued with the mysticism
-of Madame Krüdner, and he mingled with his
-manifestoes on the principles of Europe, and his theories
-of peace and war, a species of ascetic worship and enthusiastic
-superstition very difficult to translate or apply
-to the real business of life, and of which the ultimate
-object was not always understood by powers like England
-and Austria.</p>
-
-<p>At the congress of Vienna they had to treat of serious
-affairs, and it was necessary to give a positive meaning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
-to the vague conceptions of Alexander, and translate
-theories into treaties. Poland was occupied by a Russian
-army, and the diplomatists of the old Muscovite
-school, in hopes this occupation would become permanent,
-pressed the annexation of Poland to Russia, without
-a constitution or any free state privileges. Alexander,
-who was desirous of wearing the crown of Poland,
-was entirely opposed to these demands, and wanted to
-collect the ruins of that kingdom into one system of
-political organisation; and Count Nesselrode faithfully
-executed this idea of his sovereign at the congress of
-Vienna. The question of Poland was his sole anxiety,
-as the integrality of Saxony and the restoration of the
-House of Bourbon at Naples was the exclusive thought
-of Prince Talleyrand.</p>
-
-<p>At the congress of Vienna Nesselrode formed an intimacy
-with Prince Hardenberg. Russia had supported
-the pretensions of Prussia, the States had been bound to
-each other by means of political and family arrangements,
-and, for the future, Prussia was destined to act as the
-advanced guard of Russia, in her projects of influence
-over the south of Europe. Russia was too busy with
-her own affairs to observe the sort of underhand alliance
-forming between England, France, and Austria,
-against Alexander's design of instituting a kingdom in
-Poland, dependent on a viceroyalty of the czars. Nesselrode
-had to contend at once with Metternich and
-Hardenberg, who were both afraid of seeing the portion
-of Poland that had accrued to them at the time of the
-first partition escape from their grasp; Austria fearing
-for Gallicia, and Prussia for the districts beyond the
-Vistula. The other opposition the Russian minister
-had to overcome was, as I have before observed, that
-of the old Muscovite families, who murmured at seeing
-the organisation of Poland with an independent constitution<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
-and a degree of national liberty. Great difficulty
-existed in this quarter, although Nesselrode had not
-entered as warmly into this project as his sovereign had
-done, but had taken a middle course, in order to avoid
-a misfortune with which he had at one time appeared
-threatened.</p>
-
-<p>But all these divers interests were confounded by the
-astounding news of Napoleon's landing in the Gulf of
-Juan. The Emperor Alexander, whose mind was more
-than ever impressed with the mystic and liberal ideas of
-the German school, did not hesitate a moment in lending
-his powerful aid to the coalition. Madame Krüdner
-had persuaded him that the <i>white angel</i>, Peace, was to
-overcome the <i>black angel</i>, which presided over battles,
-and that the part of mediator and preserver of the human
-race was intended for him. The immense armies of
-Russia, therefore, marched against the <i>black angel</i>
-(Buonaparte). I will not enter into the military details
-of the Waterloo campaign; suffice it to remind
-the reader that the Russians, who had afforded such
-decisive support during the invasion of 1813 and 1814,
-upon this occasion only arrived with the third division
-after the struggle was over, which explains the reason
-why the influence of England and Prussia was paramount
-in France during the transactions of 1815.</p>
-
-<p>I have elsewhere given an account of these negotiations;<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
-the Emperor Alexander constituted himself
-the protector of the French interests, being led to do so
-as much by the natural generosity of his disposition as
-by a certain degree of national rivalry, which already
-began to appear between Russia and England. Nesselrode's
-influence over the mind of the Emperor was quite
-as powerful as that of Pozzo di Borgo, and we must<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span>
-acknowledge that they rendered us the most essential
-service, by preserving us from a partition of our territory,
-and a pecuniary indemnity beyond the power of
-France to discharge. Still the treaty of Paris stands in
-evidence, that we were obliged to submit to very painful
-sacrifices and heavy humiliations.</p>
-
-<p>Just at this time the influence of Nesselrode was endangered
-by a rival in Alexander's favour; I allude to
-Count Capo d'Istria.</p>
-
-<p>Capo d'Istria was born in the Ionian islands, in the
-midst of the Greek population, which have so often been
-encouraged by Russia to strive for their liberty, ever
-since the time of Catherine II. He was the friend of
-Ipsilanti and of all the ardent generation who fought
-for the independence of their country. At a very early
-age he had been employed in secret and mysterious negotiations.
-However the cabinet of St. Petersburg
-might be situated with regard to the Porte&mdash;let the
-relations of the two countries be what they might, Russia,
-for the last century, had never ceased to favour secretly
-the efforts of Greece to shake off the Ottoman
-yoke. Alas! had she not had frequent cause for self-reproach
-on this subject? More than once she had instigated
-the Greeks to revolt, and then, when all their
-efforts had proved ineffectual, she had not dared to defend
-them openly in the face of Europe; for she was
-closely watched by England and Austria, who denounced
-to the Divan the slightest action of the unfortunate
-Hellenists&mdash;even the groans of an oppressed people were
-not allowed to pass in silence. When, therefore, Capo
-d'Istria was admitted to the confidence of the Emperor,
-the cause of the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of a constant
-advocate, and a warm, faithful representative. His
-credit dated from the negotiations in Switzerland in
-1815, whose result was a new act of mediation under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span>
-the threefold influence of Austria, Russia, and Prussia.
-Capo d'Istria was afterwards appointed to divide with
-Nesselrode the ministry for foreign affairs.</p>
-
-<p>It was, as I have before observed, a complete rivalry,
-for Count Nesselrode had entirely adopted the ideas of
-the European school. Since the year 1812, he had followed
-the political system opposed to the military principle
-of the French revolution, now pursued in concert
-by all the cabinets of Europe, whose ruling desire,
-from the year 1816, had been the repression of the
-liberal movement engendered by the resistance of the
-people to the conquests of Napoleon. Nesselrode perfectly
-agreed with Metternich on this point, and the Emperor
-Alexander's partiality for the liberal and Hellenic
-school of Capo d'Istria was a source of sorrow and vexation
-to them both. The difficulties they had to encounter were
-of a complicated nature, for religious feelings were mingled
-with political ideas&mdash;there was strong sympathy
-between the two churches of Moscow and Athens, and
-the patriarchs were in constant communion with each
-other. It was impossible openly to attack Alexander on
-this point; all that Nesselrode could do in opposition to
-Capo d'Istria, was to spread the alarm in every direction
-concerning the fearful progress made by the spirit of
-insurrection.</p>
-
-<p>As early as the close of 1815, the Emperor Alexander
-had conceived the project of the Holy Alliance&mdash;an idea
-resulting from the mystic and religious fancies of Madame
-Krüdner, but involving at bottom very positive
-resistance to the spirit of revolt; for the Holy Alliance
-was nothing more than a contract of mutual support,
-a sort of bond entered into by all the crowned heads
-against the revolutionary movement in Europe. Metternich
-and Nesselrode were certainly not the men for
-ideal transactions&mdash;there had been too much reality and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
-matter of fact in their lives; still they saw the cabinets
-adopt these measures with satisfaction, as they both entertained
-hopes of bringing over the Emperor to their
-way of thinking; and, indeed, the general course of
-events at that time appeared to favour the common idea
-of Metternich and Nesselrode, for the secret societies in
-Germany had been greatly developed, and kept Prussia
-and Austria in a state of perpetual anxiety. They sent
-repeated despatches to St. Petersburg, and Nesselrode
-secretly supported the ideas of the alarmed cabinets.
-Thus the liberal plans advocated by Capo d'Istria met
-with secret opposition, and more than once the Emperor
-Alexander remained undecided among the various tendencies
-which disputed among themselves his mind, his
-power, and his affections.</p>
-
-<p>Events, however, were progressing in a manner likely
-to weaken the credit of Capo d'Istria, and augment that
-of Nesselrode. The Polish senate had been the especial
-creation of Alexander, it was the work of his own
-hands; and this senate, by an ill-advised resistance, had
-just deeply offended the will of the sovereign&mdash;a circumstance
-which might have been considered as a legal act,
-in a long-established government, was construed into an
-armed and criminal revolt; and the Czar suddenly issued
-harsh and firm resolutions regarding Poland. The
-strong repressive measures advocated by Nesselrode and
-Metternich thus regained their place among the ideas of
-the European system; from the same cause the influence
-of Capo d'Istria visibly lost ground with the Emperor,
-and with his influence declined the idea of a Christian
-insurrection in Greece.</p>
-
-<p>Capo d'Istria, as I before observed, was favourably
-disposed towards his countrymen the Greeks, who, by
-a spontaneous movement, had shaken off the yoke of
-the Porte; and he urged Alexander immediately to interfere,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
-by causing a Russian army to appear on the
-Pruth and an imperial fleet in the Mediterranean. The
-revolt of the Greeks was observed with great anxiety by
-Metternich; the house of Austria, being considered as the
-protectress of the Divan, made every possible effort to
-avoid a conflict calculated to injure the Ottoman influence,
-which was necessary to the balance of power in
-Europe: consequently, it was the object of Austria to
-persuade Alexander that the real spirit evinced by
-Greece was that of revolution, where Capo d'Istria saw
-nothing but a religious question; and in this opinion
-Nesselrode perfectly concurred. He considered that the
-actual state of Europe would not admit of the emancipation
-of a people, for rebellion was every where forming
-against the crowned heads, and Greece was merely employed
-as a pretext.</p>
-
-<p>The moment was well chosen to infuse these alarms
-into the mind of the Emperor, the bent of the German
-universities having just manifested itself by the assassination
-of Kotzebue; Piémont had taken up arms, Naples
-was in a state of insurrection, and Spain had proclaimed
-the Cortes. Metternich, in concert with Nesselrode,
-then returned to the idea of congresses, those great
-fusions of the sovereignties, according to the course that
-had been settled by the Holy Alliance.</p>
-
-<p>The diplomatic school had rather a predilection for
-this assembling of Europe&mdash;those meetings in which
-all the statesmen of the various countries met on
-friendly terms to discuss the affairs of the Continent.
-The same passion for congresses was to be observed in
-Talleyrand, Metternich, Hardenberg, and Nesselrode;
-it was a habit they had formed, a desire of appearing
-and playing an important part on the diplomatic stage.
-The Emperor Alexander was also fond of these great
-<i>réunions</i> because he was consulted as an arbiter, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
-princes of Europe trusting both to his experience and to
-his magnanimity.</p>
-
-<p>Nesselrode accompanied the Emperor to Troppau and
-Laybach; those who studied the character and deportment
-of both observed that their minds appeared to be
-undecided: there was a kind of uncertain hesitation between
-the liberal ideas they had lately entertained and
-the strongly repressive tendency advocated by Austria.
-Metternich made use of all his talents and influence to
-convince the Emperor of the dangers by which all the
-European sovereignties were threatened, if they did not
-decide upon one of those great military demonstrations
-which, by their overwhelming force, at once made an
-end of rebellion; when, just at the most critical moment,
-intelligence was brought to the Russian minister of a
-mutiny that had taken place in one of the regiments of
-guards at St. Petersburg. This news quickly determined
-the Emperor's opinion; Nesselrode received orders
-to enter with the utmost vigour into the plans proposed
-by Austria, and the downfall of Capo d'Istria
-appeared impending.</p>
-
-<p>One thing must be particularly observed in this
-struggle between liberal principles and those of absolute
-dominion; and that is, that Capo d'Istria had always
-been the faithful interpreter of an idea of independence
-for Greece, consequently, when liberal opinions were in
-the ascendant, he was not likely to continue in favour.
-The great misfortune of the Greeks at this moment, and
-what retarded their emancipation, was the circumstance
-of their insurrection taking place at the same time as the
-revolt in Piémont and the proclamation of the constitution
-of the Cortes; rendering it difficult always to discriminate
-exactly between an unruly military movement
-which terrified the regular governments, and the noble
-spectacle of Greece, with a spirit worthy of her forefathers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
-raising the holy symbol of her religion on her banners,
-stained and torn in many a former heroic struggle.
-Capo d'Istria's affection for Greece led to the loss of the
-Emperor's favour; and he, the protector of the Hellenists,
-was stabbed to the heart by a Greek,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> affording a
-melancholy proof of the ingratitude of revolutions.</p>
-
-<p>Then took place the intimate fusion of the Russian
-and Austrian system of politics, occasioning the absolute
-triumph of Metternich; and this situation was continued
-at the congress of Verona under Nesselrode, from
-that time forth sole minister of Russia, and chief of the
-<i>chancellerie</i> under Alexander. At the congress of Verona
-he held the pen, and all the resolutions regarding
-Spain were taken in concert; the diplomatic notes were
-drawn up by the two ministers together; Metternich
-wrote to the Austrian minister at Madrid, while Nesselrode,
-recalling the Russian ambassador, fulminated a
-sentence of proscription against the Cortes. It was no
-longer the liberal and generous Alexander they had to
-deal with, but an imperious prince, who, through his
-ministers, laid down the law in a sovereign and dogmatic
-manner. When M. de Villèle craftily objected
-for a short time to engage in an expensive and hazardous
-campaign, Nesselrode, without the slightest hesitation,
-wrote to him, in the name of the Emperor, that
-Russia was determined to venture every thing in order
-to repress the spirit of revolt in the Peninsula. The impulse
-was so powerful it was no longer possible to
-resist it.</p>
-
-<p>The close of Alexander's life was greatly harassed by
-these feelings; the sacred cause of the Greeks weighed
-upon his mind as a subject of remorse, and the sorrow<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
-it occasioned him was imprinted on his countenance,
-which now bore the appearance of ill health. Yet what
-was to be done? The panic of impending revolutions
-had seized upon his mind, and delivered him over to a
-thousand terrors, for his dread of the spirit of the secret
-societies was extreme. Liberalism filled him with
-alarm, he viewed it as a spectre threatening him with
-the seditions that might arise in his empire, and he did
-not comprehend that the most effectual means of employing
-the national effervescence of the Russians would
-have been to march them against Turkey for the deliverance
-of Greece. The causes of the unexpected death
-of Alexander have formed the subject of much inquiry;
-perhaps this acute sorrow was not entirely unconnected
-with it: he was a man of a deeply religious mind, with a
-mild disposition and a tender and impressionable heart;
-thus he felt deeply for the sufferings of Greece. Every
-stroke of a yataghan which caused the head of a woman
-or child to roll in the dust, among the ruins of Athens
-or Lacedæmon, made his heart bleed.</p>
-
-<p>Soon after Alexander had been gathered to his fathers,
-a commotion, at once political and military, took
-place in Russia. In southern Europe people are not
-sufficiently acquainted with the character of the noble
-family of the Czar: there was a degree of enthusiasm in
-the filial affection entertained by the Emperor Alexander
-for his aged mother, and the deepest respect existed
-in the hearts of Constantine and Nicholas for their
-elder brother Alexander. His death took them all by
-surprise, and upon his tomb burst forth the military
-movement prepared by the secret societies, and by a generation
-of young officers, dreaming of the old Sclavonian
-independence.</p>
-
-<p>Was the accession of the Emperor Nicholas likely to
-make any alteration in Nesselrode's position? One<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
-powerful reason which operated against any diminution
-of the minister's influence was the respectful admiration
-of Nicholas for the policy and the opinions of his deceased
-brother, and being also inexperienced in business,
-he considered it indispensable to surround himself with
-the men who had been acquainted with the politics
-of Russia ever since the great epoch of 1814. These
-men of traditions are essential to governments; they preserve
-the history of all the precedents in the cabinets;
-they know what has been the conduct of Europe during
-a long series of years, what are the springs by which she
-has been actuated, and the acts she has been called upon
-to concert; comprising information of the most essential
-utility for the comprehension of treaties and the conduct
-of negotiations: besides this, it was impossible to deny
-that Nesselrode was possessed of very great ability in
-unravelling events, and had always shewn an enlightened,
-though passive obedience, to the wishes of his sovereign.
-The Emperor Nicholas, then, being desirous of continuing
-the policy of his brother, to whom could he better address
-himself than to the man who had had the direction
-of affairs during the last fifteen years? Nesselrode also
-enjoyed the esteem of the Empress-Mother; and what
-power that remarkable woman had exercised over political
-affairs! She alone always manifested a sovereign
-contempt for Napoleon&mdash;she alone swayed the mind of
-her son Alexander, even after Erfurt; and, according to
-the patriarchal fashion, all her children appeared, to a
-certain degree, to do homage to her for the crown, as if
-they owed the supreme power to her from whom they
-had derived their existence.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless, Nesselrode soon found it necessary to
-modify his opinions. Ideas had advanced since the
-death of Alexander, and it was impossible to restrain
-the Russian spirit, which had decided in the most energetic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
-manner in favour of Greece; it therefore required
-military food, and a war was indispensable. The influence
-of Metternich over the cabinet of St. Petersburg
-daily lost ground from this moment, and Nesselrode
-began to draw off from Germany, and become more
-essentially Russian in his principles and ideas; he also
-began to take a decided turn in favour of the Greeks.
-Nor in this conduct ought he to be reproached with
-inconstancy, for the times and circumstances were no
-longer the same, the monarchical principle having triumphed
-every where, in Piémont as well as at Madrid
-and at Naples, while Poland appeared entirely subject
-to her viceroy Constantine. Under these circumstances
-it was less difficult to discern the holy and heroic principle
-of the Greek revolution, and to rekindle the ardent
-hope of an independence, acquired by means of so
-many pious sacrifices. From this new tendency of
-affairs, Nesselrode found himself the antagonist of Metternich,
-with whom he had hitherto been agreed; but
-the Russian interest now prevailed over the Austrian
-spirit.</p>
-
-<p>The friendship between France and Russia dates from
-the year 1815, and was increased at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle,
-under the influence of the Duc de Richelieu;
-but at that period, as we learn from the despatches of
-Count Nesselrode, France was too much overwhelmed
-by the fatal consequences of the two invasions to take
-an active part in affairs, or afford a support that
-would make her alliance worth seeking by the various
-cabinets of Europe: but from the year 1819 France exhibited
-such a developement of vital powers and military
-energy, that Russia hastened to include her in her diplomatic
-means. The inclinations of the French cabinet
-turned in this direction, under the Duc de Richelieu and
-M. Dessolles; and they continued thus until the more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
-English administrations of Polignac, of Montmorency,
-and of Villèle. The ministry of M. de la Ferronays
-again was favourable to the Russian alliance; and the
-ties that now bound France to Russia were not merely
-those of gratitude for the services rendered at the restoration,
-but the well-grounded conviction that the Russian
-alliance could on no occasion injure our interests, but
-might, on the contrary, on many occasions augment our
-diplomatic influence and our territorial boundaries. The
-collection of the despatches of Nesselrode and Pozzo di
-Borgo during this interval, and all the diplomatic papers
-that exist in the Foreign Office, attest the good-will of
-the cabinet of St. Petersburg, and the offers made secretly
-by it to obtain the alliance and concurrence of France
-on the Eastern question.</p>
-
-<p>Another cause which made this friendship so greatly
-desired, was the rivalry that had already become apparent
-between Russia and England. The system of
-the alliances in 1815 had overturned all the ancient
-diplomatic ideas, and all private jealousies had given
-way before the common object of Europe,&mdash;the destruction
-of Napoleon's power. But one great fault
-then committed by England was her inordinate augmentation
-of the power of Russia, thus, to a certain
-degree, creating her future omnipotence; for it was with
-the money and subsidies of England that the cabinet of
-St. Petersburg acquired the means of influencing for
-ever the southern interests. Nesselrode, who had been
-engaged in the greater part of the transactions of 1815,
-was obliged to detach himself from the traditions of the
-alliance of 1812, and great ability is required in order to
-make these transitions without abruptness; supple minds
-possess their influence as well as those of a more decided
-character, and ruin follows close upon the attempt to
-resist too much. Nesselrode is essentially the man of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span>
-transitions; he has never assumed an inflexible attitude
-in a system or an idea, but has constituted himself the
-translator of times and interests: from which cause, as I
-have before observed, it sometimes occurred that his
-opinions as <i>chancelier d'état</i> to the Emperor Nicholas
-were opposed to those he professed when he held the
-same situation under Alexander. The ideas of these
-two princes were not alike, neither were they placed in
-the same situations; yet Nesselrode served them both
-with the same fidelity and the same intelligence. It is a
-talent in public affairs to know how to make one's self
-the interpreter of another person; there are but a few
-of those very superior minds who, being deeply impressed
-with their own conceptions, obtain a dominion
-over times and characters, and even they frequently
-fall. But many very distinguished ministers never are
-able to attain that point of elevation, and, not daring to
-make themselves types, they are content with being impressions.
-They agree with all periods, all situations,
-and all difficulties.</p>
-
-<p>From the accession of the Emperor Nicholas to the
-revolution of 1830, the Russian policy was in some measure
-absorbed by the war with the Porte. All the ancient
-theory of the Holy Alliance was abandoned for
-less undecided interests, and less fear was entertained
-concerning revolutions at the time the most complete
-revolution took place. Whatever judgment may be
-formed of the event of 1830, it must suddenly have
-awakened a new train of emotions in the Russian <i>chancellerie</i>;
-for the popular principle which had caused this
-violent irruption had demonstrated as much energy, as
-did formerly the military power of Napoleon, against
-whom all Europe had risen in arms. The old education
-of Nesselrode was here destined again to be of service to
-him; for the first consequence of the revolt was, though<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
-not exactly to <i>revive</i> the treaties of the Holy Alliance,
-an old parchment which had fallen to pieces, at least to
-pave the way for a treaty of mutual guarantee. All
-private dissensions were naturally compelled to give
-way, that people might hasten to provide against the
-most pressing danger; Metternich appeared entirely to
-resume his former ideas, as if he were returning to the
-projects of 1815, and the diplomatic school abandoned
-many serious plans for the chances of a crusade against
-democratic principles. We are inclined to think Nesselrode
-did not dislike this reminiscence of the principles
-of political repression, being those which he most perfectly
-understood, and which he had particularly dwelt
-upon during his early years of study and labour: but
-age had now supervened; in 1830 Nesselrode was no
-longer young, and it is not at the second period of existence
-people are able to encounter the great perturbations
-which shake the world to its centre. In recapitulating
-the causes of the maintenance of peace, people
-have not sufficiently considered the dread of change that
-possessed those wearied existences. Truly, it was not
-without reason that the Greeks placed in the hands of
-the aged the decision concerning peace or war. Let us
-suppose Metternich with the impetuosity of youth, and
-Nesselrode fifteen years younger, who can tell what
-might have occurred? Perhaps a violent war might
-have broken out, and with it all the chances of disorder.</p>
-
-<p>The insurrection in Poland, however, gave plenty of
-occupation to Russia, and the ideas of the Emperor
-Nicholas on the subject of repression harmonised perfectly
-with those of his minister. What the Russian
-people desired was the union of Poland to Russia; and
-the amalgamation, which had so long been the constant
-subject of Nesselrode's thoughts, was, at last, on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
-point of being finally accomplished. He never fully
-entered into the prejudices of the old Muscovites on
-this point, but he, nevertheless, was of opinion that
-this divided nation, this double and simultaneous government,
-injured the political and administrative unity
-of Russia.</p>
-
-<p>The divers administrations which constitute the vast
-Russian empire, and which all tend to one common
-centre, under the hand of the Emperor, are, as a whole,
-very remarkable. Ever since the constituent assembly
-established an unity of administration in France, our
-system of government has no longer cause to dread that,
-in a homogeneous whole, one province or one district will
-be opposed to another; their strength has been blended
-in a manner very convenient to those in power. But it
-is far otherwise in Russia: the cabinet of St. Petersburg
-has to command thousands of different races&mdash;Tartars,
-Mahometans, Poles, and Cossacks; each of these people
-has its laws, its customs, its power, and its recollections,
-and it is necessary to maintain this individuality without
-detracting from the unity of the system. There is
-neither one general rule observed in the mode of levying
-the taxes, nor even, in a great measure, is there any undeviating
-rule for the military conscription. Some pay
-tribute, others are subject to contributions of arms and
-horses; in some places the recruits are furnished by the
-nobles, in others they are obtained by means of <i>levées en
-masse</i>; some people are still subject to feudal government
-under the Czar, and others, again, depend on the
-regular and immediate authority of the princes. In
-France the administrative clockwork is so simple that
-nothing but a will and a hand for business are required
-to set it in motion; nothing can be easier than the
-situation of a prefect, or even of a minister for the home<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
-department; interests, rights, and customs, are all sacrificed
-to the strength of the government.</p>
-
-<p>All these circumstances lead to the necessity in Russia
-of a more careful and more finished education for a
-statesman; for a young man who is preparing for a
-diplomatic situation at St. Petersburg, must not only
-be acquainted with French and German, but must also
-understand modern Greek and some of the Oriental
-languages. Nesselrode, in spite of his long experience,
-has been obliged to submit to the general rule; and a
-considerable portion of his life has been devoted to the
-study of living languages. His mind has become a
-repertory of treaties, he is a living catalogue of all the
-transactions of his time. The offices over which he presides
-are the most extensive, the most multiplied, and
-the most minute that can be imagined; there is a division
-for the relations with Persia, another for those
-with China, and with the little Mahometan princes, independent
-of those for the secret correspondence with
-the chiefs of the various tribes lately conquered by
-Russia. Nesselrode presides over all these affairs of the
-<i>chancellerie</i> with an activity nothing can slacken: his
-extreme facility in the despatch of business, and his
-laborious existence in the midst of the European relations,
-have naturally confirmed his credit with the Czar;
-who is also accustomed to act very much for himself, and
-only requires a minister as a sort of memorandum-book
-he can consult when he pleases, and as a faithful arm to
-execute his will. During the last five years the system
-of diplomatic aides-de-camp has been revived in full
-force, for the Emperor likes those semi-military appointments,
-which give a constantly armed attitude to Russia;
-in fact, it is one of the active sources of his moral influence.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Nesselrode, it is true, is only the enlightened hand
-which writes the will of the Emperor; he is valued as a
-man of good counsel, which means, that he listens a
-great deal, and that he can discover the secret thoughts
-of the person that consults him, without himself having
-any of those determined plans which clash with the will
-of the sovereign.</p>
-
-<p>The junior diplomatic school of Russia regard Nesselrode
-as a living archive, something in the way M.
-d'Hauterive was considered in France; and it is of great
-importance that a person who is called to direct the
-affairs of his country in the present times should be well
-acquainted with its former history&mdash;it also adds greatly
-to the elevation of his position. The temperate system,
-adopted by men weary of agitation, is a great benefit
-when opposed to the fiery spirits who wish to proceed
-with impetuosity in public affairs. The proud and generous
-disposition of the Emperor renders it necessary
-he should have at his side a man who will not execute
-his orders till the following day, because time is thus
-afforded for reflection, and an order issued to-day might
-very possibly be revoked after the lapse of a night; on
-these occasions there is a great advantage in a man of a
-temperate mind.</p>
-
-<p>Nesselrode has, in every respect, the most agreeable
-<i>salon</i> in St. Petersburg, and the one where the most
-conversation goes on. He takes pleasure in collecting
-people who hold the most various opinions, in such a
-manner as to form a neutral ground, on which every
-body may meet; and when a man has reached a venerable
-age, full of years and of honours, what more can be
-desired? our tent must be pitched somewhere. When
-for forty years, people have been engaged in the most
-gigantic events, like the aged men in Homer, they offer
-hospitality to the young, when they recount to them all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
-they have seen, and the judgment they have formed;
-they contemplate the present generation with the feelings
-experienced by a traveller who, from an elevated
-tower, looks down on the cities far below him, and the
-people incessantly busy, and thronging to perform the part
-assigned to them in the weary task of humanity.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="LORD_CASTLEREAGH" id="LORD_CASTLEREAGH">LORD CASTLEREAGH.</a></h2>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">I am</span> about to write the life of a statesman whose
-character has been more violently attacked in the annals
-of England&mdash;I might almost say of Europe&mdash;than any
-other with whom I am acquainted. No one ever had to
-endure more outrages and insults, and no one ever displayed
-more inflexible firmness, in the course of a most
-chequered and agitated life. I shall offend many little
-prejudices, and hurt many vulgar opinions; but things
-of this sort have never prevented me from proceeding
-straight to the truths of history, respecting men who
-have accomplished a great political career.</p>
-
-<p>On the picturesque Lake Foyle<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> in Ireland, whose
-shores are studded with ancient mansions, and whose
-waters are diversified with fertile islands, inhabited by
-little colonies of aged fishermen, a young man of eccentric
-manners, but whose appearance denoted a being of a superior
-class to those around him, had for two years fixed
-his residence. His only habitation was his boat: fishing,
-hunting, and violent exercises, filled up his time; and in
-the evening, surrounded by the fishermen, he made them
-relate to him all the old legendary tales of the country,
-and, in his turn, instructing the inhabitants of the district,
-he drew up laws respecting fishing, and hunting,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
-as if he were the sovereign of this watery republic. No
-one could exhibit more intrepidity than did this singular
-being. Upon one occasion he set sail in his frail bark,
-in the strait that separates Ireland from England; and
-his shipwreck on the Isle of Man, where he had alone
-managed his yacht in a stormy sea, like one of the
-Ossianic heroes, was long recorded by the peasantry.
-His dreams were of the legends of the lake; and being
-deeply enamoured of the daughter of one of the fishermen
-named Nelly, he sacrificed every thing to this ardent
-and romantic passion, wearing simply the dress of the
-children of the lake, for he loved and was desirous of
-being beloved again. Enthusiastic and passionate in his
-feelings, he would endure no contradiction; and an
-attempt having one day been made to deprive him of his
-mistress, he defied his rival to a duel after the Scandinavian
-fashion&mdash;that is to say with battle-axes&mdash;and conducted
-himself with a degree of intrepidity that was
-celebrated all over Great Britain.</p>
-
-<p>This young man, whose eccentricity took so poetical
-a form, for his youth was like a ballad, was Robert
-Stewart, afterwards Viscount Castlereagh and Marquess
-of Londonderry. His family was not originally Irish,
-but came from Scotland. James I., as every one is
-aware, created some great fiefs in Ireland, and bestowed
-them upon some of his most faithful subjects, in the hope
-of more closely uniting Ireland to the British empire.
-Eight of these fiefs, with a kind of <i>suzeraineté</i>, fell to the
-share of the Duke of Lennox; and the Stewarts, that
-noble name in Scotland, no doubt allied to the royal
-line, held some of the lands subject to the Lennox family.
-It has always been the fate of Ireland to be under the
-dominion of strangers to her soil; the yoke of conquest
-becomes more heavy after each impatient tumult. Her
-oppression arises from her disturbed condition; each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
-unsuccessful revolt produces additional servitude, and
-much of her suffering is owing to the crime of the
-popular agitators, who are instigated by nothing but
-their own insatiable vanity to endeavour to destroy all
-old and respectable national feeling.</p>
-
-<p>The Stewarts, however, decided in favour of William
-III., and of what is termed in England the glorious
-Revolution. As possessors of military fiefs they were
-naturally inclined to second the accession of a new dynasty,
-by whom their usurpation of the conquered country
-was likely to be sanctioned. When great alterations
-have taken place in the rights and tenure of property,
-a change of power is required, and, indeed, is almost
-indispensable to restore peace and quiet to the country.
-The Orangemen, therefore, formed a closely-united party
-in Ireland, and exercised military dominion over the people.
-In vain did the unfortunate James, in his rapid passage
-through Ireland, cause the parliament of Dublin to pronounce
-a sentence of confiscation, on account of felony,
-against the estates of Colonel Stewart, serving under
-William of Orange. This confiscation continued in force
-but a short time; and William, having gained the victory,
-lavished his rewards upon the officer who had so powerfully
-supported his cause. William Stewart, thus loaded
-with wealth by the king of 1688, was one of the most
-determined oppressors of Ireland&mdash;one of those who
-ruled with a rod of iron the country reconquered after
-the battle of the Boyne.</p>
-
-<p>The young man dwelling among the fishermen on the
-shores of the lake, therefore, came of a noble lineage;
-and his mother was a Seymour, named Sarah-Frances,
-like the Puritan dames who have been re-animated by
-the genius of Walter Scott. Robert Stewart, like the
-rest of the youth of Great Britain, had pursued his
-studies at the University of Cambridge; and, on leaving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
-college, he had precipitated himself into this romantic
-sort of life, some said from his love for the fisherman's
-daughter, while others, on the contrary, declared such a
-passage was merely incidental to his eccentric life, like a
-wreath of wild flowers on the brow of a Scandinavian
-warrior. He, however, led a generous life, for money
-appeared to be of no value to him; and he spent largely
-in constructing little ports for the fishermen, and distributing
-among them boats of a superior construction, like
-a beneficent deity. Such is the great source of the
-power enjoyed by the English aristocracy. While their
-public life is passed in the midst of cities, their private
-life is in the country. All that was benevolent in the
-old feudal system is still to be found in their castles:
-from their turrets flow the alms still, as in ancient times,
-conferred upon the people; the donjon is converted into
-a dispensary, where medicines and assistance are afforded
-to the sick. And thus the aristocracy reign over the
-peasantry, in virtue of the powerful aid they are ready
-to afford to all who require it in their neighbourhood.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless, the wish to distinguish himself in public
-life began to animate the heart of young Stewart. Parliament
-appears necessary to the youth of Great Britain,
-and it is there they prepare themselves for political life,
-taking their place among the Whigs or Tories according
-to a certain order of political principles. It was necessary
-the Stewarts should have seats in the Irish parliament,
-for they had a great stake in the country; but, owing to
-the family being Protestants, the election was violently
-contested, and cost the successful candidate thirty thousand
-pounds. These corruptions are a general rule in
-England, and they even add to the strength of the country;
-for there is no danger a bad choice should result
-from them, every thing being fixed according to settled
-rules; every thing is so well foreseen and organised by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
-the mechanical arrangements made, that the elections
-that take place are always of men of safe principles.
-Pecuniary corruption in the existence of states often acts
-as a corrective of another, and far more injurious, corruption
-for a people&mdash;I mean ideas tending to revolutionary
-principles.</p>
-
-<p>The Irish parliament, then still existing, was a great
-cause of disorder in the unity of the British government,
-until the illustrious Pitt placed every thing under the
-common law of the triple crown. There is something
-strange and perfectly inconsistent in the pretensions of
-Ireland. The people profess to respect the Union without
-ever wishing to depart from it; and then they claim
-a parliament for themselves, and desire something resembling
-a republic independent of England. Let them
-exult in their Catholic emancipation; they have a right
-to do so, and cannot value it too highly. But do they
-wish still to make part of the British empire?&mdash;do they
-wish the harp of Erin still to hold her place on the
-escutcheon of England? Alone, Ireland cannot subsist.
-Her commerce is supported by the vast trade of England:
-she only exists by means of the colonies, and the
-day she ceases to be English she will be ruined. What,
-then, is the meaning of all those revolts, those protests
-on all occasions, which serve no purpose except that of
-conferring a certain sort of renown upon street orators
-and demagogues?</p>
-
-<p>The election of Robert Stewart, however, though anti-Catholic,
-was not ministerial; for he promised on the
-hustings to support parliamentary reform, and on taking
-his seat in the House of Commons he placed himself on
-the opposition benches. This was a sort of sacrifice to
-popularity necessary from all statesmen at the beginning
-of their career, and the most powerful have not been
-exempt from paying this tribute to rhetoric. However,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
-even at that time, young Stewart appeared to keep
-within certain limits of order and principles; and, avoiding
-declamation, he spoke seriously, and restrained himself
-while speaking. He was not an orator with a
-sonorous, reverberating voice, who, by means of biting
-epigrams, drew peals of laughter from his auditors. His
-speeches bore the impress of the Toryism of his family,
-and all his inclinations were those of an eminently
-Conservative mind.</p>
-
-<p>England and Ireland were at this time agitated more
-especially by two questions; the first was parliamentary
-reform, and the other the free commerce of Ireland with
-the colonies. On the first of these points, the Castlereagh
-family, like the Wellesleys, considered it absurd
-to impose upon the Catholics a conscientious oath, which
-would exclude them from participating in the benefit of
-the elections; but, at the same time, was it not very
-unwise to prepare an indefinite reform, which would
-overturn the whole of the social condition of Great Britain?
-It was with a view to the admission of the Catholics
-into parliament that the Irish Tories became friends
-with the opposition; they shewed themselves favourably
-inclined to the emancipation of those who differed with
-them in belief, and at the same time opposed to radical
-reform: and this last subject was the cause of Castlereagh's
-withdrawal from the Irish agitators, who now
-began to aim murderous blows at the Union.</p>
-
-<p>Robert Stewart, also, considered that Ireland could
-not with justice be deprived of an extensive commerce
-with the colonies. What was the use of a system which
-made all the advantages fall to the share of England and
-Scotland, without allowing the essentially agricultural
-population of Ireland, to participate in them? Young
-Stewart defended the interests of Ireland with energy
-and great ability, and he immediately attracted the attention<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span>
-of those in power, more especially the Marquis
-of Buckingham and Lord Westmoreland.</p>
-
-<p>The rebellion in Ireland took place at this juncture;
-the people were determined to separate themselves from
-the English crown; the time was past when the questions
-raised by the opposition were those of religious
-liberty or political independence; they now wanted to
-establish a sort of Irish republic, under the protection of
-the democracy that was then setting Europe in a blaze.
-Treasonable correspondence with the French republic
-could not fail to place the society of United Irishmen
-without the pale of the constitution and of all patriotic
-feelings. Ireland called for the assistance of foreigners,
-and a strong party was naturally formed to oppose these
-evil designs. The Orangemen, who sided with the government,
-organised the yeomanry&mdash;a sort of feudal
-system against the insurgents, and a civil war broke
-out in Ireland at the time of the expeditions to their
-coasts, commanded by Generals Hoche and Humbert.
-The members of parliament could not venture on further
-hesitation; for it was necessary either to take part
-with the United Irishmen supported by foreigners, or to
-declare for the government of Mr. Pitt. Robert Stewart,
-who had just acquired the title of Castlereagh, upon his
-father being created Earl of Londonderry, exhibited no
-indecision as to the course he was to pursue, and from
-this time forth he was always firmly convinced that the
-only real statesmen are those who know how to repress
-the tumultuous movements of popular excitement.</p>
-
-<p>He now devoted himself to repressive measures, with
-the energy that formed the basis of his character. He
-had been appointed secretary for Ireland under Lord
-Camden, and by this means became identified with the
-Orange party. It was principally owing to his vigorous
-measures that the insurrection was brought to a termination,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
-for he never was arrested by any of the trifling
-obstacles which often form the ruin of causes; he considered
-it necessary the government should display perfect
-inflexibility, for the salvation of the country was at
-stake: amnesties were granted, it is true, but not until
-the tumult was over and the rebels had laid down their
-arms. During this struggle Lord Castlereagh was particularly
-distinguished for the strength and importance
-he conferred upon the Orange party, consisting of men
-of property who were formed into a body for the defence
-of their land. Lord Cornwallis was able, after a time, to
-succeed Lord Camden in the government of Ireland, and
-the repressive system had then produced such a state of
-security, that the government considered the season of
-pardon and oblivion to have arrived.</p>
-
-<p>The most violent hatred was now aroused against
-Lord Castlereagh: it is, alas! the fate of all who by
-violent means restore order in a country, for they occasion
-discontent, and all the spirits whose turbulence
-had troubled the country are, of course, opposed to
-them; because their proceedings have been severe, people
-insist that they have been sanguinary. These invectives
-of the Irish did not permit Lord Cornwallis to
-retain Lord Castlereagh as secretary, he therefore gave
-in his resignation; for, in peaceful times, the men who
-commanded during the storm are no longer required,
-and when the tempest is over the services of the hardy
-pilot are scarcely remembered: thus Marquis Cornwallis,
-whose government was distinguished for its indulgence,
-no longer required the inflexible hand of the
-former secretary. No part of his conduct, however, had
-escaped the vast intellect of the statesman then at the
-head of the English government. Mr. Pitt had discovered
-the secretary for Ireland to possess an inflexible
-mind, which, when once convinced of the expediency of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
-any measure, was capable of making every exertion, and
-encountering every risk, in order to carry out an idea he
-had formed; and this kind of disposition must have
-been particularly satisfactory to Mr. Pitt at a time when
-England was threatened with so many dangers. In unsettled
-times, the presence of men of firm and determined
-characters, who will prevent society from falling to
-pieces, is of the greatest importance to a government.
-From this moment, a communication took place between
-Pitt and Lord Castlereagh. The great minister required
-a powerful supporter in the definitive question of
-the parliamentary union of Ireland and England; for
-the late disturbances, and more especially the unfortunate
-appeal to a foreign power, and to the leaders of
-the French revolution, had inspired Mr. Pitt with a firm
-conviction, that neither strength nor order were to be
-hoped for, except through the means of the Union, and
-that the existence of the Irish parliament was in direct
-opposition to the spirit of centralisation, which can alone
-secure the prosperity and glory of a country. After
-every insurrection Ireland was losing some portion of
-her freedom,&mdash;a fate always prepared by agitators for
-those who trust too much to their words! A nation
-obtains concessions only when it remains in a quiescent
-position, and when its well-founded complaints are uttered
-with calm sobriety of manner; silent suffering
-produces a great effect on the minds of the beholders,
-and the feeling of justice exercises an unspeakable influence.
-Lord Castlereagh in the Irish parliament made
-himself the zealous champion of Mr. Pitt, in his plan
-for uniting the two parliaments; the country comprehended
-the advantages to be derived from this measure,
-and it was decided that the three crowns of England,
-Scotland, and Ireland, ought to form one great whole,
-which would hereafter be the support of the Continent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
-when threatened with danger. Pitt was highly satisfied
-with Lord Castlereagh's speech for the Union; he was
-summoned by the ministerial party to the united House
-of Commons, and appointed president of the Board of
-Control for the affairs of India. This is one of the appointments
-conferred in England by the ministers upon
-the talented men with whom they surround themselves,
-for the sake of their support in parliament.</p>
-
-<p>No man could be better acquainted with the situation
-of Ireland than Lord Castlereagh, or more perfectly
-aware of all the resources of the Orange party which
-could be employed for the purpose of repression. This
-knowledge rendered him a person of great importance,
-for the prime minister was then anxious to put into execution
-the union between England and Ireland, which
-had been decided upon in parliament, and Lord Castlereagh,
-who by his profound acquaintance with the moral
-topography of Ireland was the man most calculated to
-realise this design, was consulted upon all the measures
-to be pursued. Mr. Pitt especially possessed the practical
-genius which enabled him to discover men of particular
-capacity, and around him were a multitude of
-young and clever men, each with his appointed station
-and employment. The system of under-secretaries of
-state in England produces wonderful results; it gives to
-affairs their full developement, enabling the statesman
-to confine himself to generalities, both of ideas and systems,
-while the young under-secretaries devote all their
-energies to the statistics of detail and the internal administration.
-Thus was Lord Castlereagh situated; a
-man of an inflexible and laborious disposition, who never
-arrived at a general idea except by means of the most
-careful and minute study of all the circumstances.</p>
-
-<p>This special knowledge of affairs caused Lord Castlereagh
-to be retained even during Mr. Addington's ministry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
-which lasted but a very short time, and was
-succeeded by Mr. Pitt's still more decided plans against
-the French revolution. Addington signed the peace of
-Amiens, and Castlereagh, as president of the Board of
-Trade, had to deliberate upon all the measures which
-augmented the commercial relations of England with
-India and the colonies. He assumed no position as a
-political character, for he did not agree with the ideas
-entertained by Addington, and he, therefore, completely
-gave himself up to his duties at the Board of Control
-and to the affairs of Ireland. His heart was full of detestation
-for France, and, in imitation of his master, he
-allowed this administration to pass without taking any
-part in it. As a reward for his conduct on this occasion,
-Pitt, on resuming his situation at the head of affairs,
-gave him the portfolio of the War department.</p>
-
-<p>It is necessary to observe that Pitt's great ambition
-was that all the various departments should be entirely
-dependent upon him; he did not like to have any men
-about him except those of his school, or immediately
-attached to his system,&mdash;his <i>fides Achates</i>, as they were
-classically termed by Dundas; and among these young
-men the names of Castlereagh and Canning are especially
-resplendent: both were subject to his power, but of
-essentially opposite characters, and jealous of each other.
-Castlereagh was so firm and decided, that he never gave
-up an idea he had once formed; his manner of speaking
-was slow, and rather heavy, but serious, and never
-thoughtless. Canning, on the contrary, was sarcastic, and
-rather inclined to classic declamation; an orator, rather
-spoiled from a constant striving after effect. Castlereagh
-was often listened to with impatience, nevertheless, he
-generally attained his object; while Canning, by the
-generality of people, was only viewed in the light of an
-eloquent speaker. Castlereagh was a statesman; Canning,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
-a man of words, rather theatrical, not to be relied
-on, and with an indescribable levity of language and
-purpose. Castlereagh would have laid down his life for
-his party, or for an idea; Canning was a renegade to his
-party, he supported every thing with ability, and gloried
-in his oratorical triumphs, at the very time he was compromising
-his cabinet.</p>
-
-<p>When Pitt, their illustrious chief, died broken-hearted
-by the victory of Austerlitz, the king considered it indispensable,
-in order to conclude a peace with France,
-that Fox and Grenville, the leaders of the Whigs,
-should assume the ministry; it was an unfortunate attempt,
-often repeated in England. Fox, and all his
-friends, shewed themselves perfectly devoid of political
-knowledge, and they also evinced extreme incapacity,
-which gave occasion to the remark that a Whig ministry
-was a misfortune both for the country and for the party
-itself; for the country, because it compromises it, and
-for the party, because the Whigs always forfeit their
-reputation, throwing away, in a ministry which lasted
-fifteen months, the fruit of fifteen years of popularity.
-As might be expected, Canning and Castlereagh were
-the most violent opponents of Fox's cabinet. The debates
-in parliament during this ministry form a curious
-study; Canning and Castlereagh did not like each other,
-though they were on the same side of the question, and
-this was mainly owing to the difference in their talents,
-as well as in the character of their minds and intellects.
-Castlereagh attacked the administration by means of
-reasoning, an appeal to figures, and a sort of traditional
-influence, which produced a great effect upon the Tories;
-while Canning, on the contrary, trusted to poetical sallies,
-or ridicule. Above all, Fox was out of place at the head
-of affairs.</p>
-
-<p>Men whose whole life is passed in attacking others,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
-are essentially in a bad position when they assume the
-direction of affairs; they are unable to breathe, they are
-neither free nor happy in this sphere, for it is not congenial
-to them. The men of business, on the contrary,
-who are for a short time in the opposition, become very
-dangerous opponents, especially if they possess a flow of
-language and a quick and earnest manner; as they have
-seen a great deal, they preserve an incontestable degree
-of authority while reproaching the opposition with succeeding
-no better than <i>they</i> did when in power, and with
-imitating awkwardly the very conduct they had formerly
-attacked with great violence. The men who declaim are
-not to be feared; the only really formidable adversaries
-are those who have had much experience in the course
-of events.</p>
-
-<p>The wretched administration of Lord Grey, after the
-death of Fox, was a continuation of the Whig politics.
-His lordship had at all times been rather the bulwark
-than leader of his party, and the tool of the able men
-who availed themselves of his high reputation: there are
-generally in politics some characters who serve as a
-stalking-horse for certain opinions; they have a great
-name, which is taken hold of, to be employed or absorbed
-according to circumstances.</p>
-
-<p>The ministry of Lord Grey, and Grenville, only
-lasted for a few months after the death of Fox, for the
-continental questions began to assume so serious an
-aspect that it was not possible for the Whigs to direct
-them. Fox had been desirous of a peace with France&mdash;one
-of those bastard truces attempted by Addington at
-the peace of Amiens; but how was it possible there
-should be peace between two such proud and powerful
-authorities as Napoleon and the English aristocracy?
-the irrevocable fall of one or other of the parties was
-inevitable. Austerlitz had given birth to Fox's ministry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
-and the awaking of Prussia from the torpor in which she
-had been plunged brought about the fall of the Whigs.
-The Duke of Portland, belonging to the moderate Tory
-party, undertook the difficult and painful task of directing
-the affairs of Great Britain, and the two most determined
-and unvarying opponents of the former administration
-were naturally included in the present ministry: as I
-have before observed, they were men of perfectly different
-characters. Castlereagh returned to the War
-Office, with the detail of which he was perfectly well
-acquainted; and Canning was appointed minister for
-foreign affairs, as being the favourite pupil of Pitt and
-the inheritor of his doctrines.</p>
-
-<p>From this time a peace with France was no longer
-thought of; that idea gave place to the determination to
-engage in a fierce and implacable war against Napoleon,
-who had now reached the <i>apogée</i> of his glory, and on
-this point the opinion of Lord Castlereagh was firm and
-unvarying. His great object was to find the leaven of war,
-on that continent now humbled under the sword of the
-Emperor; and, by means of secret springs, to arouse the
-governments and people, crushed beneath his gigantic
-power. The influence of France extended from Cadiz to
-Hamburg, from Antwerp to Trieste; Austria had made
-peace with her after the sad defeat at Austerlitz; and
-Prussia, after appearing for a moment as if roused to
-resistance, had again bowed beneath the yoke. Germany
-was subject to the Confederation of the Rhine; Switzerland
-to the predominant mediation of the French empire;
-Italy was in a state of vassalage under the Iron crown;
-at Tilsit a friendship had been formed between Russia
-and France, and the two emperors were about to meet
-again at Erfurt, to cement the alliance projected at
-Tilsit, and divide the world between them.</p>
-
-<p>England, therefore, stood <i>alone</i> in the struggle now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span>
-fiercely undertaken against Napoleon. Castlereagh, who
-held the same opinions that Mr. Pitt had done, resolutely
-rejected every attempt at peace with a power
-whose principle had hitherto been to grasp at every
-thing, and which appeared resolved it should continue
-so to be. The Duke of Portland had a degree of rashness,
-and something chivalrous, in his disposition, which
-led him to engage boldly in the struggle; and the new
-connexion between Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of
-Wellington gave him a sort of pre-eminence in the
-cabinet, which offended the vanity of Canning. Like all
-political speakers, the minister for foreign affairs aimed
-at power, and, because he possessed a happy facility in
-quoting some classical verses acquired at the University,
-he considered himself fitted to occupy a higher situation
-than Castlereagh, whose speech was slow and embarrassed.
-This jealousy increased after the brilliant expedition to
-Copenhagen, in which the minister of war had displayed
-very great ability, and the arrangements of which were
-so perfectly successful that the Danish fleet remained in
-the power of the English. The opposition in vain
-declared it was an iniquitous action, contrary to all the
-principles of the law of nations: but necessity has no
-law; and was it not absolutely necessary that Great
-Britain should prevent the coalition of the Danish
-squadron and the fleet of Antwerp? The lukewarm
-neutrality of Denmark was not a sufficient guarantee to
-England, and it was indispensable either to force that
-government to declare itself, or to destroy a fleet which
-lay too near the formidable arsenal of Napoleon. Mr.
-Canning was very jealous of his ministerial colleague;
-he had always considered himself to hold the first place
-since the death of Mr. Pitt, and he could not bear that
-another should share in this renown: this enmity soon
-burst forth in a striking manner.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The active diplomatic proceedings of England on the
-Continent had excited the fears of Austria, as to the
-probable results of a war; the interview at Erfurt
-determined the cabinet of Vienna to take arms against
-Napoleon, and England immediately contracted a league
-of offence and defence with Austria, based upon subsidies
-which she agreed to furnish.</p>
-
-<p>It was well known that, ever since the commencement
-of the war in Spain, great dissatisfaction had existed in
-the French empire against the insatiable ambition of
-Buonaparte; and several ministers, as for instance
-Talleyrand and Fouché, had begun to look forward to
-the possibility of the death or downfall of the Emperor.
-When generals like Bernadotte were out of favour, one
-might easily imagine that, in case of the death of Napoleon,
-or of a military insurrection, the vast empire raised
-by one man would fall into complete decay and dissolution.
-This was, from henceforward, the groundwork of
-the plans of England. It was intended an English army
-should land in Holland, at the same time that Austria
-should open the war by an immense military demonstration,
-and thus effect a rapid popular insurrection. The
-thing Lord Castlereagh considered of the most importance
-was the destruction of the fleet and arsenal of
-Antwerp, in the same manner as the capture of the
-Danish fleet had formerly been effected; he therefore, as
-minister of war, made immense preparations for the
-Walcheren expedition; but,&mdash;must it be said?&mdash;here
-commenced the treachery of Mr. Canning towards his
-country and his colleague. It is incontestable that Mr.
-Canning furnished information to Fouché, to let him
-know the intentions of Lord Castlereagh;<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> for when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
-jealousy has taken possession of the heart it listens to
-nothing. As to his conduct towards his colleague,
-Canning persuaded the Duke of Portland to get rid of
-Lord Castlereagh, as a man of a harsh and inflexible
-disposition, incapable of conducting the war department,
-or of directing or supporting a debate. In parliament,
-Mr. Canning wanted to rule over the Tory party, and
-Lord Castlereagh was an obstacle to his ambitious
-designs.</p>
-
-<p>The Walcheren expedition failed, and explanations
-naturally took place between the colleagues. Unfortunate
-catastrophes are always followed by harsh and
-bitter words, because no one is willing to stand by the
-consequences. A feeling was raised against Lord
-Castlereagh, who was denounced by the Whigs as
-unfit for his situation. "How had it happened," said
-they, "that a fine English army had been thus plunged
-into sickness and misery?" Lord Castlereagh was
-obliged to defend himself, and the storm which was
-growling around him rendered it impossible for him to
-retain his situation; but he wrote a sharp and angry
-letter, openly accusing Canning, if not of actual treason,
-at least of underhand practices, which had occasioned all
-these disasters. Canning replied in a confused manner,
-by details on the delays that had taken place in the
-departure of troops, and the wrong address of the
-despatches; he was only ardent and cutting when he
-came to personal recriminations against Castlereagh,
-who, deeply offended, sent a challenge to his adversary.
-He was thus returning to the early and poetic part of his
-existence, to the reminiscences of the eccentric youth on
-the shores of Lough Foyle, where he had fought a duel
-in the Scandinavian fashion; and now, when he was a
-serious and reflecting statesman, he considered that in
-personal questions the only means of terminating a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span>
-quarrel was by a personal encounter. Canning and
-Castlereagh fought with pistols: in England people are
-ready to lay down their lives for an idea or a system;
-both were brave men, and would not draw back, but
-Castlereagh was the most fortunate, for Canning was
-severely wounded. The resignation of the minister of
-war was nevertheless accepted, while Canning continued
-in office, and the Duke of Portland pursued the middle
-course which had occasioned the rupture between his two
-colleagues.</p>
-
-<p>The situation of parties and of affairs is sometimes
-such, that a man is possessed of more influence when out
-of the cabinet than when he actually forms one of the
-ministry; and the firm and inflexible attitude of Lord
-Castlereagh, and his implacable hatred towards France,
-secured him a degree of ascendancy among the Tories,
-which Canning had striven for in vain. The Wellesleys,
-then rendered so powerful by the successes of the Duke
-of Wellington, shared their credit with the ex-minister;
-and he followed in parliament the energetic political
-system which infallibly leads to the downfall of all feeble
-or temporising measures. The ministry of the Duke of
-Portland and Mr. Canning had already taken some steps
-towards peace with Buonaparte, but Castlereagh was
-constantly opposed to it; he agreed with the ministers
-whenever repressive measures, or any plan favourable to
-Conservative ideas was in debate, but opposed them when
-they were inclined to make any concessions to Whiggism,
-or the idea of peace. By this skilful conduct he gradually
-rose in public estimation, and when the unfortunate
-death of Mr. Perceval occasioned the dissolution of
-the ministry, the Tories proposed Lord Castlereagh as
-minister for foreign affairs in the room of Mr. Canning.</p>
-
-<p>The situation of Europe at this time rendered it imperatively
-necessary that the conduct of England should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
-be decided and full of energy. Though it can hardly be
-said that war was actually on the point of breaking out
-on the Continent, there were every where the elements
-of an universal conflagration: Spain had hoisted the
-signal of independence, and the English armies extended
-in the Peninsula, from Lisbon to Cadiz. Immediately
-after he had taken charge of the Foreign Office, Lord
-Castlereagh was called upon to explain himself concerning
-the question of peace or war with France. Buonaparte
-was then on the eve of undertaking the Russian
-campaign, and in order to give an undeniable proof of his
-pacific inclinations, and also as a lure to public opinion,
-he caused M. Maret to write to Lord Castlereagh, proposing
-peace upon what he termed easy and simple
-conditions, which reduced themselves to the following
-points. At Naples and at Madrid, the actual dynasty,
-and in Portugal and Sicily also the reigning dynasty
-(without any further explanation). The English
-minister, being closely connected with Russia, had little
-inclination to treat with Napoleon; and it was no doubt
-sarcastically that he proposed the following question to
-M. Maret,&mdash;"First of all, it is necessary to understand
-what dynasty you are speaking of; in Spain, is it
-Ferdinand VII. or Joseph Buonaparte? At Naples,
-is it the House of Bourbon or Murat, that is considered
-as the actual dynasty?" And when M. Maret replied that
-his majesty Don Joseph and his majesty Joachim were
-meant, Lord Castlereagh, with proper spirit, declared any
-further proceedings were out of the question, because he
-had nothing to do with these usurpers,&mdash;it was only with
-the legitimate sovereigns of Spain and Naples that
-England had any connexion. The accession of the leader
-of the active Tory party, therefore, caused the politics of
-England to assume a firmer attitude respecting all the
-affairs of Europe. When Buonaparte undertook his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
-adventurous expedition against Russia, the English minister
-turned his closest and most careful attention upon
-Turkey and Sweden, both of which possessed powerful
-means of action. The negotiation feebly entered into by
-the agents of M. Maret, had been rendered abortive by
-the abrupt and imperative character of Buonaparte;
-and Lord Castlereagh, more fortunate and more adroit,
-went direct to his object with regard to Bernadotte and
-the Porte. He knew the Crown Prince was displeased
-with the haughtiness of Napoleon, and offered him subsidies
-if he would maintain a strict neutrality, reserving
-to himself the chance of future events. In his relations
-with Europe he was still more fortunate in bringing
-about the peace of Bucharest, which left the Czar master
-of all his forces. This plan of increasing the strength of
-the enemies of Buonaparte, and thus depriving him of
-the necessary alliances, was an admirable mode of attack.
-The peace of Bucharest enabled the Czar to advance
-with the army, which attacked Napoleon on the flank
-and encircled him in its vast coils; and the neutrality
-observed by Sweden permitted to Russia the disposition
-of her forces near Riga&mdash;a circumstance that did more
-towards causing the defection of Prussia than people
-are aware.</p>
-
-<p>The active mind of Lord Castlereagh, and the determined
-energy which distinguished his character, were
-more especially manifested in the European movement
-which led to the fall of Napoleon. In 1813, the whole
-continent was full of English agents; they were everywhere&mdash;at
-Vienna, at Berlin, and at Stockholm, and
-even among the secret societies of Germany: for the
-Tories perceived that the time was come for them to
-act with vigour, and put an end to the power by which
-they had so long been threatened. Parliament never
-presented a more animated or truly national spectacle,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
-or evinced a more unanimous devotion to the cause supported
-by the old English aristocracy; no sacrifice appeared
-too great, and subsidies were granted almost without
-limitation. The disasters of Moscow had inflamed
-all hearts, and with the assistance of one magic word,
-<i>Liberation</i>, the plans most hostile to Napoleon were realised.
-Treaties of alliance and subsidy were concluded
-by Lord Castlereagh with almost all the powers of
-Europe; and in order more completely to identify himself
-with his system, the minister appointed his brother,
-Sir Charles Stewart, to a special mission to the courts
-of Prussia and Sweden. This officer, now Marquis
-of Londonderry, was sent as commissioner with the
-English armies, and has himself published his despatches
-addressed to him whom he mentions as his illustrious
-brother. The English commissioners, who all
-received appointments both military and political, were
-at the same time soldiers, negotiating agents, and commandants
-of troops. We see in these despatches the
-painful efforts made by Sir Charles Stewart to produce
-some degree of unity in the coalesced camp. As England
-was paying armies to the right and left, with unheard-of
-liberality, she was desirous of retaining the
-political direction of events in her own hands, and as
-this supremacy encountered obstacles raised by the spirit
-of calculation and of self-love, it was necessary to be
-perpetually engaged in discussions with the generals-in-chief
-and the government. Sir Charles was at that time
-a young man, with a warm temper and some pride of
-birth; and Bernadotte, in spite of his doubtful position,
-preserved a certain degree of personal dignity: this led
-to perpetual differences of opinion, and even to quarrels,
-which required the skilful and moderate interference of
-the Russian commissioner, Count Pozzo di Borgo. Sir
-Charles having conceived a feeling of mistrust regarding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
-Bernadotte, no doubt with reason, watched him closely,
-and his elevated position as brother to the Prime Minister
-of England invested him with an undoubted superiority
-in all negotiations. The attitude of England at that
-time was so proud! I am not acquainted with any
-period in the history of empires more magnificent, from
-the energy displayed, than that of England from the
-year 1792 to 1814; and this energy led to the general
-rising of Europe against Napoleon. Castlereagh was the
-soul of it, for the elements of which the English ministry
-were then composed were subject to his power;
-indeed when a character of great strength is anywhere
-met with, every thing gives way to his influence, for a
-superior mind never fails to be acknowledged. Lord
-Liverpool was no doubt a man of great consideration,
-and he held the first place officially in the cabinet; but
-when Europe began to rouse herself from her sleep,
-Castlereagh gave so powerful an impulse to the English
-diplomacy that it very soon ruled the world: let us
-now see what an immense task she had to perform.</p>
-
-<p>Europe, with all her desire of acting vigorously against
-Buonaparte, possessed neither money nor credit, and this
-to such a degree, that Prussia, for instance, had not a
-million of florins at her disposal; England not only provided
-subsidies, but also the means of negotiating loans:
-she became security for Prussia, Austria, and Russia;
-thus taking upon herself the credit of the world. The
-whole of the subsidies were not paid in money&mdash;arms,
-clothing, and provisions were also sent; and this extraordinary
-effort gave employment to her machinery,
-work to the labouring classes, and immense occupation
-to her mercantile navy. Her inexhaustible liberality
-demanded in return the abatement of the tariffs and
-free entry for her manufactures; by which means she
-regained a great portion of the advantages she afforded.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span>
-In order to be convinced of this, it is only necessary to
-consult the rate of exchange for that period, which was
-almost always in favour of London; that is to say, that
-while she appeared to be furnishing money, it was
-merely changing the location of her funds. Hamburg,
-Frankfort, Vienna, and Berlin, were in debt to London,
-and the loans thus compensated themselves; shewing
-the prodigious strength of the commercial principle, and
-the magnificent power of an aristocratic state, directed
-by a superior mind.</p>
-
-<p>The principal object Lord Castlereagh had in view
-was to bring about a degree of persevering unity in the
-European coalition; it was the ruling idea of Mr. Pitt
-and the labour of his life: but the statesman had so
-often failed in his object. The weakness of Europe
-against Buonaparte resulted from its divisions, from its
-conflicting interests, and the separation of one cabinet
-from another; it was therefore necessary to unite them
-all in one common cause, and this was not the least difficult
-task he had to perform. If they might reckon upon
-the willingness of Russia to proceed to extremities
-against Napoleon, if the national spirit had been roused
-in Prussia to strive earnestly for the fall of the Emperor,
-were they likely to meet with the same concurrence, the
-same absolute devotion on the part of Austria, and of
-Sweden under Bernadotte? What obstacles and opposition
-Lord Castlereagh had to encounter in the course of
-the year 1813, at the time of the armistice of Plesswitz
-and the congress of Prague! Fresh discussions were
-incessantly started, and the coalition was repeatedly ready
-to fall to pieces, from the selfish tendencies of private
-interests. As for him he had but one object, one desire&mdash;the
-fall of Napoleon and the dissolution of the French
-Empire, and no words can express the power possessed
-by a man who has one idea constantly present to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span>
-mind, and follows it up with undeviating energy. The
-dissolution of the congress of Prague was occasioned by
-this absorbing passion in the mind of Lord Castlereagh,
-who induced Metternich to engage more decidedly in the
-coalition; he was like the intrepid hunter who sounds
-the halloo in pursuit of the stag at bay.</p>
-
-<p>The vast plan he had conceived rested upon two
-points&mdash;exertion on the part of the various governments
-to promote the march of troops, and a general rising
-among the people to second the efforts of the cabinets.
-The material impulse was given by Russia, and he allowed
-it to proceed and develope itself, well knowing the
-example of that great power would be followed by
-Prussia and Austria, and that their efforts would be sufficient
-for the liberation of Germany. It then became
-necessary in the north to urge Sweden to take the field,
-and with her Denmark and Holland; all his efforts were
-therefore directed to this point, and gave rise to the mission
-of Sir Charles Stewart and General Graham. He
-considered there would be no difficulty in inducing a
-revolt among the oppressed Dutch and Belgian population,
-and a popular movement would bring about the
-restoration of the House of Orange; while in the south
-the armies of England overspread Spain and Portugal,
-and France was thus attacked at both extremities at the
-same time. This has always been the favourite political
-system of England; by acquiring influence in Spain and
-Portugal, and also in Belgium, she prevents France from
-affecting her either commercially or diplomatically; and
-as English statesmen, in what situation soever they may
-be placed, never lose sight of the hereditary diplomatic
-traditions, one plan is transmitted through many generations,
-in the same manner that it formerly descended
-in our monarchy, when under the dominion of kings, and
-of able and distinguished ministers. Nothing is done in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
-that country from a sudden impulse; every plan is
-maturely weighed, and England in the nineteenth century
-is swayed by the same principles as in the sixteenth.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Castlereagh's task, however, increased in difficulty
-as the allied armies drew near France, and their
-interests became more personal and more divided. It
-then became a question whether Austria would be willing
-to overturn France, and whether the Emperor
-Francis would sacrifice his son-in-law; there was also a
-doubt whether Russia would consent to the proposed
-augmentation of Austria and Prussia, which would add
-so considerably to their importance; and in addition to
-all the other questions, what compensation was likely
-to be awarded to England? Such were the difficulties
-that arose at every step after the Allies had reached the
-Rhine, until at last Pozzo di Borgo was despatched to
-England, with the firm determination to induce Lord
-Castlereagh, if possible, to visit the Continent; his presence
-now seemed really indispensable amidst the clashing
-of ideas and interests, which threatened to lead to the
-dissolution of the coalition. England alone was capable
-of reconciling all their wishes, and restoring to the various
-forces the unity which, like the bundle of sticks in
-the fable, rendered them invincible when united, though
-each separately would be easily overcome.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent to confer
-with Lord Aberdeen, Lord Cathcart, and his own brother
-Sir Charles Stewart; and from this time the influence
-of the British legation was complete and paramount.
-The intervention of the English minister was indispensable,
-as I have before observed, to fortify the bonds
-of cohesion between the various cabinets, and more especially
-for the purpose of enforcing the principle, that
-no treaty was possible with Napoleon. In the conferences
-that took place between Metternich and M. de St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
-Aignan at Frankfort, the English legation observed
-that the Allies appeared rather inclined to a pacific arrangement,
-which would leave the Rhine as the boundary
-of the French empire, and would consequently include
-Belgium; but never would England have consented
-to a proceeding which would abandon Antwerp
-to France: she had too long coveted her fleet and
-great arsenal, and many had been the expeditions she
-had undertaken with that object!</p>
-
-<p>The opinion of Castlereagh was therefore inflexible;
-France, he declared, must be reduced within her ancient
-limits, and this resolution led to the conviction that
-with the ancient frontiers the ancient dynasty would be
-necessary. It was not that the English minister had
-entered into any engagements with the house of Bourbon;
-the Tories might consider the restoration of Louis XVIII.
-as a desirable circumstance after the general disorder
-that had existed in Europe, but it did not make one of
-the necessary conditions of a general peace, for the selfishly
-English interest was paramount over every other
-consideration. This state of affairs is evident in the
-correspondence between Lord Castlereagh and the
-French princes who had taken refuge in England; and
-though he might insinuate to the Comte d'Artois and
-the Duc d'Angoulême that they might appear on the
-Continent, he would not officially approve of their conduct,
-so as not to make the restoration a necessary condition
-for the re-establishment of peace. This caution
-affords an explanation of the Duke of Wellington's conduct
-after the battle of the Pyrenees; he made no
-objections to the Duke of Angoulême's presence in the
-south of France, but the white flag was not hoisted, because
-Lord Castlereagh was completely engaged in the
-negotiations at Châtillon.</p>
-
-<p>In these conferences, so fatal to our interests, the predominance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
-of the English minister was manifested in
-the highest degree. As England furnished the subsidies,
-she exercised very great influence over the movements
-of the Allies, and Lord Castlereagh's language often assumed
-an imperious tone. Upon the first hesitation
-manifested by Austria, he declared that England would
-no longer be security for the money borrowed by the
-cabinet of Vienna, if they should attempt to enter into
-a separate treaty; and he was supported in his design of
-a general unity against Napoleon by Pozzo di Borgo,
-who had not left his side since they had travelled together
-from London. In fact, he was convinced it was not
-possible to make a treaty with Buonaparte. What peace
-would there be for Europe as long as he continued to
-wear the French crown? Had they not for many years
-been engaged in a protracted and constantly recurring
-struggle? For this reason, upon firm conviction, he supported
-as a statesman the maxim adopted by the Tory
-party,&mdash;<i>The ancient territory and the ancient dynasty</i>.</p>
-
-<p>Although Lord Castlereagh held no acknowledged
-diplomatic office at the congress of Châtillon, he nevertheless
-swayed all the resolutions formed there; he was the
-principal author of the treaty of Chaumont, which placed
-the military direction of the campaign under the influence
-of England. It was a singular example of the power that
-may be exercised by a commercial and monied government
-over military powers, for England had hardly any
-soldiers engaged in this war, but by means of her subsidies
-alone she set in motion a million of men, and made
-them subservient to her national and exclusive interests.
-Thus it was admitted as a general principle, that France
-was to be reduced within her ancient limits, and the
-object of England was gained by our being deprived of
-Antwerp; her vast arsenal was no longer dangerous,
-and her fleet was to be divided. It may be said that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
-treaty of Paris in 1814, which was the consequence of
-the treaty of Châtillon, formed in some measure a realisation
-of the leading ideas of Toryism; that is to say,
-the re-establishment of the House of Orange, with a
-territory extending to our frontier; Prussia increased
-in strength and importance, Austria assumed a predominant
-position in the south of Germany, while they
-both served as barriers to Russia; and above all, the
-maritime and commercial supremacy of Great Britain, to
-such a degree that, in the secret treaty of 1814, Lord
-Castlereagh imperatively insisted on the rupture of the
-family compact among the various branches of the
-House of Bourbon, for the purpose of rendering her influence
-as secure over Spain as over Holland.</p>
-
-<p>One might have supposed that, after this long and
-painful struggle against Buonaparte, the English minister
-would have enjoyed some rest from his anxieties; but
-such was far from being the case, for the Colossus had
-scarcely been hurled from its base before intestine dissensions
-arose in the coalition which had so lately set
-the world in motion. Various interests were the subject
-of secret discussion at Vienna; and the questions concerning
-Saxony, Poland, and Italy occasioned him extreme
-uneasiness. Throughout the whole period of the
-French revolution, England had undoubtedly played the
-principal part, and her perseverance alone had saved the
-Continent from a general and overwhelming oppression;
-but in diplomatic matters, as in politics, ancient services
-are less considered than the new situation in which
-countries are placed: England had been too much engaged
-in continental affairs not to continue to feel
-great anxiety concerning them, and on the question of
-Poland, Lord Castlereagh was opposed to the plans of
-the Russian cabinet, and he did not restrain the expression
-of his dissatisfaction respecting the Polish <i>suzeraineté</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
-which the Emperor Alexander was desirous of
-reserving to himself. No one ever surpassed his lordship
-in the union of firmness of character with the most
-polished manners, the distinguishing mark of a true
-gentleman; there was a degree of steadiness, I may
-almost say of nobleness, in his private conferences with
-Alexander, in the midst of the splendid <i>salons</i> of Vienna,
-that was quite admirable.</p>
-
-<p>No aristocracy in Europe is more magnificent than
-that of England. Lady Castlereagh's parties at Vienna
-exceeded in splendour those even of the Emperor of
-Austria, and were replete with every pleasure and
-amusement; while her ladyship, who was a woman of
-extraordinary abilities, afforded considerable assistance to
-the diplomatic proceedings of her husband. The bold
-and rather presumptuous manner of Sir Charles Stewart,
-Lord Castlereagh's brother, were tempered by the studied
-mildness of Lord Aberdeen and the military profusion
-of Lord Cathcart; and the <i>soirées</i> of the English
-legation were cited as the most brilliant of the season,
-not excepting those of the sovereigns. The English
-minister, however, was not satisfied with the decidedly
-Russian tendency of the congress. He had carefully
-studied the character of Alexander, and was well aware
-that vast ideas and infinite ambition lay concealed under
-the religious mysticism he had adopted under the influence
-of Madame Krüdner; and looking at it under this
-point of view, he naturally came to the conclusion that,
-if the English policy had been the means of saving the
-Continent from the absorbing power of Napoleon, it
-would be necessary to guard against a new danger, and
-prevent the power of Russia from becoming too great
-and exercising too absolute a dominion over the destinies
-of the world. This feeling, common to them all,
-formed a tie between Castlereagh, Metternich, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
-Talleyrand, all of whom were equally convinced that the
-combination of the three sovereignties would not be too
-much to oppose the projects of Russia; and their dissatisfaction
-increased so much towards the termination of the
-congress, that the three plenipotentiaries signed the
-treaty of alliance concluded in February, 1815, to guard
-against any possibilities that might arise regarding
-Saxony and Poland. Thus the man who had been the
-keystone of the coalition, whose powerful hand had
-cemented and directed it, contributed at this moment to
-introduce divisions into its bosom, because the common
-danger had passed away.</p>
-
-<p>This danger, however, appeared again when intelligence
-was received of the landing of Buonaparte and
-his march to Paris; and the English minister had no
-hesitation in placing himself at the head of the coalition,
-for Napoleon was considered as the general enemy of
-Europe. In 1814, Lord Castlereagh had opposed the
-sovereignty of the island of Elba being awarded to the
-ex-Emperor, and now, laying aside all other considerations,
-he looked at nothing but at the necessity of restoring
-unity to the confederation, and marching at once
-against the man who had been placed at the ban of
-Europe. Reports were in circulation that England had
-favoured the return from Elba, in order again to humble
-France and to impose heavier conditions upon her; and
-Lord Castlereagh, when asking for subsidies, was obliged
-in the House of Commons to enter into an explanation
-upon the subject. He had only to answer, that it was
-against his opinion a sovereignty had been granted to
-Buonaparte; but that, after he had once been acknowledged
-as an independent sovereign, no one had any
-right to watch his actions and proceedings. He and the
-Duke of Wellington now shared the arrangements between
-them, the one directing the debates in parliament<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
-while the other was employed in organising the army.
-Immense subsidies were again required to assist the
-coalition, and set a million of men in motion against the
-glorious adventurer who had made but one step from the
-Gulf of Juan to Paris.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Castlereagh had vowed an implacable hatred to
-all the ridiculous dynasties who sheltered themselves
-under the mantle of Napoleon, and he revealed to the
-House of Commons the correspondence between Murat
-and the Emperor; thus paving the way for the downfall of
-that melodramatic king who was playing his part among
-the lazzaroni at the palace of Portici, or at the Villa Reale.
-In the stormy debates in the House of Commons he always
-exhibited the same tenacity of principles and resolution
-which had supported him in the imperial crisis, and even
-the present situation awakened in his mind the pride of
-a statesman who has realised some great thing for his
-country; for the supreme power henceforth belonged to
-England, and no one could dispute with her the empire
-of the sea: for a short time she had been at war with
-America, but peace had just been concluded, and all
-these circumstances had greatly augmented her power.</p>
-
-<p>In the struggle now taking place, his lordship was
-possessed with one great object: in 1814 he had made
-some concessions to France, and he considered the
-affair terminated when her ancient limits, augmented by
-Savoy and the Comté Venaissin, were assigned to her,
-under the government of her ancient dynasty; but he
-now found all his work had fallen to the ground, and he
-concluded from thence that the power of France was still
-too great, and predominated too much on the Continent:
-for the sake, therefore, of obtaining the applause of Germany
-and the support of Prussia, he entered unhesitatingly
-into all the hatred vowed to us by them. Waterloo
-had placed France under the especial direction of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span>
-England and Prussia, and deprived her of the Russian
-influence; therefore his lordship was at liberty to explain
-his ideas, and there was every facility for the execution
-of his system. His principles being in perfect agreement
-with those of the Duke of Wellington, he communicated
-to him his opinion about the future condition of France.
-In the first place, the ministerial system must be entirely
-English; and as a good understanding had existed
-between him and Talleyrand at Vienna, he chose him to
-fill the situation of prime minister. Then again, the
-Tories do not like revolutionists; but as these last
-assumed a suppliant attitude before the English, and
-that the patriots, under the shield of Fouché and of the
-representative chamber, were at the feet of the Duke of
-Wellington, even to obtain a foreign prince, they decided
-Fouché should be appointed to the ministry with
-Talleyrand.</p>
-
-<p>But this was only the commencement of the system.
-Lord Castlereagh had observed that the material power
-of France was too considerable for the balance of power
-in Europe, and also that Belgium was not sufficiently
-protected; he therefore considered it necessary another
-frontier should be adopted, to prevent any irruption on
-that side; and as England wanted to secure the good
-will of Germany, he agreed to support, if necessary, the
-proposal for the cession of Alsace and Lorraine to the
-Germanic confederation. These ideas gave birth to the
-hard conditions insisted upon by England, and rendered
-it necessary that France should have recourse to the
-Emperor Alexander to obtain better terms after her
-heavy afflictions.</p>
-
-<p>With regard to Buonaparte, the minister's conduct
-was perfectly consistent. In 1814 he had strenuously
-opposed the idea of an independent sovereignty in the
-island of Elba, and the enemy of England was now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
-again in his power. It has been written and currently
-reported, that Napoleon's resolution to throw himself
-for protection upon the generosity of England was a free
-and spontaneous action; but such was far from being
-the case: too well did he know the unpitying and irritated
-feelings entertained against him by that nation, but
-he went on board the English man-of-war because he
-could no longer escape the cruisers, and perhaps the
-sailors in those vessels might have done him some injury,
-in vengeance of the sufferings of Captain Wright,
-who died in so mysterious a manner in the Temple.
-His letter to the Prince Regent was only an attempt to
-escape his fate by assuming the position of a free agent,
-when a few hours later he would have been a prisoner
-of war. As soon as Buonaparte was on board the
-Bellerophon, Lord Castlereagh hastened to acquaint the
-plenipotentiaries of the allied powers, assembled at Paris,
-with the fact; and then he naturally returned to his
-original and favourite idea of placing him under the
-charge of the Allies, in some spot sufficiently remote from
-the Continent to secure Europe against the risk of
-any further bold attempt on his part. This proposal
-did not arise from any personal hatred or feeling of animosity,
-but was the result of a profound and well-considered
-conviction. As for the rest, every thing was
-done with proper attention and consideration; but no one
-ever shewed more sulkiness, ill-humour, and I may say
-more littleness, than did Napoleon in adversity. How
-had he treated the Duc d'Enghien? Had he not
-pursued and striven to ensnare Louis XVIII. in every
-part of Europe? Was it too much, immediately after
-his adventure of the hundred days, which had cost us so
-dear, to send him to a place of security, from whence he
-would no longer be able to torment Europe? Buonaparte
-took offence because the title of majesty was refused<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
-him, and because he was not permitted to live
-quietly like one of the citizen classes in England or the
-United States (a proposition he made with just the same
-degree of sincerity as his request to be appointed <i>juge
-de paix</i> of his district before the 18 Brumaire). Imagine
-Buonaparte a citizen of Westminster or Charleston!
-After so long a drama on the theatre of the world, if a
-man has not been able to die he ought to know how to
-submit to obscurity; but he, at St. Helena, did not
-exhibit the greatness that ought to have arisen from his
-recollections and his glory, and I would willingly believe
-his flatterers garbled his conversations in the narratives
-published of his exile.</p>
-
-<p>By the treaty concluded in the month of November,
-which was the completion of the transactions at Vienna,
-a magnificent position was allotted to England. In the
-south of Europe her influence over Portugal was secured,
-and the family compact was broken; in the north, a
-kingdom was constructed of Holland and Belgium, under
-her patronage, for the Prince of Orange, one of her
-generals; Prussia was closely attached to her system, and
-the Elbe opened to her the road to Germany; Hanover
-belonged to the British crown; she absorbed the factories
-and establishments of France in India, and acquired the
-Cape of Good Hope, the Isle of France, and Ceylon,
-besides Malta and the Seven Islands in the Mediterranean.
-She had reached the highest degree of power permitted
-to a state, and it was the firm and resolute conduct of
-Lord Castlereagh that had led to these great results;
-for had the weak and unconnected opinion of the Whigs
-carried the day, had peace been signed with Buonaparte,
-based on the terms approved by Fox and Grenville,
-never would England have attained to such a pitch of
-power and splendour. In mortal struggles like these
-one party must perish; and as it was, Napoleon sunk<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
-under the efforts of Britain. The captive of St. Helena
-was well aware of this, for he never accused any one of
-his fall but Lord Castlereagh and the English aristocracy,
-whom he devoted to the execration of future
-ages; no doubt for thus having succeeded in exalting the
-grandeur of England, as he had dreamed of doing with
-the magnificence of his nation and his race.</p>
-
-<p>In the history of states, two periods usually occur.
-When there is a strong inclination to foreign wars, it
-very seldom occurs that there is much agitation among
-parties at home, because when society is hurried with
-violence into affairs of great importance, she has no
-time for considering her own troubles or inquiring
-closely into her domestic afflictions; but when the war
-is over she turns her attention upon herself, and internal
-dissensions take place. This was the case in England
-after the treaty of Paris in 1815, extreme irritation
-was displayed in her troubles; and this requires some explanation:
-that there was much suffering among the
-various classes of British subjects is an undoubted fact,
-and it proceeded from many different causes. The successive
-debts she had been obliged to contract had inordinately
-increased the taxes; a war, lasting for twenty
-years, had been suddenly succeeded by a peace which
-had injured the interests of many people, because war,
-by occasioning an unnatural excitement to industry of
-every kind, had given employment to thousands, for the
-commerce of the world was in the hands of England.
-Peace opened an immense competition; Great Britain,
-formerly alone in the market, now met with the French
-and Americans, and the ports were no longer exclusively
-open to her manufactures. Besides this, pauperism,
-that species of leprosy in a nation, had greatly increased,
-and it had now become an actual sore in the British
-government, a vermin on the velvet robes of her rulers.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>A radical and deep-seated movement had also taken
-place in the public mind. Great excitement always
-leaves a degree of fermentation behind; the revolutionary
-doctrines had sheltered themselves behind the shield of
-parliamentary reform, and this very reform became a
-pretext gladly seized upon by agitators; thus England
-found herself covered, not with secret societies, for on
-her soil people breathe freely, but with clubs and inflammatory
-meetings, so that the country resounded
-with petitions. On this occasion it again became necessary
-to display a degree of firmness; the inflexible character
-of Lord Castlereagh was alone capable of opposing
-to doctrines which manifested themselves by riotous
-assemblies of 100,000 men in various cities.</p>
-
-<p>Independent of these domestic troubles, there were also
-difficulties connected with foreign affairs that exhibited
-a no less serious aspect. Ever since the year 1792 but
-one great danger had occupied the mind of Europe, the
-absorbing and inordinate power of the republic and
-empire of Napoleon. England having always been at
-the head of the implacable movement which attacked
-the revolutionary power in France, had also naturally
-taken the lead in the political transactions; and Europe
-did not stop to examine whether the cabinet of London
-assumed too great an influence while protecting the
-general interest; for Buonaparte excited alarm, and the
-assistance of Great Britain was required to oppose him:
-but as soon as this powerful Colossus was overthrown, a
-continental system was formed under the influence of the
-Emperor of Russia, and led to all those congresses, annually
-repeated, in which England could not take an
-active or predominant part. The statesmen of Great
-Britain, both Whigs and Tories, rejected all the theories
-of absolute power; they had been educated in the principles
-of 1688, and neither would, nor could, adopt the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span>
-maxim of the divine right of kings. Thus Lord Castlereagh
-could not unite in all the manifestoes and declarations
-of principles which the Emperor Alexander issued
-in his mystical ideas of the Holy Alliance. We must
-not lose sight of this circumstance in the last four years
-of the minister's life. The treaty of 1815 had hardly
-been signed before a formidable conspiracy of Radicalism
-in arms arose in England, not merely easily suppressed
-riots, but bodies of 100,000, who broke the power-looms
-and pillaged the houses, and the ancient aristocracy
-appeared threatened with the most imminent danger;
-yet such is the spirit of order in that country, and the
-reliance to be placed on the English population, that
-these tumults were not attended with danger. On this
-occasion the firm repressive spirit of Lord Castlereagh
-was fully manifested; without hesitation, he demanded
-from parliament the suspension of all liberty, even of
-the <i>habeas corpus</i>, that powerful security of the English
-citizen. The troops ordered to act vigorously
-against the rioters, shewed no compassion, because there
-appeared no limit to the disturbances. How many
-accusations were brought against Lord Castlereagh after
-the riots at Manchester and Birmingham! The pamphlets
-published on the occasion represented him as a
-butcher of human victims, and Lord Byron wrote some
-lines on the cold impassiveness of his countenance. Was
-England to be allowed to perish to please the poets? or
-were the designs of housebreakers and destroyers of
-machinery to be seconded? The minister only did his
-duty as a statesman&mdash;he saved society, and what do people
-want more? He did it even at the peril of his fame&mdash;a
-great sacrifice for those who devote themselves to the
-idea of order in the midst of disorder. Very vigorous
-bills were passed, on the demand of the minister, against
-foreigners, and against the instigators of the disturbances,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
-and he undertook in parliament the painful task of obtaining
-repressive measures. In England there are
-resources, even in times of the greatest danger, because
-there exists a race of statesmen, the Tories, who never
-give way to public clamour; in the midst of the most
-formidable riot a degree of respect for the laws is still
-felt, and people submit to the summons of a constable.</p>
-
-<p>This agitated situation lasted nearly five years; the
-counties were in a blaze; and at last the Queen's trial
-became the pretext for fresh disorders. No one could
-take any interest in a queen who, in the decline of life,
-had carried on her intrigues in Syria, in Greece, and in
-Italy, with true English disregard of public opinion,
-which is in itself an eccentricity. Every one was aware
-of the irregularities of the Princess of Wales, now queen
-by the death of George III., and retaining in her service
-the witness and partaker of her excesses, her chamberlain,
-Bergami. But the Radical party did not look so
-closely at the affair; all they wanted was a pretext to
-excite the public mind, and they had recourse to the
-queen's trial as a means of occasioning riot and disorder.
-The Tories, deeply sensible of the embarrassed state of
-the country, and desirous, if possible, of avoiding a
-scandalous trial, proposed a middle course to the princess.
-Her name was not to be mentioned in the Liturgy, but
-she would still be queen, only she would be required to
-remain abroad, constantly travelling about, and a large
-pecuniary allowance would be made to her; but upon
-the Radical party being consulted, the old queen refused
-all the offers, and a long and disgraceful trial was
-obliged to take place. Lord Castlereagh determined
-upon the measure with firm and respectful energy; the
-more unwilling he had been to resort to this mode of
-proceeding, the more vigorously he was resolved to
-carry it through. When we contemplate the angelic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span>
-figure of Anne Boleyn, beside the gross and sensual
-Henry VIII., every one feels a strong and lively interest
-in the unfortunate victim; but who could have the
-slightest feeling for a queen grown old with the most
-degrading passions?</p>
-
-<p>The minister here again was opposed by his old adversary
-Canning, who was then aiming at extreme popularity.
-He had constituted himself the Queen's
-champion, not because he esteemed her, but because
-this course furnished him with the means of the most
-violent opposition to the ministry over which Castlereagh
-presided. The trial began, and was followed by
-debates, and the disgraceful and disgusting revelations
-are too well known. The oratorical fame of Brougham
-and Canning was greatly augmented by these proceedings;
-their popularity became immense, and their
-opponents were visited with a degree of reprobation to
-which men of distinguished capacity must accustom
-themselves in the course of their painful and wearisome
-task.</p>
-
-<p>All these domestic events occurred at a period when
-Europe, still full of agitation, was constantly holding
-congresses, in order to declare her principles, or to
-decide upon general arrangements. Since the declaration
-of Alexander, bearing the title of the Holy Alliance,
-England had taken up a separate position; her
-statesmen, more especially Lord Castlereagh, had declared
-the principles of that convention to be too vague
-to allow the English ministers to admit them, under
-their legal responsibility. From this first separation of
-interests from the rest of Europe, two political systems
-resulted: the one Russian, whose ascendency over the
-congress was almost absolute; the other English, which
-opposed any general deliberation upon interests now
-divided.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Lord Castlereagh assumed this position when he attended
-the congresses of Troppau and Laybach; he
-signed the protocols without adopting the ideas of the
-Holy Alliance, but simply as the consequence of the
-treaties of 1815 and the articles of the congress of Vienna.
-In his conversations with Metternich he advanced
-this principle, that, although Europe might enter
-into an agreement to repress disturbances affecting the
-security of crowned heads, she neither could, nor ought
-to interfere with any modifications which a people might
-freely and spontaneously choose to make in their respective
-governments. This declaration referred to several
-very important questions that had lately arisen:
-first, the separation of the Spanish colonies from the
-mother-country; secondly, the disturbances in Greece;
-and, thirdly, the revolution in Spain. The emancipation
-of the Spanish colonies of an ancient date originated
-in the commercial interests of England, which
-constantly require to be satisfied; the markets opened
-by peace must replace those of war, and a new world
-was requisite for the overflow of her manufactures;
-under this point of view, therefore, the emancipation of
-the Spanish colonies secured a market to England, she
-henceforth became favourable to their independence, and
-her consuls resided with their <i>exequatur</i> in these colonies.
-Lord Castlereagh's position at this juncture was rather
-delicate; for with one hand he favoured the sedition of
-the colonies, and with the other he severely repressed
-the riots in the English counties.</p>
-
-<p>Being a partisan of the emancipation of the colonies, he
-naturally felt no repugnance towards the government of
-the Cortes at Madrid. What is considered of importance
-in England, is not the form of government adopted by
-a power, but its tendency with regard to herself and her
-interests. She seldom breaks a lance for a mere chivalrous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
-idea. Both Whigs and Tories are equally actuated
-by the same spirit of national selfishness, which
-is, in fact, patriotism; and, while holding this doctrine,
-that England is not to meddle with the internal form of
-government, the path remains open, so that they can
-decide according as interest advises. With regard to
-the emancipation of the Greeks, Lord Castlereagh viewed
-it in its true light, without weakness, and without sentimental
-feelings, allowing the question to rest on the
-ground of Russia and Turkey: thus, to emancipate the
-Greeks would be to aggrandise Russia, open to her the
-gates of the Bosphorus, and drive the Turks into Asia,
-and this policy would be unfaithful and puerile as far as
-the interests of England were concerned; it was, on the
-contrary, most advantageous to her to protect the Ottoman
-empire by the British flag, to develope her strength,
-and create in that country a commercial alliance for
-herself. Thus at the same time to give a new world to
-industry, by the emancipation of the Spanish colonies,
-to take no heed of the revolutions at Naples and in
-Spain, but watch Russia and restrain any ambitious
-projects she might have formed, by supporting the
-Porte: such were the politics of Lord Castlereagh in
-the first five years that succeeded his vigorous contest
-with Napoleon.</p>
-
-<p>The disturbances in England had begun to subside,
-when the ancient civil war was again renewed in Ireland
-between the Orangemen and the Catholics; it was a constantly
-recurring quarrel, as between two races who
-entertained the greatest detestation for each other. All
-the people who thought seriously on the subject felt
-that something must be done for the Catholics; the
-reason for the former oppression having ceased to exist,
-Ireland could not always remain in a state of slavery.
-Lord Castlereagh was well acquainted with this country,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
-where his youth had been passed, and, whenever business
-left him leisure, was accustomed to visit the ancient
-towers of Londonderry, the beautiful lakes, and the old
-fishermen, whom his munificence assisted in rebuilding
-their villages and their boats, portioning their daughters,
-or increasing their own comforts. The bill for the admission
-of the Catholic lords into parliament was then
-in debate; it was opposed by the Orange party in Ireland,
-and, after passing the House of Commons, was
-thrown out by the Lords; and this was the cause of the
-sanguinary troubles which again threw Ireland into the
-most fearful state of disorder. The ministry shewed no
-indulgence, for the country was deluged with blood; and
-Lord Wellesley, then lord-lieutenant, declared at last
-that, if they were desirous of saving that country, more
-agitated than the ocean, it must be placed under a most
-vigorous system of legislative exception.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The old laws
-of the conquest were put in force against the parties of
-Whiteboys who ravaged the country, but by degrees
-these demonstrations gave way before the severe measures
-used to repress them.</p>
-
-<p>As soon as order was restored, it was necessary the
-ministry should take measures to relieve the sufferings
-of the three kingdoms, and they devoted themselves with
-the greatest attention to their difficult task. It is a historical
-truth worthy of the remembrance of agitators, that
-they occasion the slavery of all for the sake of the vain
-pleasure they derive from some ovations to themselves.
-Despotism is the successor of disorder, and there is more
-influence in reason and resignation than in the noisy
-acclamations of the public streets. O'Connell appears to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span>
-me, to be just the man destined to bring about the complete
-subjection of Ireland; he will be the destroyer of
-his country for the sake of a little personal vanity, for
-the applause of 100,000 men, collected round the hustings.
-The Tories did every thing that was possible for
-Ireland when it was quiet: the emancipation of the
-Catholics was promoted by the Wellesleys, nor did they
-stop there.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Castlereagh, deeply sensible that there was real
-suffering among all classes of the people, now unfolded
-his vast plan of economy, with all the logic of Pitt in his
-admirable budget of 1798. Taking his ground on the
-existence of much distress in the agricultural districts,
-and in the principles of credit, he proceeded at once to
-retrenchments. The expenses of the army and navy
-were reduced by two millions sterling a-year; the interest
-of the public debt was reduced from 5 to 4 per
-cent; and the sinking fund was considerably increased.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
-These measures permitted the decrease of imposts, the
-suppression of all additional taxes, and a system of loans
-to agriculture by means of the bank, the grand instrument
-he always had recourse to, in order to make advances
-to parishes, and more especially to the producers
-of corn, so as always to keep down the price. It was an
-earnest undertaking, and the last he had to carry on during
-this session. In the meanwhile he could not fail to
-observe that the renown of his old adversary, Canning,
-was marvellously increasing; he was becoming a popular
-character, he was the favourite of the mob, while the
-firm and persevering minister who had aroused the
-world, and saved England, was branded with reprobation
-by the populace, who broke the panels of his carriage.
-Ought he to allow himself&mdash;he, so proud and haughty,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
-to be drawn into the wake of Canning, on the boundless
-waste of revolutionary ideas? Partially reconciled to his
-adversary on the Catholic question, his lordship took
-only a secondary part in the debate; and he was stung
-by the conviction, that, while in foreign relations his influence
-was overpowered by the Holy Alliance, at home
-Canning was the person considered most necessary to
-the administration, because he was better suited to the
-new liberal situation in which they were becoming entangled;
-and he repeatedly expressed his grief and vexation
-at this circumstance. In England, where public
-questions are adopted like a mission, and the feelings of
-statesmen on the subject are deep and interwoven in
-their whole being, the destruction of a system involves
-that of the man. Mr. Pitt was killed by the battle of
-Austerlitz, and Lord Castlereagh belonged to that noble
-school. He whose life had commenced in so poetical a
-manner, who had feared neither single combat, nor the
-dangers of the raging waves in his shipwreck on the Isle
-of Man, could not be afraid of death; but as his hour
-drew near, his disposition became extremely irritable,
-and he expressed himself in parliament with a degree of
-bitterness and sullen haughtiness: I should almost say
-he looked with pity and contempt upon the opposition
-of the Whigs, who were advancing towards fresh storms
-and disturbances. There are times when people wish to
-have done with a situation which oppresses them, and
-with adversaries of whom they are weary; they utter
-their last words to their face, and after that they die
-without regret.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Castlereagh announced his intention of visiting
-the Continent, with the intention, if not of being present
-at the congress of Verona, at least of meeting the assembled
-sovereigns there; and Canning was in hopes
-that, when his colleague had once left England, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
-would send in his resignation, and consequently leave
-him at the head of affairs. But matters were more
-rapidly drawing to a close: Lord Castlereagh had been
-unwell for several days, and there was every appearance
-of extreme nervous irritability about him; some expressions
-that fell from his lips shewed that he had some
-sinister ideas in his head, and when he went to take
-leave of the king, the state of his mind did not escape
-the monarch, who had a great esteem for him. From
-that time he constantly complained of a feeling of oppression
-in his head, and his physician, Dr. Bankhead,
-reported that when he visited him he was calm, though
-there were symptoms of impatience and caprice in
-his manner, and a few short and hurried words were
-all that he could draw from him; he let fall some observations
-on the troubles of life which raised apprehensions
-of suicide, and he was watched: but on Monday,
-the 12th of August, 1822, just as his physician
-entered his dressing-room, Lord Castlereagh uttered
-these few words: "Doctor, let me fall on your arm; it is
-all over!" and fell with the heaviness of a corpse. The
-blood was flowing in torrents, from a deep wound which
-he had inflicted in the carotid artery, with a small penknife
-he had concealed in a letter-case. Such was the
-end of the man, who had conducted the affairs of England
-with so much firmness and consistency for the last
-ten years!</p>
-
-<p>Since then people have endeavoured to prove that he
-was raving mad, and the opposite party have even asserted,
-that the energy of his government shewed a
-tendency to mental alienation: would they not have
-considered any man mad, who wanted to contend vigorously
-against them? No, Lord Castlereagh was <i>not</i>
-mad; he only felt the deep sorrow of a statesman who,
-after having fulfilled a great duty, finds himself forgotten
-and abandoned at the end of his career. Mr. Pitt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span>
-had died at his post while his work was progressing
-towards its accomplishment, and Lord Castlereagh saw
-it completed by the fall of Buonaparte. But he, in his
-turn, had to contend with the revolutionary opinions
-that were again invading the world; Canning was like
-his evil genius, and as in a long political career they
-were both constantly before the public, we may inquire
-what services they rendered to England. Castlereagh
-gave his country the pre-eminence she every where exercises;
-he signed the treaties of 1815, he secured to her
-vast stations, colonies, and new worlds, and he was
-forced to escape, by suicide from the reprobation of the
-people; while Canning the declaimer, the renegade from
-the opinions of Pitt, and who, though threatening all
-the cabinets, did not dare to oppose the expedition to
-Spain in 1823, died peaceably in his bed, and was
-crowned with universal applause. Alas! it is because
-men who devote themselves to the serious affairs of
-their country, are in general persecuted and misunderstood;
-for with the populace, noise and clamour are
-thought more of, than good measures. Let it, however,
-be said to the credit of England, that she is returning to
-the men she formerly blamed. The noble hierarchy of
-statesmen which begins with Pitt and Castlereagh, and
-extends to Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington,
-is now hailed as the school most fitted to afford
-protection to Great Britain; and Fox, Sheridan, and
-Canning, are only mentioned as eloquent speakers, who
-passed away long nights in the House of Commons.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>There is not the slightest doubt that the unfortunate
-termination of Lord Castlereagh's existence was owing
-to delirium.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-
-<p class="center" style="margin-top: 3em;">Printed by George Barclay, Castle Street, Leicester Square.</p>
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="footnotes"><h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;">FOOTNOTES:</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Nothing can exceed the paternal government of Austria to
-her hereditary states, or the severity of the police in her Italian
-dominions. In Hungary the Austrian power has never been sufficient
-to enable her to ameliorate the prominent defects of their
-still feudal system. The Italians, Sclavonians, and Hungarians,
-are still far from being amalgamated with the Austrians.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The French commissioners were attacked on leaving the
-city and many killed.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See "Europe during the Consulate and the Empire of
-Napoleon."</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prince Metternich told me the Emperor had locked the door.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The sum of 5,000,000<i>l.</i> sterling was to be furnished for the
-year 1814, to be increased if necessary.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Suzeraineté.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> M. de Talleyrand, who had naturally an inclination in favour
-of ancient honours, preferred his title of duke of the old monarchy
-to his principality; for the title of prince, unless in connexion with
-the Blood Royal, was considered as of foreign extraction, and not
-to possess any aristocratic importance.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The arms of M. de Talleyrand were, Gules, three lions, or,
-langued, armed, and crowned azure, prince's coronet on the shield,
-ducal crown on the mantle. Device, <i>Re que Diou</i> (Nothing but
-God above us).</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> A pawnbroking establishment in Paris under the protection
-of the government.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> About 20,000<i>l.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Histoire de la Restauration.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Signed in the month of March, <i>vide</i> Metternich.&mdash;<i>Tr.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Histoire de la Restauration.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> About 160,000<i>l.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> I speak of the time before Lord Durham had taken the side
-of Russia and of Conservatism.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> "Il nobile Pasquale Pozzo di Borgo, oratore dei popoli di
-là da' monti in Corsica...." 1584.</p>
-
-<p>"... Per egregium virum Pasqualem Pozzo di Borgo, civem
-Adjacii, oratorem et procuratorem populorum provinciæ Adjacii
-et Sartenæ, et aliorum hominum ultra montes Corsicæ."</p>
-
-<p>"Tutta la provincia di là da' monti nell' isola di Corsica in
-generale, ha eletto per oratore il Capitano Secondo Pozzo di
-Borgo sì per assistere presso le VV. SS...." 1597.</p>
-
-<p>All these charters are extracted from the work published by
-the wise and judicious magistrate, C. Gregori, <i>Statuti Civili e
-Criminali di Corsica</i>.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> I saw all these papers, which were printed in 1793, in the
-hands of Count Pozzo di Borgo; he took pleasure in shewing
-the curious decree against Napoleon, afterwards the pride
-and glory of Corsica. The <i>consulta</i> was composed of 1200
-deputies.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> This observation appears to indicate some inaccuracy regarding
-the date of Paoli's demise. It took place in Feb. 1807.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> the article "Metternich."</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> I have seen the rough copy of this proclamation written in
-pencil by Count Pozzo and corrected by Alexander himself.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> "Histoire de la Restauration."</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> This memorial was found again some years afterwards at
-Warsaw. The Emperor Nicholas wrote to Pozzo di Borgo in
-1830, "How rightly you foresaw what would happen! You
-would have saved us much difficulty and embarrassment."</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> About twenty-eight millions sterling.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> On the 5th of April, 1824, the minister of finance brought
-forward a plan to substitute <i>rentes</i> at three per cent for those already
-existing at five per cent, reserving to the holders of the five
-per cent <i>rentes</i> the option between the repayment of their nominal
-capital and its conversion into three per cents at the rate of
-seventy-five. Some modifications were suggested, but the plan
-failed at the time. In the following year it was renewed, and
-then it was decreed that the proprietors of five per cent <i>rentes</i>
-should be allowed till the 22d of June (afterwards extended to
-the 5th of August) the faculty of demanding from the minister of
-finance their conversion into three per cents at the price of seventy-five,
-and till the 22d of September the faculty of requiring their
-conversion into four and a half per cent stock at par, with a
-guarantee in both cases against being paid off till September 1835.
-The <i>rentes</i> so converted were to continue to bear interest at five
-per cent until the 22d December, 1825.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Alexander had gone on a tour of inspection to the southern
-parts of his empire, and on arriving at a village in the Crimea, he
-insisted upon attending the service in a church which had long
-been shut up, in spite of the remonstrances of his attendants, who
-represented the danger arising from malaria. He was shortly
-afterwards seized with the fever common in the Crimea, and
-refused to submit to the strong measures recommended by his
-medical attendants, resolving to trust to abstinence and the mild
-remedies he had usually found successful when attacked by illness,
-but which were insufficient in this instance; and when he at last
-resigned himself into the hands of his physicians, it was too late.
-Reports were raised of his having been poisoned, but they were
-totally devoid of foundation.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> See "L'Europe pendant le Consulat et l'Empire de Napoleon."</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Sapeurs-pompiers.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> The Comte de Chabrol had been appointed prefect of the
-Seine upon the dismissal of Frochot after Mallet's conspiracy,
-and had distinguished himself by the most inflated expressions of
-devotion to the Emperor. "What is life," said he, "compared to
-the immense interests which rest upon the sacred head of the heir
-of the Empire? For me, whom an unexpected glance of your
-imperial eye has called from a distance to a post so eminent,
-what I most value in the distinction is the honour and right of
-setting the foremost example of loyal devotion!"&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> The law to authorise arbitrary arrests was equivalent to the
-suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in England: and it was
-originally brought forward by M. Decaze and strenuously supported
-by Baron Pasquier. It was proposed that it should
-continue in force for one year, and after a debate which
-lasted for several sittings, it was passed by a majority of nineteen
-votes, modified however by the introduction of a clause forbidding
-arrests to be made under it during the night. A law restraining
-the liberty of the press was also passed after being most obstinately
-contested. The majority in the chamber of peers was only
-<i>two</i> on this occasion.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> He was accused of great political tergiversation, and M. Vaublanc,
-a keen royalist, designated him as "a man who never left one
-administration till he had prepared to enter another, who never
-deserted one set of friends till he had looked out for another
-more in favour at court, and who had skipped into successive
-cabinets with that ease which marked all his movements."&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> At the same moment that he dissolved the chamber of deputies,
-the king created seventy-six new peers, all of them people
-devoted to the government.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Gawilghur.&mdash;<i>Ed.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> 20th January, 1812.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> 7th April, 1812.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> 24th July, 1812.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Witness Assaye, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, Vittoria, &amp;c.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> He had long had a seat in the House of Peers, but the mistake
-is very natural for a foreigner.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Upon this occasion the Duke of Wellington voted against
-his brother's measure.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> The editor begs to remind the reader that he is not answerable
-for M. Capefigue's opinions.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <a href="#FNanchor_36_36">See Note</a>, page 208.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> About 800<i>l.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Now about 80,000.&mdash;<i>Ed.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> The government of Odessa includes the island of Taman,
-and part of the Caucasian line, inhabited by the Cossacks of the
-Black Sea, who were settled on the Lower Kouban by Potemkin,
-as a defence against the incursions of the Circassians; forming a
-chain of intrenched villages, sufficiently near to communicate by
-signals, and supported by some regiments of infantry and artillery.
-The Circassians have never been able to make any serious
-impression on this line; and the Russians, whose object was
-purely defensive, never even crossed the Kouban with an intention
-of permanently establishing themselves beyond the river till
-the conclusion of the last Turkish war, during which Anapa,
-and all other forts possessed by the Turks on the Black Sea,
-were ceded to Russia. The Circassians had only tolerated these
-nominal dependencies of Turkey, as affording convenient points
-of trade and export for the slaves captured from Russia and
-Georgia, as well as those taken during their own domestic wars.
-The natural strength of the country and its deadly climate have
-hitherto checked the Russian conquests, but, sooner or later, it
-must yield to a power capable of sending unlimited reinforcements,
-while every action permanently diminishes the strength of
-the mountain tribes. The war, which has now lasted sixty years,
-can have no effect on the prosperity of the southern provinces of
-Russia, nor is it felt twenty miles from the frontier. The few
-Circassians that have been educated in Russia are not permitted
-to return to the tribes. The Caucasian guard formed by Prince
-Paskewitch in 1830, and who return periodically to their own
-country, may have a much greater effect; they are taken indiscriminately
-from all the tribes, Circassians, Lesghis, Chechens,
-and Ossatinians, forming a body of about two hundred men, in
-some measure resembling the Mamelukes of Napoleon.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> art. Pozzo di Borgo.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> 64 millions sterling.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Ministres secrétaires d'état.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> art. Pozzo di Borgo.</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> articles "Pozzo di Borgo" and "Richelieu."</p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Count Capo d'Istria was murdered in September, 1831, by
-the brother and son of a Mainote he had imprisoned.&mdash;<i>Ed.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Quære, Coyne?&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> This assertion is untrue, and not borne out by any evidence.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Parliament decided upon the re-enactment of the Insurrection
-Act, and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, in
-Ireland.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-
-<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> This is a mistake.&mdash;<i>Editor.</i></p>
-</div></div>
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