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diff --git a/old/53748-0.txt b/old/53748-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5a08d5b..0000000 --- a/old/53748-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11304 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Diplomatists of Europe, by M. (Jean -Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue, Edited by William Monteith, -Translated by William Monteith - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: The Diplomatists of Europe - - -Author: M. (Jean Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue - -Editor: William Monteith - -Release Date: December 17, 2016 [eBook #53748] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DIPLOMATISTS OF EUROPE*** - - -UTF-8 - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/diplomatistsofeu00cape - - - - - -THE DIPLOMATISTS OF EUROPE. - -From the French of - -M. CAPEFIGUE. - -Edited by - -Major-General Monteith, -K.L.S. F.R.S. &c. - - - - - - - -London: -G. W. Nickisson, -215 Regent Street. - -M.DCCC.XLV. - -London: -Printed by George Barclay, 28 Castle Street, -Leicester Square. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - -PRINCE METTERNICH 1 - -M. DE TALLEYRAND 58 - -COUNT POZZO DI BORGO 109 - -M. PASQUIER 172 - -THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON 197 - -THE DUC DE RICHELIEU 223 - -PRINCE HARDENBERG 252 - -COUNT NESSELRODE 289 - -LORD CASTLEREAGH 327 - - - - -AUTHOR'S PREFACE. - - -The sketches now offered to the reader have most of them been already -published in parts, in magazines and reviews. I have been advised to -collect them into one work, in order to make their tendency and their -spirit better understood. - -The end I proposed to myself at the time I wrote them, was to efface -the prejudices which the decrepit schools of the Revolution, and of the -Empire, had cast over the vast intellects who have had the direction -of the government in various countries, or who still continue to guide -the state. This end, I think, was partly gained by the four sketches of -the career of Prince Metternich, Counts Pozzo di Borgo and Nesselrode, -and the Duke of Wellington. I have considered it the more essential to -complete this publication at present, because, for some years past, -people appear only to take pleasure in extolling those who have been -engaged in the work of destruction. The most illustrious public bodies -take pleasure in listening to the praises of those who have ruined -the old state of society, and no man is considered clever, learned, -or virtuous, unless he has been at least half a regicide. As for me I -request a little space for the politicians who create, preserve, or -add to a state,--for the men whose works still endure, and survive all -those who declaimed against them. I would give all the fame of the -Radicals of 1791, of the year III., or the year VIII., for the smallest -portion of the abilities of Cardinal Richelieu. - -It was not at random that I selected the names of the statesmen of -whom an account is here to be met with; they each represent an idea--a -system--a policy. Prince Metternich is the creator of the theory of -the balance of power and armed neutrality, which has obtained a very -exalted rank for Austria among European powers; Prince Talleyrand -brought back among us the temperate diplomacy of the Empire, of the -first days of the Restoration, and of the Revolution of 1830; Count -Pozzo di Borgo personifies the persevering tact of European policy and -the Russian system since the year 1814; the chancellor, M. Pasquier, -exhibits the administration of the latter part of the reign of -Napoleon, and he was, also, the moderate minister of the Restoration; -the Duke of Wellington is England under arms, and the active spirit of -the Tories; the Duc de Richelieu is the symbol of probity in affairs, -and of great unrequited services--he is the man who delivered his -country from the dominion of a stranger, and yet with whose name -the present generation is, perhaps, less acquainted than with that -of any orator at the hustings; Prince Hardenberg represents Prussia -at first holding a neutral course, then advancing with her poetical -universities; Count Nesselrode has been Chancellor of Russia for the -last thirty years; and, finally, I have raised to its proper exalted -position the much-belied character of Lord Castlereagh, the faithful -interpreter of the views of the Tory party, the worthy successor of Mr. -Pitt, and who preserved England and added to her power. These sketches, -therefore, by their account of the different ministers, form a vast -history of the cabinets of Europe. - -Many new details will be found in these portraits, and my admiration -for intellectual and powerful minds has made me strive to perfect -them. Being quite unconnected with the agitations of the present -times, I have not mentioned in these pages any name mixed up with -the dissensions of the press and the tribune. Some of the politicians -of the present day were, however, the noble friends of the Duc de -Richelieu, and others afforded him the aid of their talents and -sagacity. May they continue their career, without becoming weary and -discouraged in the difficult paths of Conservatism and order! May -they persevere, in spite of the misery of holding office in changeful -times! The heart of Pitt was often deeply pained while arranging -his magnificent work, and England now pronounces him the prince of -statesmen. Toil and trouble are the condition of man, and nothing -strong or durable ever was created, without raising a clamour of -opposition from beings of inferior intellects, violent tempers, and -disappointed ambition. - - _June 1843._ - - NOTE.--The following pages being merely a translation, the Editor - has found it necessary to abstain from any observations on the work - of M. Capefigue, and from offering any remarks upon the sentiments - of this able writer, even where he may materially differ with him. - - _June 1845._ - - - - -PRINCE METTERNICH. - - -The Austrian government, which is composed of old hereditary states -and conquests of a later date, a sort of chequer-work of provincial -privileges and immunities, may be said to be the creation of a -statesman, who must be placed in a superior rank to all others. - -It is not only under the aspect of a long and brilliant diplomatic -career that we must regard the life of Prince Metternich, we must also -look upon him as the head of the executive organisation, which includes -so many various interests, and such a diversity of national characters -and feelings, under the government of one sceptre. - -Cast your eyes over the provinces which extend from the centre of -Germany into Poland, from the extremity of Gallicia as far as Venice -and Milan, from Zara on the Adriatic to Mantua, the key of Lake Garda -and of the Tyrol, an assemblage of richer countries or more opulent -cities cannot be met with. To Metternich belongs the honour of having -already, for above thirty years, maintained his hold upon these -various nations; he has realised the most difficult system of local -administration and of a central government, great domestic liberty, -with, at the same time, careful surveillance, an active police with -very indulgent toleration, the most extensive credit with the least -oppressive taxation. One might compare the Austrian government to the -father of a family, anxious and rather strict with his children; the -elder ones are tractable, the younger sometimes unruly, over whom he -keeps a tight rein, in order that it may as seldom as possible be -necessary to have recourse to chastisement.[1] - - [1] Nothing can exceed the paternal government of Austria to her - hereditary states, or the severity of the police in her Italian - dominions. In Hungary the Austrian power has never been sufficient to - enable her to ameliorate the prominent defects of their still feudal - system. The Italians, Sclavonians, and Hungarians, are still far from - being amalgamated with the Austrians. - -Railways and industrial establishments are becoming numerous in -Austria; her navy is increasing on the Adriatic, and is a means of -circulating her flourishing manufactures. Metternich has thus caused -the age of labour to succeed to that of war and conquest. The ancient -constitution of Germany was destroyed at the peace of Presburg, during -the time of the contemptible and fragile assembly of the Confederation -of the Rhine. The house of Austria then renounced the old imperial -crown; but a new existence has opened for it, and, after innumerable -reverses under the Republic and Napoleon, it again reared its head with -a new state of political life and of military power. Since the year -1813, Austria has been constantly called upon to play a great part in -the affairs of Europe, and Metternich has succeeded in giving to her -politics a character of perseverance, or, rather, of immutability, the -result of an idea nobly conceived, and then worked out like a mission -he felt intrusted to accomplish. - -The political life of a statesman is bound up in the work he has -undertaken. It is not my habit as a historian to adopt the narrow views -inspired by party-spirit or worn-out declamation: when a minister has -achieved the greatness of an empire, resisted vassalage under Napoleon, -and furnished the most extensive field for the page of history, I will -not, from a weak patriotism, raise my voice against this master-mind. -We may meet with enough men who destroy; we ought to feel respect for -those capable of creating, and then maintaining their work. - -Clement Wenceslaus, Count of Metternich-Winneburg-Ochsenhausen, was -born at Coblentz, on the 13th of May, 1773, of a good German family, -whose ancestors have served in former times against the Ottomans. I -also find there were several officers of the name of Metternich in -the company of Lanzknechts, in the time of the Reformation and of the -League. His father, Count Metternich, a man of very moderate abilities, -was greatly in the confidence of Prince Kaunitz, and his name is -mentioned in all the business transacted concerning the Low Countries. -Young Metternich received the names of Clement-Wenceslaus, after the -Prince of Poland and Lithuania, Duke of Saxony, who stood godfather to -him. At the age of fifteen he went to the university of Strasburg, at -that time very celebrated, and the most frequented academy in Europe. - -The philosophy of Voltaire, Helvetius, and Rousseau, was then in -the ascendant--that empty sensualism which filled young heads with -effervescing fancies. The university of Strasburg was under the -direction of Koch, the celebrated lecturer upon international law; -and, by a singular chance, another youth, whose name has since been -well known, was also pursuing his studies at the same university; this -was Benjamin Constant de Rebecque. Some degree of friendship sprung up -between the students, and it is curious to observe what a different -career was opened by the caprices of Fortune to the two pupils of -Professor Koch. Count Metternich concluded his philosophical studies -in the year 1790; the rest of his education was completed in Germany. -When he reached the age of twenty he visited England and Holland, and -afterwards went to live at Vienna, where he married Maria Eleonora, of -Kaunitz-Rietberg. - -Metternich's first entry into the diplomatic corps was merely as a -secretary at the Congress of Rahstadt,--a singular negotiation, which -had a most tragical termination;[2] he afterwards accompanied Count -Stadion in his missions to Prussia and to St. Petersburg, and was -at the latter court at the time of the alliance between Russia and -Austria, which fell to the ground in consequence of the rapidity of -Napoleon's military investment of Ulm, and the revolt of Bavaria,--an -admirable campaign, which at once placed the French emperor in the rank -of the greatest military commanders. - - [2] The French commissioners were attacked on leaving the city and - many killed.--_Editor._ - -Even at this early period it was the opinion of Metternich that the -triple alliance between Russia, Prussia, and Germany, would not be -too much to restrain the power of Napoleon; and a striking evidence -of the importance of France and of her leader had just been afforded -by the battle of Austerlitz. Count Metternich was called upon to take -a part in all the treaties concluded at this time; and, up to this -period, his opinions appeared to belong to the same school as those -of Count Stadion, who was shortly afterwards appointed minister for -foreign affairs. By him Metternich was proposed as ambassador to the -court of Russia; but, the treaty of Presburg having completely altered -the position of Austria in Europe, Francis II. preferred sending the -young diplomatist to Napoleon; and, on the 15th of August, 1806, the -day of the solemn national anniversary, the ambassador presented his -credentials, and first appeared before the favourite of fortune and -glory. - -The political system of which Count Metternich was the representative -at Paris was very complicated. Since the first coalition against -France, Austria had suffered the most severe reverses, having been -twice deprived of the Milanese by Buonaparte, general and consul; -then driven back on the banks of the Danube by Moreau, and having a -second time entered the lists, after the alliance with Russia, this new -coalition was dissolved by the battle of Austerlitz, and the Austrian -cabinet was obliged to sign the treaty of Presburg,--a covenant -submitted to through necessity alone, which broke up the old empire of -Germany, and, in some measure, made an end of that of Austria. - -It was the politics of this treaty, so fatal to the interests of -the emperor, that Metternich was deputed to represent at Paris. The -Confederation of the Rhine had overturned all the German system of -affairs, which was as ancient as the Golden Bull. Wirtemberg and -Bavaria, instead of being mere electorates, became kingdoms; when -Bavaria received, at the expense of Austria, a territory of more -than 12,000 square miles, a population of above 3,000,000 of souls, -and a revenue of above 17,000,000 florins; and the aggrandisement of -Wirtemberg, also prejudicial to Austria, though, no doubt, in a less -degree, cost her about 150 square miles. Austria also lost the Venetian -states, the Tyrol, the five cities of the Danube, Venetian Dalmatia, -and the mouths of the Cattaro. - -The act of the Confederation of the Rhine, which was the work of -Talleyrand, Otto, and Reinhard, tore away the last remains of the old -imperial mantle: and Francis II. was obliged to lay aside this ancient -dignity, which would have been, in time to come, nothing but an empty -title. Napoleon's system was to invade every thing, and a treaty was to -him but an opportunity of launching out into fresh conquests. He had -planted his family in Germany by instituting the kingdom of Westphalia; -and, by means of marriages, he connected himself with Wirtemberg and -Bavaria: all the stipulations in the treaty of Presburg had been -insisted upon with the most inflexible haughtiness. - -After these terrible reverses, Metternich considered the best means -of regaining a little influence in Europe was to keep on good terms -with Napoleon, or rather to preserve a strict neutrality, which might -allow Austria to trace out an advantageous line of conduct for herself, -should any decisive circumstance occur, as it could hardly fail to do -sooner or later. The diplomatic system of Metternich was consequently -one of expectation and inquiry; his special mission was, to become -intimately acquainted with the most trifling peculiarities of this new -and singularly constructed court, and to discover the thoughts and even -the caprices of the powerful Emperor of the French. - -Fresh successes had just crowned the arms of Napoleon. After some -unfortunate hesitation, Prussia had cast herself headlong into the -Russian alliance; and, after her subsequent defeat at Jena, the peace -of Tilsit had laid the foundation of a temporary truce, for treaties -with Napoleon could only possess that transitory character. Metternich -received orders from his court to endeavour, by means of a respectful -deference, to conciliate the favour of the great sovereign. The -almost magical influence which Napoleon had obtained over the mind -of Alexander at Tilsit had excited great apprehensions at Vienna: -an interview was about to take place at Erfurt, and the probable -consequences that might result from it were a source of serious alarm -to Austria. Metternich was constantly seen at the Tuileries. He was -the representative of a very ancient European court; himself a man -of good birth, and with aristocratic manners, every thing was in his -favour, and he was perfectly successful in his mission. At the court -of Napoleon there existed much formality, a tone of society combining -at once a degree of constraint with the blunt manners of the camp. It -was a mere collection of puerile ceremonies; and a man of good family -enjoyed an incontestable superiority there from the good taste and -ease communicated by education, and the constant habit of society. The -ambassador was then thirty-four years of age, his countenance was noble -and intelligent; he went to all the court entertainments, and attracted -universal attention by the elegance of his equipage and his expensive -habits. Young, brilliant, gifted with a ready wit and an easy flow of -language, with a slightly emphatic manner of speaking, Count Metternich -had the reputation of being a successful gallant, and highly in favour -with the Parisian ladies. - -The ambassador had recourse to the pleasing species of politics which -reaches the secrets of the cabinet--through the heart. His fascinating -manners had gained him the good-will of Napoleon, who took pleasure -in distinguishing him in the crowd of foreign ministers, and liked to -converse with him, though with an occasional observation that he was -very young to be the representative of one of the oldest courts of -Europe. "At the battle of Austerlitz you were scarcely older than I am -now!" was one day the reply of the ambassador. The Emperor was never -hasty in his language to Metternich, for he considered him as the means -by which an idea of the French system could be conveyed into Austria; -and more than once the subject of their debate was the question of the -balance of power in Europe, which assumed in the mind of Napoleon such -gigantic proportions. Metternich's scheme was to represent the alliance -between France and Austria as indispensable; and he spoke of the treaty -of 1736, concluded under the influence of the Duc de Choiseul, as the -basis of all political grandeur in Europe. The conference of Erfurt -was, however, a source of constant uneasiness to him, and Napoleon had -just departed for the meeting which was to reconcile the two empires -of the North and the South. Promises had been exchanged between the -emperors, and in these plans the sacrifice of Austria was determined -upon. They were not ignorant of this at Vienna: had, then, all the -efforts of Metternich in Paris been in vain? The Spanish war had just -broken out, and another sovereign had been hurled from his throne. -Was not this a fresh warning to the House of Austria? The alarms it -inspired were confessed at the court of London, and England fed their -fears in order to induce them to take a vigorous part in the war; -for which purpose a report was circulated of a projected change of -succession in the Austrian dynasty, favoured by Napoleon. - -The peace of Presburg, by placing every where in the Germanic -Confederation French principles, and almost French administration, -had excited strong dissatisfaction, and the general detestation had -been increased by large military contributions, and numerous vexatious -oppressions indulged in by the generals and their subordinates. In -every direction burst forth the anti-Gallic spirit in favour of the -liberty of Germany, especially among the nobility and the secret -associations, which had become formidable as early as 1808. The -liberal impulse against Napoleon had been awakened in Europe, and it -was not one of the least influential causes of his downfall. England -encouraged these views; subsidies were promised to a government deeply -involved in debt; the resistance of the Peninsula was pointed out to -Austria, and the difficulties thereby opposed to the military power of -Napoleon, especially after the capitulation of Baylen. Why should they -not take advantage of this opportunity to burst through the conditions -imposed by the treaty of Presburg? England engaged to subsidise the -Austrian army, if, uniting their efforts to the common cause, they -would seize that moment for declaring against France; and she also -promised a simultaneous diversion in Holland and Spain. These warlike -propositions soon found friends among the German nobility, and Count -Stadion entered completely into the English views. The levies were -immense, for the fate of the empire was at stake. - -At this period the business of the young ambassador was to mask by -flattering promises the military preparations that were making in -Austria. His papers were full of protestations of confidence: and how -could he act otherwise? Is it not the duty of a diplomatist to soften -the course of events, and to moderate the first bursts of anger and -vengeance of one nation against another? Austria did not wish to engage -in war until Napoleon should be completely absorbed in his Spanish -expedition. But as soon as the Emperor and the Old Guard had left -Paris, to raise the puppet throne of Joseph at Madrid, she no longer -dissembled her warlike preparations; hostilities were commenced against -Bavaria, the close ally of Napoleon, and the Austrian standard was -unfurled at Ulm. Napoleon, informed of this unexpected movement, made -but one step back to Paris. Metternich was still there. - -The ambassador was now placed in a very delicate position, for the -Austrian war had really been a surprise. Napoleon thought himself the -dupe of Metternich, and he commanded Fouché, the Minister of Police, -to cause him to be seized, and marched from one military station to -another, until he reached the frontier. The order was harsh, brutal, -and contrary to all diplomatic usages. Is not an ambassador bound to -obey the instructions of his government, and to serve its interests? -and is it not his duty to conceal every thing that may injure his -court? Fouché, with his usual regard to his own interest, and who -considered what the future might bring forth, executed the orders of -Napoleon with delicacy and politeness. He went to the ambassador's -house, told him the occasion of his visit, and expressed the most -lively regret for it. A degree of dissatisfaction had already begun -to arise in the mind of this minister, who looked forward to the -time when the insatiable ambition of Napoleon must have a limit, and -he and Metternich expressed to each other, in mutual confidence, -their feelings on the miseries of war and the rapacious spirit of -Napoleon; and Fouché, whose disposition was generally communicative and -incautious, went so far as to give utterance to most singular opinions -concerning the probable downfall, or even death, of his master. In -order as far as possible to soften the rigorous orders he had received, -a single captain of gendarmerie, chosen by Marshal Moncey, accompanied -the travelling-carriage of the ambassador to the frontier. Prince -Metternich takes pleasure in relating the curious occurrences of this -journey, which, like that of the aide-de-camp Czernicheff in 1812, was -not devoid of peril. - -Then the earth was shaken! The Austrian army, under the Archduke -Charles, fought valiantly for the defence of their country and -their sovereign, and the battle of Essling menaced the fortunes of -Napoleon. The disastrous event of this day was never fully published in -France; but elsewhere it was perfectly known. Preussisch-Eylau, the -capitulation of Baylen, and the battle of Essling on the Danube, appear -to me to be the three culminating points, which first taught the world -that the armies of Napoleon were no longer invincible: these battles -had a great moral influence upon the affairs of Europe, and Wagram was -necessary to restore the powerful effect of the Emperor's name; the -field of battle on this occasion was doubtful, but nothing could be -more decisive than the result; great discouragement was manifested in -the councils of Vienna, and the party in favour of peace carried the -day. - -Victory had then decided between France and Austria, proving the star -of Napoleon to be utterly irresistible. The two parties which divided -the court of Vienna now became more marked, the opinion in favour of -peace, represented by Count Bubna, prevailed in the Emperor's council, -and Count Stadion, who had hitherto had the direction of affairs -under the influence of the English system, was obliged to retire from -the cabinet. The ministry for foreign affairs having thus become -vacant, Francis II. thought to conciliate France by the appointment -of Metternich, who had displayed great abilities during his embassy -to that country. The count, having been reconciled with Napoleon, -had since then carefully maintained a middle course between peace -and war, and he had also begun to adopt in politics the attitude of -armed neutrality, which, ever since 1813, has been the characteristic -of Austrian policy. This was a period of deep humiliation for the -old imperial crown. The _Moniteur_ had announced that _the House -of Lorraine had ceased to reign_; the Austrian monarchy had been -vanquished in the struggle, its armies had experienced terrible -reverses; but there still remained to the Emperor Francis the devoted -affection of his people, and the indignation they felt at the prospect -of French domination. - -Count Metternich was sent as minister plenipotentiary to Napoleon, -together with Count Bubna, and interviews took place for the purpose -of treating of peace. The victor was excessively irritated at the -vigorous conduct of Austria, and never were conferences attended with -more violence or more fiery disputes; so that Metternich was obliged -to apply all the powers of his mind towards inspiring the haughty -conqueror with more moderate sentiments. If Napoleon bore in mind his -silent and skilful conduct in 1809, he knew, that by favouring his -elevation at the court of the Emperor of Austria, he should secure to -himself an ally and a representative of his system. These motives, -joined to dark hints of assassination, and to the uneasiness caused -by the religious brotherhoods among the people, which were already -beginning to stir for independence, all contributed to hasten the -conclusion of the treaty of Vienna. Is it necessary to remind the -reader that the French every where made use of their victories with the -inflexible right of the conqueror? - -On the occasion of this treaty, Count Metternich received the title of -Chancellor of the State, with the direction of foreign affairs,--an -office of immense responsibility under existing circumstances. The -population was exhausted by the war; the treasury without resources, -having been completely drained by the contributions levied by the -French; and the monarchy was deprived of all influence in Germany, the -treaty of Vienna having robbed it of the last remains of importance -towards the south; so that, as I have elsewhere[3] remarked, beside -her was the Confederation of the Rhine, that is to say, Napoleon; in -front the Helvetic Confederation, again Napoleon; to the south the -kingdom of Italy, still Napoleon. There remained but a choice of two -plans to Austria, either again to try the chance of war, or to appease -the Emperor of the French by the most profound submission to all his -wishes. Such was the idea of Metternich, when he suggested the marriage -of the archduchess, when, as it was said by the implacable Lady -Castlereagh, it was necessary to deliver up a daughter of the house of -Austria to satisfy the Minotaur. - - [3] See "Europe during the Consulate and the Empire of Napoleon." - -If the French emperor were to choose a wife among the grand-duchesses -of the house of Romanoff, the plan proposed at Erfurt would be quickly -accomplished, that is to say, the formation of two great empires, -around which there would be a number of small intermediate kingdoms, in -some degree dependent upon them; and, to avoid this peril, Metternich -hastened the marriage between Napoleon and Maria Louisa: by this -means the house of Austria would secure a real protector in the -French emperor, and the suit of a brilliant adventurer, at the feet -of the daughter of a royal line, might be advantageous to the future -prospects of the German crown. It is allowable in politics to calculate -to what extent human passions may affect the course of affairs, and -therefore the new chancellor of the state, when negotiating the union -of the archduchess with Napoleon, looked forward, by means of a family -arrangement, to recovering the position of which Austria had been -deprived by the fortune of war. The marriage of the archduchess was -arranged and concluded entirely by Metternich. - -Still, however, he carefully pursued the course towards which there -appeared at that time to be a general bent in Europe. In the beginning -of the year 1811, certain symptoms appeared to indicate to the court -of Vienna that a rupture was about to take place between France and -Russia, and these suspicions were changed ere long into certainty: -M. Otto, the French ambassador at Vienna, opened his mind completely -to Metternich, and, acting on the principle of the late alliance, he -proposed they should form a kind of league of offence and defence in -the war Napoleon was about to commence against Russia. The French -emperor only required a detached corps of 40,000 Austrian auxiliaries -as an active force, who were to attack the eastern extremity of -Gallicia, at the same time that the French army should proceed to the -Vistula. This treaty farther stipulated that the Austrian possessions -in Poland should remain untouched, and certain territorial cessions in -favour of Austria were agreed upon, in the event of the war against -Russia proving successful; thus Metternich began to reap the advantages -of the French alliance. - -The campaign of 1812 began. The Austrian corps of 30,000 auxiliaries -was posted on the Vistula, and, if not required to take an active part -in the operations, it still was a check upon the Russian army, which -already threatened the flanks of Napoleon's troops. Metternich watched -with extreme anxiety the movements of the invading army in Russia; its -disastrous retreat was an appalling and unlooked-for catastrophe, and -Prince Schwartzenberg went to oppose the Russian troops. - -A new train of ideas, a new series of negotiations were now to be -entertained. The retreat from Moscow had been so calamitous, that it -had not spared to the French enough troops to protect the line of the -Oder, far less to retain possession of that of the Vistula. If Prussia -and Austria had been faithful to their alliance with Napoleon, they -ought immediately to have combined their forces, and opposed all their -strength to the Russians, who were already making incursions on every -side. The situation of the two courts was very difficult, for the -whole German nation was so unanimous in their dislike to the French, -that it would have been impossible for the cabinets of Berlin and -Vienna to take any steps in their favour, without placing themselves -in direct opposition to the people they governed; and, besides, after -the deep humiliation they had both endured at the hands of Napoleon, -was it not natural they should seek some motive, or, if the expression -be preferred, some pretext, for delivering themselves from a state -of subjection so fatal to them? Prussia, who was foremost, had no -hesitation in abandoning an alliance that was so dishonourable to her. -Metternich did not immediately follow her contagious example, but, a -cessation of hostilities having taken place between the Russian and -Austrian armies, the eyes of France fell upon the cabinet of Vienna, -as the mediatorial power which was to prepare a peace, on a foundation -in better keeping with the general equilibrium of Europe. In his -conferences with M. Otto, the imperial chancellor gave him clearly -to understand, that the Austrian government would not depart from -the principles of the French alliance, but that the nature of their -situation had been altered by the late military events, and, as the -frontier of Austria might become the theatre of war, the cabinet of -Vienna would naturally assume a more decided attitude, in order to -bring to a conclusion a struggle which would for the future so closely -affect the empire. - -The mission of Prince Schwartzenberg and Count Bubna, at Paris, was -conducted in the same spirit. Without giving up the alliance, the -Austrian government signified that it could no longer rest upon the -same basis, in fact, that they must take a more decided part in -the approaching military crisis. Metternich's object in this new -negotiation was to lay the foundation for a general peace. Such a -resolution was by no means disinterested on his part, for, in the new -settlement of the boundaries of the different states of Europe which -must ensue, Austria would obtain an accession of territory, as a -consequence of the position in which the course of events had placed -her. The English party was gaining ground at Vienna, and Lord Walpole -had arrived with offers of subsidies and augmentation of territory; -in proportion, also, as the French army met with fresh reverses, the -popular feeling of Germany assumed a more decided character; still -Metternich persisted in his mediatorial system, from the conviction -that it would be for the real advantage of his country. - -These negotiations continued all through the winter of 1812-13. In -the meanwhile, M. Otto had been replaced by Count Louis de Narbonne, -the representative of the family alliance. He had been appointed by -Napoleon, in the hope that his presence would remind Austria that an -archduchess sat upon the throne of France; and, by the decree of the -senate and the emperor, this same archduchess had just been officially -proclaimed regent during the absence of Napoleon: the government being -placed in her hands was a fresh guarantee to Austria of the personal -feelings of the emperor's son-in-law. In politics alliances are -formed upon positive interests, and Napoleon had too greatly abused -his victories; the decree had gone forth, the empire, which extended -from Hamburg to Venice--the protectorate, which pressed heavily upon -Germany, Prussia, Italy, Switzerland, and Holland--the diplomatic -oppression which burdened Sweden and Denmark--all must have an end: -after action, a reaction must be expected. - -During this time considerable levies took place in every part of the -Austrian territory, for it was determined the army should be made up to -its full complement of 300,000 men. Metternich justified these warlike -preparations by the natural position in which Austria was placed: -when the belligerents came so closely in contact with the territory -of a neuter party, it appeared quite natural that the neuter should -take precautions to preserve its own independence. The position which -Metternich had given to Austria had made her a predominant power, with -the right of insisting upon real advantages, by way of indemnity; this -was an admirable change of circumstances, which left Austria at liberty -to come to a definitive decision. - -Baron Weissemberg then started for London, under the official pretext -of bringing about a general peace, but in reality for the purpose of -sounding the English cabinet upon the advantages likely to be offered -to Austria, in the way of subsidies and accession of territory, in -case she should declare openly in favour of the coalition, and should -be willing to furnish so considerable a force as 450,000 men. Now all -this occurred in the month of March 1813, and the armaments of Austria -received a fresh augmentation, when the thunders of the artillery -were heard at Lutzen and Bautzen; 200,000 men were already located -in Bohemia: against whom could these immense bodies of troops be -intended to act? At this juncture, Metternich again appeared in his -mediatorial capacity, to prepare the armistice of Plesswitz, afterwards -definitively settled at Nieumarch: Austria constantly declared that, -as the conflicting armies occupied four hundred leagues of her -frontiers, it was impossible she should any longer refrain from taking -an active part in the struggle, if the belligerent powers would not -agree to terms of reconciliation. A step was thus taken, from a state -of alliance with Napoleon, towards a condition of armed neutrality, -and how could so powerful a country as Austria long continue in this -situation? In the heated state of the public mind in Germany, how was -it possible to calculate the exact point where the mediation would stop -for the _casus belli_? - -It was the interest of Russia and Prussia to keep on good terms with a -court capable of drawing up a body of excellent troops 200,000 strong. -After some bitter and ill-advised observations, Napoleon also accepted -the mediation; it was a sort of break in the military operations, an -expression of the weariness felt by an army now worn out with battles. -We may see how great a part Metternich had created for Austria in these -negotiations, for, on former occasions, the plenipotentiaries could -treat the Austrian interests as a separate concern, while in her new -position Vienna became the indispensable intermediate agent in any -treaty that might be contemplated. The question was, Did Austria offer -her mediation in good faith, with a sincere wish for peace? or was it -merely as a lure, to enable her to render her military establishment -more complete? This becomes an important question for history. - -It must be remembered that, after the battles of Lutzen and Bautzen, -the desire for peace was universal, even in France, and in the tent -of Napoleon, in the military night-watch, as well as on the morning -of battle; the troops still fought, but it was no longer with the -willingness, the enthusiasm of the victories of Austerlitz and Jena. -Napoleon submitted to the powerful voice of public opinion, but could -his iron disposition bend to circumstances? Until that time as general -and consul, and afterwards as emperor, he had been accustomed to say to -the vanquished states, "These are my conditions, you have no choice -but to accept them; and, if there are any alleviating circumstances, it -is to my clemency alone that you will owe them." In 1813, the tables -were turned: cabinets now appeared with powers quite equal to that of -France, animated, too, with the ardour of battle, and burning with the -desire of repairing their former humiliation, and reconquering their -independence. The allied powers had signed the armistice of Nieumarch, -one great inducement being the opportunity gained for carrying on a -secret negotiation with the crown prince of Sweden, and also for the -sake of persuading Austria to join the league. I think their anxiety -for peace was less than their wish to gain the time necessary to -complete their vast military arrangements, by detaching Austria from -her part of mediator, and inducing her to join them in the war against -the common enemy; pious Germany, having gained her feet, now wanted -to make an end of her oppressor. Now, would Metternich continue to -preserve this neutral position? would not the Austrian government be -inclined for a change of system? - -Let us not forget how Austria was at that time situated. Had she not -a right to obtain, by diplomatic means, all the advantages offered -by her present position? We know the heavy losses she had sustained -in Italy; the Milanese, the Tyrol, and the Illyrian provinces, had -been successively torn from her: and was it not natural she should -take advantage of her armed mediation, a favourable position in which -Metternich had contrived to place her? Had she derived the expected -advantages from the general peace, she would not have joined the -coalition against Napoleon; failing in that, she must endeavour to -recover by force of arms all she had been deprived of during the war. -It was for the purpose of justifying this delicate situation that -Metternich first introduced the elegant system of high and noble -diplomatic language, a style of which Baron Gentz has since been the -most distinguished organ--Gentz, whose life has been so busy, and so -full of disappointments, who, in his old age, came to utter soft love -speeches at the feet of Miss Fanny Elssler. - -Metternich unfolds in his papers his ideas upon the balance of power in -Europe, which tended to diminish the prodigious influence of Napoleon, -to the benefit of the allied states. I am not aware of any thing -written in a more remarkable style than these despatches; they are, -perhaps, rather loose in their details, but all the expressions are so -carefully guarded, that they never compromised either the cabinet or -the writer. - -After signing the armistice of Nieumarch, Napoleon had fixed his -head-quarters at Dresden. Successive despatches, from the French -cabinet, requested the Emperor Francis II. to affix his signature to -the preliminaries of a treaty of peace; at last, Metternich, bearing -an autograph letter from his sovereign, in answer to the overtures -that had been made to him, repaired to Dresden, commissioned to find -out what might be the definitive intentions of Napoleon with regard -to peace. The conference lasted nearly half a day; the emperor, -in his military dress, strode hastily up and down the room, with -flashing eyes, and sharp, hurried gestures: he took up his hat, then -laid it down again, and threw himself into a large easy chair, while -the perspiration started on his brow; he was evidently disturbed -in mind, for he burst forth, in no measured terms, to Metternich: -"Your government," said he, "wants to take advantage of my perplexed -situation; and the question with you is, whether you can exact so -much from me without fighting, or whether you must decide in ranging -yourselves among my enemies? Well, let us see! Let us negotiate--I am -perfectly willing. What do you want?" - -To this abrupt sally, to this demand so little in accordance with -the usual diplomatic forms, Metternich merely replied, "That Austria -was desirous of establishing an order of things, which, by the wise -distribution of power, should place the preservation of peace under the -protection of an association of independent states; that the object of -the cabinet of Vienna must be to destroy the sole predominancy of the -Emperor Napoleon, by substituting to his colossal influence a balance -of power, which should establish Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on a -footing completely independent of the French empire." As a summary of -these conditions, Austria claimed Illyria, and a more extended frontier -towards Italy; the Pope was to be reinstated in his dominions; Poland -to be subjected to another partition; Spain and Holland were to be -evacuated by the French army; and the Confederation of the Rhine and -the mediation of Switzerland were to be given up by the Emperor, who -was already overwhelmed with ill-fortune. - -Thus was to be accomplished the dismemberment of the gigantic work -erected by the toils and victories of Napoleon. Shall I venture -to describe this scene as it has been depicted to me by the sole -eye-witness, Prince Metternich himself? As the Austrian plenipotentiary -unfolded the views of his cabinet, the sallow complexion of Napoleon -gradually assumed a crimson hue; at last he exclaimed, "Metternich, do -you attempt to impose such conditions upon me without drawing a sword? -These demands are most insulting! And it is my father-in-law who agrees -to such a plan! What kind of position does he wish to place me in with -regard to the French people? Ah, Metternich! how much has England -given you to play this part against me?" - -To this offensive language, Metternich, retaining his calm and -dignified demeanour, replied not a word; and Napoleon, in the violence -of his gestures, having let fall his hat, the Austrian minister did -not stoop to pick it up, as politeness would have induced him to do -under any other circumstances. There was a silence of half an hour.[4] -Afterwards the conversation was resumed in a cooler and calmer tone; -and, in dismissing Metternich, the Emperor, taking his hand, said to -him, "After all, Illyria is not my last word, and we may be able to -arrange better conditions." - - [4] Prince Metternich told me the Emperor had locked the door. - -This dialogue is of importance to history, for it decided the fate of -Napoleon. - -The Emperor's habits of command made his language hasty and his summons -for an answer abrupt; and, when he addressed himself thus to a person -in an elevated position, it naturally gave great offence. Metternich -retained the strongest resentment for his behaviour--he had been deeply -insulted; and, besides, so experienced a minister could not fail to -discover the secret thoughts of the Emperor, and must have been well -convinced that, with such a character as his, there was but little -reason to hope for the re-establishment of the balance of power in -Europe. - -Nevertheless, Austria consented to the conferences at Prague, and, by a -fresh agreement, the suspension of hostilities was prolonged till the -10th of August. Metternich, as the representative of the mediatorial -power, was by right president of the congress, in the same manner as it -had fallen to the Swedish minister at the congresses of Nimeguen and -Ryswick. M. Maret first raised difficulties on the score of etiquette, -because Baron Humboldt and Baron d'Anstett, the representatives of -Russia and Prussia, were only ministers of the second rank, while -M. de Caulaincourt and M. Maret belonged to the first. They next -discussed the order of precedence and little questions of detail; they -considered whether the negotiation should be carried on in writing or -_viva voce_, and the forms of the congresses of Nimeguen and Ryswick -were called for. The object of each party was to gain time, in order -that hostilities might recommence. At last, Metternich, seeing the -indefinite turn affairs were taking, resolved to join the military -Congress of Trachenberg, where the Crown Prince of Sweden, Bernadotte, -was employed in tracing out the vast plan of the campaign of the -allied armies against Napoleon. They decided upon marching straight -upon Paris, without a moment's hesitation, and making an appeal to -the people, dissatisfied with the Emperor. At Trachenberg, Russia and -Prussia received all the propositions of the Austrian minister without -the slightest difficulty; they agreed, whatever might be the personal -pretensions of the Emperor Alexander, that the general command of the -allied troops should be conferred upon Prince Schwartzenberg. The -importance of securing the co-operation of the Austrian army was fully -appreciated, and no sacrifice was spared to attach an additional force -of 200,000 men to the coalition. - -With a view to avoid this immense co-operation, Napoleon had addressed -himself at once to the Emperor Francis II., recalling to his mind the -alliance of their families. Maria Louisa had gone to Mayence, and -her husband, taking advantage of one or two days which the armistice -still left at his disposal, went to meet her there, to give his last -instructions to the daughter of the Cæsars, and to confirm to her -all the powers of the regency. France then would be governed by an -archduchess, and, according to all dynastic ideas, could Austria fight -against a country ruled by the daughter of her emperor? They were -mistaken; the cabinets no longer stood in awe of Napoleon, and this -was a circumstance which the French plenipotentiaries at Prague had -not understood. M. Maret, in particular, had shewn his insufficiency, -or, at all events, an inferior capacity, unable to bear a comparison -with a statesman of the school and character of Prince Metternich. One -of the greatest misfortunes of the Emperor Napoleon was, that he was -surrounded by a crowd of people constantly at his feet, and dazzled -with his glory: these were clerks, not statesmen. - -Thus the negotiations continued to assume the character of indecision -and ill-humour, which had marked their origin. The slightest proposal -called forth anger, the most trifling insinuation gave offence. -Metternich retained the character of mediator, which had been -recognised by the other powers; he resisted all idea of overturning the -French government, and, when General Moreau arrived on the Continent, -the first words the Austrian minister said to M. Maret were, "Austria -has nothing to do with this intrigue; she will never approve of the -proceedings of General Moreau." At last, the ultimatum of the allied -powers, communicated by Metternich, was as follows. The dissolution of -the duchy of Warsaw, which was to be divided between Russia, Prussia, -and Austria (Dantzic was given to Prussia); the cities of Lubech and -Hamburg were to be reinstated in their independence, the kingdom of -Prussia was to be remodelled, and one frontier was to extend to the -Elbe; all the Illyrian provinces, including Trieste, were to be ceded -to Austria, and a reciprocal guarantee was to be given, that the -condition of the sovereignties, both small and great, should not be -subject to alteration, except by common consent, but should continue -such as they might be settled by the peace. The Emperor of the French -at first refused to accede to these terms, which were afterwards -modified, and at last received a reluctant and tardy assent; for -Austria was then entering with all her strength into the coalition. - -I have consulted upon the events of this period the two men who played -the principal parts in the diplomatic transactions of the war, Count -Pozzo di Borgo and Prince Metternich. I asked them, "Was there really -a sincere desire for peace at Prague?" They both answered in the -affirmative. Pozzo di Borgo, in his hatred for Napoleon, described -to me the anxiety he felt at witnessing the hesitation of Austria; -and Metternich justified himself to Europe for the indecision of his -conduct by his desire to bring his diplomatic mediation to a happy -issue, for the interests of Napoleon, Austria, and the general peace. - -A notification from the court of Vienna announced to Count Nesselrode -and Prince Hardenberg, that, for the future, Austria, as a member of -the coalition, would locate 200,000 men, in large bodies, behind the -mountains of Bohemia. The joy of the Allies was not to be expressed; -one should have heard Count Pozzo di Borgo recount the magical effect -produced by this letter of Metternich; it arrived in the middle of -the night at a barn, in which were reposing the Emperor Alexander, -the King of Prussia, Count Nesselrode, Prince Hardenberg, and all the -staff of the allied troops. They arose and embraced each other, as if -the salvation of Europe were achieved, and Napoleon tumbled from his -throne. The manifesto of Austria, which was the work of Metternich, -appeared ten days later. In spite, however, of this rupture, -Caulaincourt remained at Prague, and the chancellor of state still -assured him he was ready to proceed with the negotiation if France -would agree to the independence of the Germanic Confederation and of -Switzerland, and to the reconstruction of the dominions of Prussia on -a scale of greater importance. Napoleon, still unwilling to give in, -applied to Count Bubna, in the persuasion that he would be able to -exercise a favourable influence over his father-in-law, the emperor; at -last, on the 14th of August, he gave his consent to the proposals of -the Austrian cabinet, and his answer was despatched to Prague; but it -was too late. Metternich declared the impossibility of entering into a -separate treaty, and said it would be necessary to refer simultaneously -to the three courts whose political interests were henceforth -inseparable. - -Still Napoleon did not abandon all hope of drawing Austria over to his -interests, and he proposed entering into a negotiation, even after the -commencement of hostilities, when the Austrian army was actually in -motion. 200,000 Austrians came forth from the mountains of Bohemia, and -turned the flank of the French army. Then the general rising in Germany -took place; a transitory lustre was conferred by the admirable battle -of Dresden, but Leipsic witnessed the last expiring gleam of the French -glory. By the end of 1813, the line of the Elbe was lost, and even that -of the Rhine was compromised. All Germany was in arms, and the whole of -Europe had assumed a threatening posture. - -Austria had hardly joined the coalition before difficulties arose -in this vast body, agitated by so many different interests. Some -jealous feelings had already been entertained concerning the title -of generalissimo of the armies, which had been conferred upon Prince -Schwartzenberg, and other questions were subsequently started as to the -object of the campaign. As long as the French occupied Germany, the -most pressing anxiety was to get rid of this heavy yoke. Having once -reached the Rhine, there was no confederation, no imminent danger; the -soil was covered with the wrecks of Napoleon's empire, and Germany had -recovered her ancient independence. The sole remaining possessions of -the French in that country were some fortresses, which, after a siege -of longer or shorter duration, must revert to their ancient sovereign. -The house of Austria had ceased to be afraid of France, but had begun -to entertain some apprehensions with regard to Russia. The Russians had -been taught the road towards the south of Europe, and they were likely -to remember it. - -In the opinion of Metternich, France, with a certain degree of power -and a definite extent of territory, was necessary to the balance -of power in Europe; and he took care this should be mentioned in -the manifesto published by the allied armies on the Rhine. This -manifesto, of which the idea belonged to Metternich, was executed by -Gentz. Austria, being now free from danger in Germany, could, without -risk, lend assistance to the threatened empire of France. The family -connexion with Napoleon was not yet broken; his moral influence, it is -true, was greatly weakened; but his powerful mind was in its pristine -vigour, and he was still capable of making some daring attempt. These -long-sighted views were clearly displayed in the conversation between -Metternich and M. de St. Aignan. Austria, already embarrassed by her -position with regard to France and Russia, would gladly have withdrawn -from a war which no longer closely affected her own interests; but a -principle, fatal to Napoleon, had been admitted,--the allied powers -were no longer at liberty to enter into a treaty the one without -the other. When Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent, he gave -additional solidity to this tendency to unite in a common cause; and -the implacable enemy of Napoleon, Count Pozzo di Borgo, had been -despatched to London to request the presence of the prime minister of -England on the Continent. They were desirous of rendering the alliance -incapable of future alteration, for the first successes beyond the -Rhine had naturally given birth to two separate questions: one relating -to territory in the new settlement of the boundaries in Europe; the -other, a moral question, as to the form of government which should be -established in France in case the allied armies should take possession -of Paris. The interests of England and Austria were differently -affected from those of Russia and Prussia by the arrangements that -might be entered into. - -In the first place, what would they do with the most important -conquests? Russia was in possession of Poland, Prussia of Saxony, and -Austria of a great portion of Italy. Should the Emperor Alexander -attempt to set up a sort of kingdom in Poland, the interests of -Austria would suffer. Again, could Prussia be permitted to enlarge her -dominions by the addition of Saxony? All these questions were already -subjects of debate in the diplomatic body, which, to all outward -appearance, was still perfectly united; the most unlimited confidence -in each other was expressed by all parties, but, in reality, interest -and selfishness were the prevailing feelings. Lord Castlereagh shewed -great ability at this juncture by constituting himself the general bond -of union of the coalition. - -With regard to the questions connected with the government of France, -it was hardly possible to suppose Austria would agree to a project of -a change of dynasty, when an archduchess held the reins of government -as regent. The Emperor Alexander had entered into a private contract -with Bernadotte, whose feelings against Napoleon were very bitter. -Alexander would agree to any form of government that might be proposed, -but in the conference at Abo all possibilities had been discussed, even -one which might place Bernadotte at the head of affairs in France. -England, though well inclined towards the Bourbons, did not make their -restoration so indispensable a condition as to render debates upon -matters of more personal interest subordinate to it. Lord Castlereagh -had explained this to the exiled princes; they had not yet been -permitted to land upon the Continent, and the Comte d'Artois did not -arrive at Dole until January, 1814. - -It is particularly in this point of view that the history of the -Congress of Chatillon is deserving of a serious study. At this meeting -there was still an evident desire on the part of Austria to conclude -a treaty on the basis of the balance of power in Europe; but, from -the very commencement, Metternich must have discovered that the -position of Austria was no longer the same as at the beginning of the -campaign. All moral influence had now passed over to the side of the -Emperor Alexander, who had become the arbiter of the destinies of the -coalition; Prussia and Austria only appeared in the light of useful -auxiliaries, the principal influence and popularity rested with the -czar; he alone was talked of, and the negotiations were especially -addressed to his cabinet. The military treaty of Chaumont, which fixed -the number of troops to be furnished by the coalition, was dictated by -Lord Castlereagh, who was afraid of a dissolution of the alliance. It -was then declared that the allied powers would never sheathe the sword -till they had reduced France within the limits it occupied in 1792; -and, for this purpose, each cabinet promised a contingent of 150,000 -men under arms, England agreeing to furnish a subsidy.[5] - - [5] The sum of 5,000,000_l._ sterling was to be furnished for the year - 1814, to be increased if necessary.--_Editor._ - -From this period Metternich found himself in a very delicate position. -As the events of the war gradually brought the allies nearer to -Paris, the Emperor of Austria could not with any degree of propriety -take a part in military operations whose object was the capture of -a metropolis governed by the archduchess. Metternich, who was in -correspondence with Maria Louisa, could no longer control the course of -events, and, perhaps, this princess, weary of seeing herself surrounded -by so much littleness of mind, avidity, and folly, as were exhibited -by the relations and supporters of Napoleon, when the regency was at -Blois, might not have been sorry to get rid of her fictitious dignity. -The Emperor Francis II. remained at Dijon, while the bold advance of -Schwartzenberg laid Paris at the mercy of the allies. - -A reproach has constantly been cast upon Metternich for his conduct -upon this occasion; how, it is said, could he sanction a proceeding -which rent the imperial crown from the brow of Maria Louisa? I -believe, at this time, all idea of the continuance of the empire had -been abandoned, its time had passed away: there are seasons when the -force of public opinion carries every thing before it, and now there -was a sort of weariness of mind, people were tired of Napoleon and -his military system, the string drawn too tight had snapped asunder. -A retrospect must be taken of that time, and it will explain the -resolution of the allies. It would have been difficult to maintain -even the regency of the empress, and at the same time carry out the -military engagements entered into at Chaumont. In France all were tired -of the war, a general rising had taken place in Europe, nor would -Napoleon have submitted to the degradation of a kingdom bounded by -narrower limits than the Rhine. No doubt the regency would have been -the most complete triumph of the Austrian system, but what would have -become of Napoleon under the regency? would he have resigned himself to -so humiliating a situation? would he not have been stifled in the small -kingdom of France? The proceedings in Paris were quite independent of -Metternich, who was not even present at them. The Emperor Alexander -had acquired so overwhelming an influence in the senate with the -patriots of 1789, that no cabinet, even of the first order, would have -contended with it. The archduchess had been conducted from Blois to her -father, Francis II., without any discussion taking place concerning the -regency or the empire. Talleyrand had said, "The restoration of the -Bourbons is a principle; every thing else is an intrigue:" and this -expression put an end to all negotiations that had not the return of -Louis XVIII. for their object. The diplomatic corps were occupied with -the Treaty of Paris, which produced the re-establishment of order, the -general peace, the restoration of the Bourbons, and the settlement of -the boundaries of the French territory, which had been the principal -object and most important result of the campaign. But this was not -all; the immense empire of Napoleon was in ruins, and how should these -important fragments with which the world was overspread be divided? -Might Francis II. resume the old imperial crown, which he had resigned -at the treaty of Presburg? In spite of the strong predilection then -entertained for ancient customs, Metternich felt that the crown of -Charlemagne would be merely an empty title unsupported by any real -influence, and it would have been a cause of offence to Prussia, whose -jealousy would have been roused by the existence of a German empire in -close contiguity with her own kingdom, which embraced nearly a third of -the population of Germany. With the strong instinct which forms part -of his character, Metternich felt that, for the future, Austria, while -retaining a great general influence over Germany, had better strive -to become a southern sovereignty, having Gallicia at one extremity, -and Dalmatia at the other, and including the Lombardo-Venetian -territories, under the ancient and magnificent iron crown. He carried -this idea into the Congress of Vienna, when the new constitution of the -European sovereignties was to be established on a general basis, and -he took care to bring it forward again upon every occasion in which -the diplomatic system of Austria was displayed. This alone affords an -explanation of the extreme and constant solicitude evinced for the -possession of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, and the constant tendency, -both by means of conquest and commerce, towards the shores of the -Adriatic. - -At the Congress of Vienna, Metternich exercised a prodigious influence. -The Emperor Francis had made a great family sacrifice, by abandoning -the cause of Maria Louisa, and, in honour of this conduct, Europe fixed -the assemblage of the sovereigns at Vienna. In the midst of balls, -elegant amusements, and entertainments, Europe was to be remodelled -on a different basis; the long conferences, which were to decide -the fate of nations, were intermingled with flowers and pleasure. -Prince Metternich, then in his forty-first year, saw the object of -his anxieties and wishes fully accomplished; Vienna afforded the most -brilliant spectacle; the sovereigns were assembled there, accompanied -by a myriad of persons of princely rank, with their families, their -courts, and their numerous suites. Love intrigues contended with -the more serious business of this Congress, which had become the -rendezvous of all the most distinguished characters in Europe. In the -evening people assembled at the Royal Theatre, or in the brilliantly -illuminated saloons, where, at the gaming-table, Blucher was employed -in completing the ruin of his affairs, which he had begun in Paris. - -Prince Metternich had the direction of the diplomatic party, while the -empress, wife of Francis II., received the august strangers with the -grace and dignity she was so well known to possess. The splendours -of the Congress of Vienna left a strong impression upon the minds of -the diplomatic characters who were present at it; they are associated -in their memory with the fresh and pleasing recollection of the -days of their youth, and, when you converse upon the subject with -those whom death has spared, they speak in enthusiastic terms of the -chivalric entertainments, the fancy balls of the empress, and the -_galanteries_ of the sovereigns. What brilliant parties were those of -Lady Castlereagh, a female diplomatist, as active as the English prime -minister in all negotiations relating to the management of the world! - -In walking through the streets of Vienna, it was no uncommon sight to -meet the three sovereigns of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, shaking -hands, and giving each other marks of mutual confidence, and yet the -most serious dissensions already prevailed in the Congress concerning -the territorial arrangement of Europe. The quadruple alliance, as it -had been settled in the treaty of Chaumont, was nothing but a military -convention, intended to overturn the power of Napoleon; more a kind of -plan of battle, or strategic stipulation, than a regular and political -negotiation. After the fall of Napoleon, the allied powers resumed -their natural interests. Thus, on the question of German supremacy, -Prussia would naturally be inclined to side with Russia, and draw off -from Austria; England, to oppose Russia in every thing relating to -the sovereignty of Poland, which the Czar had already appropriated to -himself; and France, though so terribly shaken by the late invasion, -must endeavour to regain some degree of credit in Europe, by keeping -on good terms with England and Austria. I must say, to the honour of -the eldest branch of the Bourbons, that it always exhibited the most -perfect dignity in its foreign relations, and perhaps the critical -situation of our internal affairs was only produced by a fatal reaction -of foreign dissatisfaction upon ourselves. From the first assembling -of the Congress, private conferences had taken place between Lord -Castlereagh, Metternich, and Talleyrand, to take into consideration -the conditions of a treaty which might afford a counterpoise to the -immense ascendancy Russia had obtained during the invasion of France -and the events of 1814. By this treaty, which was signed in the month -of March 1815, subsidies were agreed upon in the event of certain -occurrences, and an engagement was entered into, that a fixed number -of troops should always be in readiness for the _casus belli_, should -Russia and Prussia attempt to disturb the equilibrium established among -the European powers, and, according to a despatch of M. de Talleyrand, -France was to maintain a half war establishment. - -Metternich was the principal author of this secret treaty, because, -after things had been replaced in their original state by the -restoration of Louis XVIII., he began to be afraid of Russia and -her immense weight: the question of Poland was the pretext. France -manifested particular anxiety for the re-establishment of the King of -Saxony, whose territory Prussia was desirous to absorb; while England, -on the other hand, but little inclined to favour Russia, considered -it indispensably necessary that Prussia should possess very extensive -territorial strength, that she might serve as a constant barrier -against northern invasion. It was necessary Metternich should combat -this opinion for the sake of Saxony, and he did so in a series of -papers opposed to those of Prince Hardenberg and Baron Humboldt. On -the Polish question he perfectly agreed with England: at the bottom -of Alexander's good-will towards the Poles, there lurked an idea of -political aggrandisement; for, by making a kingdom of Poland, he well -knew that the portion of that country that had accrued to Austria, as -well as what had fallen to the share of Prussia, would sooner or later -all unite under one sceptre. On no account would Alexander resign his -paramount influence[6] over Warsaw. Things reached such a pitch, that -Metternich issued orders that the Austrian armies should be maintained -upon a war establishment, while Russia kept her troops in readiness, -and appealed to the Poles to stand by their country. Whilst Metternich -warmly opposed the establishment of Russian Poland as a kingdom under -any circumstances, England was desirous it should be placed on so firm -a foundation, as to serve as an obstacle to the encroachments of the -Russian cabinet. - - [6] Suzeraineté. - -Serious events already obliged Metternich to turn his attention towards -Italy, and here we must look back upon events of a rather earlier -date. As far back as the month of February 1813, England had taken -advantage of some dissatisfaction entertained by Murat, and still -more by Caroline, Napoleon's own sister, to hasten the downfall of -the French empire. All the good people of Buonaparte's family appear -to have taken their royalty in good earnest, and to have fancied they -possessed some consequence of their own, and might remain kings and -queens independent of the great emperor. England, clever at taking -advantage of these little absurdities, reminded Murat of the example -of Bernadotte, and suggested the possibility of his becoming king of -all Italy. While Napoleon was abusing his brother-in-law in his haughty -and violent letters, reminding him that "the lion was not dead," the -English cabinet soothed with the most flattering hopes the imagination -of Murat, who had but a poor head for politics, and every thing was -brought into play that could flatter the vanity of the most theatrical -soldier of the imperial era. - -At the close of the year 1813, Murat was already in the occupation of -the Roman States, making an appeal to the patriots, for it was the -custom of Europe at that time to march forward invoking the liberty of -the people. To detach him from a bad cause, Metternich had particularly -recourse to a gentle and tender influence, a pleasing reminiscence -of his embassy in Paris, and he guaranteed to Murat the peaceable -possession of the kingdom of Naples. After the re-establishment of -the Bourbons in France gave rise to the strongest uneasiness in his -astonished mind, King Joachim deputed the Duke of Serra Capriola to the -Congress of Vienna, pleading his treaties with Austria and England; -but his envoy was not admitted to the assembly, for a negotiation -was on foot to replace the old dynasty of Sicily upon the throne, -a negotiation conducted by Prince Talleyrand. Louis XVIII. had -recommended the interests of his family to the Congress of Vienna, and -M. de Talleyrand was to receive from the Neapolitan branch of the -Bourbons a rich equivalent for his sadly compromised principality of -Benevento. Austria was a little unmindful of her promises, and defended -her engagements with Murat but very feebly; indeed, the general bent -towards the restoration of the former order of things was so strong, -that he who had usurped the crown of Naples was actually declared -guilty of treason. In the English House of Commons, Lord Castlereagh -read a private correspondence, carried on with Napoleon at the very -moment when Murat was negotiating with the Alliance, which afforded -evidence of a double policy having been pursued. Having become uneasy -concerning the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna, he made vast -military preparations, in concert with the patriots and the secret -societies, with the intention of assuming the great crown of Italy. -Metternich caused the Austrian armies to assemble _en masse_ in the -Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, where they awaited under arms the coming -events. - -The storm soon burst. - -Napoleon then landed in the Gulf of Juan to attempt his heroic exploit -of the Hundred Days. Matters were in a strangely complicated state -at the Congress of Vienna, and Napoleon, looking at the affairs of -Europe under one point of view only, had formed a fair judgment of the -condition of the allied powers with regard to each other, without, -however, comprehending that his presence on the Continent would unite -them all in a terrible coalition. The very name of Buonaparte filled -the old European sovereignties with so much alarm, that they recovered -themselves with the utmost haste, in order to take measures for the -general safety. - -They owed to the activity of Talleyrand and Metternich the official -declaration of the Congress of Vienna, which placed Buonaparte at -the ban of Europe, simultaneously roused against the common enemy. -The mystic spirit of Alexander entered willingly into the idea of a -Christian alliance and a European crusade, and Metternich, after the -system he had adopted ever since the rupture in 1813, could not depart -from the military agreement entered into at Chaumont. Napoleon was -declared at the ban of the empire by a revived custom of the ancient -assemblies of the German Diet. - -The pretended agreement between Napoleon, Austria, and England, at -the time of his landing in the Gulf of Juan, was a romance invented -afterwards by the imperialist party. Napoleon, who was well informed -concerning the diplomatic state of things, might imagine a separation -of interests among the cabinets a probable thing, but beyond this -there was nothing. One of his first steps was to endeavour to place -himself in communication with Metternich, and we again find Fouché in -correspondence with the chief of the Austrian cabinet: they had never -lost sight of each other since their memorable conference in 1809, -and their acquaintance was renewed in 1813, when Fouché was appointed -Governor-General of Illyria. I have reason to believe, that they had -even then spoken to each other in confidence concerning the decline of -power of _that man_, as the disaffected called Napoleon, and of the -possibility of a regency under Maria Louisa; in 1813 the subject they -would select for their conversation would probably be the abdication -of the Emperor, which was one of the favourite ideas of the senatorial -party. At the same time Napoleon wrote to Maria Louisa, he despatched, -by means of some secret agents, confidential letters from intimate -friends of the minister, and even from a princess of the imperial -blood, between whom and Prince Metternich a tender feeling had existed: -and finally, in order to sow dissension throughout the whole of -Europe, he transmitted to the Emperor Alexander a copy of the treaty -of the triple alliance, concluded against Russia in the month of March -1815, and signed by Lord Castlereagh, Talleyrand, and Metternich: his -primary object was to break the powerful union among the sovereigns. - -At this period, the Austrian armies had marched into Italy against -Murat and the Neapolitans, and General Bianchi had obtained the most -brilliant victories over the wavering and ill-organised troops of -Joachim. Metternich caused all the fortresses of the kingdom of Naples -and the Roman States to be garrisoned by Austrian troops; for he had -decided, in concert with the French legation, upon the re-establishment -of the House of Bourbon at Naples as completing the scheme of the -government of Europe. - -While Fouché was negotiating with Metternich a plan for substituting -the regency under Maria Louisa to the empire, organised as it had -been during the hundred days, French agents were contriving means -of carrying off the child who had been saluted in his cradle with -the title of King of Rome. A great deal of mystification went on in -all this; there was even one of these gentlemen, otherwise, too, a -man in good society, who received a large sum of money, but who had -in reality no other object than that of joining M. de Talleyrand at -Vienna. Napoleon had promised that his wife and son would be present -at the Champ de Mai, but Metternich's police baffled the intentions -of the French agents, and, with the politeness which characterises -all his actions, the minister conducted the daughter of the emperor -and the Duke de Reichstadt to the palace of Schönbrunn, under an -escort of the most trustworthy servants of the house of Austria. It -was one of the most delicate circumstances that occurred during the -life of Metternich, a man, too, always remarkable for his attention -to propriety; for Maria Louisa did not at that time feel the cold -indifference for Napoleon which she afterwards exhibited, and she was -a party to the project formed for carrying her off, by some attendants -who had remained with her, but who now all received an order to quit -Schönbrunn. - -The Austrian armies proceeded from Italy across the Alps, and took a -part in the melancholy invasion of the south of France; they afterwards -occupied Provence and Languedoc as far as Auvergne, their head-quarters -being at Lyons and Dijon. On the dissolution of the Congress of Vienna, -after the second fall of Napoleon, Metternich repaired to Paris, to be -present at the conferences which were to precede the treaty of November -1815. Prussia and England had been victorious at Waterloo, and their -interest had proportionally increased. In the negotiations of Paris, -the two cabinets of Berlin and Vienna acted in concert to represent the -interests of Germany, which were very hostile to the French nation. -The German population had been greatly irritated during the gigantic -efforts that Europe had made against Napoleon; the secondary princes -on the banks of the Rhine demanded Alsace and a portion of Lorraine, -marked upon a map drawn in 1815 (which now lies before me), under -the name of Germania, as the representation of Germany. There was a -terrible reaction in that country against France, one of those refluxes -of the people and the national feeling by which various periods of our -history have been distinguished. - -Nevertheless, what organisation, exterior or interior, did they intend -to establish, to form a general constitution in Germany? How could they -restore to the Emperor Francis the influence in that country which he -formerly possessed, but of which he had been deprived by Napoleon? -Germany had arisen with the double cry of liberty and unity on her -lips. Unity! how was it to be established among principalities of -which the power and the population varied so greatly, and who still -maintained the feudal principle in the midst of civilised Europe? And -liberty! it was an indefinite expression; how could it be applied -to so many different systems of government, and to so many various -localities whose interests were so distinct from each other? The scheme -of the Confederation of the Rhine had been formed by Napoleon solely -with a view of increasing the importance of all the petty states, and -of inducing them to enter into a coalition hostile to Austria and -Prussia. Now circumstances were altered; Austria and Prussia were -the great predominant powers, whose business it was to establish -their own influence, and govern the whole confederation by means of a -protectorate, more or less clearly defined; Prussia assuming the power -in the northern provinces, Austria to the south. It was necessary, -when the fatherland should be threatened, that its mixed population -should be capable of being called forth to serve indifferently in the -armies of Prussia and Austria. The unity of the German states was thus -opposed as a barrier against Russia and France, and served equally as a -protection against both those nations. - -Metternich, when he gave up the old imperial mantle in the name of -the emperor, obtained for him a more real advantage as president of -the diet; a number of votes were awarded to Austria and Prussia, in -proportion to the importance of their position; and either by means of -their command of the army of the confederation, or by their influence -in the diet, these two countries held undisputed sway over the -deliberations and the employment of the troops. No doubt, many little -acts of injustice were committed, and some caprice was exhibited in -the repartition of the states and of the contingents. Sovereignties -were sometimes aggrandised because they were protected by the Emperor -Alexander, and, sometimes, even by Metternich; but where are the -human operations over which perfect justice presides? Since they were -desirous of unity, this sacrifice of some to the cause of all was the -natural consequence of it; and should it now be asked, what is to be -the result of this confederation, I reply, that Austria has reason to -fear lest Prussia should assume a constantly increasing importance in -Germany. The destiny of Austria henceforth is elsewhere, her future -lies in the south; Prussia is too singularly situated not to strive to -agglomerate her dominions; she will undoubtedly do so, either in point -of fact, by means of conquest, or morally, by the influence she will -exercise. It is towards the shores of the Adriatic that Austria will -find herself indemnified for the diminution of her influence in central -Germany. - -The cry of liberty had been raised in Germany when it roused itself -against Napoleon; and the secret societies of Schill and Stein still -had representatives in old Blucher and General Gniesenau. What did the -government propose doing for the liberty they demanded? Constitutions -had been promised, and representative states were granted to some -principalities, but, the victory being once obtained, there was -hesitation about proceeding any farther. - -Now that experience has made us perfectly acquainted with the spirit of -revolutions, it is easy to understand how, in the rapid alteration of -political situations, the promises of to-day are violated to-morrow. -It is in vain to imagine that these periods of transition, when the -people struggle for crochets of sovereignty, can bear a comparison with -seasons when the proceedings of the government are calm and regular; -after victory the popular excitement shews itself unreasonable, and -wants to insist upon promises the government is no longer able to -perform. - -In 1813, during the period of battles and revolutions, many things -had been promised to Germany; but was it possible to perform them in -1815 and 1816? Suppose that in Germany, that country of excitement -and mystical spirit, the utopias of the secret societies had been -realised,--a political existence given to the universities, and a -turbulent representation to all the states,--that they had granted them -the liberty of the press and an organised democracy,--would Germany -ever have reached the high degree of prosperity and public tranquillity -she now enjoys? We must take customs as they exist, and minds with -the habits they have formed; we must not give a people institutions -which would be a torment to their existence without increasing their -well-being. I do not say that the governments of Austria and Prussia -acted rightly in not fulfilling their promises--I merely say, that -time alone can shew whether this conduct proceeded from prudence, or -from a calculating spirit of selfishness. The events of 1814 and 1815 -had considerably increased the possessions of Austria in Italy, and, -as this was really a country obtained by conquests, it was natural -and necessary that an armed surveillance should be established in the -Lombardo-Venetian territory, as well as a police capable of controlling -the provinces united to the Austrian empire. The utmost ability will -be required to slacken successively the springs of this police, in -proportion as the victors may be more firmly established in their -foreign possessions. To have granted free constitutions to the people -would have been an imprudent generosity, for this conquest, like those -of Napoleon, could only be maintained by military occupation, which it -was desirable to render as little oppressive as circumstances would -permit. The Italians, a hot and enthusiastic people, had driven out the -French in the day of their calamity; the Austrians should endeavour to -avoid a similar misfortune, and keep carefully upon their guard. - -Here begins the melodrama which has been cast around the person of -Prince Metternich, with the picture of the cruel prisons and Piombi of -Venice. I appeal to the Christian sincerity and good faith of Silvio -Pellico, whether there be one word of real truth in his book, _Le -mie Prigioni_. Does he call to mind the terrible Piombi of Venice, -which, in his case, consisted of a room on the fourth floor in the -ducal palace, commanding a most extensive view over the Great Canal, -and for which Lord Byron would have paid some hundreds of sequins? -He was deprived of his liberty, it is true; and this is, no doubt, a -deplorable misfortune: but had he engaged in a conspiracy?--had he -attempted to overturn the established government? He avows that he had -done so, and in attempts of this kind a man sets his liberty and - - "Life upon a cast, -And he must stand the hazard of the die." - -The Austrian cabinet, no doubt, takes ample precautionary measures, but -there is no cruelty or oppression in its system; and whoever has had an -opportunity of conversing with Prince Metternich ought to ask himself, -whether it is possible a man of so calm and reasonable an intellect -should be guilty of an act of barbarity without even a motive for his -conduct? - -The strict repressive measures upon which the system of Prince -Metternich in Germany and Italy is founded occasioned a movement of -reaction; for liberty, that master passion of the mind, does not -allow itself to be crushed without making some despairing efforts. -Far from the secret societies having been dissolved in Germany, they -were regularly organised in the universities among the students, -and the heated state of their minds was encouraged by the influence -of poetry and the political writings, which called upon the courage -and patriotism of all those who possessed noble hearts to lend their -assistance to the German unity. This unity, so loudly appealed to -by the young generation, was in reality only a sort of federative -republic, in which all the states, while enjoying their individual -freedom, were to be united by the practice of virtue, and would thus -tend to the general happiness of mankind. The old German sovereignties -were obliged to curb these associations, which burst forth in the -assassination of Kotzebue. - -Metternich had just been travelling in Italy when the universities -distinguished themselves by this sanguinary crime. He was loaded -with the benefits of his sovereign; he now bore the title of prince, -and stars of almost all the orders of knighthood in Europe glittered -on his breast. The state of fermentation which existed in Germany -had not escaped his statesmanlike penetration, and it was solely at -his suggestion that a congress took place at Carlsbad, where severe -and distrustful measures were adopted against the organisation of -the public schools in Germany. The conduct of the universities, the -repression of seditious writings, the establishment of a political -police,--nothing was neglected in this regular crusade, undertaken by -the government against the revolutionary feelings by which the heated -imaginations were then inflamed. After great disturbances have taken -place in a state, the sole anxiety of the government is to check any -disposition to disorder, and they are excited to do so by public -opinion, and by the middle classes, who entertain a dread of fresh -revolutions, and with good reason. - -In the year of the Congress of Carlsbad, the Propaganda menaced the -kingdoms of Europe with a fresh revolution. Let us observe accurately -their situation in 1820. Towards the south there was the insurrection -of Spain and the Cortes, and the proclamation of a government more -liberal than even that of England; at Naples, almost by a magical echo, -the constitution was also proclaimed; from Naples the cry of liberty -was heard in Piémont, and the king was deprived of his throne. In Paris -the disturbances were so great that the government was exposed every -evening to a change in its political system. This year of 1820 might be -considered as the first edition of the stupendous event of July, which -took place ten years later with all the fracas of an insurrection. - -Austria was particularly endangered by these revolutions, for the -extremities of the kingdom of Naples and Piémont came in close contact -with her Italian possessions. The people had declared themselves; the -sovereigns then became aware of the danger, and roused themselves for -their defence; congresses were held at Troppau and at Laybach, and -Metternich, without hesitation, urged the adoption of powerful measures -to quell the revolutionary spirit now manifested; he was so deeply -convinced of their indispensable necessity, that he opposed every kind -of delay, and only required the moral support of Prussia and Russia, -declaring at once that an Austrian army was about to march into Italy -and occupy Naples and Piémont. The Emperor Alexander, whose mind was -full of the dread of secret societies and plots in Europe, lent his -support to Metternich. There was but one single instance of opposition -with regard to Piémont, and it is known from whence proceeded these -objections. To such a degree has history been disfigured! It proceeded -from the dignity of Louis XVIII., and the despatches of the Duc de -Richelieu and M. Pasquier. The revolutionary spirit was breaking out in -the streets of Paris in 1820, and the restored sovereign declared to -Metternich, that if the Austrian army entered Piémont their occupation -could not be of long continuance, as France could not allow of the -Austrians upon the Alps. - -In this _wrestling_, to use the old expression of M. Bignon, the -cabinets had the advantage over the people. Naples was overcome in -a few marches, and Piémont was occupied by the Austrian troops. The -repressive impulse being once given, a combined system was every where -manifested with the design of suspending political liberty. War was -declared by the cabinets against all forms of government which owed -their birth to military excitement or to an exclusively revolutionary -spirit. Metternich was present at the Congress of Verona, a meeting -which appears to me to have been the final expression of the will of -Europe regarding the spirit of insurrection. France was charged with -the suppression of the Spanish Cortes, as Metternich had executed by -force of arms the will of the allied powers against Naples and Piémont. -Here the cabinets were again successful, the revolution was completely -suppressed, as far as regarded its power of action, and only kept a -place in the disordered imagination. - -All these acts of government, and all the proclamations which followed -the assembly of the Congress, were the especial work of Prince -Metternich. The Chancellor of Austria possesses a remarkable flow of -language, a pure taste, and a noble manner of expressing his ideas, -even in a diplomatic despatch, where the sense is almost always hidden -under technical, and, it may be added, heavy modes of speech. To him -is owing the style distinguished by the elevation of ideas, which -always appeals to posterity and to the justice of future times, from -the opinion formed by contemporary passions. He even allows himself -to be carried on too far by his anxiety to express his meaning, and -by the literary ornament he is desirous of conferring upon the most -trifling despatch that leaves his cabinet; he takes the principal part -in their composition, he writes in French with extreme elegance and -precision, and he reads all the newspapers regularly, even to the part -which contains merely literary and theatrical critiques. Those who saw -him in 1825, when the unfortunate illness of his wife obliged him to -visit Paris, were surprised to find him possessed of the most exquisite -literary taste. He was acquainted with all our good authors, and shewed -remarkable sagacity in the judgment he formed of the writers of our own -times. One could hardly imagine how a politician, whose life had been -spent in affairs of so much importance, could have found time to study -the most trifling productions of literature. - -Affairs were now settled in Europe. The governments began to emerge a -little from the undecided political condition proclaimed by the Holy -Alliance. From the beginning of the year 1827, Metternich had felt some -uneasiness concerning the proceedings of Russia with regard to the -Ottoman Porte, which was likely to be productive of extreme danger to -the Austrian influence. If the Russian projects were realised, Austria -would see herself deprived of her ascendancy over the Porte, which was -nearly as old as that of France. At this time Metternich caused the -French ministry to be sounded, but he was hardly listened to, for the -most decided negotiations were in progress between the three cabinets -of Russia, London, and Paris, on the Greek question; and here it -is well to explain the refusal of Metternich to interfere with the -transactions which led to the treaty of July 1827. - -Since the year 1824, the cause of the Greeks had assumed a degree of -consistency and a European character. Every era has its policy of -sentiments, and people were now infatuated with a classic fanaticism -for the Greeks. No doubt there was something glorious in the heroism -which strove to burst the chain of the barbarians; but the enthusiastic -declarations of Russia, her strong and pressing despatches in favour -of the Greeks, were, in their main object, less the expression of a -religious sympathy than the proceedings of a skilful policy, which -sought to abase the Ottoman Porte, in order subsequently to reduce it -into a state of vassalage. Russia, therefore, applied to Charles X., -by speaking of the cross which had brought salvation to the world. In -England it roused into action the Greek committee, and it was under -the influence of these philanthropic prepossessions that the treaty of -July 1827, and the battle of Navarino, which was the consequence of -it, led to serious uneasiness on the part of Metternich. This minister -instantly divined the full consequences of this shortsighted policy. -The battle of Navarino, by crippling the power of the Porte, killed -it, in a political sense, for the advantage of Russia: it was the -prelude to the campaign of 1828 to the Balkan. Russia had succeeded in -getting M. de la Ferronays placed at the head of foreign affairs in -France: he was an honest man, but rather Russian in his inclinations -and habits; consequently, Metternich could not draw France into a -scheme of confederation and armed league against Russia. He was more -fortunate in England with the Duke of Wellington, who acknowledged the -mistake into which Mr. Canning had fallen, and pronounced the battle -of Navarino _an untoward event_. England had thus returned to a perfect -understanding of which were her real interests. - -People may ask, why did not Metternich at this time decide upon war? -how came it that he did not at once take part with the Ottoman Porte? -It was in consequence of the fixed system of the Austrian chancellor; -he has gained every thing through peace. The conquests of Austria are -owing to her pacific principles--to the species of armed neutrality -which is always ready at the proper moment to obtain some advantage. -A war would have compromised its general position in Europe. Being on -good terms with England, and in concert with that nation, the Austrian -cabinet stayed the victory; it was gaining something during the Russian -expedition of 1829, but it was not enough. - -During this time events were advancing in France towards an unavoidable -crisis; the ministry of M. de Polignac had just been formed. Under a -merely political point of view, this was an advantage for Austria, -for the Russian system had been abandoned, and they had entered into -all the English ideas concerning the Eastern question; still a mind -possessed of so much penetration could not fail to entertain great -anxiety while watching so earnest a struggle between the political -powers in a country like France, which had been accustomed to give an -impulse to the rest of Europe. It is said that Metternich advised a -_coup-d'état_: does this idea evince an acquaintance with the spirit -of moderation and the capacity of the prime minister of Austria? A -_coup-d'état_ is too decided and too noisy a step ever to enter into -the mind of Prince Metternich: when a difficult situation occurs, he -does not attack it in front--he turns it; and, when he shews himself -very determined in a strong and firm resolution, it is because people's -minds are already made up, and there is no longer any risk in having -recourse to it. The Chancellor of the Empire was too well aware of -the folly of M. de Polignac, and of the want of firmness of Charles -X., to be ignorant that they were incapable of conducting a perilous -undertaking to a prosperous termination. In the Foreign Office there -is a despatch on this subject from M. de Rayneval, then ambassador at -Vienna, who details one of his conversations with Prince Metternich, -precisely upon these _coups-d'état_; it was much the subject of -conversation at Vienna, and the uneasiness entertained concerning the -system followed by M. de Polignac is revealed in more than one despatch -addressed to M. d'Appony, the Austrian ambassador at Paris. - -Then broke out the revolution of July, an event of prodigious -importance. Europe had never been in so much danger; for what were the -ideas that led to the eruption? Was it not the spirit of the secret -societies?--republicanism again triumphant in France, the country -which, for the last forty years, had been accustomed to give the -general impulse to continental Europe? The Propaganda principles had -for their leader that old and obstinate spirit, General Lafayette, who -again went to make an appeal to the independence of the people, as he -had done in 1792. A few Frenchmen, and the tricoloured flag displayed -every where, might have caused a general conflagration. What was to -be done? A young, ardent, and inexperienced minister would, perhaps, -have engaged in a war; what a happiness it was for the friends of peace -that Prussia was governed by a wise king, whose mind was rendered -moderate by age, and Austria by a minister who had witnessed so many -storms without being frightened by them! One of the principal traits of -Metternich's character is his perfect freedom from prejudice, either -against or in favour of persons or events, so that he forms a judgment -of them all with a degree of superiority. He therefore awaited the -event of the revolution in a posture of defence; Austria merely held -herself in readiness, and military precautions, combined with the -renewal of political alliances, enabled her to oppose a barrier to all -the invasions of a revolutionary spirit. This moderation was carried -so far, that, as soon as a regular government was established in -France, Metternich hastened to recognise it, without expressing either -dislike or predilection, solely upon the principle that a regular -government is always a protection to order and public peace. Since this -time, Metternich has appeared to follow three rules of conduct, which -govern the whole tenour of his political life. First, to enter into -a close alliance with Russia and Austria for the suppression of all -disturbances in Europe, and, consequently, to renew all the military -contracts entered into at Chaumont in 1814, and Vienna in 1815; -secondly, to combat the spirit of Propaganda, under whatever form it -may appear; and this was a very laborious task, for the revolution of -July had not only dispersed mischievous principles in Europe, but its -money, its emissaries, its flag, and its hopes, had been circulated -in every direction; and, thirdly, the Propaganda spirit having been -every where diffused, Metternich had felt the necessity of augmenting -both the military forces of Austria, and also her vigorous police -establishment. The executive government has every where become more -severe, because it was exposed to more danger. Liberty has sometimes -been confounded with a revolutionary spirit in the system of strict -repression that has been adopted; and it was unavoidable, perhaps, -even necessary, in the complete overthrow of every thing that had been -contemplated. - -The empire of Austria is composed of so many different nations, -that political unity would be as impossible in that empire as in the -Russian, which extends over the half of two hemispheres. All that -can be looked for is liberty in their local constitutions, and in -establishments quite in accordance with the spirit of the States, -and more especially with their situation with regard to the Austrian -government. The most prejudiced people agree that no country can be -more peaceably governed than the hereditary states; the other provinces -which have been successively attached to it require more active -precautions and a more watchful police; but civil liberty, which is, -indeed, the first of all, is even there complete and entire. Let us not -exaggerate; I do not propose the Austrian government as a model--I am -too great an admirer of liberty and of the institutions of my country -not to remain deeply attached to them, but I also give their due to -the manners and customs of the people; and we well know that there are -some countries that require to be governed, because they are utterly -incapable of governing themselves. When travelling in Italy, I have -often asked myself whether all these nations, indolently at variance -with each other, who possess more genius than national vigour, more -liveliness and intelligence than strength and reason, could ever aspire -to a laborious liberty under the dominion of the greatly extolled -Unity, which must have been obtained sword in hand--in fact, if this -rich and lovely Italy, like a charming coquette, was not under the -necessity of submitting to the rule of some one, because she has not -sufficient energy to master either her love or her hatred. - -The administration of Prince Metternich appears to be deeply imbued -with this sentiment, which has been severely put to the proof by him, -that if civil liberty is necessary to all, political liberty is only -desirable for a few, so far as it does not affect the character and -the safety of government. Protection should be granted to talent, but -it ought to be serious talent, which will not evaporate in pamphlets; -improvement, no doubt, is desirable, but it should take place without -turbulence. The house of Austria has a great dread of noise, she is -afraid of being talked of; never striving after _éclat_ or clamorous -liberty, she resembles those German professors who amass a store of -erudition and science in some dusty corner of the university, and who -only publish a few scarce copies of their works for the use of the -learned. - -The private life of Prince Metternich has been repeatedly visited -with domestic affliction. Mourning has darkened his dwelling, and the -distractions of the busy world have not always been able to mitigate -his grief. In private society his manners are affable, and he enjoys -the repose of home after the fatigues of his vast ministerial duties. -A clever writer has observed that he spends great part of his time -in conversation; it is a propensity indulged in by men who have seen -every thing--they take pleasure in _talking history_ in their fireside -conversations, which are carefully preserved by their auditors. And -who has not listened with delight to M. Talleyrand, when he used to -give vent to his recollections? Prince Metternich has written long and -curious memoirs, full of justificatory notes, for he considers himself -at the bar of posterity. His work is a great one, and, as I said at the -commencement of this sketch, all the glory and all the responsibility -of it will rest with him. When we look back upon what Austria was -after the peace of Presburg, and that we contemplate her now, greater -than she had ever been, with her public credit, her ascendancy among -the European states, the peace and the government of her provinces, -her civil and military organisation, and then consider that all this -is the work of _one_ minister, who has governed the empire for the -last thirty years, we may easily form an idea of some of the judgments -of posterity. We are ourselves surrounded by ruins, both of men and -things; government, administration, ministry, every thing, has fallen -to pieces, and when, from the midst of the wreck the revolutions have -brought upon us, we turn our eyes upon a countenance which has remained -unmoved among all the ravages of time, it appears as if it did not -belong to the present period; we look back upon Richelieu, upon those -ministers who laid down a system, and then carried it onward to its -completion. - -Prince Metternich has reached an advanced age, yet he preserves all -his faculties perfectly, with a ready wit that is admirable, and a -freshness of recollection, which turns with extreme pleasure to the -time of the French Empire and his embassy to Paris during the reign of -Napoleon. We have all some favourite period of our lives, and we love -particularly to dwell upon the days of our youth, before the illusions -which charmed us had entirely faded away. He always speaks with great -respect of the Emperor Napoleon, whose noble countenance exercised an -unspeakable influence over his future life. Wherever that great genius -passed, it left an indelible impression; and it was by the desire of -Metternich that the remains of the Duke de Reichstadt were placed -beside those of Maria Theresa and Francis II. in the vault of the -Capuchin Church. It is a fine idea of the emperors of Austria to choose -their last abode in the church of the most lowly of religious orders, -to humble their greatness before the poorest brethren of the Christian -church. The Capuchins have every thing in common, among them there is -no property, no distinction between mine and thine. Babœuf was only -a plagiary from them without the moral idea of heaven, which purifies -and sanctifies every thing. - -The house of Austria is accustomed to be governed by old ministers, -and its traditionary spirit takes pleasure in it. In politics it is -often better to do well than to do a great deal, to act after due -deliberation than to act hastily, and then return to deliberate. Prince -Metternich is not an enemy to any form of government that has order -for its basis; and this offers an explanation of his conduct since -the revolution. When the Propaganda was heard every where, he decided -strongly in favour of war, and his expression to the French ambassador -at Vienna is well known: "If we must perish, it is just as well to die -of apoplexy as to be suffocated with a slow fire; we will declare for -war." - -The wisdom of the French government, its salutary repression of -every Propaganda spirit, maintained peace. Since that period the -Austrian minister, in all questions of any importance, has preserved -the position of an armed mediator, with the invariable desire of -preserving peace, and what he terms the European _status quo_. He does -not consider the present time requires agitation, war, or conquest. -According to him, it is a season of organisation, and, by the position -he gives to his monarchy, he holds the balance even, so as to prevent -any conflict between the north and south of Europe. He said to me -wittily one day: "I am, to a certain degree, the confessor of all the -cabinets; I give absolution to those who have committed the fewest -sins, and I thus maintain peace in their souls." - -In this situation it is easier for Metternich to employ himself -in particular improvements. Austria is in a remarkable state of -prosperity; we ought to be proud of our France, and it undoubtedly is -a fine country, but, with our national pride, we form singular ideas -upon the state of other people; and yet, among them also, we may every -where observe signs of very forward civilisation, commerce, industry, -railroads, with pleasing and kind hospitality, all are to be met with -in the Austrian states; without speaking of the intellectual movement -more sober, and as far advanced as in our country of little romances, -novels, theatrical, and literary critiques. - -Men who like to bring circumstances together have sometimes instituted -a comparison between Prince Metternich and Prince Kaunitz, who was so -long at the head of the Austrian government. Although these parallels -are always rather arbitrary, and that the different shades in the human -character are innumerable, we may safely affirm in this instance, -that there never existed two minds more completely opposed to each -other; the only point of resemblance consists in the duration of their -administration. Prince Kaunitz, altogether weakened by the ideas of the -eighteenth century, allowed the Austrian empire to degenerate into a -state of supineness and indolence. Prince Metternich, on the contrary, -has reconstructed and consolidated this monarchy; he has retained -nothing of Prince Kaunitz's system, except its extreme moderation, and -the traditions of _status quo_, adopted after the great reign of Maria -Theresa. After Metternich, will Austria follow a different system? Will -the statesman that appears likely to succeed him adopt a less prudent -and more advanced plan? We do not believe it. It is in Austria with -the ministers as with the heirs of the throne in England; before their -accession they aim at popularity, and, when once at the head of the -government, they continue the proceedings of the former reign, because -reason and experience are of some value, and that the magnificent -part of Austria is to place itself as an idea of pacification between -empires which would strike against each other with too much violence. - - - - -M. DE TALLEYRAND.[7] - - [7] M. de Talleyrand, who had naturally an inclination in favour of - ancient honours, preferred his title of duke of the old monarchy to - his principality; for the title of prince, unless in connexion with - the Blood Royal, was considered as of foreign extraction, and not to - possess any aristocratic importance. - - -One of the torments of a statesman who has played a great part in -politics is to see his conduct subjected to the judgment of ignoble -minds and the discussions of people incapable of forming a just -estimate of it. How much has been written concerning M. de Talleyrand! -how many _bons mots_, and how many rude sayings have been attributed to -him! His biography has been made a sort of _Ana_, for the amusement of -idle people; he has been represented as a kind of facetious personage, -almost a mountebank, abounding in all the little wit of society, and of -provincial towns. Few men have pierced through the mysteries of that -long existence; still fewer have read in the wrinkles of this old man, -and in his eyes, still sparkling under his slightly contracted brows, -the secret thoughts, the powerful motives that swayed his life, which -was one of unity and system. - -If you have ever travelled in the southern part of France, you must -have lingered in the Périgord, the province which still comprehends -the best and the most numerous nobility of very ancient descent in the -whole kingdom. There you will on every side meet with memorials of the -Bosons and the Talleyrands, the sovereign princes of the province of -Quercy: the keepers of the old records will recount to you the exploits -of the Bosons of Périgord, under the Wolf dukes during the Carlovingian -dynasty, who received this name from their wild exploits in the -forests. The families of Talleyrand and Montesquiou-Fezensac disputed -with each other the precedence over all the southern nobility. M. de -Talleyrand sprang from the younger branch of the Grignols, who were -of the stock of André de Talleyrand, Comte de Grignols, the youngest -branch of the Périgord family; the eldest branch became extinct upon -the death of Marie Francoise, Princess of Chalais, and Marchioness of -Exideuil.[8] - - [8] The arms of M. de Talleyrand were, Gules, three lions, or, langued, - armed, and crowned azure, prince's coronet on the shield, ducal crown - on the mantle. Device, _Re que Diou_ (Nothing but God above us). - -I have been particular in dwelling upon the high nobility of his -origin, because it greatly assisted his position in diplomatic affairs. -Noble birth, however people may declaim against it, facilitates -negotiations with European powers. Be it a weakness, be it a habit, -when a man takes his place as a titled nobleman, among so many -foreigners of illustrious birth, it is an advantage to his position; he -treats on a footing of equality, he obtains more because he is among -his peers, misfortune does not upset him, because he preserves his name -in spite of every thing; he cannot be degraded, for revolutions no more -deprive him of the nobility of his race, than the royal confiscations -that formerly took place could destroy the old family coat-of-arms. - -Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord was born at Paris in the year -1754; his maternal grandmother was the clever and witty Princess -des Ursins, that eminent person who directed the councils of Philip -V. of Spain, as her friend Madame de Maintenon governed the mind of -Louis XIV. M. de Talleyrand, being the youngest of the family, was -intended for holy orders, according to the custom of the nobility, -who devoted themselves to the profession of arms, to the church, -or the manor; an active life was necessary to men of family. There -had always been a high prelate of the house of Talleyrand, and this -ecclesiastical dignity was intended for the young Abbé of Périgord, -who was accordingly sent at the age of fourteen to the seminary of -Saint-Sulpice. One ought to have heard Talleyrand himself, in his hours -of gaiety and unreserve, recount the pranks and first love-affair of -the young abbé; his scaling the walls, his visits to the roof of the -house,--all of them things little suitable to the serious profession -for which he was intended by his family. I think that in reading his -Memoirs in the year 1827-28, at which time he was out of favour, he -made some concessions to the little philosophers of the eighteenth -century, who surrounded him under the Restoration. - -His ecclesiastical studies were limited; he occupied himself but little -with theology, but already very much with business. The situation of -general agent for the clergy was given him by the custom of his family, -which was a very lucrative appointment, for he might be considered -as the _chargé d'affaires_ of that great body, and he exhibited -great method and remarkable judgment in the skilful application of -the revenues of the church, which amounted to above one hundred and -thirty-six millions of livres. The clergy met in a chapter every year, -and the Abbé de Talleyrand gave an account of their revenues, of the -steps he had taken, and the duties he had performed with regard to the -court; his reports are remarkably exact, with a clearness of style that -is very uncommon. - -At the age of five-and-thirty, after having attained the majority -required by the Church, he was raised to the bishopric of Autun,--a -fine appointment, which would afterwards lead to the archbishopric of -Rheims and a cardinal's hat. The revenue of the see amounted to 60,000 -francs, a magnificent situation for a young bishop, but such was the -custom of the nobility; nevertheless, the bent of his inclinations -led him to belong to the philosophical society, and the followers of -the English school, which began to appear upon the horizon in 1789; -among these were Mirabeau, Cabanis, Lally-Tollendal, and Mounier, in -fact all the men who were dreaming of a reform in France. People said -wittily that M. de Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, with his prebend and -his bishopric, looked upon himself as an abuse. At this time people -were animated with a glorious passion for suppressing themselves; -and when one recollects that the proposal to abolish the titles of -nobility was made by De Montmorency, De Montesquiou, La Rochefoucauld, -De Talleyrand, and Clermont-Tonnerre, those illustrious elders of the -French nobility, one must honestly confess that an incomprehensible -spirit of vertigo had taken possession of the French society. There -was in this something so insane, so eccentric, that I imagine the -ancient nobility must have been led by an interested motive towards the -suppression of titles: during the last three centuries so many patents -of nobility had been conferred, that the really illustrious families -were no longer distinguished: there were too many titled plebeians. -Now, if all titles were abolished by a decree, all this nobility of -a modern date would be entirely suppressed, for it depended solely -upon royal grants and letters patent written according to the caprice -of the sovereign; whilst those who bore a historical name, as the -Rochefoucaulds, the Montmorencys, and the Montesquious, had no need of -deeds to prove their genealogy; it was part of the soil. - -The Abbé de Talleyrand was in possession of his rich bishopric of Autun -when the States-General were convened, and he was appointed deputy of -the clergy of his diocese to the Constituent Assembly, so remarkable -from its adventurous spirit, the boldness of its conceptions, and its -total want of connexion, and absence of all kind of unity or method, -either moral or political. The Constituent Assembly was a great chaos, -where the opinions of men of talent clashed with each other, where all -sorts of extravagances were proposed in the executive government, and -all the ideas most fitted to overturn the monarchy and the society of -France were encouraged; Rousseau's social contract was applied to a -people already old in its customs and civilisation. - -The Bishop of Autun shewed himself the most zealous protector of all -these innovations; he proposed the abolition of titles, and vehemently -advocated the civil constitution of the clergy; he also introduced into -the public system of education all the ideas of false and mischievous -philosophy which the eighteenth century had diffused in human minds. -Along with the Marquis of Condorcet, and Cabanis, he was one of the -adepts, and of the friends of Mirabeau, whom that statesman and popular -orator used to employ for the furtherance of the interests of his -intellectual dictatorship. They were accustomed to meet in the evening -at Mirabeau's house, to prepare the projects which would resound the -next day from the tribune of the assembly. Without being very well -educated, the Bishop of Autun was gifted with an extremely fluent -style, and a mode of expression remarkable for its clearness, and its -elegant precision: the ancient high nobility certainly always possessed -great natural talents; they had but little information, and yet they -were eminently gifted with the power of expressing what they wished to -say. - -The solemn festival of the confederation took place at this -period, a singular proceeding of which the spirit has been greatly -misrepresented: it was theatrical, for such is always necessary in -France. In the Champ de Mars an altar was erected, surmounted by -tricoloured flags, upon a scaffolding fifty feet high, ornamented with -ribands, also of the national colours. Then came M. de Lafayette, -at that time a very handsome man, with his courteous and somewhat -hypocritical countenance beaming with smiles, mounted upon his -snow-white, slender, prancing steed, and wearing the uniform of the -National Guard with long skirts and a three-cornered hat on his head, -as it was the fashion at the time of the American War. He was then -trying on his royal dignity. Around him crowded the deputations from -the Departments with their flags; there were many drunken people, as it -was natural there should be, and others tired with having wheeled earth -from the Champ de Mars; and there was a plentiful exchange of kisses -and embraces, according to the system so approved by Lamourette. At the -foot of the altar of which I have spoken appeared M. de Talleyrand, -bishop of Autun, dressed in his pontifical habits, his mitre on his -head, a crosier in his hand, and with manners as elegant, as much -refinement, and as studiously dignified a demeanour, as he afterwards -discovered when carrying his crutch stick into the assembly of the -corps diplomatique: kneeling beside him was the Abbé Louis (afterwards -Minister of Finance) one of the curates, in his alb and surplice. - -The mass was celebrated with due solemnity by the Bishop of Autun; but -there is a tradition which, for the honour and character of Talleyrand, -we will believe to be unfounded, that when Mirabeau passed beside -the altar the officiating pontiff addressed to him some expressions -of mockery and irreligion, which must have weighed heavily upon -his conscience on his death-bed. There are, unfortunately, seasons -of youth and evil passions, when people give way to anti-Christian -ideas, and at that time a degree of impiety was the fashion. Was -it not then considered good taste to ridicule the holy and noble -ceremonies of the Catholic religion? Talleyrand took a part in all -the anti-religious proceedings of the Constituent Assembly upon the -situation of the clergy in France, and he was commissioned to apply the -civil constitution to his diocese, but the powerful opposition of his -clergy did not permit him to accomplish his purpose, for the greater -part of the parish priests refused to take the oath. He was present -at the consecration of the first constitutional bishops, and, if this -devoted conduct was considered deserving of praise by the assembly, it -was regarded in a very different light elsewhere, and drew upon him the -excommunication of the holy see. Pope Pius VI. published a bull against -the Bishop of Autun, in which he declared him out of the pale of the -Church, for having become an adherent of the civil constitution of -the clergy. This step needs no explanation, such a constitution being -in its very essence subversive of all Catholic faith. It was a work -of the ultra-Jansenist party, and so thoroughly overstepped all the -established rules, that it allowed the Jews and Protestants belonging -to various districts and corporations to participate in the election -of the Catholic clergy. A bishop or a schoolmaster was appointed in the -same manner that a deputy was elected for the National Assembly, for -the whole electoral body discharged their duties in the same manner. -An absurd principle of equality had levelled every thing; the people -appointed the mayors, the bishops, the parish priests, the deputies, -and the municipal officers. It was disorder in equality; the levelling -principle had trampled down society. - -Talleyrand was the intimate friend of Mirabeau, or, to speak with -more precision, the great tribune made a tool of him. They had lived -together, and together had prepared their works for the Assembly. The -popular orator had just been attacked by the mortal disease which -carried him off in so rapid and mysterious a manner, and the Bishop -of Autun was present when his friend breathed his last. It was not as -a ghostly comforter affording him the consolations of his ministry, -it was not as a Catholic bishop pointing to a world beyond the grave -when those eloquent lips were about to be sealed in death; M. de -Talleyrand sat by the bedside of the dying man as the depository of -his last thoughts and of his political labours, which led to the -destruction of the monarchy. Mirabeau had committed to writing a work -upon the equal division of inheritance among the different members of -a family, and on the right of making testamentary dispositions, it -being the object of the Revolutionists to overturn civil rights as -they had already destroyed political ones, because it was well known -they were intimately connected. The Bishop of Autun undertook to read -the discourse of Mirabeau in the name of his friend at the National -Assembly, and excited the most lively enthusiasm while repeating the -last words of the orator whose career was now at an end. The life of -Mirabeau had been, in some respects, the reaction of a mind filled -with strong passions against the persecutions he had endured as a son -from the hand of a severe and inflexible father, and his discourse -upon limiting the right of making a will and on the equal division of -inheritance affords the most certain proof of it. The gift of eloquence -was held in the most enthusiastic estimation by the Constituent -Assembly, it resolved the greatest part of its business into brilliant -oratorical theories, resting upon the ideas of demolition, which were -the offspring of the eighteenth century, and as Talleyrand had some -difficulty in ascending the tribune, he played but a secondary part -at that time. He excited attention principally by his management of -business and by his assiduous attendance on committees; it does not -appear that he had attained, even at this period, to the reputation of -taciturn ability enjoyed by the Abbé Siéyès, and I seldom meet with his -name in important and brilliant discussions. - -When the Constituent Assembly had concluded their work, Talleyrand -quitted France for England. M. de Chauvelin was ambassador there -from the unfortunate Louis XVI., and the Bishop of Autun received -a commission, of which the object was to draw the two governments -of France and England into a nearer resemblance to each other, by -establishing a system of two legislative chambers exactly upon the -model of the English houses of parliament. There was already some idea -of a revolution like that of 1688, and Talleyrand might serve as an -agent for the attempt, for there was a good understanding between him -and M. de Chauvelin, and a still better between him and the clubs of -England. But opinions travelled too fast to allow proper consideration -being given to the due balance of power, and the sovereignty of the -people had given rise to the scheme of a single chamber. Diplomatic -business now went on in a singular manner; instead of the clever and -prudent system, which since the commencement of the reign of Louis XVI. -had secured so many advantages to France, so many favourable treaties, -so many important annexations of territory, the diplomatic corps now -amused themselves in encouraging the propaganda and spreading every -where the spirit of Jacobinism. M. de Talleyrand had some interviews -with the principal leaders of the Whigs, and his intimacy with Earl -Grey began from this date. Shortly after this, being concerned in the -intrigues of Danton, he returned to Paris on the 11th of August, and he -always took pleasure in saying that his not having perished on the 2d -of September was owing to the efforts of that singularly energetic man, -as well as his having been able to obtain a passport for England. - -As the course of events was progressing towards war, and that the trial -of Louis XVI. was considered by the Tories as a total subversion of -every thing, Talleyrand received an order to quit Great Britain in -virtue of the alien act, and was only allowed twenty-four hours to -make his arrangements. In the year 1793 people were in the midst of -revolutionary excitements; he, therefore, did not return to France, but -embarked for the United States, the country that was then pointed out -as a model, a pattern government, which the republican party in the -Legislative Assembly always cited as the most perfect that political -ideas could conceive, and which M. de la Fayette never ceased to -extol. At that time two schools prevailed, the American system and -the revolution of 1688, both of which have been since renewed and -perpetuated both in men and events. - -Talleyrand settled in the United States, and during some years he -devoted himself to commerce, and engaged in speculations with a -considerable degree of activity. There always was something adventurous -and bold in his disposition in money matters; to use a familiar -expression, no one ever made his fortune oftener than M. de Talleyrand, -without being particularly scrupulous as to the means he employed. -His property in France was sequestered, it was, therefore, with very -limited funds that he commenced his mercantile operations in the United -States; and it was certainly singular enough to see a bishop of 1789, -afterwards a popular orator, then a secret diplomatist acting as a spy -for a party of the National Assembly, finally transforming himself into -a merchant in a counting-house at Boston or New York. The shades of the -ancient Bosons of Périgord, those great feudal barons, must have been -horrified and have indignantly grasped their lances and their coats -of arms when they contemplated their descendant seated amid bales of -cotton in a republic of shopkeepers. In this manner do revolutions -take hold of a man's destiny, play with it, and raise and abase it by -turns; but the nobility had already accustomed France to still more -extraordinary courses: had not men of noble birth in Brittany and -Gascony become freebooters and buccaneers under Henry IV., Louis XIII., -and Louis XIV.? - -A commercial profession in a country so distant from important -events did not suit Talleyrand's inclination, and when order was a -little restored, he lost no time in soliciting permission to return -to France, the scene of his earliest days. He had left many friends -there, among the partisans of what was called the moderate republic -and constitutional system; such were Chenier and Madame de Staël, -belonging to the literary and philosophical portion of society under -the Directory, who had regained some degree of importance after the -Reign of Terror was past, for in calmer times the different shades of a -party become more evident. - -It was particularly to the earnest solicitations of Madame de Staël -that Talleyrand owed his return, and we know that her influence was -at that time very great. Chenier undertook the report, and a decree -was passed revoking the rigorous measures that had been adopted in -1793 against the late Bishop of Autun; it was also declared that he -had not emigrated. Talleyrand had at that time entirely left off -the ecclesiastical habit, and appeared every where as a layman. He -enjoyed in the world a great reputation for wit and talent; there was -something noble in his countenance, without its being exactly striking; -he carried his head remarkably well, and his hair fell in curls upon -his shoulders. He was no longer a young man, still his reputation for -gallantry and for agreeableness in society had procured for him a great -ascendancy over some women of that period, in the midst of that most -singular society in the time of Barras and the Directory, in which were -jumbled together men of high rank, contractors, renowned characters, -and courtesans. Talleyrand had brought with him Madame Grand, with -whom he had become acquainted at Hamburg, and, by a whimsical -contrast, it was said no woman ever was possessed of less sense or -less intelligence. We know how many capital stories were told of her -in the Fauxbourg St. Germain, of which even the republic was so much -afraid. The reason is, that the spirit of good society possesses great -influence at the time that a bad state of society prevails. Jests were -uttered, and the most charming _naïvetés_ were attributed to Madame -Talleyrand, of which that regarding _M. Denon and Robinson Crusoe_ is, -perhaps, the most inimitable. - -As soon as he arrived in Paris, Talleyrand joined the Constitutional -Club, which used to meet at the Hôtel de Salm. Many thinking people -saw the republic was gradually coming to an end, it had then but -very little root in France. It was no longer possible to maintain a -feeble and violent democracy, which gave way to the most fantastic and -extraordinary paroxysms in the public assembly; people returned to -the system of the balance of power, and to the English ideas that the -school of Mounier and Lally-Tollendal had been desirous of rendering -prevalent in the Constituent Assembly, and that Talleyrand had been -commissioned to represent in London, in his secret mission, in which, -as I before observed, there was mingled some idea of a revolution like -that of 1688. - -The institution of an executive directory had been the first step -towards an oligarchic system, where, in default of an unity of power, -a centre of action, reduced to five persons, had been established. -Talleyrand applied all his credit to the support of the Directory, for, -not being strong enough at that time to resist or to try to overturn -the government, his only object was to draw some advantage from it. -He refused steadily to join the royalist party, which, before the -18th Fructidor, was preparing the downfall of the Directory; still -less would he belong to the Jacobin faction, for which he felt a -strong antipathy, on account of its construction and its inclinations; -accordingly, when the 18th Fructidor burst over France, with the -proscription of the councils and the press, he was appointed to the -ministry for foreign affairs; and the _Moniteur_ announced that citizen -Talleyrand, devoted to the interests of the republic, was about to give -a powerful impulse to our relations with foreign powers. To accept -office under a republic was a singular employment for the heir of the -Bosons of Périgord; but then was not the heir of the Barras, a family -as old as the rocks of Provence, the chief of the five directors? A -curious history might be written by following the career of the old -nobility during the French revolution; they assumed the position that -men of gentle blood had done in former times during civil disturbances, -every thing adventurous suited the younger branches of a noble family. - -We must now consider what was the state of France with regard to -foreign affairs. The Directory was at war with Austria, Russia, and -England; Belgium was ours, we occupied part of Italy, and the rest was -transformed into little republics, after the model of the executive -directory; for there was at that time, as during all revolutions, a -great propaganda mania. Money was the principal instrument of the -Directory, every thing was accomplished by means of bribery, and people -made haste to achieve a fortune, that they might afterwards spend it -in miserable debauchery. When a negotiation was opened with a foreign -power, the first step was to impose contributions, and to demand secret -presents; and the minister for foreign affairs was a sort of agent -commissioned to receive all this _spolia opima_, which afterwards went -to fatten the friends of Barras and Siéyès, or some women who invaded -the saloons of the Luxembourg, and presided over their sensual rites. -It was a time when modesty was banished; the state of society resembled -the Greek courtesans of the Directory, who, while they almost dispensed -with clothing, covered even their feet with precious stones. Talleyrand -began afresh to work at his fortune, but, no doubt, he manœuvred -with too little discretion, for at the end of some months he was -openly denounced by Charles de Lacroix, and was obliged to give in his -resignation, after having published a rather curious pamphlet, which I -have succeeded in obtaining; it bears the name of "Eclaircissements." -A pamphlet written by him is a very rare book, for he has written -very little in the course of his life. This little work contains an -exposition of the conduct of Citizen Talleyrand, from the time of the -Constituent Assembly to his appointment to the ministry for foreign -affairs, and is couched in very moderate language. The ex-minister -replies to his calumniators with remarkable clearness and simplicity, -appealing to the testimony afforded by the past, during the whole -course of his life. This pamphlet excited a vast controversy. Citizen -Talleyrand was also impeached as an extortioner from the tribune of -the Five Hundred, even by Lucien Buonaparte, and he was overwhelmed -under the evidence produced against him, with the view of applying -the principle of ministerial responsibility to his case. He had great -difficulty in escaping from this unpleasant situation, in which he had -been placed by rather too much avidity during his ministry for foreign -affairs. I must confess, one of the defects of his character was his -public indifference to all charges brought against him with regard to -money; it often compromised his reputation, and sometimes placed him in -a very awkward situation. - -Having quarrelled with the Directory, we now find him working with all -his might for the establishment of the consular government. Buonaparte -had surrounded himself on his return from Egypt with all the men who -possessed any political talent or any idea of order in society, and he -did not disdain the extensive abilities of M. de Talleyrand. The Abbé -Siéyès had no predilection for the Bishop of Autun; there was an angry -feeling between them on clerical subjects; but Napoleon required them -both, he indulged in no feelings of repugnance when the triumph of his -ambition was at stake; he therefore employed them both, each according -to his abilities, so as to render them subservient to his designs. The -influence of Talleyrand over the constitutional party was not devoid -of utility upon the 18th Brumaire, and when the consular government -was established, the provisional commission appointed him minister for -foreign affairs as a recompense for the service he had rendered, and -Buonaparte confirmed him in his situation as soon as he was proclaimed -First Consul. - -A more extensive field was now open before him; the consular government -was founded on a principle of unity, there was no longer in their -relations with foreign powers the unrestrained violence exhibited by -the National Convention, or the unconnected measures pursued by the -Directory. It was possible to negotiate with decency and moderation, -the relations of one state to another were assuming a character -of regularity they had never possessed under any of the preceding -governments, and then commenced the great diplomatic arrangements which -were at last to bless Europe with repose. - -The glorious commencement of the consulate was distinguished by -numerous treaties; at Lunneville peace was concluded with Austria, at -Amiens a covenant was made with England; other treaties were succeeded -by peace with Russia and the Porte, and in all these negotiations -Talleyrand evinced great skill and knowledge of what was proper and -advisable. He placed the correspondence between governments upon an -excellent footing, keeping aloof from the extravagant system which the -agents of the Directory introduced into foreign negotiations during -the time of the _Carmagnole_ diplomatists, who levied so many forced -contributions upon the pictures, the gold crucifixes, and the little -property of the poor in the Mont de Piété.[9] - - [9] A pawnbroking establishment in Paris under the protection of the - government. - -These treaties were a great assistance to the fortune of Talleyrand, -being almost all followed by presents of considerable value, according -to the custom observed in negotiations between one state and another. - -On these occasions the minister did not exhibit sufficient modesty, -I might say, sufficient discretion, for people had a tolerably good -idea how much he had gained by each treaty, in money and diamonds. No -doubt there was some exaggeration in the charges brought against him -by discontented people, but I repeat it, one great defect of M. de -Talleyrand was an inclination to play with bribery and corruption, and -to establish it as a theoretic principle, even in his conversation: -the stain remains upon his name. He held men in too much contempt, and -this is a sentiment which society always returns with interest. It was -now necessary he should lay the foundation of a new fortune; he entered -boldly into various speculations: while avaricious and economical in -little things, he gambled in the stocks with a perfect frenzy, and even -lost considerable sums of money in them. Immediately after the peace -of Amiens he had speculated upon a rise, and his gain appeared almost -certain, but it happened by one of those caprices which stock-jobbing -can alone explain, that the public funds fell more than ten per cent -after the signing of the treaty, and he lost several millions of francs -in a single turn of the stocks. These caprices of fortune occurred -repeatedly in the course of his long life, and explain the necessity he -was constantly under of repairing his fortune. - -The late Bishop of Autun had just been entirely restored to secular -life by permission of Pope Pius VII. While the negotiation concerning -the concordat was in progress, the First Consul insisted M. Portalis -should write to Rome, and request a brief from the pope authorising the -secularisation of M. de Talleyrand; and the venerable Pius VII., who -made so many sacrifices to obtain peace for the Church, consented to -the act, though he rather exceeded his powers by so doing, as according -to the canon the character of priest is indelible. It is said that -this brief was not entirely explicit, the pontiff did not establish -a principle permitting the marriage of priests; he merely, in virtue -of his discretionary power, granted an act of indulgence and personal -pardon to M. de Talleyrand for a deed he had already committed. - -The ex-bishop had hardly laid down his crosier before he was -compelled to submit to the imperious requisitions of the First -Consul. Buonaparte, who piqued himself upon his strict morality, -insisted he should enter the state of matrimony--a most grievous yoke -to impose upon a man of wit and good taste, for, with his habitual -tact, Talleyrand had been well aware of the amusement afforded to the -Fauxbourg St. Germain by the silliness and ignorance of Madame Grand, -and when she should be legally invested with the title of Citizeness -Talleyrand, how she would expose herself to the sarcasms and the -ridicule of the aristocracy! But there was no help for it, for the -First Consul had decided it should be so. The marriage was accordingly -celebrated at the municipality and in the church, and as people -expressed it, _the Bishop of Autun took to himself a wife_. - -The ministry of the First Consul now comprehended two men of great -importance, Talleyrand and Fouché. The one represented at the court -of Buonaparte the ancient aristocracy restored--he was essentially -the man of diplomatic forms and traditions; Fouché, on the contrary, -was the representative of Jacobinism and the revolutionary principle, -which the First Consul considered as an internal malady fatal to his -power. A deeply-rooted and continual competition could not fail to -arise between two characters who had been led to accept office by -such different ideas, and who met in the presence of Napoleon as the -expression of such different systems. Both were men of incontestable -ability, and were constantly informing against each other, or, at -least, keeping a careful watch over the proceedings of their rival -colleague; in addition to which, Fouché was very anxious to obtain the -direction of Foreign affairs. Buonaparte was perfectly aware of the -hatred that existed between them, but he was too wise to sacrifice one -of the ministers to the other; each served as a check upon his rival, -and he listened to the information they gave him, quite certain that -neither would allow the treacherous dealings of the other to escape. -It was in this manner Fouché delivered to Buonaparte the minutes of -the secret treaty with Paul I., which Talleyrand had communicated to -the court of London through the medium of one of his agents. The agent -was sacrificed, but Buonaparte did not venture to touch his principal, -because there was some danger in making known the treachery. Talleyrand -afterwards employed the same agent in several subordinate negotiations; -indeed, it is well known that he rather preferred people who were not -much incommoded by scruples of conscience, men of whom he could boldly -disclaim all knowledge if necessary, and who were content he should do -so. - -We now come to the lamentable affair of the Duc d'Enghien; and there -is not the slightest doubt that Talleyrand was as well acquainted as -General Savary with Buonaparte's determination to seize the prince. -He denied it in vain, for positive proofs exist of the truth of our -assertion; amongst others, his letter to the Baron of Edelsheim, -minister of Baden, which has been preserved in an entire state. The -following is an extract from it: "The First Consul has considered -it necessary to order two detachments to proceed to Offemburg and -to Ettenheim, to secure the authors of so odious a crime, which is -sufficient to deprive the persons who have been concerned in it of the -benefit of the law of nations." - -After the arrest of the unfortunate prince, Talleyrand was acquainted -with all the proceedings of this horrible affair, and he was present -at the privy council where his condemnation was determined upon, or, -at least, discussed. I dare not believe the cold and laconic reply -attributed to him in the drawing-room of his old friend, the Duchess -of ***, the very evening the Duc d'Enghien was tried at Vincennes. -This reply was not only an atrocious expression, but it also involved -a degree of imprudence which did not make part of his character. It is -bad enough to have been concerned even indirectly in so fearful a crime. - -In the midst of the active negotiations in which Talleyrand felt -obliged to appear and to take a part, was there a political system -formed in his mind, or merely a general principle? He still retained -a strong bias towards English ideas, and a wish for an alliance with -that country. This system, on which his earliest diplomatic plans -were based, was constantly in his mind; he had not forgotten his -residence in England at the beginning of the French revolution under -M. de Chauvelin; he was also intimately connected with the Whig party, -and considered Great Britain as the political ally of France against -Russia, which last appeared to him, of all the powers in Europe, the -most dangerous, as far as the civilisation of the world was concerned. -He had not observed that by her situation Russia is our easiest, our -most natural, and our most disinterested ally, for France and Russia do -not clash either in a political or commercial point of view. But there -are some early impressions which never wear out, and Talleyrand had -passed some of the best years of his life in England, and on terms of -friendship with Lord Grey, Lord Russell, Fox, and Sheridan. - -He received the title of Grand Chamberlain at the accession of -Napoleon to the throne, for which event his diplomatic correspondence -had already prepared Europe, and he had also entered into a solemn -justification of it to all the different cabinets. Napoleon liked to -be surrounded by people of illustrious birth, and it appeared useful -to the brilliancy of his crown to have a Boson de Périgord among the -officers of his palace; it was in accordance with his passion for -aristocratical honours, and his wish to restore the old state of -society. M. de Talleyrand played a great part in the first negotiations -with Germany, before and after the peace of Presburg, that peace -which effected such a radical change in the political and territorial -situation of the German nation. It was he who, with the assistance of -M. Reinhard, contrived to bring about the Confederation of the Rhine, -which made an end of the predominancy in Germany of the ancient house -of Austria. After these negotiations were concluded, he received the -title of Prince of Benevento, with a real feudal authority under -the protectorate of France, which afforded him a revenue of 150,000 -livres per annum, and made with his salary as minister for foreign -affairs about 500,000 francs.[10] The peace of Presburg was certainly -a most brilliant epoch in his ministry. As the representative of the -magnificent military government whose grandeur overshadowed the earth, -he assumed a certain degree of majesty in his manners and habits. The -Prince of Benevento held a _cour plénière_ for the German electors, who -came to request from him a fief, or a portion of his supreme power. At -the summit of his greatness, Talleyrand's mind still turned to the -English alliance, and when Fox succeeded Pitt at the head of affairs, -he again conceived the project of opening negotiations with a view to -peace; he was firmly convinced that no general peace could be concluded -in Europe without the concurrence of England, and he was desirous a -vast system of compensation should be arranged, which might incline -her towards pacific measures, for no treaty can be durable that is not -based upon equity. But these projects were interrupted by one of the -most serious circumstances that occurred in the whole course of his -life. - - [10] About 20,000_l._ - -It has been said that Talleyrand retired from office because he did not -agree in the opinions of Napoleon regarding the war in Spain. I have -deeply studied the question, and I believe this report to be utterly -untrue. There is but a slight approximation of dates between his -resignation and the treachery of Bayonne; it is this approximation that -has been laid hold of to gild the disgrace of the minister. Talleyrand -was, in fact, replaced by M. de Champagny a little before the Spanish -war, but he took part with the cabinet in all the intrigues which -led to the events of Aranjuez. The reunion of the Peninsula in one -political system with France agreed well with his historical ideas upon -the family compact, and several letters are still in existence from -the Prince of Benevento which confirm his participation in all these -events, as well as a curious report to the Emperor, demonstrating the -advantages that would accrue from reuniting both crowns in his family, -in imitation of the grand political scheme of Louis XIV. - -The real cause of Talleyrand's disgrace was the active attempts he made -to negotiate peace with England independent of Napoleon. The Emperor -did not at all like men who acted upon their own opinion; he liked -every thing to originate with himself alone. He got rid of Talleyrand -as, in succeeding years, he shook off Fouché, minister of police. - -There are times when men of consideration are a source of -embarrassment, when advisers are no longer required: devoted servants -alone are necessary. The Prince of Benevento took advantage of the -circumstance, and as the Spanish war was very unpopular, he assumed -the attitude of a martyr to his love for peace and moderate measures. -He was always clever enough to account for his being out of favour -by attributing it to some motive which might secure him a good place -in public opinion, and he then profited by his situation to wage an -underhand, but murderous war, against the power which had rejected -him from its circle of activity. When he was no longer at the head of -affairs for the purpose of directing them, he took care to bring up the -rear, for the sake of causing hinderance and annoyance. Nevertheless, -his dismissal was now covered with a golden mantle; he received the -title of vice-grand elector, with the same salary of 500,000 francs, -that he enjoyed during his ministry. The activity of his mind led him -afresh into commercial pursuits, he gambled in the stocks, became -a partner in a banking-house at Hamburg and in Paris, he invested -considerable sums of money in the English funds, and awaited patiently -the course of events. To know how to wait is a great mark of political -knowledge, and it was one of Talleyrand's favourite axioms, that -patience often leads to favourable situations: he never would be in a -hurry. - -A secret opposition was beginning to form against Napoleon, even in the -highest ranks, among the heads of the senate, of the government, and of -the army. Fearful of yet making itself manifest by any overt act, it -only ventured upon apparently trifling remarks and half confidences; -but people conspired in their _minds_, expressions were used, which -were repeated as apophthegms and prophecies of society. "It is the -beginning of the end," said Talleyrand, at the time of the disastrous -expedition to Moscow; and this just appreciation had been warmly -applauded. What a terrible opposition is that of the _salons_ and the -gay world! It kills with a lingering death, it upsets the strongest -ideas, it destroys the best-laid plans; it would be far better to be -compelled to engage in a pitched battle face to face. This opposition -was gradually increasing, and the police establishment of General -Savary, which tended more to the employment of brute force than the -adoption of intelligent precautions, was incapable of restraining -it; it was gradually appearing on every side, besides which the men -who placed themselves at the head of the resisting party were of too -much consequence for the Emperor to venture to touch them. Talleyrand -and Fouché now did whatever they pleased with perfect impunity--they -were acting against the Emperor, and he did not dare to shew his -displeasure. It has always been supposed that Napoleon when at the -summit of his greatness might have put down any one; yet, great as he -was, there were some men too powerful for him. The day that he had -touched Talleyrand or Fouché, all the officers of government would have -considered themselves at the mercy of a caprice; Cambacérès, Lebrun, -Regnault de Saint-Jean d'Angely, feeling themselves henceforth without -any security against a master whom they detested, would, perhaps, have -shaken off the yoke. - -As early as the beginning of the year 1813, Talleyrand had opened a -communication with the Bourbons. The venerable Cardinal de Périgord, -grand almoner to Louis XVIII., was his uncle, but there was a -considerable degree of coolness between them; still it may be easily -imagined that it facilitated an exchange of hopes and promises, -against the chances of a future restoration to the throne; but all -this was done secretly and in strict confidence, as the idea of the -restoration was not yet sufficiently matured. Talleyrand had never -ceased to maintain a communication through his agents with Louis -XVIII., who was himself at that time engaged in a confidential -correspondence with all the great officers of the state, even -including Cambacérès himself. Paris was filled with these letters, -notwithstanding which, Talleyrand was one of the council appointed -to assist the regency of Maria Louisa, whom the Emperor had placed -at the head of affairs. He always exhibited the greatest interest in -all questions relating to the government, he attended assiduously the -meetings of the council, and appeared the most zealous of the Emperor's -servants: the plan of the regency also was congenial to his mind, and -he would have been satisfied with it as a political idea. He still, -however, carried on an underhand correspondence with Louis XVIII., who, -with his perfect knowledge of mankind, engaged to maintain him in his -magnificent position, to which he added a promise that he should be -placed at the head of the ministry. As to the regency of Maria Louisa, -it involved a project for a closer alliance with Austria, and was -suggested by the most able men in the council of Napoleon, who were -desirous of exciting dissensions among the allied powers by giving rise -to divers interests. - -The misfortunes of war had now brought the enemy near the capital; -and, as the powers of Napoleon became more feeble, people learned to -estimate probabilities with a greater degree of certainty: first the -regency, then a provisional government, and, finally, the restoration -of the Bourbons. Since the year 1812, all illusion concerning the -invincible power of Napoleon was over. The burning of Moscow, the -snows which had covered the grand army as with a vast shroud, the -conspiracy of Mallet, all had tended to place the imperial power in a -tottering condition. The negotiations of Talleyrand began to assume -an indescribable boldness; the plenipotentiaries of the allied powers -had fixed a congress at Châtillon, more for the sake of appearances -than to discuss really diplomatic questions; and M. de Coulaincourt, -whose devotion to the Emperor was undoubted, was to propose a treaty -determining the limits of France under the government of Napoleon, -or the regency of the archduchess. This was the moment selected by -Talleyrand to despatch a secret agent to the head-quarters of the -Emperor Alexander. This agent, who was, I believe, M. de Vitrolles, was -commissioned to describe the condition of the metropolis, the anxiety -there was to get rid of Napoleon, and, above all, the imperative -necessity there appeared to be for the restoration of the old -dynasty, as the only certain step that could be taken under existing -circumstances. M. de Vitrolles evinced great zeal and ability in the -discharge of this secret mission, which exposed him to extreme danger; -he succeeded in conveying to the Emperor Alexander some letters written -in cipher, and a very detailed memorial upon the state of the public -mind; but--must I confess it?--the allies, who cared but little about -the Bourbons, did not perfectly understand the scope of this movement, -neither did they know what might be the result. It was then Talleyrand -exerted himself to demonstrate that these two ideas, the ancient -territory and the ancient dynasty, were correlative; and the same -system had been forcibly represented at Châtillon by Lord Castlereagh. - -The disaffected party continued to gain strength in Paris. Talleyrand -had made friends with several of the senators who still retained some -recollections of the Republic, and professed an especial hatred -towards Napoleon; such were M. de Lambrechts, Languinais, and Grégoire, -and the Prince of Benevento could rely upon their assistance in any -rising that might be organised against the empire. At the same time he -had collected around himself the Duc de Dalberg, the Abbé de Pradt, -and a multitude of Royalist agents, who were in communication with MM. -de Noailles, de Fitzjames, and de Montmorency, all engaged in secret -machinations for the Bourbons. The time was come when the Empire must -terminate--there was so much disaffection among the citizens of Paris -and in the provinces. Great precaution was shewn in taking the first -steps in favour of the Bourbon restoration, and the greatest secrecy -was observed; as soon, therefore, as it was decided, according to -the instructions of Napoleon, that the Empress should leave Paris, -and establish her regency at Blois, Talleyrand hastened to declare -his intention of shewing his zeal by following the regency, it being -necessary he should offer a pledge to the imperialist party in order -to prevent suspicion, but by a piece of duplicity, perfectly in -keeping with his character and position, he apprised the allies of his -pretended flight. Accordingly, Prince Schwartzenberg posted a small -body of cavalry at the first stage on the road to Blois, which stopped -the carriage of Prince Talleyrand, and obliged him to return to Paris, -where the wily diplomatist also declared himself compelled by force to -remain. By this means he was enabled to place himself as the head and -the nucleus of the general rising against the Emperor; his saloon was -open to all the disaffected, and he encouraged the idea of Napoleon's -downfall in a manner which charmed the hearts of the Republicans; for -Buonaparte's violation of the constitution was the only circumstance -that appeared to occur to their minds. The ground was well chosen, and -Talleyrand worked at his ease and on an extended scale at the ruin of -his master; every thing had tended towards it since the year 1812, and -the moral strength of the Empire was gone. - -Talleyrand's grand intrigue even began in the senate. He well knew -the simplicity and the instinctive repugnance felt by Grégoire, -Lambrechts, and Languinais, for Napoleon, and he determined they should -serve as a pivot for the new order of things. Some of them thought -they were making preparations for a regency. Talleyrand promised them -constitutional forms and the sovereignty of the people, those old -visions of the Republic, and they welcomed all these recollections with -ecstasy: there was not much difficulty, certainly, in inducing these -second-rate minds to act in concert with him. The patriot party were -the first to demand that the Emperor should be deposed; they enumerated -all the grievances, upon which they had observed so prudent a silence -in the days of his prosperity; they fell upon Napoleon, his forfeiture -of the crown was pronounced by the senate in the month of April 1814, -and he was thus sacrificed by the party which had obeyed his will -with apparent alacrity during the ten years of the Empire. Nothing -is so violent or so rancorous in its hatred as an assembly which has -long been humbled under a despotic rule: it afterwards takes signal -vengeance upon the fallen power. - -When the Emperor Alexander entered Paris, Talleyrand's ascendancy -over his mind was sufficient to induce him to inhabit the Hôtel de la -Rue Saint-Florentin, an unheard-of honour, which gave an undeniable -proof of the great estimation in which he was held! The czar occupied -the apartments, still to be seen, with the long stone balcony at -the extremity of the Rue de Rivoli. It was in the blue drawing-room -in this hôtel that the plan of the Restoration was organised, -according to the ideas and principles which I have depicted in a work -especially devoted to that purpose.[11] Talleyrand's influence over -the proceedings of that time was unbounded; he induced the Emperor -Alexander to reject all proposals for continuing the regency of Maria -Louisa, as well as the loyal endeavours of Marshal Macdonald. He -instigated all these refusals, and had adopted a maxim admirable for -its clearness and precision, which he took pleasure in repeating as a -means of putting a stop to all negotiations. "The restoration of the -Bourbons," said he, "is a principle; every thing else is an intrigue." -In after years, he forgot none of the services he had rendered to -the old dynasty, and, when out of favour under the Restoration, -he took pleasure in shewing this blue drawing-room which had been -inhabited by the Emperor Alexander, and would repeat in a tone of -affected bitterness and ridicule, as if to brand the ingratitude of -the Bourbons, "Nevertheless, gentlemen, it was here the Restoration -was accomplished." And then he would describe in his admirable manner -the proceedings of that time, and point out the spot occupied by each -of the party in the month of May 1814. "At the corner of the table," -he would say, "sat the Emperor Alexander, there the King of Prussia, -and here the Grand Duke Constantine; a little farther off were Pozzo -di Borgo, Nesselrode, and Hardenberg--yes, gentlemen, it was here, in -this little room, that we restored the throne of the Bourbons, and -the monarchy of 1400 years." And this he would repeat with a sardonic -smile which marked his dissatisfaction, and perhaps was an index of -some future design of overturning what he had so easily raised. When a -monarchy has been restored within the narrow limits of a drawing-room, -it cannot be supposed to inspire very great confidence. Such was the -secret thought of this great contriver of events. - - [11] Histoire de la Restauration. - -Up to the arrival of Louis XVIII. Talleyrand was at the head of the -provisional government; all the responsibility rested with him, and -he had cause to reproach himself with many evil actions which were -connected with the spirit of that period, for there are seasons when -the human mind does not belong to itself; it is hurried on by the -rapid course of ideas, it is imbued with a spirit of reaction. Has -the mission of M. de Maubreuil ever been perfectly explained? What -was its object? Some people will tell you he received no orders, -except to prevent the crown diamonds from being carried away; but -other accounts tell a very different story, and assert that he was -intrusted to perform a deed of blood, similar perhaps to that which had -destroyed the last of the Condés. I can positively declare that M. de -Maubreuil never had any direct conversation or personal interview with -Talleyrand. He took care never to appear in deplorable circumstances of -this kind; and all that passed was as follows: One of the confidential -secretaries of the minister said to M. de Maubreuil, in perfectly -plain language, "This is what the prince requires of you; here is your -warrant and a sum of money, and as a proof of what I say, and of his -assent, remain in the _salon_ to-day, and he will pass through and -bend his head in token of approbation." The sign was made, and M. de -Maubreuil considered himself perfectly authorised to undertake the -mission. What, I repeat, was its object? The time is hardly yet arrived -which makes it allowable to tell and to publish every thing; I judge no -man's conduct, I only repeat that there are times when people do not -appear to belong to themselves. - -On his arrival in Paris, Louis XVIII. appointed Talleyrand -prime-minister with the direction of foreign affairs; thus leaving -him the supreme charge of all diplomatic negotiations, as a mark of -gratitude and a pledge of general peace. A treaty was signed, France -returned to her ancient territory and her ancient dynasty, as it had -been decided after the events of Paris; all diplomatic questions of -general interest were afterwards to be settled in the congress of -the allied powers, fixed to take place at Vienna, where Talleyrand -was appointed ambassador extraordinary to represent the King of -France,--a mission he was certainly fully entitled to expect. In the -month of November all the French legation arrived at Vienna, and -the ambassador displayed great activity. It was necessary to place -France in a favourable position, which was very difficult after all -the wars and the disasters she had had to encounter; and we must do -justice to the great abilities and exertions of Prince Talleyrand, -for, in spite of the state of humiliation to which she was reduced, he -succeeded in establishing her in the first rank; it was also owing to -his intervention that the younger branch of the Bourbons was restored -at Naples. Louis XVIII. was the means of saving Saxony from imminent -danger, and finally, towards the close of the congress, Talleyrand -entered into an intimate league with Metternich and Lord Castlereagh -to prevent the encroachments of Russia in Poland, and concluded in the -month of February[12] 1815 a secret treaty with England and Austria, -where the possibility of war was looked forward to, and the necessary -arrangements made for such a contingency. I have given the curious -original elsewhere.[13] - - [12] Signed in the month of March, _vide_ Metternich.--_Tr._ - - [13] Histoire de la Restauration. - -During the whole time of the Congress of Vienna, the desire for an -alliance with England and a feeling of antipathy for Russia never -ceased to possess the mind of Prince Talleyrand; he followed up this -system of regard and hatred with the utmost tenacity; he even went so -far as to write, in his secret correspondence with Louis XVIII., "that -a Russian princess did not come of a sufficiently good family for the -Duc de Berri, and that it ought not to be thought of, as the house of -Romanof could not place itself on a level with that of Bourbon." This -circumstance was never forgotten by the Emperor Alexander, who from -this time forward entertained an extreme dislike for Talleyrand, and -his aversion became still more violent after the events of 1815, when -the secret treaty concluded in the month of March came to his knowledge. - -Napoleon landed in the Gulf of Juan, and his rapid march upon Paris -excited the greatest alarm in the Congress of Vienna. The activity -of the French ambassador redoubled its vehemence, for Napoleon had -outlawed him in his decrees dated from Lyons, and he in his turn -revenged himself by causing Buonaparte to be placed at the ban of the -empire. He took great pains to obtain this result, the declaration -of the Congress of Vienna was his work, and it was he that induced -Lord Castlereagh and Metternich to sign it. From this moment the -coalition was in motion, and France was again threatened with an -irruption of myriads of armed men, when the battle of Waterloo a second -time terminated the sway of Napoleon. When a power is at an end, -all attempts to restore it are in vain, it is merely the flash that -precedes the extinction of an expiring light. - -Talleyrand returned to Paris with the Bourbons, but his authority -was no longer what it had been. Louis XVIII. had discovered that his -plenipotentiary, and the Duc de Dalberg, in his name, had received -overtures concerning the possibility of the younger branch of the -Bourbons succeeding to the throne of France, and it was not likely he -should forget it. The king, with his habitual sagacity and experience, -would never have chosen for his minister the man who had been -plenipotentiary at Vienna; but the influence of the Duke of Wellington, -which placed Fouché at the head of the police, also restored to -Talleyrand the direction of foreign affairs. The cabinet of July 1815 -was entirely favourable to English ideas and interests. - -As long as Talleyrand had only to treat with Lord Castlereagh and -the Prussians, he preserved his ascendancy; but how hard were the -conditions imposed by those powers! The Duke of Wellington had a -regard for him as the old representative of the English alliance, and -supported him with all his influence, which was very great; however, -in the month of August 1815, the face of every thing was changed; the -Russians joined with 350,000 bayonets; the Emperor Alexander took -a part in the negotiation, and as Russia alone was kindly disposed -towards the house of Bourbon, as she alone defended the integrity of -our territory, and did not exact the sacrifices required by England and -Prussia, she soon became the predominant power. The first condition -imposed by the Emperor Alexander, before he would enter into any -negotiation, was the dismissal of Prince Talleyrand. He has since -pretended that he voluntarily retired from office to avoid signing the -Convention of Paris, that hard necessity to which France was compelled -to submit through the heavy calamities which had fallen upon her, but -this fact is as untrue as his opposition to the Spanish war in 1808. -He has on every occasion striven to invest his dismissal with a degree -of interest, but in this instance he had unavailingly had recourse to -all his influence with the Duke of Wellington and Prussia to obtain the -direction of a treaty, and he only retired because it was impossible -for him to carry on a negotiation. He had submitted to every thing, he -had made a thousand concessions to the czar, even going so far as to -recommend Count Pozzo di Borgo as Minister for the Interior; it was all -in vain, Alexander never would consent to see or to treat with him. Had -Russia withdrawn her influence we should have lost Lorraine and Alsace, -which had been claimed by the Germanic Confederation, but when the czar -took the negotiations in hand, he stipulated for better conditions than -those proposed by Prussia and England. Louis XVIII. took pleasure in -relating the scene, at the close of which he asked for or accepted the -resignation of the Bishop of Autun, and he described it with all the -malicious wit he possessed in so admirable a degree. The king was quite -delighted, for he did not at all enjoy the imperative and arbitrary -style of proceeding adopted by his minister, who was more apt to -request he would affix his signature to the papers he laid before him -than inclined to consult him upon any political business; and besides, -though the king was a little of a free-thinker, he could not quite -forgive the utter disregard of the laws of the Church evinced by a -married priest. This feeling was so strong at court, that the Cardinal -de Périgord, grand almoner of France, never would recognise any dignity -but that of bishop as belonging to his nephew. The Royalist party, now -very powerful, lost no opportunity of turning him into ridicule, and -clever caricatures always represented him with the crosier in his hand. -They wanted to get rid of him as they had already contrived to do of -Fouché, the former regicide orator. One day at a party in the Faubourg -Saint-Germain Talleyrand said in a loud voice to some Royalists, -"But, gentlemen, you want to bring back the old order of things, -and that is not possible." The caustic and clever M. de Sallaberry -replied, "Why, monseigneur, who would think of making you Bishop of -Autun again? It would be an absurdity." The shaft was well aimed, and -it _struck home_. In spite, however, of personal feelings, the king -gave him the appointment of Grand Chamberlain of France, with a salary -of 100,000 francs, at the suggestion of the Duc de Richelieu, who had -declared in the royal council that, after all the services rendered -by M. de Talleyrand, the Bourbons ought to present him with a noble -mark of their gratitude. One would think that Louis himself, must have -remembered that he owed the defence of his dynasty to him, at a time -when the Restoration was regarded with coolness by all the cabinets of -Europe. - -Talleyrand continued to hold the situation of grand-chamberlain during -the reign of the restored family. He was not a favourite at the -Tuileries, where he went every day through etiquette to fulfil his -office, standing behind the king's chair with admirable punctuality; -and he was received with great coolness by Louis XVIII. Charles X. -was more kindly disposed towards every body, and occasionally entered -politely into conversation with him on some trifling subject. He also -performed his duties at the _diners d'apparat_. The king was seated -at table, the grand-chamberlain occupying a small chair at a little -distance, and while Louis was discussing a pheasant, or other game, -with an excellent appetite, Talleyrand dipped a biscuit in old madeira -wine. It was a scene of considerable interest, and used to pass in the -most profound silence. Every now and then the king would look fixedly -at the grand-chamberlain with a sneering expression of countenance, -while the latter, with his impassibility so coarsely defined by -Marshal Lannes, would go on soaking his biscuit and slowly sipping -his madeira with a look of respectful deference towards the king his -master. Not a word was addressed by the sovereign to the chamberlain -during the short repast, after which Talleyrand used to resume his -place behind the king's chair in a cold, ceremonious manner, that -reminded one of the statue in the _Festin de Pierre_, only with this -difference, that the grand-chamberlain's mind was filled with the most -inveterate hatred, a feeling which he extended to all the members of -the royal family. - -In the Chamber of Peers he adopted a system of opposition, which -assumed a greater degree of solemnity, from all the statesmen of the -various epochs who had been engaged in the management of affairs and -vast negotiations being included in it. He very rarely spoke; indeed, -I believe only two speeches delivered by him are on record. The first -was on the occasion of the war in Spain in 1823, when he entered -rather awkwardly into the question and foretold a disastrous event to -our arms, whereas they were in reality crowned with success, shewing -how great a mistake it is ever to give utterance to predictions in -politics. The second time was on the occasion of the law of election -and the liberty of the press; he then reminded the assembly of the -promises entered into at Saint-Ouen, at which he had himself been -present. He appeared at this time to be held in little estimation in -the upper house, and there were not above five or six peers whose votes -were at his disposal. The case was very different in his drawing-room -and at his toilet, where he was in the habit of receiving a great deal -of company and listened to confidential communications from men of all -parties, flattering in turn the liberal societies and the aristocratic -coteries; for the latter, especially, he entertained a strong -predilection. His fortune was now very much involved in consequence -of an immense bankruptcy, by which his friend the Duc de Dalberg alone -lost the sum of 4,000,000[14] francs, and he passed but little part of -his time at Paris, but lived at Valençay, or at his great estates in -Touraine; these were deeply mortgaged, and without the management of -the Duchess of Dino, who was a woman of wonderful ability in business, -he would, probably, have been obliged to part with some of them. He -occasionally made an excursion to a greater distance, and once passed a -whole season in the south of France, in a pleasant habitation selected -for him at Hyères, in the country of fragrant flowers, of vanilla, -and orange, and citron groves. His wit and noble manners are still -recollected with delight in that part of the country; and, indeed, -it is impossible to express the charm he infused into the evening -conversations at his house. - - [14] About 160,000_l._ - -His social existence was, in fact, passed entirely during the night. -He rose late, and it was near eleven o'clock before he rang for his -_valet de chambre_, who brought him his morning gown. He was obliged to -lean upon his stick as he walked from one chair to another, until he -reached the fireplace; and he breakfasted after the English fashion, -making a very trifling repast. Then followed his toilet, which -occupied a long time, and was almost public, according to the fashion -of former times, when dressing the hair was a perfect operation. His -servant put on his cravat, still worn with all the pretension of an -exquisite of the Directory, and he then went out for an airing. After -dinner, and to conclude the evening, he generally joined some of his -old intimate friends, and played a rubber, very late and always very -high. He sometimes dozed a little in an easy chair, for he possessed -an admirable faculty for closing his eyes, and, perhaps, of indulging -in a waking sleep. His conversation was generally brilliant and -clever, sometimes very communicative, and he took great pleasure in -talking over the events of his life, dwelling with especial delight -upon the Congress of Vienna, which had been such a brilliant period -for his diplomatic talents. Thus passed his life, full of a feeling -of discontent and a constant looking forward to change; nothing was -hurried, but he was constantly in a state of expectation, or carrying -on one of those vast conspiracies which no one can lay hold of. - -At the time of the breaking out of the revolution of July, Talleyrand -was deeply irritated against the elder branch of the Bourbons, whom -he termed ungrateful and forgetful of his services; and there is no -doubt of his having worked industriously towards establishing a new -monarchical system. He had a horror of anarchy, power was his element. -The time is not yet come when we may venture to tell every thing, but -it is an undoubted fact, that Talleyrand was consulted and examined -on the 9th of August, and his answer was altogether favourable to the -new project. Did not this revolution carry him back in recollection to -the period of the Congress of Vienna in 1814, when an arrangement of -this kind had been suggested by him as a possible event and a means -of solving a difficulty should such occur? Some secret conferences -were held on this delicate subject; Talleyrand took upon himself -the negotiation with the _corps diplomatique_, and also the duty of -setting clearly before them that the peace of Europe depended upon the -establishment of a monarchy in France,--a vast undertaking, to which -a prince of very superior abilities was willing to devote himself. -Talleyrand succeeded in the object he had in view; the despatches of -the ambassadors were all in favour of royalty, it was considered as -a guarantee of the principle of order in Europe, as an efficacious -means of repressing the revolutionary spirit, and maintaining the -treaties already concluded--in short, as the strongest opposition -to the Propaganda tendency, and the most serious scheme of general -conservatism. - -Talleyrand at this time refused the ministry for foreign affairs, as -it would merely have added to his responsibility without increasing -his power of action; but he accepted the embassy to London, which was -a much more important office, as affairs of the greatest consequence -would necessarily come under consideration there, it being upon -the prompt decision of this cabinet that must mainly depend the -consolidation of the new order of things; for, although England had -been the first to recognise the events that had taken place, she had -shewn some disposition to reserve regarding an alliance with the new -government. The affairs of Belgium occasioned so much difficulty in -the negotiations, and added so greatly to the danger of the political -crisis, that it was necessary a person possessed both of talent -and great consideration should be deputed to London, to secure the -support of the English cabinet in the negotiations that had been -begun, especially as the despatches received from Russia rendered the -necessity for a good understanding with England particularly urgent. - -When Talleyrand arrived in London, the Duke of Wellington was still -in the ministry, and the violent Tories had the direction of the -cabinet,--a state of affairs which prevented his carrying on his -manœuvres as he wished; he was perfectly aware of the attachment of -the Tories to the secret treaties concluded in 1815, and, therefore, -used all his efforts to overturn the Duke of Wellington. He also -renewed his old intimacy with Lord Grey, he sought the society of Lord -John Russell, and lived in a most magnificent style. - -The revolution of July had produced an effect in England; the march of -opinion became too powerful for the Tories, and Lord Grey was placed at -the head of the cabinet, affording a complete triumph to the moderate -Whigs. The course being now clear, Talleyrand could assume the position -he wished: and hard had he laboured to prepare it! He now was able to -work openly for a treaty with France. - -It ought to be known that, during the embassy of Prince Polignac, a -conference had been arranged in London between the plenipotentiaries -of Russia, England, and France, to decide upon all the questions -relating to Greece; and the same course had been pursued afterwards, -under the Duc de Laval. England attached great importance to it, and -Talleyrand proposed its renewal, for the purpose of watching and -deciding upon the general affairs of Europe, and also advised that -the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia should be admitted. They -were to take the Belgic question into consideration, and decide what -course should be pursued, in consequence of the dismemberment of the -kingdom of the Low Countries, established in 1815; and Talleyrand being -personally acquainted with all these plenipotentiaries, his position -soon became as brilliant in London as it had been at Vienna in 1815. He -was connected with Prince and Princess Lieven by the ties of old and -intimate friendship, and the families of Talleyrand and Esterhazy had -also long been well acquainted: Baron Bulow, the Prussian minister, was -one of the second-rate diplomatists, who all entertained the greatest -respect for Talleyrand and his long experience in public affairs. - -Conferences were, therefore, undertaken upon very indefinite subjects, -for their principal object was to seek the opportunity of meeting and -maintaining peace. No doubt there was something very undecided in the -numerous protocols signed at that time upon the affairs of Belgium, and -the greater part of them were never put in force. In addition to this, -though they had been the result of a common agreement, the Russian and -Austrian plenipotentiaries never received the formal assent of their -governments: the conduct of Prince Lieven and Prince Esterhazy was, in -the first instance, disclaimed on the part of their courts, and they -were shortly afterwards recalled; but the result of these conferences -in London, the happy consequences of their developement, was the -maintenance of peace, whose existence had at one time been greatly -threatened. In 1831, when the foreign ministers met in such close -communication with each other, it was almost impossible explanations -should not take place, and that there should be any misapprehension -between the governments; the proceedings of Talleyrand were, therefore, -successful; for his main object was the preservation of the European -_status quo_, by preventing those conflicts among the cabinets, those -clashings among people, which fill history with tales of bloodshed; and -the conferences in London were of service, because the close contact -into which men were brought with each other was a means of reconciling -affairs. - -According to his general custom, the French ambassador received a -great deal of company; his entertainments were splendid; his evening -parties, in particular, were remarkable for the good taste and -distinguished company so much prized in England. I should not exceed -the truth if I were to say that his wishes influenced certain votes in -the House of Commons. No ambassador had ever before enjoyed so much -consideration. But Lord Grey was aware of an approaching storm: the -difficulty of his political situation had not consisted in overturning -the Tory ministry--that was a simple and natural victory, for the -agitation of minds and events had been sufficient to displace the Duke -of Wellington, but the really dangerous part of Lord Grey's position -was, on the contrary, the inevitable and powerful progress of the Whig -principles, which sought to proceed to extremities; for when a nation -lays its hand upon its ancient institutions, one change often leads to -another. After having reformed the state, and given a greater latitude -to elections, must they not reform the Church? did not the situation -of Ireland require modification? The Dissenters complained, and with -justice, of their grievances; it would have been an absurd attempt to -set a limit to a reformed parliament, to say to the nation "Thus far -shalt thou go, and no farther." The parliament became impatient, while -religious scruples arose in the mind of Lord Grey, in the old party of -which Canning was formerly the head, now represented by Mr. Stanley, -and, above all, in the heart of William the Fourth. - -Talleyrand was as well aware of the danger as Lord Grey himself, for -he well knew the powerful influence exercised by young and ardent -opinions; it soon became impossible to arrest the parliamentary -agitation. The venerable Lord Grey was suddenly seized with disgust for -the whole proceeding; he would not raise a sacrilegious hand against -the Church; he sent in his resignation, and England well remembers the -touching explanations he gave upon his own ministerial conduct in the -House of Lords. From the time of the appointment of Lord Melbourne, -the French ambassador foresaw the invincible tendency of affairs, the -triumph of the Ultra-Whigs, and, perhaps, of Lord Durham,[15] and -began to think of retiring, for he no longer played the principal part, -of which he was always ambitious. - - [15] I speak of the time before Lord Durham had taken the side of - Russia and of Conservatism. - -Another circumstance added to this feeling. In the revolution just -encountered by the ministry, Lord Palmerston had still retained the -Foreign Office, his opinions being of a less moderate cast than those -of Lord Grey; and as his disposition was one rather difficult to -deal with, serious dissensions had already arisen between him and -Talleyrand. From the first formation of their ministry, the Whigs had -felt the necessity of augmenting their consideration with foreign -powers; they were not ignorant that the English nation, which preferred -them for their popular opinions and their patriotic sentiments, did -not feel equal confidence in their habits of business and their -comprehension of the situation of Europe. Lord Palmerston considered -that, after the treaty of the 8th of July, which secured such great -advantages to Russia, a certain armed demonstration was inevitable upon -the Eastern question, and he, therefore, proposed to Talleyrand that -the squadrons of France and England should be united, and sail under -the flags of both nations in the Black Sea. - -Talleyrand perfectly understood the interest felt by the Whigs in this -armed demonstration, but he considered it far too bold a step to be -ventured upon in their actual situation. As a continental power, France -might well call upon the alliance of England if necessary, or, on the -other hand, afford to her all possible assistance; but then the whole -of the Holy Alliance was close upon her, and this demonstration might -lead to a real war. In the opinion of Talleyrand it was necessary -to fortify the moral alliance, and place a barrier to resist the -encroachments of Russia; but it would be a hazardous undertaking to -make a direct attack on her flag in the Black Sea. He, therefore, held -back from the propositions of Lord Palmerston: he explained to him -that, instead of an armed demonstration, which would be of doubtful -advantage, nay, possibly altogether useless, it would be desirable to -prepare an act, expressive of future policy; and made it evident to him -that a treaty of quadruple alliance, which would unite the south of -Europe against the north, could not fail to lead to great results, even -in the midst of the various but transient events of a party war. The -treaty concluded between France, England, Spain, and Portugal, owed its -existence to this idea, this favourite conception of Prince Talleyrand; -he would, however, have been much better pleased could he have also -included Austria, according to the desire he had cherished in his mind -ever since 1814. - -Lord Palmerston entered into Talleyrand's plans. England confined -herself to a few nautical parades in the Black Sea, but from this time -a coldness sprung up between the two diplomatists. The English minister -is a person of very irritable temper, touchy, and of a changeable -disposition, and Talleyrand took a great dislike to him; and as, on the -other side, the cabinet of which Lord Melbourne was the chief was drawn -on from one concession to another, he soon resolved to leave England. -It was announced that his health was failing, and he went into the -country to seek peace in retirement. Like Pythagoras when the thunder -is heard from afar, Talleyrand preferred the desert and the echo. -During his last journey to Paris he became friends with Count Pozzo di -Borgo, that is to say, with the Russian idea. The two diplomatists did -not venture as yet to hold any official communications, but they often -met in little mysterious banquets, in a diplomatic retreat at Bellevue. - -Talleyrand quitted London, popular clamour was a source of annoyance -to him; it was no longer a dispute between one portion of the -aristocracy and another, from henceforth it appeared to be the people -against the aristocracy itself: and the stake was too great. He -therefore left England definitively for Valençay, explaining, in a -most dignified letter, the reason of his retirement. There is a period -with politicians when they begin to live for posterity; they then all -seek an opportunity of explaining themselves, of laying open their -conduct, and striving to rectify the judgment of future times--they -feel a desire of revealing themselves solemnly to the public; and such -was the motive which induced Talleyrand to speak at a meeting of the -French Institute. He said but a few words on the occasion of an _éloge_ -that had been pronounced, but those few afforded an explanation of the -motives that had actuated a long and busy political life, passed in the -midst of governments, passions, and parties. - -After this time Talleyrand lived either in Paris or on his estates in -the country, and was always consulted with the most profound veneration -by all the thinking heads of government. He at one time had some idea -of going to Vienna to accomplish a plan suggested by the Duchess de -Dino, which would unite the two families of Talleyrand and Esterhazy. -The latter, it is well known, is the richest family in Austria, and -during the last seven years Madame de Dino had paid great attention to -her uncle's affairs, and had been so successful in her management that -his property was quite free from debt, and one of the most considerable -of the present day. The fortune of M. de Talleyrand, after so many -reverses, is said almost to resemble one of the fairy tales in the -"Arabian Nights." - -There are few political characters with whom the press has been more -busy than with Prince Talleyrand, during the latter years of his -life. Every step he took, every gesture, every action, was made the -subject of the most contradictory reports. He had now attained his -eighty-fourth year, and it was evident his faculties were beginning to -suffer considerably from his advanced age. He was merely the shadow -of his former self. Every now and then there would be a gleam of his -powerful intellect, but they would soon disappear again in the weakness -caused by extreme age, and so busy and exhausted a life. He could no -longer walk a single step, but was carried about or wheeled in a chair, -and the slightest jolt drew from him tears of suffering--most miserable -resemblance that exists between decrepitude and childhood! In fact, his -career was come to an end, though they in vain strove to prolong it by -endeavouring to rouse him. - -That career had indeed been marvellous, and though Prince Talleyrand -be reproached with the constant changeableness of his opinions, we may -observe the same principle predominant under all circumstances--the -alliance with England. I have selected the Duc de Richelieu as the -type of the Russian alliance, and in comparing the services of these -two political characters, we shall easily discover that the duke did -more service to his country during the short time that he held the -reins of government than Prince Talleyrand in his lengthened career, -because Richelieu had adopted a more national plan, one more favourable -to our foreign interests. Talleyrand never was subservient to any -particular government or doctrine. He had a sort of personal feeling -which degenerated into selfishness. He did not betray Napoleon in the -literal sense of the word, he only quitted him in time; neither did he -actually betray the Restoration, he abandoned it when it was abandoning -itself. No doubt there is a good deal of selfishness in this system, -whose first thought is of its own situation and fortune, and afterwards -of the government it serves; but, perhaps, it is hardly to be expected -we should find in men of very great talent the degree of self-denial -which leads to a blind devotion towards a person or a cause. Talleyrand -was a little inclined to apply to himself the expressions he was -accustomed to address to his _employés_ when he was minister for -foreign affairs: "There are two things, gentlemen, which I forbid in -the most positive manner,--too much zeal and too absolute devotion, -because they compromise both persons and affairs." Such was the mind -of Talleyrand; with a cold heart and barren imagination, he was -compared to a real tactician, judging men and parties with mathematical -precision. He reserved all his activity for the decisive moments which -overturned thrones and governments, when he considered prompt action as -of importance. In revolutions his experience had been very great; he -immediately understood the value of a situation, and decided upon it by -an apophthegm, which at once struck home. His was, perhaps, the mind -which was most capable of foreseeing, least able to prevent, and most -skilled in deriving advantage from the different phases of empires. - -But now his life was drawing to a close, and symptoms of approaching -death appeared on every side. For a long time he had been afflicted -with a painful complaint, which he bore with less resignation than he -had exhibited under political events; the attacks were very violent, -and the prince became subject to constant fainting fits--warning -symptoms of the approach of his last enemy. The total decay of -Talleyrand was apparent to every body; the sharpness and delicacy of -his wit every now and then shot forth a dying gleam, but the _man_ -was at an end. His visits to the Tuileries were a most melancholy -spectacle, a sad memorial of the nothingness of human greatness. -Alas! that vast intellect was fast sinking into second childhood. -His complaint was incurable; it was in the first place old age, and -then, also, an old affection of anthrax, or white gangrene, for which -he was obliged to undergo a very painful operation, and after it was -performed the agonies of death followed in rapid succession. He was -perfectly aware of the danger of his situation, and considered it -a point of dignity not to appear alarmed, but went through all the -proper etiquette with death. For a considerable time he had been in -communication with a pious ecclesiastic in Paris; before him was the -example of his family, and the recollection of his uncle the Cardinal, -of blessed memory; and of late years his benefactions to the chapel -of Valençay had been very great, both in magnificent donations and -pious endowments. Though he had forgotten his religious obligations, -he had never made an open profession of impiety, and had preserved a -considerable degree of loftiness of mind, so that when the thought of -death was presented to him he did not shrink from a retractation. No -person was better aware of the weakness and puerile vanity of professed -free-thinkers. - -This retractation was not the offspring of a sudden impulse; on the -contrary, it had been concerted three months before with infinite -care, as if it had been a diplomatic paper sent to the church. Full -of submission, yet with a mixture of dignity, the prince addressed -it to the sovereign pontiff, repenting all his participation in the -scandals by which his life had been stained, particularly his adhesion -to the civil constitution of the clergy; and he now acknowledged the -jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Paris, and submitted to the Catholic -laws of the holy see. This was the manner in which he prepared for -death. Accounts of the state of his health were incessantly despatched -to Neuilly; he had rendered great services to Louis Philippe, who had -often consulted him and derived the benefit of his experience, and who -was now resolved to pay a last visit to the last descendant of the -Périgords. When the king was announced, the prince said with a feeble -voice, but without any appearance of emotion, as if the attention were -due to him,--"It is the greatest honour my house has received." - -There was a strong aristocratic feeling in the expression, 'My house;' -it signified that, though the visit was honourable to his family, there -was nothing to cause surprise in it. Neither did he forget, even at -that moment, the etiquette which forbids that any body should stand in -the presence of a sovereign without being presented, and he immediately -added, in a calm tone, "I have a duty to fulfil--it is to present to -your majesty the persons who are in the room, and who have not yet had -that honour;" and he introduced his physician, his surgeon, and his -_valet-de-chambre_. This behaviour when at the point of death bore -the stamp of high aristocratic manners, perfectly in keeping with the -visit with which his last moments had been honoured; it was part of -the decorum and ancient ceremony observed between noble families; the -escutcheons of both bore the same relative rank; the youngest branch -of the Bourbons went to visit the youngest branch of the Périgords. In -ancient times the houses of Navarre and De Quercy had met together on -the common field of battle, and the cry _Re que Diou_ had been uttered -at the same time with the war-cry of Henry IV., by the old southern -nobility, the language of _Oc_ being common to both. - -People expressed surprise at the signal honour conferred upon -Talleyrand, but it shewed that the customs of gentle blood were not -comprehended by the spirit of inferior society. No one was more -attached to his illustrious descent than the old diplomatist, and -the younger branch of the Bourbons came itself of too good a stock -to forget it; the two cadets of De Quercy and Navarre had met in the -recollection of their race, as in their political life. - -Surrounded by his family in his last moments, and assisted by the -pious offices of the Abbé Dupanloup, vicar-general of the diocese of -Paris, Prince Talleyrand received the sacraments of the Church, for -he had been again admitted into her bosom, and, before expiring, he -again uttered one of those happy expressions which were so often upon -his lips. Observing one of his grandnieces dressed entirely in white, -according to the custom observed before the first communion, he raised -his heavy eyelids, kissed her forehead, gave her his blessing, and then -turning to the spectators, he said, "See the way of the world--there is -the beginning, here the end!" In a few minutes afterwards he expired, -on the 18th of May, 1838, at ten minutes before four o'clock in the -afternoon, having just completed his eighty-fourth year. He left a -will, by which his immense fortune was well and wisely disposed of. Has -he also left memoirs? I think I know; but these memoirs are deposited -in the hands of his family, or of other people of whose discretion he -was quite secure. - -Well, then, must I confess it? I do not believe them to be in any way -curious. People talk a great deal about these pretended revelations, -but I still repeat that they are few in number. Talleyrand only wrote -what he pleased, he only committed public transactions to paper; and -it is well known that, in reading these memoirs, he used to dwell -with pleasure on the mischievous pranks of the young abbé. Was it -the reminiscence of his youth that he enjoyed? I am inclined to think -so, for I have always observed that this feeling is very strong among -statesmen. Would you wish to awaken in the mind of Pozzo di Borgo -all the vigour of his intellectual powers?--speak to him of Corsica -and Paoli; would you bring a ray of delight and unreserve to unbend -the brow of Metternich?--talk to him of his embassy to Paris in the -beginning of the Empire, those days of pleasure and dissipation. - -My idea is, that the memoirs of the man who played so conspicuous a -part in the political history of the world will consist principally -of two parts--emotions and justifications: emotions, because people -always remember them, they filter through the whole tenour of their -lives, they dwell in the brain of man, and rule over his thoughts; and -justifications will undoubtedly be required for the several fatal deeds -committed during the life of Prince Talleyrand. - -In the course of that long life too much regard was shewn to customs -and ceremonies, which are merely the trappings of life, and too little -to duty and conscience, which are its foundation and object. He -attended too much to the outward matters of existence--to riches, to -honour, to decency of behaviour, but he thought nothing of the delicacy -of mind, which is the strongest pledge of an honest man employed in -public affairs. I am not fonder of simpletons in politics than other -people, but, for the honour of mankind, I am willing to believe men may -be clever and still retain perfect probity and good faith. It would -be too dreadful to suppose that one cannot be a statesman without a -complete abdication of the government of one's heart. Surely a strong -head and powerful abilities are not the sole requisites for regulating -the affairs of a government. - - - - -COUNT POZZO DI BORGO. - - -There is no county in Europe whose national character is so ancient, -so thoroughly peculiar, as the Island of Corsica. Imagine a vast -landscape of Salvator Rosa's, with all the features which he alone was -capable of depicting, and whose type he has sought in Calabria and the -Abruzzi; add to this a people whose disposition is hardy and obstinate; -whose affections, love, hatred, or jealousy, are perpetuated from one -generation to another; whose proud and patriotic attachment to their -native soil forms part of their earliest existence, and terminates only -with their life; also cities cheerful as those of Tuscany, and wild, -uncultivated, mountainous districts; you will still have but a feeble -representation of Corsica, that picturesque and fertile island of the -Mediterranean. - -The population is divided into two distinct races; the one -comprehending the old aboriginal families, the other composed of -foreign colonists, the greater part descended from refugees who were -compelled to fly from revolutions in Piémont, Genoa, and Tuscany, and -were successively deposited in the island, like the layers of lava -around a volcano. To the first of these races belong the Paolis and -the Pozzo di Borgos; to the second, the Buonapartes and the Salicettis. -According to the usual custom among primitive nations, each family -forms a clan, and each village a community; sentiments are inherited -like the patrimony of the family--it is like ancient Rome suckled by a -wolf in the time of the companions of Romulus. - -The family of the Pozzo di Borgos, as I have already stated, belongs to -the aboriginal races; its antiquity may be ascertained by consulting -the book of the statutes of Corsica, and also the history of the -feudal war between the Castellans of Montechi and the city of Ajaccio, -of which they even disputed the sovereignty. One of the family is -mentioned in the charters as orator of the people, and at the time -the island was under the dominion of Genoa, the illustrious Pozzo di -Borgo is described as attorney-general for the provinces of Ajaccio and -Sartene; his name, like that of the Paolis, was Pascal. His opponents, -even at that period, were from the family of the Bacciochi, then -merely merchants of Ajaccio; and his notary was Jerome Buonaparte, who -certifies the mission of Captain Secondos Pozzo di Borgo, deputy to -the republic of Genoa.[16] There is some pleasure in relating these -circumstances, because the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo, during its -whole course, appeared to be connected with ancient times. Nothing -is forgotten on that burning soil, and we shall again meet with -the Paolis, the Buonapartes, the Pozzos, the Bacciochis, and the -Salicettis, engaged in the most important conflicts on the theatre -of the great world, as they had formerly been in the little town of -Ajaccio. - - [16] "Il nobile Pasquale Pozzo di Borgo, oratore dei popoli di là da' - monti in Corsica...." 1584. - - "... Per egregium virum Pasqualem Pozzo di Borgo, civem Adjacii, - oratorem et procuratorem populorum provinciæ Adjacii et Sartenæ, et - aliorum hominum ultra montes Corsicæ." - - "Tutta la provincia di là da' monti nell' isola di Corsica in - generale, ha eletto per oratore il Capitano Secondo Pozzo di Borgo - sì per assistere presso le VV. SS...." 1597. - - All these charters are extracted from the work published by the wise - and judicious magistrate, C. Gregori, _Statuti Civili e Criminali di - Corsica_. - -In disturbed times European diplomacy employs two powerful engines of -political research; in the first place, accredited ambassadors, who -examine and decide upon affairs in a regular and almost a classical -manner; and secondly, active agents, the greater part of whom are -military men employed to travel about in Europe, for the purpose of -ascertaining accurately the strength and the resources of each power. -During the time of the French Republic and the Empire of Napoleon, -England and Russia considerably augmented the number of their military -diplomatists, and this may be said to have been the first employment of -Charles Andrew Pozzo di Borgo, before the Russian cabinets had decided -upon pursuing a regular and comprehensive system. The people of the -south of Europe are especially gifted with a quick, subtle, and acute -understanding, and the Corsicans add to these qualities an obstinate -adherence to their purpose, and a rugged sentiment of their own rights, -which formed such prominent features in the character of Buonaparte. -Metternich is fond of repeating, "It was not the armies of Napoleon -that occasioned us the most uneasiness; it was his inventive spirit, -his acute subtleties, in short, his diabolical intellect, by which we -Germans were hemmed in and entangled on every side." Count Pozzo di -Borgo possessed the same species of sharp and sagacious activity; in -that country there was a sort of general type common to all, like the -bronzed complexion and the sparkling, searching eyes. - -A few leagues from Ajaccio lies a small village, which bears the name -of Pozzo di Borgo (well of the city); tradition says, however, that the -family of that name inhabited the little fort of Montechi among the -mountains: the Pozzis, the Poggis, and the Pazzis, were all families -of the middle ages. As it was in Germany with the Castellans of the -Seven Mountains, so also in Corsica the nobles reckoned their pedigree -from some of the highest peaks in the island, under the shelter of -rocks and wild fig-trees, where so many black crosses, symbols of -_Vendetta_, are still to be seen. When Corsica was annexed to France, -the noble descent of the Pozzos was substantiated by a supreme council -of the island. The subject of this memoir was born the same year as -Napoleon, if we rectify a little the date assigned by chronologists to -the latter event. He first saw the light on the 8th of March, 1768, and -had, therefore, attained his majority at the time of the revolution, -when the popular agitation produced a most startling and arousing -effect upon Corsica; and as if awaking from slumber two parties started -up--a national party, and one devoted to the French interests. Paoli -and Pozzo di Borgo indulged in dreams of the independence of their -country, but without the intervention of foreign aid. The Buonapartes, -who had for a short time ranged themselves under the banner of Paoli, -afterwards joined the Arenas and the Salicettis, partisans of the -French and Jacobin school. Before these divisions had assumed a -very decided complexion, they contented themselves with giving an -enthusiastic welcome to the revolution; intoxication prevailed every -where, and at the age of twenty-two years Pozzo di Borgo, secretary to -the corps of the nobility, was despatched as deputy-extraordinary to -the National Assembly. - -This primary office afterwards led to his appointment to the definitive -deputation; and as the friend of Paoli, a circumstance which at that -time conferred the greatest popularity, young Pozzo took his seat in -that insane convocation, which, under the name of the Legislative -Assembly, and in the midst of tumults and massacres, soon made an -end of the French monarchy. He was appointed one of the diplomatic -committee, at the time their proceedings were conducted in so singular -a manner by Brissot, under whose management despatches to foreign -powers consisted of speeches borrowed from the tragedy of "Brutus," -and directed against Austria and Prussia. Such language ought to have -been backed by victories, but the Legislative Assembly had not as yet -the internal strength of which, at a later period, the convocation -became possessed, through the energy of its committee of public safety. -The Legislative Assembly threw every thing into disorder: at war with -the ministers of the king, governed by the idea of a republic, yet -without daring openly to proclaim it, they permitted the horrors of the -10th of August, and the 7th of September, to take place before their -eyes. This wretched meeting possessed neither the brilliancy of the -Constituent Assembly nor the terrible authority of the Convention, but -always represented a state of transition, which is invariably one of -mediocrity, because men dare not undertake any thing, nor, indeed, are -they capable of doing so. - -Pozzo very rarely appeared in the tribune, but whenever he had occasion -so to do, for the purpose of expressing the opinions of the committee, -he had recourse to the favourite phraseology of the period, for -which less blame is due to the orators than to the general bent of -the public mind: it was the pleasure of society to be governed after -that fashion. I have preserved some fragments of a speech made by -him on the 16th July, 1792, with the object of inducing the assembly -to declare war against Germany. It is well known that two different -parties were at that time equally desirous of commencing hostilities -in Europe--the court party, who, being desirous of placing Louis -at the head of an overpowering public force, considered war as the -most probable means of attaining a military dictatorship; while, on -the other hand, the republican faction, headed by the Girondists, -entertained hopes that the democratic principle would be more easily -rendered triumphant in the midst of tumults and excesses. Pozzo di -Borgo was the willing representative of the Girondist party at the -tribune. "The German confederation," said he, "whose independence is -naturally protected by France, the only power capable of preserving -it from the insatiable ambition of Austria, has beheld with joy -the formation of that formidable league intended to overturn your -constitution: their territory is already overrun by the enemy's troops, -the northern league seeks to reduce the whole of Europe into a state of -servitude, and exhibits every where a menacing appearance, supported -by a strong force of mercenaries covered with iron and greedy of gold, -to whom all usurpations will become easy. To the French nation belongs -the task of preserving the world from this terrible scourge, and of -repairing the mischiefs occasioned by the shameful carelessness, or the -perfidious malignity of those, who view with indifference the utter -destruction of all kinds of liberty. The French nation, by combating -all the common enemies of mankind, will have the glory of restoring -the political harmony which will preserve Europe from general slavery. -We have contracted a vast debt towards the whole world, it is the -establishment and the practice of the rights of man upon the earth; -and Liberty, fertile in virtues and talents, affords us abundant -means of discharging it in full. Our enemies' hopes, no doubt, have -been raised by the transient dissensions that disturb our unanimity; -they augur from thence the disorganisation of our government, but we -will not accomplish their guilty desires. We are well aware that in -the present state of affairs a change in our political institutions -would necessarily occasion an interregnum in the laws, a suspension of -authority, licentiousness, mischief in all parts of the kingdom, and -the inevitable loss of our liberty. Our vigilance will preserve without -destroying; it will place the traitors in a state in which they will -be incapable of injuring us; and by the stability of our government -we will deprive the ambitious of all the opportunities they hope for, -in the incessant changes and revolutions incident to empires. By thus -uniting energy and wisdom, we may attain to perfect and glorious -success." - -It may be observed that in the midst of these expressions, set forth in -the phraseology then in fashion, the stability of the government and -the necessity for preserving order were spoken of by M. Pozzo di Borgo, -both of which principles were afterwards displayed in the highest -degree in his mind. - -The mission of the Legislative Assembly being concluded, the deputy -returned to Corsica, and was associated with General Paoli for the -direction of the administration of the island. The shocks sustained -by the people had added fresh energy to their patriotic character, a -public spirit was aroused, a proud independence in accordance with the -national feelings of the ancient Corsica. Does not every people long -for liberty? The Girondists had dreamed of federalism for France; and -Paoli, in his turn, took a pride in forming a republic which should be -perfectly independent and detached from the surrounding sovereignties. -Paoli was a man of powerful understanding, completely the child of -nature, and already old in years, though young in energy. He delighted -in the idea of a Corsican republic, as being in some measure a return -towards primitive habits; and this motive was strengthened by the -horror inspired by the revolutionary events that were taking place in -France. So ardent an enthusiasm never was known as that with which he -inspired the Corsican families dwelling among the most rugged peaks -of that mountainous country, and whose sole passion appeared to be a -vehement love of liberty, acquired by the most laborious efforts. - -The families of the Arenas and Buonapartes, who were inhabitants of -the plains and the cities, had sided warmly with the French party; -they were connected with the clubs; and Salicetti was their organ -at the National Convention, to denounce Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo as -propagators of a system tending to separate Corsica from France; -and as that island had been declared an integral part of the French -Republic, they were both summoned to the bar of the nation to offer -a justification of their conduct. In this lay one of the first germs -of the deeply rooted hatred entertained by Salicetti, Arena, and -Buonaparte, against Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo; from thence arose the -enmity which, in their inflamed minds, overstepped the limits of the -island of Corsica, and contributed, more than people suspected, to the -marvellous events of the Revolution and the Empire. - -When Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo received this terrible summons, they -were together at Corte, the capital of the mountainous district. It -was not unexpected, and they were both well aware of the consequences -of a refusal to obey the commands of the Convention, for the conduct -of this inexorable tribunal was that of a victor with whom lenity and -forgiveness are unknown. What was to be done? To obey would be to -submit at once to the yoke of the territorial unity, which sought to -reduce all the various nations comprehended within it to one level. -Resistance would, perhaps, be a still more dangerous course, for the -French Republic had an army which they would be utterly incapable of -withstanding, and it was also supported by a considerable party in -Corsica. A few regiments occupied the city of Ajaccio, and a battalion -formed the garrison of the fort of Corte and several posts on the -sea-coast. Signals announced the arrival of a squadron bearing the -tricoloured flag. Under these circumstances, the commissioners of the -departments declared themselves a permanent assembly in a meeting of -the people of Corte, and the tumultuous _comitia_ of the national party -unanimously invited their chief, Paoli, and Pozzo di Borgo, to continue -their administration. Finally, they declared _that it was beneath the -dignity of the people of Corsica to trouble themselves with the two -families of Arena and Buonaparte, and that they should be abandoned to -their remorse and to infamy for having deserted the public cause_. I -here copy the expressions of the national _consulta_.[17] - - [17] I saw all these papers, which were printed in 1793, in the hands - of Count Pozzo di Borgo; he took pleasure in shewing the curious - decree against Napoleon, afterwards the pride and glory of Corsica. - The _consulta_ was composed of 1200 deputies. - -The popular energy, which sways in all instances the first movements in -favour of liberty, was here very evident. What steps did they propose -taking to maintain themselves in this _improvisé_ independence, as well -as to uphold the decrees published by the assembly of Corsica? In the -meanwhile fearful intelligence arrived among the mountains: Toulon, -hitherto in the occupation of the English, had just fallen into the -hands of the French Republic, whose orders Corsica had treated with -contempt; and, to crown the whole, a young officer of twenty-six -years of age, even the Buonaparte devoted to infamy and remorse by the -Corsican council, had taken part in that memorable enterprise, and had -been the principal cause of its success. The port of Toulon being now -in the hands of the Republic, in thirty-six hours a squadron might -arrive, and threaten with entire destruction the companions of Paoli. - -Just at this difficult juncture the English Mediterranean fleet -appeared off Ajaccio, bringing news from Toulon and tidings of the -warlike preparations going on there; the admiral also offered his -protection to Corsica, agreeing to recognise her independence, under -the sovereignty of the king of Great Britain. Paoli went on board the -squadron to treat with the admiral regarding his country, and a general -assembly was convoked to meet on the 10th of June, 1794, for the -purpose of determining upon the form of constitution to be established. -Their plan tallied nearly with the ideas of the English Magna Charta, -proposing the establishment of a parliament which should consist of two -chambers, a council of state, and a viceroy supported by responsible -ministers. Paoli proposed Pozzo di Borgo as president of the council. -When the latter was presented to Admiral Elliott he gazed upon his -swarthy complexion, his sparkling eyes, and meagre and active figure, -and asked Paoli whether that was the person he proposed placing at -the head of the government. "I can answer for him," said Paoli; "he -is a young man as well fitted for the government of a nation as he is -capable of leading his countrymen unflinchingly on the field of battle. -You may place implicit confidence in him." Upon this testimony the -admiral confirmed his choice. - -The state-council being the executive portion of the Corsican -government, the duty devolved upon Pozzo di Borgo of remodelling the -institutions of his country, which was henceforward to be free. I have -seen the complete code of this administration: it is a summary of the -public rights of the nation, a collection of primitive laws, one of -those codes which regulates the most trifling circumstances affecting -the interests of the people; among us it is a great historical -curiosity, for we are too far advanced in civilisation to be capable of -forming an idea of the first requirements of a people of such primitive -habits. - -The national government in Corsica lasted, however, barely two years; -the protection afforded by England was at too great a distance, and -a few regiments despatched from Gibraltar did not possess sufficient -influence to restrain the population of the cities devoted to France, -which was at that time every where victorious, and, by its proximity, -constantly held a sword suspended over the government of Paoli and -Pozzo di Borgo. The latter embarked on board the English fleet when -it became evident the crisis could no longer be averted, and that the -standard of the French Republic was about to be planted at Ajaccio. -This squadron quitted the shores of Corsica, bearing with it all the -sad remains of the ruined government; it touched at the island of -Elba, sailed towards Naples, and from thence again to Elba--rather a -curious circumstance, which long held a place in the recollection of -Pozzo di Borgo, and which may possibly have in some degree influenced -the resolution of the Allies, in 1814, to confer upon Napoleon the -sovereignty of Porto Ferrajo. The Corsican president completed his -voyage to England in the Minerva, which formed part of the squadron of -Nelson, who lost an eye in Corsica, and was afterwards so celebrated; -but he was then only in the dawn of his fame, and had not attained to -the renown which crowned his name at Aboukir and Trafalgar. - -Pozzo di Borgo remained eighteen months in London, where he received -great attention from the English ministry, who considered him to have -displayed great method and ability during his short administration. -Having become intimate with some old French families, he then began -his career of diplomacy and secret negotiations; which, at a late -period, led him into a more extended sphere of action. He was at Vienna -in 1798, at the time of the campaign of Suwarof, when foreign courts -were agitated by so many various projects. Tremendous shocks had been -experienced in France. On emerging from the reign of terror, and the -formidable system of unity proclaimed by the Convention, a strong and -deeply rooted reaction towards the restoration of the royal family -had taken place; the royalist colours were worn in good society, and -the most extreme detestation was felt for the revolution, because -it had not as yet given birth to any regular system of government. -At this time Buonaparte was in Egypt, with the greater part of the -brave legions who had conquered Italy and the Rhine; all our foreign -conquests were lost to us; on the Alps we were hardly able to retain -a few posts, and they were closely pressed; and, as a climax, Suwarof -appeared with victory in his train--Suwarof, the hero and saint of -the Russian army--Suwarof, around whom rallied all the hopes of -the coalition! Pozzo di Borgo was engaged in all the diplomatic -arrangements that accompanied the military proceedings. - -The antipathy that existed between the Austrians and Russians, far -more than the battle of Zurich, put a stop to the progress of the -coalition, and Pozzo di Borgo remained some time at Vienna, receiving a -pension there as a French emigrant of noble birth. It was at the time -when one of that family of Buonapartes, proscribed by the Assembly of -Corsica, was elevated to the Consulate, and being now in the position -of a powerful dictator, he had established an efficient government in -France, and was engaged in repairing the wrecks of the administration -by means of his steady energy. The power of the laws once more became -manifest; the executive administration was lodged in the hands of a -few, and was active and advantageous to the people; and, by a singular -chance, which the caprices of fortune can alone explain, the old -friends of the Buonapartes, the Arenas of Ajaccio, were proscribed by -the young Corsican, and delivered over to military law, or driven into -exile. Other destinies, besides those of a city, or a population of -about 100,000 souls, claimed the attention of Napoleon Buonaparte, now -completely detached from his native country; but, in spite of all these -commotions, his thoughts more than once turned upon his old personal -enemy, Pozzo di Borgo, then on his journey from London to Vienna, and -who must have shed some tears of vexation when he saw the power of -the young consul extend so far as to prescribe to Europe the peace -of Amiens. The shade of Paoli arose to protest against this immense -advancement of the Buonapartes.[18] - - [18] This observation appears to indicate some inaccuracy regarding - the date of Paoli's demise. It took place in Feb. 1807.--_Editor._ - -When war again resounded on the earth, Pozzo di Borgo entered the -service of Russia, and devoted himself to the diplomatic line. The -firmness of character, the quick apprehension of facts, and the -knowledge of mankind which he evinced, together with an extreme -delicacy of judgment, were certain pledges of his success in the -conduct of business between one government and another. He received the -title of Conseiller d'Etat at St. Petersburg, and was soon despatched -to the court of Vienna, charged with a secret mission. The prince -whose service he had entered was that Alexander whose generous and -mystical mind was sadly employed in veiling, by the uprightness of his -conduct, and the exalted tenor of his life, a mournful recollection -which weighed upon his heart and his conscience. The revolution of the -palace, that had placed Alexander on the throne, had been directed -by England; and consequently must have been inclined to favour the -coalition against Buonaparte, who was about to place the imperial crown -upon his heroic brow; and Pozzo di Borgo was one of the diplomatic -agents charged with special and secret missions to the allied courts, -once more united against France. - -We now find him at Vienna; but he only remained there a few months, -for the Czar was desirous of acting with great vigour, and therefore -despatched him, as Russian commissioner, to the Anglo-Russian and -Neapolitan army, which was about to commence operations in the south -of Europe under the influence of the noble Queen Caroline, so grossly -slandered in the pamphlets issued by Napoleon. This army had hardly -assembled at Naples, when the artillery of Austerlitz and the shouts -of victory filled the air; and, as an immediate consequence, the peace -of Presburg was signed. As this treaty separated Austria from the -coalition, it occasioned the dissolution of the army of Naples; and -Pozzo di Borgo returned to Vienna, and from thence to St. Petersburg, -where great military events were in preparation. - -During the campaign crowned by the battle of Austerlitz, when Napoleon -had advanced so boldly into the interior of Moravia, Prussia had -hesitated whether she should join the coalition. It was impossible to -deny her public conduct in that respect, and Napoleon had borne it in -mind; this indecision, however, ceased after the battle of Austerlitz, -and a twelvemonth afterwards the united force of the Russians and -Prussians was drawn up together. - -Pozzo di Borgo was called upon to accompany the emperor in this -campaign, and the Czar offered him rank in the army; such being the -custom of Russia, where there is no advancement except by means of -military rank: he therefore received the title of Colonel in the -suite of the emperor, a post which attached him to the person of the -sovereign. Being, for the fourth time, despatched to Vienna, after the -battle of Jena, he strove to arouse Austria from the torpor into which -the peace of Presburg had plunged her, but in vain; for the Austrian -cabinet was then desirous of peace at any price. Colonel Pozzo received -a commission to proceed to the Dardanelles, to treat for peace with the -Turks, in conjunction with the English envoy; he was received on board -the Russian fleet, under the orders of Admiral Siniavim, stationed at -the entrance of the Dardanelles, and off the island of Tenedos; he was -present in the admiral's ship at the battle of Mount Athos, between -the Russian fleet and that of the sultan, and there received his first -military decoration. - -Napoleon was now approaching the apogée of his glory: the French and -Russian armies had bravely measured their strength, and the French -emperor had so greatly risen in Alexander's estimation that, at the -peace of Tilsit, Napoleon was saluted with the title of Brother, at the -very time the old Russian aristocracy were accusing their sovereign of -abandoning the cause of his country. In the interchange of projects -which took place at Tilsit--in those friendly meetings, when the -waters of the Niemen flowed beneath the two emperors, locked in each -other's arms, was it possible Colonel Pozzo should not be aware that -his services would henceforth be an embarrassment to Russia? Upon his -arrival at St. Petersburg he held a conversation with the emperor, -full of confidence and unreserve on both sides, when each party took -a candid survey of his position. The Emperor Alexander declared to -Colonel Pozzo that there was no reason he should leave his service, and -that the ties of friendship he had contracted with Napoleon did not -oblige him to make such a sacrifice. The colonel replied that he could -no longer be useful to his sovereign; on the contrary, he should be a -source of embarrassment to him, for Buonaparte had not forgotten the -feud of his early days: sooner or later he would demand the banishment -of his old enemy, the Czar would be too generous to agree to this, and -his refusal would raise difficulties for his government. "Besides," -said he, "the alliance between your majesty and Napoleon will not be of -long duration; I am well acquainted with the deceitful character and -insatiable ambition of Buonaparte. At this moment one of your majesty's -hands is held by Persia, the other by Turkey, and Buonaparte presses -upon your chest; get your hands free in the first instance, and then -you will cast off the weight that now troubles you. Some years hence we -shall meet again." - -Count Pozzo requested permission to travel; and he was again at Vienna -in 1808, when Austria, with her patient resignation, was preparing -fresh armaments against Napoleon, and declaring the rupture that had -taken place with him. I am not aware if history records a longer or -more honourable struggle than that of Austria against the Revolution -and the Empire. She submitted to every sacrifice, then prepared for -battle; vanquished, she had recourse to negotiation; then again tried -the fortune of war, until victory finally decided against her, and -she was crushed under the weight of the French eagles. Patient and -laborious German nation, never didst thou despair of thy cause! - -Pozzo di Borgo remained at Vienna during the whole campaign of 1809, -and when peace was again imposed, Buonaparte did not forget him. He had -taken an active part in all the diplomatic proceedings of Austria and -Russia, and Napoleon was a person who always retained the remembrance -of his enemies; accordingly, after the peace of Vienna, his first -step was to demand the banishment of Colonel Pozzo di Borgo from the -Austrian dominions. Alexander, warmly attached to Napoleon, had the -weakness to consent, and this gave occasion to the fine and energetic -letter, in which Colonel Pozzo already prophesied the invasion of -Russia, and said to the Czar, "Sire, it will not be long before your -majesty again summons me to your presence." In order to escape the fate -which awaited him if his enemy of Ajaccio should succeed in seizing his -person, he took the precaution of retiring to Constantinople, the only -spot which still afforded him the power of quitting continental Europe -and seeking refuge in England. - -He was now a proscribed man, travelling in Syria, visiting Smyrna -and Malta, and from Malta proceeding to London, where he arrived in -October 1810. He was already an agent of some importance, on account -of the missions upon which he had been employed; and the limited -intercourse between England and the Continent made her set a value -upon the information to be obtained from a man of political talent and -experience, who had just arrived from the principal capitals of Europe. -In several conferences with Lord Castlereagh, Colonel Pozzo explained -to him the hopes he still entertained of a continental rising against -the colossal empire of France: in the midst of all his great qualities, -Napoleon had still some vulnerable points, and nobody was better -aware of them than Pozzo di Borgo, because he had studied them through -the medium of his resentment. Who could be so well acquainted as he -with that Buonaparte, whom he had had such opportunities of observing -in the closest manner, with his infirmities, his fits of anger, his -weaknesses, and his ambition? - -At last the terrible war of 1812 broke out, and the French armies -passed the Niemen. Russia was invaded; the battles of Moscowa and the -Mojaisk drove back the armies of Alexander towards the sacred city -of Moscow, and the ancient capital was reduced to ashes. During the -whole of this campaign Pozzo di Borgo remained in London, and his -influence was of service in promoting the union between Alexander -and the English cabinet; he did not join the army of the Czar, -because a revolution had taken place in the ideas of the cabinet of -St. Petersburg. The fact was, that when Alexander found his finest -provinces invaded, and the murderous war which was desolating his -territory, he summoned to his assistance the old Russian spirit and -the ancient traditions of the country; the banner of St. Nicholas -was unfurled, the churches resounded with prayers and calls to arms -against the invader, and the Czar placed himself at the head of the -army: but this popular appeal had precisely the effect of rousing the -national spirit against foreigners. Ever since the time of Peter the -Great, the ideas of civilisation had favoured in Russia the influence -of the Italians, the Germans, and the French, who filled many important -military situations, and were raised to the first dignities of the -state; and the old Russian families naturally entertained a jealous -feeling regarding this influence. This colony of courtiers offended -their pride, and interfered with their interests; therefore, when -Alexander had occasion to invoke the shades of his country at the foot -of the Kremlin, and to rouse the devotion of the Muscovite nobility, -who lived among their serfs in the central provinces, he was obliged -to sacrifice the strangers to their prejudices. Pozzo di Borgo was not -recalled till the close of the campaign, when the impulse had ceased -to be entirely Russian, but had become more eccentric and inclined -towards Poland and Prussia, and he returned through Sweden just at the -time when Bernadotte was becoming more nearly connected with England, -and, without however openly committing himself, had begun to lend a -favourable ear to the overtures of the court of London. The Russian -councillor was commissioned to encourage the inclination of Bernadotte, -and to strive to forward a decision which would afford his sovereign a -new opportunity of taking vengeance for the invasion of his country by -the Emperor of the French. This was the first beginning of his intimacy -with the Crown Prince of Sweden. - -The Emperor Alexander received Pozzo di Borgo at Kalisch, after a -separation of five years. They had parted immediately after the -interview of Tilsit, which had so greatly reconciled the Czar to the -politics of Napoleon. Now, how different was the situation of affairs! -Alexander had seen his empire invaded by his ancient ally, his cities -in flames; and, according to the excited ideas of Alexander, it was -the sainted spirits of the ancient Russians who had raised the stormy -tempests, and engulfed the immense army of Napoleon in the icy floods -of the Beresina. The language of Alexander to Pozzo di Borgo reminded -him of his sagacious prophecies, and the colonel made great efforts -to win him back to simple and positive plans against the power of -Napoleon; for having been one of the patriots of 1789, Colonel Pozzo -perfectly understood the importance of the conspiracy of Mallet, -and of the discontent that was beginning to pervade France. He was -opposed to all species of compromise, and his view of the case was -to strive to effect a separation between the interests of France and -her leader. Whilst Alexander, still prepossessed with the idea of the -stupendous power of Napoleon, hesitated to plunge into the perils of a -distant campaign, Pozzo di Borgo advised him to induce Prussia to take -advantage of the secret societies, which proudly raised their heads at -the cry of _Germania_ or _Teutonia_, and to assemble all Buonaparte's -rivals in glory under their banners, so as to occasion confusion and -disorder in his preparations for war. - -A threefold negotiation was now opened; the first with Moreau, whom -they were desirous of drawing into France, to rouse the Republican -party by the influence of his name; the second with Eugène and Murat, -between whom they wanted to divide the kingdom of Italy; the third -and last with Bernadotte, who was to join with the Swedish troops -and effect a division in the French army. Pozzo di Borgo was charged -with this last mission, furnished with full powers from the Emperor -Alexander, while the Russians were advancing into Saxony. Without -clearly explaining the views of the alliance with regard to France, or -on the distinctive and positive results of the war, he was directed to -suggest, in his conversations with the crown prince, all the possible -events which might encourage the emulation of the old companions of -the Emperor Napoleon; and he engaged, in the name of the Czar, to -acknowledge Bernadotte as Crown Prince, and eventually, according to -the order of succession, as King of Sweden: in the same manner he -had promised to Moreau the presidency of a republic, if it should -arise from the order of affairs, or from a popular anti-Buonapartist -movement in Paris. One ought to have heard the ambassador himself -recount all the trouble and anxiety he experienced during this -negociation; the vacillations of the Crown Prince, his ill-humours -and discontent. Still he hesitated. At last, when the Swedish army -was embarking at Karlscrona and landing at Stralsund, the artillery -of Lutzen and Bautzen were heard in thunders through the whole of -Germany. These brilliant victories had astonished the Crown Prince, -and the Russian army was in full retreat through Upper Silesia. Still, -though his troops were already assembled, he did not dare to come to -a final decision; he could not forget the star of his former master, -the remembrance of his victorious eagles, the irresistible influence -of his glory; the Swedes, therefore, halted at Stralsund, and awaited -the course of events. Bernadotte was a powerful ally; not only did he -bring into the field 20,000 brave Swedes, but also his name, like that -of Moreau, might be the means of sowing dissension and uneasiness in -the French army, if the invasion were to take place; when, therefore, -in the interval afforded by the armistice of Neumark, Colonel Pozzo -observed the hesitation he still exhibited, he hastened to Stralsund, -by the desire of Alexander, to endeavour to persuade him to march at -once. He had, however, the greatest difficulty in inducing him to -join the military congress of Trachenburg, where the plans were laid -for the campaign against Napoleon, and it was necessary he should -exhibit, at the same time, firmness with Bernadotte and forbearance -towards Sir Charles Stewart, afterwards Lord Londonderry, a young and -rather presumptuous officer, who was commissioner from England, and -was always ready to give offence to an old soldier like Bernadotte. -His efforts were crowned with success; the Crown Prince had already -had an interview with Moreau, and Pozzo di Borgo afterwards held -a confidential conversation with both those personal enemies of -Napoleon, in which they reciprocally exchanged their hopes, their -present hatred, and old resentments, Pozzo against the adversary of -Paoli, Moreau against the Consul, and Bernadotte against the Emperor. -The plan adopted by the allied powers at the military congress of -Trachenburg was very simple. Colonel Pozzo di Borgo maintained that -they ought to march at once upon Paris, the central point of Napoleon's -strength or weakness, where the question would speedily be settled; and -this was the opinion entertained by all those military men who mingled -any political ideas of the decline of Buonaparte's power and of his -personal character with the question of war. Besides, in the opinion of -the Russian envoy, Buonaparte and France were not synonymous terms; and -it was to save France and her liberty that he so closely pursued the -Emperor. - -At this time the congress of Prague was assembled, which was in reality -nothing more than an armistice required by all the forces. Metternich -had assumed for Austria a position of armed mediation, being the -commencement of a new political system, a wary and provident plan, -which, in her state of relative weakness and isolation, gave her a -predominant influence over cabinets far more powerful than her own. -All the negotiations of this congress tended to one point only; the -endeavour to detach Austria from this mediatorial system, and to induce -her to decide in favour of one side or the other,--either for the -coalition, or for France. In the army of Napoleon, as well as among -the allies, a strong desire for peace existed, with this difference, -that the victorious soldiers of the Emperor were thoroughly weary of -war; for them the illusions of conquest had no longer any charms, and -their generals, in the midst of the wonderful success that had crowned -their arms, regretted the life of luxury and enjoyment they had been -accustomed to lead in Paris. The sons of Germany, ardent in their -desire for liberty, flocked to the ranks of the allied armies, under -the command of old Blucher, whose mind was also full of enthusiasm -for the German unity; while the general officers of the French army -indulged in dreams of their hotels, in the Chaussée d'Antin, or the Rue -de Bourbon, or their delightful retreats at Malmaison and Grosbois, -while their brothers-in-arms were falling under the enemy's fire,--that -fire which no longer respected the marshals. An unanimous cry of bitter -accusation was heard among the staff, "That man will make an end of us -all!" Exaggerated accounts of disaffection were brought to the Emperor. -At one time some thousands of conscripts were said to have mutilated -their fingers, in order that they might be sent back to their homes; -at another they reported the desertion of the brave fellows who had -cried "Vive l'Empereur!" under the grape-shot of Lutzen and Bautzen. -The allies were well aware of this decline of military ardour in the -French camp, and they knew a feeling of weakness and a disposition to -discord were connected with it. The proposals for peace at Prague never -were sincere on the part of Russia and Prussia, and the Emperor was -thoroughly deceived in imagining them to be so. - -The main object was to prevail upon Austria to declare herself openly; -and here Napoleon was guilty of many faults. In the situation assumed -by the cabinet of Vienna, a good deal was naturally exacted, and with -perfect justice, for upon them depended the strength, and we may almost -say the success, of the coalition. In offering herself as a mediator, -Austria was desirous of regaining the position she had lost during the -struggle with Napoleon, and the law was now in her own hands, for she -could throw the weight of 300,000 men into either scale. Napoleon -committed the great oversight of not acceding to the offers of the -cabinet of Vienna: he went farther still; he deeply offended the -minister who directed the fates of that cabinet--Prince Metternich, a -man of extraordinary ability and consideration, and whose inclinations -had previously tended towards France. I have elsewhere related the -stormy and imprudent scene which broke up the conference between -Buonaparte and the Austrian minister.[19] - - [19] _Vide_ the article "Metternich." - -The allied sovereigns awaited the decision of the cabinet of Vienna -with indescribable anxiety. It was eleven o'clock at night, and they -were all assembled in a barn; the ministers, Count Nesselrode, Pozzo di -Borgo, and Hardenburg, in the lower apartment; the Emperor Alexander -and the King of Prussia on the first floor: the rain descended in -torrents, and it was one of those stormy nights which add even to the -horrors of war, when all at once a courier arrived, bearing a letter -for Count Nesselrode, which contained merely these words,--"Austria -has decided, and four armies will be at the disposal of the Alliance." -Imagination may picture the shouts of joy, the transports of the -coalition, on thus receiving the support of 300,000 men, who were to -join the rest of the army by the mountains of Bohemia. The chances of -war were now clearly against Napoleon; and General Pozzo di Borgo, -for he had lately been raised to the rank of major-general, was -again despatched, in the character of commissioner, from the Emperor -Alexander to the Crown Prince of Sweden, who at this time covered -Berlin at the head of an army, composed of 40,000 Prussians, 30,000 -Russians, and 20,000 Swedes. - -The most glorious events recorded in the military history of France -have nothing that can bear a comparison with the admirable defence -of Dresden by Napoleon, when all the armies of the coalition went -successively to try their strength under its walls. They were repulsed -with considerable loss, and Moreau was mortally wounded on the field of -battle; but this admirable manœuvre of concentration was followed -by a very great fault--the division of the main body of his army, one -portion being intrusted to General Vandamme, the other to some marshals -upon whose deeds the star of Napoleon's fortune did not shine. At Gross -Beeren, Bernadotte broke the brilliant line of the French, at the same -time that the corps of Vandamme was cut to pieces or taken prisoner by -the coalesced enemy, and the Emperor was obliged to retreat beyond the -Elbe. I cast a veil over the mournful catastrophe of Leipsic, where so -many faults were committed, and so much want of foresight exhibited, -both on the part of Napoleon, and also of those who were charged with -the execution of his orders; the sad disorder, the horrible confusion -that prevailed, when the soldiers were decimated at once by sickness in -the hospital, the steel of the enemy, and the hordes of peasants raised -by Blucher along his path, and which swallowed up the French army, -already perishing with hunger, without guns, and barefooted, in the -midst of the cold rains of October. - -The coalition was now victorious; its advanced guard had reached the -banks of the Rhine. Still they could not refrain from a degree of -secret terror as they approached the French territory, which was still -pervaded by the presiding genius of Napoleon. The army of Bernadotte -was separated from the allies to march against Holstein, invade -Denmark, and prepare a rising in Holland; and General Pozzo di Borgo -quitted him to proceed on a mission to Frankfort, to concert military -operations with the allies. They had there a better opportunity of -judging of the state of public feeling in France, and were able to -study the progress that had been made by the different opinions and -parties against the imperial government. The Emperor's administration -had surpassed itself; the Senate had voted troops upon troops, the -levies proceeded with extraordinary energy, and they sought by every -means, pamphlets, songs, operas--in short, nothing was neglected to -re-awaken the cry of national independence in the breasts of the French -nation. But though from the powerful organisation of the empire every -thing appeared clear on the surface, its stability went no deeper; -there was an under-current of murmurs, complete dissatisfaction, and -weariness of mind; commerce was annihilated, leaving the unemployed -workmen no resource but a musket, and no choice but of seeking bread -or death with the army. Secret agitations began to be whispered about -every where; the legislative body had separated itself from Napoleon by -a protest, executed under the influence of discontent, and of MM. Lainé -and Reynouard, and it had in consequence been dissolved; the council -of the regency of Maria Louisa was composed of timid, hesitating -men; some, like Talleyrand, ready to abandon a falling cause; the -people called for a termination of this state of affairs, and gloomy, -foreboding clouds hung on the brow of Napoleon. - -Existing circumstances certainly offered a favourable opportunity for -invading the imperial territory; but were the allies well agreed upon -the end they proposed to themselves? Were they all actuated by the -same interests? Although Austria had made an effort to shake off the -enormous power of Napoleon, would she be willing to ruin the son-in-law -of her own emperor, Francis II., especially when the advantages -resulting from it would fall principally to the share of Russia and -Prussia, whose power had been already excessively augmented by the late -events? Having regained the territories of which Napoleon had formerly -deprived her, why should she join in the invasion of France, and aim a -last blow at a nation so necessary to the balance of power in Europe? -Even England, though the determined enemy of Buonaparte, could not -fail to entertain some degree of uneasiness in observing the immense -increase of the Russian influence, and the ministers were assailed -with incessant questions as to the object and probable termination of -the war. All these circumstances caused a dread that the coalition was -ready to fall to pieces at the very moment its great object had been -attained. This state of affairs soon became evident to the diplomatic -chiefs assembled at the conference of Frankfort, and Pozzo di Borgo was -despatched by the three sovereigns on a mission to the Prince Regent to -request the presence of Lord Castlereagh, the English prime minister, -at head-quarters, in order to strengthen the bands of the coalition and -determine its object. The general lost no time in accomplishing his -voyage, and arrived in London in the beginning of January 1814, while -parliament was sitting, and just at the time when Lord Castlereagh had -been obliged to enter into an explanation in answer to the pressing -requisitions of the Whigs. He was the bearer of an autograph letter to -the Prince Regent from the allied sovereigns, by which they engaged -to follow the most moderate measures, and as far as possible to keep -the balance of power in Europe in view, so as to remove any fears on -the part of England. It was just six years since Pozzo di Borgo, as -a proscribed person, had last visited that country, and under what -different auspices he now returned to it! He came as the organ of -the triumphant coalition, and his reception was distinguished by all -the magnificence and joy inspired by the late victories. With what -cordiality Lord Wellesley pressed his hand! "I believe, my dear Pozzo," -said the marquess, "you and I are the two men who most earnestly -desire the fall of Buonaparte." Lord Castlereagh had already begun to -entertain some thoughts of the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, -and he communicated his idea to General Pozzo di Borgo, who replied, -"You are well aware, my lord, that we must never present any but a -perfectly simple idea to the sovereigns; complicated matters do not -take hold of their minds. Let us first overturn Buonaparte,--this is -a thing we shall easily make the Emperor of Russia and the King of -Prussia understand,--and then afterwards, when the coast is clear, -we can return to examine the second difficulty." "Very well," said -Lord Castlereagh, "whom do you wish us to send to the Continent?" "If -Mr. Pitt were alive," replied the general, "I would tell him to hold -himself in readiness; it is sufficient to make you understand that we -are most anxious to see you in person on the Rhine, that the question -may not get perplexed and confused." - -It was with these opinions that Pozzo di Borgo visited the French -princes, especially the Comte d'Artois. His royal highness was anxious -to appear at head-quarters, and blend the idea of a restoration with -the plan of the campaign of the allies, but General Pozzo strongly -opposed his design. "Monseigneur," said he, "you are well aware of -my devotion to your person and to your interests, but do not come to -spoil our game; we still have great difficulties to overcome effecting -the fall of Napoleon, when that point is gained it will be necessary -to turn to something else, and your turn and your name will naturally -occur." - -It was a matter of some delicacy to obtain the departure of Lord -Castlereagh and the full and entire adhesion of England to the -coalition; they were obliged to work at it a long while with the -Prince Regent and some influential members of parliament; at last, at -a dinner given by Lady Castlereagh, the English minister, on rising -from table, said to the emperor's messenger, "Well, my dear Pozzo, it -is decided that I am to accompany you; the Prince Regent has given me -an autograph letter for the sovereigns, and we shall act in concert and -good fellowship with you." The two diplomatists embraced each other -with delight, two days afterwards they embarked for the Continent, and -in three weeks rejoined the sovereigns at Baden. - -Lord Castlereagh's arrival at head-quarters strengthened the unity of -the alliance and enabled them to form some resolutions for the general -benefit, and also to decide upon the plan of the political campaign -about to be commenced against Buonaparte. England had never recognised -the Emperor of the French, and in all the acts of parliament, as well -as those of the cabinet, he had no other designation than that of _the -common enemy_, or _the head of the government_, a circumstance which -facilitated Pozzo di Borgo's labours with Lord Castlereagh towards -gaining the object he had in view, viz., the complete overthrow of -Napoleon. The English minister, who was armed with full powers, laid -down as the fundamental principle of all their diplomatic transactions, -that France, although necessary to the balance of power in Europe, -must be reduced within her ancient territorial limits, a principle -which almost inevitably involved the restoration of the ancient -dynasty. This, however, was only mentioned in the acts, both public -and secret, of the congress, as a _possibility_ reserved for a further -consideration of the French question. - -One of the most important principles laid down in the political plan -of the alliance was the separation of the question concerning Napoleon -from those regarding the interests of France. This line of conduct was -recommended by Bernadotte, Pozzo di Borgo, and the patriot party, who -were the enemies of the emperor, and it was formally announced in the -public acts of Frankfort and the proclamations of all the allied troops -who crossed the Rhine. Their great object was to weaken the common -enemy, at the same time that they promised France that her ancient -territory should remain untouched, and hinted at the possibility of -establishing a constitution independent of the emperor. By adopting -this plan they summoned all disaffected persons to the assistance of -the coalition; and, without entering into engagements with any one -party, they offered to _all_ the hope of bringing their pretensions and -wishes to a favourable issue; they even contrived to conciliate the -partisans of a republican form of government as well as the advocates -of the regency of Maria Louisa. - -Pozzo di Borgo continued attached to the person of the Emperor -Alexander during the whole of the operations of 1814, that glorious -but melancholy campaign where the military genius of Napoleon shone -with so brilliant a lustre--a bright ray emanating from that star which -appeared but for a fleeting moment, soon to grow dim and set for ever! -During the negotiations at Chatillon, General Pozzo urged the rejection -of all the propositions of the French emperor, and also that the time -and circumstances granted by the coalition to him whose attempts had so -often been crowned with victory, should have a limit defined with the -utmost accuracy. "Grant no armistice, but march _en masse_ straight to -Paris!" Such was the advice of Pozzo di Borgo, to whom some overtures -had already been made by Talleybrand and the disaffected party in the -capital. Had the preliminaries of peace been accepted, a treaty might -possibly have been entered into at Chatillon with Napoleon and Maria -Louisa; but how would it have been possible for the emperor to submit -to the ancient limits of France, without exposing himself to inevitable -ruin in the interior of his kingdom? M. de Caulaincourt, it is true, -received orders to accede to the proposed conditions, but it was then -too late. It would, however, have been impossible for Napoleon to have -continued peaceably on the throne, even had pacific terms been granted -him, under existing circumstances; for his government would have -been overturned by an internal revolution. How could the victorious -emperor, who had given laws to the world, now in his turn submit to -receive laws from the whole of Europe combined against him? And, -supposing he had returned to Paris with the humiliating treaties which -deprived France of all her conquests and reduced her within the narrow -limits she formerly occupied, would not the loss of his throne have -been, sooner or later, the inevitable consequence of such a change of -circumstances? Would not discontent have reared its head at every step -he took? Or would his government still have retained sufficient power -and influence to secure him the possession of absolute dominion? As -soon as peace had been proclaimed, the adverse parties would have burst -forth with violence, and Napoleon have been overcome by a republican -insurrection. They would have said to the emperor, "What have you done -with the conquests of the republic and with the legions it bequeathed -to you?" And, to escape from the tumult of public opinion, the emperor -would have been forced again to engage in some military enterprise. -"The peace you grant to Napoleon," said Pozzo di Borgo, "will merely -be giving him an opportunity of recruiting his strength, and in less -than a year you will find him again engaged in an attack upon your -territories; with the spirit of a gambler, he will stake his last crown -upon his last card." - -For the sake of giving a powerful unity to the alliance, the sovereigns -signed the famous treaty of Chaumont, which was a general coalition of -the whole of Europe against the common enemy; they declared, in the -first place, that they would not separate until they had attained the -objects they proposed to themselves, which were a general peace and the -establishment of independence and of the rights of all the nations of -Europe. In addition to this, it was agreed that each power was to keep -up a standing army of 150,000 men besides those in garrison; England -undertook to furnish immense subsidies; and they engaged mutually to -support each other with a formidable armed contingent, in case any -of the governments should be threatened. The campaign then proceeded -with fresh vigour, and the advance upon Paris produced all the effect -anticipated by the sovereigns. I will not describe the sad events that -succeeded; they are, alas! but too well known. General Pozzo di Borgo -was in the suite of the Emperor Alexander when he entered the city, and -from that time forth he assumed the part of a mediator between France -and the allies. - -We must take a retrospect of that melancholy period of our disasters -in order to form a reasonable judgment of the events about to be -accomplished. The hearts of the whole nation were filled with weariness -to a most painful degree. Some few soldiers might, perhaps, have been -ready to range themselves around the emperor and defend his eagles -which, though now abased, had so often led them to victory; but the -great mass of the population was no longer desirous of war; a feeling -of hatred towards Napoleon had gradually arisen among the republican -party and the Royalists, who were in a state of commotion; while, on -the other hand, the proclamations of Schwartzenburg, and the promises -he had made at the time of his entry into Paris, had inspired hopes of -repose and reasonable liberty. Pozzo di Borgo exerted all his influence -over the mind of Alexander to lead him towards the liberal system, -upon which his resolutions appear to have been formed. The whole idea -of the constitutional charter, and all the plans breathing a spirit of -liberty, were suggested at the meetings in Talleyrand's house, where -the patriots used to assemble to give vent to their dissatisfaction -with the conduct of Napoleon. I must here mention a curious -circumstance relating to the famous proclamation of Schwartzenburg -which first made open mention of the Bourbons. It was the work of Count -Pozzo, and Schwartzenburg had not signed it when Alexander said to him -in a meeting at the head-quarters of Bondy, "My dear prince, you have -written an admirable proclamation--it is perfect; sign it, you will get -great credit for it." And the prince, partly through self-love, and -partly through respect for the Emperor Alexander, affixed his signature -to the document.[20] - - [20] I have seen the rough copy of this proclamation written in - pencil by Count Pozzo and corrected by Alexander himself. - -General Pozzo di Borgo had kept up his acquaintance with all the -patriots of 1789, whose noble and generous principles of independence -met with a sympathetic feeling in the breast of Alexander. Napoleon, -the representative of a powerful and united system of government, -would only be overcome by the principle of liberty. "Europe," said -Talleyrand, "was then on the highroad to emancipation; it was with the -name of Fatherland, with the enthusiasm for free institutions, that -the people had been excited to rise against him, who was termed by the -Germans _the oppressor of mankind_." These ideas prevailed, and Count -Pozzo di Borgo was appointed commissioner from the Emperor Alexander to -the provisional government. - -That government certainly stood in need of the support of the friend of -Paoli, who pursued with relentless perseverance the last glimmering ray -of Napoleon's fortune. Some of the marshals had just made an attempt to -induce the Emperor Alexander to treat with the regency, and, moved by -the recollection of his ancient friendship, and by the influence which -the noble countenance of Napoleon exercised over his mind, the Czar -would, perhaps, have agreed to the proposal, when Pozzo di Borgo was -despatched in haste by the provisional government to Alexander, to put -a stop to the treaty, and he worked on the mind of the Czar by means of -the same considerations he had formerly presented to his view, and of -which he had acknowledged the justice. "The regency was still Napoleon, -and France no longer desired his rule; to sign a peace with him was -merely to expose themselves to a repetition of hostilities; if Europe -was desirous of rest, they must have done with the imperial system -altogether." The commissioner spent two hours in this conversation, -and, by his perseverance, he obtained the important declaration of -the allied sovereigns, that they would enter into no treaty with the -emperor or his family. Having gained this point, he returned with -speed to the provisional government, and gave vent to the picturesque -expression of his triumph in his communication to Talleyrand. "My dear -prince," said he, "I certainly cannot be said single-handed to have -politically killed Buonaparte, but I have cast the last clod of earth -upon his head." - -Thus was played the drama of life between these two men: Pozzo, -formerly proscribed by Buonaparte, now came in his turn to be present -at the obsequies of his rival's power! Born within a few months of -each other, the one had quitted Ajaccio merely with the rank of a -sub-lieutenant, and had ascended the greatest throne under heaven; -the other, as an exile, had traversed Europe, to rouse the spirit -of war and vengeance against his compatriot, and, after unheard-of -efforts, had at last succeeded in realising the plan which had always -kept possession of his mind. He had his foot on his enemy's neck, and -had him banished to the island of Elba, which he had himself twice -sailed past, pursued by the fortune of his rival. General Pozzo never -would admit the hypothesis that France and Buonaparte were the same -thing; and in this respect he was as good a patriot as Moreau, Lannes, -Bernadotte, Massena, Dessoles, and Gouvion St. Cyr. - -As soon as the senate had decided upon the restoration of the ancient -dynasty, and laid the foundations of the constitution, Pozzo di Borgo -was commissioned by the sovereigns to go to London, to meet Louis -XVIII. This was not only an honourable mission of congratulation to -the new French sovereign; the general's special duty was to explain to -Louis the real state of public opinion in France, and the necessity -of adopting the constitutional forms and liberal ideas of a charter, -to answer the public expectation. He went with all possible speed to -London, for the provisional government were well aware that the ardent -royalist party would immediately surround the French king, and it was -necessary to prevent his being guilty of any imprudence; and this -they hoped to effect by means of the salutary intervention of Pozzo di -Borgo, especially as his being the confidential servant of the Emperor -Alexander would naturally invest him with a considerable degree of -influence over the mind of Louis XVIII. When the general arrived at -Calais, he engaged a packet-boat for his sole use, and at the moment of -his embarkation, an episode occurred, which he often related as a proof -of the instability of human opinions. He was standing on the sea-shore, -when a stranger accosted him, and requested a passage in his little -vessel to enable him to go and meet the king. "Who are you?" asked -Pozzo di Borgo. "I am the Duc de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt," replied -the stranger; "and I am going to the king to resume my ancient office." -One may imagine the amazement of the ambassador; the Duc de Liancourt -had not only deeply insulted the Comte de Provence at the Constituent -Assembly, but he had afterwards carried his offence still farther, by -sending back to him, from the United States, the ribbon of his orders, -as a mark of his contempt for what he called the _crotchets_ of the old -school: Louis XVIII. could not forget this contemptuous bearing in a -man of noble birth. - -The ambassador did not refuse a passage to the noble duke; and it was a -most curious circumstance that the first step taken by M. de Liancourt -when they reached the royal yacht in which Louis had embarked, was -to adorn himself with the blue ribbon he had formerly sent back to -the king during his sojourn in the land of equality and liberty. It -is impossible to describe the despair of the duke when he found he -could not be received by Louis XVIII., while Count Pozzo was welcomed -in the warmest manner, and the king expressed himself in the most -flattering language, with tears in his eyes. The ambassador from the -allies explained the orders he had received. "Though the constitution -proclaimed by the senate might have fallen into contempt, it was no -reason for abandoning the principles of liberty upon which it was -founded." Pozzo di Borgo remained with the king during his voyage, -and assisted him in preparing the declaration issued at St. Ouen, -containing the plan of such a representative system as the liberal -party were desirous of establishing in France. Let us imagine that -country passing from the military rule of Napoleon into constitutional -principles, finding herself free, on emerging from the firm, but -despotic government of the emperor, had she not already gained an -immense step in securing the advantages of a public representation? The -treaty of Paris was based on the diplomatic scheme determined upon at -Chaumont and Chatillon: it restrained France within her ancient limits, -and placed her under the government of the ancient dynasty, thus -offering a pledge of peace and the maintenance of order, so necessary -to the tranquillity of Europe. - -General Pozzo di Borgo remained in Paris as Russian ambassador to the -new French government, until the meeting of the Congress of Vienna, -where all the diplomatic chiefs were summoned to attend. I will not -recount the events of that period, having related them in a work -especially devoted to the history of those times;[21] I will only -observe, that had they listened at Vienna to the warnings, derived -from the former experience of the friend of Paoli, France would never -have suffered the misfortunes inflicted by the reign of the Hundred -Days. The _corps diplomatique_ received intelligence that Napoleon was -seeking the opportunity of returning from exile, and reappearing in -Europe, and General Pozzo, who well knew the energy of his countryman, -proposed removing him to a more secure spot,--as, for example, one -of the islands of the African Ocean, from whence escape would be -impossible, so as to prevent any risk of his again throwing the whole -of Europe into a state of danger and revolution. - - [21] "Histoire de la Restauration." - -At Vienna, a coldness took place for the second time between Alexander -and his confidential _employé_, occasioned by the difference of their -opinions on the question of Poland. The Czar had taken it into his -head that Poland must be formed into a vast kingdom, separated by its -constitution from Russia, and even comprehending its ancient provinces -within its boundaries, and Pozzo di Borgo was strongly opposed to the -whole scheme: he foretold the consequences of such a proceeding in an -exceedingly well-written memorial, full of sound judgment, and evincing -a deep and extensive consideration of the subject. "The creation of -such a kingdom," said he, "would only be encouraging the spirit of -rebellion, and this would eventually involve the nobility and people -of Poland in a deeper slavery; for if an insurrection were to take -place, it would be necessary to repress it with severity."[22] Alas, -he spoke but too truly! What has been the ruin of Poland, and caused -the dispersion of her generous nobility? Was it not the insane project -of an impossible revolution? The Emperor Alexander withdrew for a -short time his confidence from General Pozzo, to place it in Count -Capo d'Istria, a man of rather a dreamy and visionary cast of mind, -and whose opinion exactly coincided with his own, concerning the -emancipation of Greece and Poland, under the _suzeraineté_ of the Czar. - - [22] This memorial was found again some years afterwards at Warsaw. - The Emperor Nicholas wrote to Pozzo di Borgo in 1830, "How rightly - you foresaw what would happen! You would have saved us much - difficulty and embarrassment." - -But all these occurrences were suddenly interrupted by the landing of -Napoleon in the gulf of Juan. It was like the fall of a thunderbolt. -Pozzo di Borgo, however, received the intelligence without any -appearance of surprise; and when the _corps diplomatique_ sought to -remove the fears that had been excited as to the probability of war, he -replied, "I well know Buonaparte; since he has landed, he will proceed -to Paris, and if so, there must be no delay, no attempt at pacific -measures; Europe should march at once against the common enemy." The -Emperor Alexander sent for Pozzo di Borgo, to whom he restored his -perfect confidence, and then despatched him to Ghent to Louis XVIII., -charged with a military mission to the Anglo-Prussian army of the -Low Countries. A general cry for war now arose at Vienna, and the -allied powers made preparations for a fresh campaign, in spite of all -the endeavours of Napoleon to separate Austria and Russia from the -coalition. With this view, it is well known that he transmitted to -Alexander a copy of the secret treaty concluded in March 1814, between -England, France, and Austria, against Russia, relative to the Polish -question; and from this point dates the extreme antipathy of Alexander -for Talleyrand--an antipathy which more than once stood in the way of -diplomatic transactions after the second invasion of France. - -General Pozzo arrived in Belgium, now the inevitable theatre of war, -as Russian commissary to the Anglo-Prussian army, which formed the -advanced guard of the coalition, at the very moment Napoleon made his -appearance on the frontier. The Duke of Wellington was informed of the -sudden arrival of his terrible adversary, in the midst of a brilliant -ball, under the thousand lustres of the palace of Laeken: the English -troops were assembled in all haste, and a courier was despatched to -Bulow, to desire him to quicken his march, and join the rest of the -army. The Prussians, under Blucher, received a check at Ligny, and the -English took up their position at Mont St. Jean. Pozzo di Borgo arrived -there in a state of considerable anxiety. "How long do you think you -can hold out?" said he. "I do not put much faith in the Belgians," -replied the Duke of Wellington; "but I have a dozen British regiments -with me, and I will engage to maintain my ground all day; but Bulow -must come to my assistance before five o'clock in the evening." In -the middle of the battle a note arrived from Bulow, promising his -arrival in less than three hours; the news flew along the ranks, and -the English army, feebly supported by the Belgians, resisted with an -obstinate courage, which gained them the victory. At the funereal -battle of Waterloo, Count Pozzo di Borgo received rather a serious -wound. - -Napoleon's last battle-field was fought and lost! still Count Pozzo -felt uneasy, and with reason, for the army of Alexander had taken no -part in these events, indeed it had scarcely reached Germany; and was -it not probable that the Duke of Wellington and Blucher, profiting by -their successes, might take upon themselves to decide alone upon the -fate of France? Pozzo di Borgo sent for a young Russian officer serving -in the Prussian army, and said to him, "Spare not your horses, but -in forty-eight hours let the czar be informed of this victory! Your -fortune awaits you at the end of your journey." Though suffering from -his wound, the diplomatist followed the Duke of Wellington closely -to Paris: he resumed his office of ambassador to Louis XVIII., but -without the same favourable circumstances in regard to credit, as he -had enjoyed in 1814. As he had foreseen, the occupation of Paris by the -English and Prussian generals had rendered them all powerful there, -the Fouché-Talleyrand ministry was almost entirely formed by the Duke -of Wellington, and both those political characters were known to be -devoted to England. Russia thus played but a secondary part, which it -was very desirable should be augmented; but the arrival of the Emperor -Alexander at the head of 230,000 bayonets soon changed the face of -affairs. - -Talleyrand had evidence of this from the very first steps taken -towards the preliminaries of peace; the Czar had an old grudge -against the French plenipotentiary at Vienna, and he would not hear -of any negotiation carried on by him; still Alexander's mediation was -indispensable to our interests, in the discussions preparatory to -a treaty of peace. England, Prussia, and Germany, exacted the most -exorbitant conditions, being apparently desirous of making the most -of their victory, and vieing with each other in the pillage of our -unfortunate country. Lord Castlereagh's first minutes demanded the -cession of a chain of fortresses along the Belgic frontier from Calais -to Maubeuge; while the Prussians and Germans claimed Alsace and part -of Lorraine; who but the Czar could defend us from the greediness of -our conquerors? Talleyrand tried to appease Alexander by promising a -high political situation to his ambassador; he offered Pozzo di Borgo -the ministry of the interior, combined with that of the police, now -vacant by the resignation of Fouché, or any other appointment he might -prefer; but Count Pozzo declined his offers, declaring he could only be -useful to France as an intermediate agent between the two governments; -a Frenchman in his affections, and a Russian in his position and duty, -he would appear as a type of alliance between the two cabinets and -the two nations. Talleyrand's plans fell to the ground, owing to the -invincible objections of the Emperor Alexander, who persisted in his -desire of seeing the ministry for foreign affairs intrusted to a man of -his choice, and in whom he could place confidence; and he recommended -the appointment of the Duc de Richelieu, designating him as the best -of Frenchmen, and the most upright of men: Talleyrand was, therefore, -obliged to give way; he gave in his resignation to Louis XVIII., who -intrusted the Duc de Richelieu with the formation of another cabinet. - -From this moment the influence of Russia on public affairs became -clearly defined. The Czar placed himself as the intermediary in all -questions regarding territory, and he had, in point of fact, some -object in wishing to uphold the active power of France in the south -of Europe, in order that he might hereafter meet with an ally and -supporter there. Pozzo di Borgo's influence increased with that of -his emperor, and he always exercised it in a kind and favourable -manner towards France. Let us take a retrospective glance of that most -disastrous period, when the country, invaded by 800,000 foreigners, -was completely crushed under the burden of military contributions; but -Alexander threw the weight of his opinion and his power into the scale, -as opposed to the demands of the English, Prussians, and Germans, and -the question of the cession of Alsace, Lorraine, and a great part of -the northern provinces, was at an end. - -In the secret conferences of the plenipotentiaries, the Russian -minister pressed the necessity of not exercising too much severity in -the conditions exacted from France and the new dynasty; because, when -dishonour, weakness, or degradation, are imposed upon a king or a -nation, a natural reaction takes place against a yoke too oppressive -to be borne. The treaty of Paris, the result of these conferences, was -no doubt a very hard measure; when the Duc de Richelieu signed it, -the trembling of his hand shewed the pain and grief he endured, and -he wrote a most noble letter, which is still extant, deploring this -cruel necessity; still, compared with the conditions imposed by the -Anglo-Prussians, a great step had been gained. France underwent no -partition; though she lost some posts on the frontier, though she was -obliged to submit to a military occupation, though a contribution of -seven hundred millions[23] of francs was levied, at least she could -look forward to a limit, however distant, to the evils of war, she -neither lost Lorraine nor Alsace, she still was a great nation. - - [23] About twenty-eight millions sterling. - -When the Emperor Alexander quitted Paris, he invested Pozzo di Borgo -with full power to uphold the government of Louis XVIII., to watch his -first proceedings and prevent his first faults. A powerful royalist -reaction had taken place; the greater part of the Chamber of 1815 had -decided in favour of a system of unbounded energy, in which parties, -when left to themselves, are always apt to indulge in the first joy of -victory. This chamber was strongly opposed to the Richelieu ministry, -and made political order of impossible attainment, though it was the -only means of realising the loans, and, consequently, of fulfilling the -terms imposed by the army of occupation. Under existing circumstances, -moderation was not merely a natural impulse of elevated minds, it -was an actual law of necessity; besides which, reactions do not -create real resources, they only disturb people's minds, and destroy -public prosperity. Pozzo di Borgo upheld the Duc de Richelieu in the -plan common to both, of endeavouring to arrest the ultra-royalist -movement, which threw obstacles in the way of the fulfilment of their -engagements towards the allies; and the _ordonnance_ of the 5th of -September altered the course of ideas, and political principles of -the Restoration. The despatches of Pozzo di Borgo had prepared the -Emperor Alexander for this change, being altogether in favour of the -moderate royalist system, which the duke was desirous of following; -"It was necessary," said he, "to put a stop to the reaction of 1815;" -and the emperor perfectly agreed with him in opinion. The Russian -minister considered this _ordonnance_ as an act evincing the royal -will, likely to be favourably received in Europe, and thus to advance -the deliverance of the country from foreign occupation; the event -shewed he was not mistaken, for Louis soon received letters from the -Czar, congratulating him upon the act of firmness which enabled his -government to pursue the path of salutary moderation. - -The Russian influence continued to increase. The military occupation -was still in force, and France, which had to arrange pecuniary -conventions resulting from various treaties, was exposed to very severe -trials: war was succeeded by famine, famine by internal disorders, and -simultaneous revolts. In his despatches to the emperor, Pozzo di Borgo -endeavoured to convince him of the necessity of alleviating the burden -of the military contributions, unless they wished to drive to despair -a nation which they might find it difficult to bring into entire -subjection. I never met with a collection of documents better reasoned, -or more thoroughly imbued with the desire of putting an end to the -military occupation of the country; perhaps his strong and patriotic -anxiety on that head often made him form too severe a judgment of the -royalist party. - -The influence of the Russian ambassador was favourable to all -the negotiations of the French government, and at the Congress -of Aix-la-Chapelle it assumed the character of a most generous -intervention. Before starting for the congress he had received full -authority from his sovereign to endeavour to prevail upon the Duke of -Wellington to declare himself arbiter and mediator in the delicate -question regarding the debts claimed by foreigners from the French -government. These liabilities exceeded all bounds; and Pozzo di -Borgo, appealing to the generosity and military honour of the Duke of -Wellington, persuaded him to give over the military occupation which -injured and tormented France, and to make an end of these liquidations, -which appeared to have neither limit nor probable termination. Though -the Duke of Wellington had an interest in keeping up a command which -invested him with such vast authority in France, he consented to -become the arbiter of the different interests; and affairs were thus -arranged beforehand, that no obstacle might arise to interfere with the -resolutions already formed, and which were to be finally settled at the -Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. - -The result of that congress was the liberation of France, the credit -and trouble attending which are due to the Duc de Richelieu; but the -exertions of Pozzo di Borgo also contributed greatly to calm the fears -of Alexander, which had been excited by the liberal tendency at that -time so vehement in Europe. - -The disposition of the Czar always evinced a greater degree of warmth -and generosity than of deep reflection; a bias had been given by -education, and he was also surrounded by timid people, constantly -ready to be alarmed at the posture of affairs, and more especially -uneasy at the excited state of the German universities. During his -brief stay in Paris, after the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, Alexander -had entered into an explanation on this subject with the French king. -According to his ideas, the principal danger in Europe at that time -arose from Jacobinism, and this was an evil above all others to be -avoided; it was a disorder of a new species, against which the Holy -Alliance would have some difficulty in acting so as to preserve the -world from its contagion. The instructions left with Pozzo di Borgo -bore the stamp of the same opinions; and what must have been the -disappointment of the emperor, when, upon his arrival at Warsaw, he -received intelligence that the Richelieu ministry was dissolved, and -that a political system more decidedly liberal had been adopted by -France! The Russian ambassador felt no repugnance for General Dessole, -and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, who formed part of this administration, -for they both belonged to the military opposition which had formed the -basis of the restoration; but, when the choice fell upon M. Grégoire, -and when the Duc de Berri was assassinated, terror and amazement -took possession of the _corps diplomatique_, and Pozzo di Borgo was -not unacquainted with the resolutions which again placed the Duc de -Richelieu at the head of affairs. The influence of the ambassador was -then neither very strong nor important, for a very simple reason; from -the year 1815 to 1818 it was impossible the French government should -act independent of foreigners; they occupied the country; it was -necessary to consult their diplomatic agents, and be in a great measure -decided by their opinion; but, when France was delivered from them, the -influence changed its nature, there was then no material action, only -a moral, and consequently limited, influence exercised by the _corps -diplomatique_. - -The revolutionary spirit began to be manifest in Europe: Spain, Naples, -Piémont, had all proclaimed the constitution with arms in their hands; -the assassination of Kotzebue, the excited state of the universities, -the mysterious societies in the Russian army, the riots at Manchester, -the commotions of the active population of Paris in the month of -June 1820, all were presages of a popular movement against crowned -heads. The thrones of Europe were never more shaken than in those two -years of 1820 and 21; it was necessary they should defend themselves. -Pozzo di Borgo, therefore, received orders to uphold the royalist -system of the Duc de Richelieu's second ministry, and he entered into -it with a loyal ardour which proceeded not only from the personal -friendship he entertained for that minister, but also from his profound -conviction that certain limits would not be overstepped. Nevertheless, -from the hands of M. de Richelieu the government fell into those -of MM. de Montmorency and De Villèle, the representatives of the -ultra-monarchical and religious opinions, and who had a bias towards -the English system. Count Pozzo felt some annoyance in viewing the -triumph of men with whom he was well acquainted, and whom he had even -been called upon to oppose in the _ordonnance_ of the 5th of September; -but the orders of his sovereign were imperative, and he became their -organ at Paris. He approved of the occupation of Piémont by the -Austrians; and his advice principally decided the question of the war -with Spain, which had been suggested at the congresses of Troppan and -Laybach, and finally resolved upon at Verona. - -The royalist party returned in triumph from Cadiz, having replaced -Ferdinand VII. on his throne. In that country, where moderation either -in politics or religion is unknown, the power had fallen into the hands -of Don Saez, the king's confessor; and the object of Russia being -always to exercise a powerful influence in the south of Europe, in -order to counterbalance that of England, Count Pozzo received orders -to repair to Madrid and use all his endeavours to push M. Hirujo -into the ministry, who was a man of moderate views, and consequently -inclined to favour the Russian interests. A perfect understanding on -this head existed between the Russian minister and M. de Villèle. M. -de Hirujo, forerunner of M. Zéa, gained the ascendant at Madrid, and -people could reckon upon the government of Ferdinand being conducted -with some degree of order and regularity. Pozzo di Borgo then returned -to Paris; he was on intimate terms with MM. Pasquier and Molé, friends -of the Duc de Richelieu, and disapproved highly of the folly of the -royalist party, who tormented France every year with fresh laws, -still more remarkable for their silliness and want of importance than -for their unpopular tendency; but the ambassador had now hardly any -influence upon the government; it was almost entirely confined to the -opposition formed in the diplomatic circles and in good society, which -before long extended to the conduct of the sovereign. Although he -approved of the law regarding the conversion of the _rentes_,[24] he -had no hesitation in giving utterance to his opinion concerning the -extreme unpopularity the measure would naturally be attended with. "The -King of France," said he, "wishes to become the richest sovereign in -Europe; but I greatly fear this measure will lead to some unfortunate -catastrophe. People do not play with impunity with the _pot-au-feu_ -of the citizens." And the event shewed his opinion to have been well -founded. - - [24] On the 5th of April, 1824, the minister of finance brought - forward a plan to substitute _rentes_ at three per cent for those - already existing at five per cent, reserving to the holders of the - five per cent _rentes_ the option between the repayment of their - nominal capital and its conversion into three per cents at the rate - of seventy-five. Some modifications were suggested, but the plan - failed at the time. In the following year it was renewed, and then - it was decreed that the proprietors of five per cent _rentes_ should - be allowed till the 22d of June (afterwards extended to the 5th of - August) the faculty of demanding from the minister of finance their - conversion into three per cents at the price of seventy-five, and - till the 22d of September the faculty of requiring their conversion - into four and a half per cent stock at par, with a guarantee in both - cases against being paid off till September 1835. The _rentes_ so - converted were to continue to bear interest at five per cent until - the 22d December, 1825.--_Editor._ - -At this period the Russian ambassador lost his protector, I may -almost say his friend. Alexander died on his journey into the Crimea, -a pilgrimage enveloped in mystery,[25] and which was immediately -followed by the revolutionary movement in St. Petersburg. Some officers -were desirous of throwing the government into the hands of the old -Russian nobility, always ready to enter into any measure calculated -to restore the predominance of the Muscovite aristocracy, which was -a sort of republic formed of the great vassals of the crown. Would -the Emperor Nicholas repose the same confidence in Pozzo di Borgo -that his predecessor had done? He had not like Alexander a sort of -brotherhood in arms and affairs with his ambassador, but as Count -Nesselrode remained at the head of affairs, he retained his situation -and presented his renewed credentials to Charles X. at the time when -the storms of the opposition assumed every where a menacing aspect. Two -years afterwards the ministry of M. de Villèle was at an end, and the -king formed a fresh administration, at the head of which he intended -placing M. de Martignac and M. de la Ferronays. The latter was at that -time ambassador at St. Petersburg, and enjoyed the confidence of the -Emperor Nicholas, who was therefore likely to be satisfied with his -appointment to the ministry, and Pozzo di Borgo considered it necessary -to support him with all his power; for the interests of Russia had at -that time assumed so complicated a form, that the concurrence of France -was a matter of the greatest importance to her. - - [25] Alexander had gone on a tour of inspection to the southern - parts of his empire, and on arriving at a village in the Crimea, - he insisted upon attending the service in a church which had long - been shut up, in spite of the remonstrances of his attendants, who - represented the danger arising from malaria. He was shortly afterwards - seized with the fever common in the Crimea, and refused to submit to - the strong measures recommended by his medical attendants, resolving - to trust to abstinence and the mild remedies he had usually found - successful when attacked by illness, but which were insufficient in - this instance; and when he at last resigned himself into the hands of - his physicians, it was too late. Reports were raised of his having - been poisoned, but they were totally devoid of foundation.--_Editor._ - -Russia had deeply offended the Porte by signing the treaty of the -month of June 1827, which established the independence of Greece; and -the Mussulmans, proud of their ancient glory, had been still further -irritated by the battle of Navarino. The occupation of Moldavia and -Wallachia had given rise to fresh dissensions, which ended by the -Russian ambassador's quitting Constantinople. Every thing was thus -progressing towards a war likely to involve Russia in considerable -danger, especially if England were to take part with the Sultan: the -Emperor Nicholas was determined to pass the Balkan, for he found it -necessary to employ the superstitious and turbulent disposition of the -old Russian nobility in active military operations, to prevent its -bursting out in revolutionary attempts. - -Under these circumstances Count Nesselrode commissioned Pozzo di -Borgo to sound the French cabinet as to the conditions they would -require,--not for an armed alliance, but simply to observe a friendly -neutrality during the oriental war. Count Pozzo proposed that France -should keep up a force of 100, or 150,000, to act as a check upon -Austria, and augment her armaments, so as to restrain England; he also -hinted that should any important advantages result to Russia from -the events of the campaign, the frontiers of France might possibly -be reconsidered and the natural boundary of the Rhine granted to her -without expense, by arranging an indemnity for Prussia and Holland; and -that indeed it was not impossible the Morea might be given her as a -compensatory measure, with the same rights as those enjoyed by England -over the republic of the seven islands. What a magnificent portion this -would have been for France! - -The first operations of the campaign were not attended with success: -there were sanguinary sieges and doubtful battles. During this time -Count Pozzo exhibited the utmost activity in Paris, where the checks -sustained by the Russians were the general subject of conversation, and -General Lamarque had even published a series of articles to prove that -the destruction of the army was inevitable. General Pozzo entered much -into society, and at every fresh disaster or difficulty he strove to -remove the fears they excited as to the consequences of the war: "Wait, -have patience," repeated he incessantly, "and then you will see." The -best understanding existed between him and M. de la Ferronays, who -exerted himself to calm the minds which England took equal pains to -disturb. - -The following year the Russian armies were more fortunate, having -advanced upon Constantinople, and the position of the ambassador -became less difficult; but to counterbalance this advantage, the -ministerial revolution took place in the month of August, which placed -Prince Polignac, and consequently the English system of precedents and -opinions, at the head of affairs. Pozzo de Borgo was much annoyed at -this change; the cabinet of St. Petersburg entered into an explanation -on the subject with M. de Mortemart, and in proportion as the French -ministry advanced in the adventurous path of _coups d'état_, Count -Pozzo multiplied his despatches to his government to warn them of an -impending catastrophe. The information he gave on this subject was so -positive, that the Emperor spoke to M. de Mortemart, telling him he was -well aware some foolish steps were about to be taken in Paris. "The -king of France," added he, "is at liberty to act as he pleases in his -kingdom, but if evil comes of it, so much the worse for him. Give him -warning that he will not be supported, and that Europe will not engage -in a quarrel on his account." - -The Russian ambassador only became acquainted with the _ordonnances_ -of July the evening before they were promulgated; he had neither been -informed confidentially, nor had he received any official intimation; -only a few days before the event he said in a conference with Polignac, -"Prince, I do not wish to inquire into your secrets, I do not ask you -what you are about, only take precautions not to compromise Europe;" -and then Prince Polignac replied with his habitual smile, so expressive -of perfect security, "All we ask is, that Europe will not compromise -us." At these words the ambassador turned his back upon him. When the -fatal _ordonnances_ appeared the next day in the Moniteur, Pozzo di -Borgo expressed great dissatisfaction and alarm at seeing the utter -carelessness of the government in the midst of so much difficulty and -danger, and the total absence of any military force or precaution. -"How," said he, "are there no troops? The bridges are not occupied! -Have no military precautions been taken?" "Every thing is quiet," -replied they, "nobody stirs." "Every thing quiet!" repeated the -ambassador warmly, "yes, every thing will probably be quiet to-day, but -to-morrow we shall have firing in the streets, and the next day who -knows what may happen? I shall be obliged to ask for my passports." - -Here was the commencement of another series of events. It is necessary -to judge the conduct of the ambassador during the latter days of the -government which was about to expire, and the commencement of that -which succeeded to it. - -The events of July were characterised by so much agitation and -importance, that the _corps diplomatique_ must have found itself -placed in an embarrassing position: Charles X. had quitted St. Cloud -and sought refuge at Rambouillet, and a municipal commission had -restored order in the midst of the insurrection. If Prince Polignac had -possessed the slightest political forethought, he would have notified -to the _corps diplomatique_ that the king proposed removing his menaced -government to such and such a part of the kingdom; this resolution -would have served as an official order to all the ambassadors, to -accompany the sovereign who had received their credentials, and by whom -they were officially accredited, and their presence at St. Cloud would -have been a sort of protest against the events then taking place at -Paris; it might also have facilitated the negotiation between the royal -party and the Hôtel de Ville, for the provisional government would -have been afraid of committing itself with Europe, and being exposed -to a general war. But with the utter carelessness he displayed in the -whole business, Prince Polignac, minister for foreign affairs, made no -official communication to the _corps diplomatique_, but treated every -thing with a degree of levity quite in keeping with his predestinarian -character. - -The ambassadors naturally hesitated what course they should pursue in -the midst of so many difficulties. Should they proceed to St. Cloud? -But it was necessary the translation of the government should be -officially notified to them by the minister for foreign affairs; ought -they to make observations, to mix themselves up with the withdrawal -of the _ordonnances_, or the negotiations of the Hôtel de Ville and -the provisional government? That was not their duty, nor had they any -right to interfere. The only plan, then, they could adopt was to await -the end of the struggle, and not concern themselves with the plan of -the government, until it placed itself in communication with their -respective courts by requiring to be recognised. - -In a meeting at the residence of the Nuncio, they decided upon -remaining at Paris until further orders, and taking no part in events -until they should receive an official communication from Charles X. -Couriers extraordinary were despatched to the different courts to keep -them constantly informed of the progress of this important affair, and -request further instructions; generally speaking, all the despatches -blamed Prince Polignac's carelessness, and described the events -that had taken place in Paris in moderate language; mentioning the -order that prevailed in the midst of disorder, the appointment of a -lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and the abdication of the King and -of the Duke of Angoulême: they then awaited patiently the termination -of the insurrection, without compromising themselves, and without -either giving or receiving an impulsion. - -Here we must take a general view of the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo -to explain the constantly serious and temperate direction of his -despatches. He had never belonged to the ultra royalist party, but -being a man of moderation and principle he had restricted himself to -measures, corresponding with the events brought to pass by the French -revolution: in this consisted the bond of union between him and the -Richelieu party, composed of Pasquier, Molé, and de Rayneval, who -were all strongly opposed to _coups d'état_. The despatches of Count -Pozzo evince at all times a spirit of forethought and moderation. In -1816 he supported the Duc de Richelieu; in 1828, the ministry of M. de -Martignac and the Comte de la Ferronays; when the ministry of Prince -Polignac was formed, he, like every one else, foresaw the disasters -likely to ensue, and his correspondence made such an impression at St. -Petersburg, that the Emperor Nicholas thought it necessary to speak to -M. de Mortemart on the subject. The Czar entertained a strong dislike -to the ministry of Prince Polignac, because he believed him to be -devoted to the English system, and the fall of M. de Martignac appeared -to him a sort of check to his eastern policy; he repeated several times -to M. de Mortemart, "Are they preparing anything in Paris against the -charter? Write to the King to take care what he is about; above all, -let him avoid _coups d'état_." In considering the attitude assumed by -the _corps diplomatique_ at this juncture, it is very important to bear -in mind, that in the transactions of 1814 and 1815, as well as in the -minutes of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, the charter and the dynasty were -considered equally under the protection of Europe, and were viewed as -inseparable. - -They had not long to wait for the recognition of most of the various -courts of Europe; England, though governed by the Duke of Wellington -and the Tories, approved in many successive despatches of a revolution -conducted on the plan of that in 1688; Prussia came next, then Austria, -without any symptom of hesitation; and, lastly, Pozzo di Borgo received -credentials from his sovereign, which he presented with confidence and -dignity, one idea being constantly predominant in his mind,--that order -and peace were the first requisites in an European government. - -Matters were in this state when the Polish question placed Pozzo -di Borgo in a situation of great difficulty; perhaps under no -circumstances of his diplomatic life was more discretion required and -displayed. The ardent sympathies of the mob had been roused in favour -of the Poles; a commotion took place in Paris, and spread in that city -scarcely recovered from the agitation occasioned by the revolution -of July; the cry of "Success to Poland! Down with the Russians!" was -heard under the windows of the ambassador, stones were thrown at the -hôtel, and the Russian legation surrounded their chief, endeavouring -to persuade him to demand his passports, a step that would have -announced a complete rupture. The ambassador appeased the impatience -of his legation: "Our sovereign," said he, "is just now in a ticklish -situation, and we must take no rash steps with regard to France, so -as to involve ourselves in a fresh difficulty; let us wait for the -apologies which will soon be made us; the mob is not the government; we -are not ambassadors to the street, but to a regular authority. Let us -turn the popular fury, not attack it in front." The next morning the -minister for foreign affairs paid an official visit to Count Pozzo, -to apologise on the part of the government, and a body of troops was -ordered for his protection against any violence that might still be -attempted by the mob. - -From his earliest youth Pozzo di Borgo had been accustomed to dwell -in the midst of political crises, and he was therefore not disturbed -by the symptoms of insurrection around him, especially as he had full -confidence in the wisdom and decision of the cabinet; some secret -conferences had also made him aware, that France would not interfere -in favour of Poland, but would allow Russia, Austria, and Prussia, -the free exercise of their rights over that unfortunate country. The -treaties of 1815 were still more firmly established than before, a -few empty words of sympathy or encouragement were bestowed upon the -insurgents, and Europe viewed with satisfaction the conduct of the new -government, whose moderate measures had been rendered more difficult, -by the threatening attitude assumed by different parties, and the -prevalence of excited opinions armed with sufficient power to make -them dangerous. Is no credit due to the wisdom which was the means of -preserving peace? the forethought and moderation which averted the -evil tendency of party spirit? Count Pozzo was loaded with compliments -and expressions of gratitude, for he had probably saved Europe from -a general war by not quitting Paris. The Polish insurrection was put -down, after which all the forces of Russia were available against any -foreign interference; and the ambassador who had safely passed through -the dangerous crisis, had great cause to congratulate himself upon -results, which left the cabinet of St. Petersburg at liberty to decide -at once upon the fate of Poland. That country received no assistance -from France; the interference of the French Chambers was limited to -some barren protests in answer to which Pozzo di Borgo represented that -Poland had been the aggressor, having torn asunder the bands of the -constitution by her revolt, and that the Propaganda alone would be to -blame should Poland now cease entirely to exist: that great efforts -had been made since the year 1815 to overcome the natural antipathy -entertained by the Russians for the Poles, which was as strong as -the dislike existing between the Jews and Christians in Poland. What -exertion and anxiety it had cost the generous heart of Alexander to -give a national constitution to Poland! it was a subject on which he -had consulted rather his feelings than his understanding, and the old -Russian nobility had never forgiven his conduct on the occasion. - -In the midst of all these serious political occurrences, of the -disturbances in Paris, the various plots both foreign and domestic, the -Russian campaign against Constantinople, and the imperative,--I might -almost say, the capricious orders of his court, Count Pozzo always -preserved the character of a man of impartial moderation, and of a -skilful statesman who conceives and works out a system, without giving -way to any of the crotchets formed by prince or courtier capable of -endangering more serious interests. He who had resisted the Emperor -Alexander by expressing his opinion with firmness, always continued -to refuse obedience to instructions irreconcilable with the rules -of general policy, which form the basis and regulate the relations -between one state and another. Such was the constant tenor of his -despatches after the year 1830. He was convinced that France, to the -rest of Europe must serve as a principle either of order or disorder, -possessing either way very great influence; and to all requisitions -which did not tally with these ideas, he replied by writing to his -court, "You have other agents besides me for affairs of this nature; I -am only fit for moderate and conciliatory measures." - -When the Turkish war was concluded, the ambassador received orders to -proceed to London for the purpose of forming a just estimate of the -state of affairs, and the position of the Whigs and Tories; having been -successful in his endeavours to prevent France from taking part against -Russia, it now became equally essential to sound the Tories, and -become acquainted with the bent of their views, should parliament and -the march of public opinion again place them at the head of affairs. -The official ambassador from Russia to London was Prince Lieven, or -rather it was said _Princess_ Lieven, a woman of great ability, whose -brilliant assemblies were the favourite resort of the Tory nobility, -and the centre of political intelligence. Count Pozzo had very little -communication with the Whig ministry; his acquaintance was principally -with the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Aberdeen, who was -minister for foreign affairs, for the Tory interest; for that party, -although out of office, still retained some representatives among the -ministry. The conversations between the Duke and Pozzo di Borgo, were -an interchange of recollections and hopes, together with the means -of regulating the probabilities of the return of the Tories into the -ministry. It was already in contemplation, although public opinion had -strongly opposed a premature attempt made by the Duke of Wellington -to resume the direction of affairs. In political life it is a mark of -great ability to know how _to bide one's time_. - -Still a kind of slight was about to cloud the life of Count Pozzo. -Hitherto whatever missions might have been assigned to him exclusive -of his official functions in Paris, he had always retained the title -of ambassador to the court of France, and his tastes and inclinations -led him to consider that country as his own. When he was despatched to -Madrid, and more recently to London, his sovereign had not withdrawn -his credentials, his post was still Paris: what was the reason a -different course of proceeding took place upon this occasion, and that -he received the title of ambassador extraordinary to his Britannic -Majesty? It would be in vain to deny that it was a mark of his being -out of favour, nor was this the only occasion upon which such had been -the case in the course of his life. His disposition was not one that -would bend to caprices or submit to demands which did not concern him. -I have heard him complain of being watched by a number of special -envoys, whose employments did not fall within the range of the regular -communications between two governments, two nations naturally formed -to esteem each other. This somewhat haughty disposition, led to the -ambassador's loss of favour; it was however covered by a purple robe, -by the appointment of ambassador to London. - -Count Nesselrode entered into an explanation of the duties connected -with the ambassador's new appointment. It was intended he should use -all his influence to support the menaced Tory interest; his intimacy -with the Duke of Wellington was well known, but it was considered that -a merely provisional title, would not be sufficient to confer the -necessary _éclat_ and importance upon the Russian ambassador, for which -reason he was to receive the definitive and official appointment. As -soon as the mission should be accomplished, when the Duke of Wellington -should have been dissuaded from his inclination to unite with Austria -on the Eastern question, and the Tories have been actively supported, -Pozzo di Borgo was to be reinstated in his appointment in Paris, and -permitted to follow his tastes and habitual pursuits in the country -he considered as his home. This despatch afforded some consolation to -the ambassador, who was affected by a feeling of sadness in breaking -the ties that bound him to a society in which he had so many intimate -friends, but in these mournful separations he was now supported by the -hope of a speedy return. Every thing around was dear to him, even the -palace whose gradual embellishment he had taken pleasure in watching; -the verdure of the gardens, the shade of exotic trees, the fragrant -flowers, the vast and well-chosen library of Italian authors, whose -works he was so fond of reciting from memory, and the views of Corsica -suspended in his apartments, the gulf of Ajaccio which recalled the -early youth of the friend of Paoli. - -When admitted to any degree of intimacy with Count Pozzo, you were -particularly struck with the energy of his manners and his vigorous -mode of expression; his handsome though swarthy countenance was shaded -by greyish hair, always arranged in a picturesque manner, as Gerard has -represented him in one of his admirable portraits. His conversation was -at first reserved and guarded, but gradually became animated and full -of imagery and wit which sparkled through a slightly Corsican accent; -his memory resembled a vast bazaar, full of the varied recollections -of a long and troubled life. If you were desirous of seeing the mind -of Count Pozzo in its full glory, you had only to speak to him of -Corsica, ask him questions concerning the history of Paoli, or turn the -conversation upon the national republic established in the island, and -the _Consulta_ which chose him as secretary to the government, and then -you would be struck with the animation of his voice and gestures; his -piercing eyes seemed to seek in your mind the emotions that glowed in -his own, till you actually felt as if present with him at the assembly -where the Corsican people proclaimed their independence. He did not -indulge in anecdotes to the degree Talleyrand used to do in his long -evening conversations, but he was more serious and truthful in his -reminiscences, and did not play with facts, but always took a serious -view of them. Without the habitual tact that characterised him, he -might have been drawn into further confessions, for he was scarcely -master of himself when speaking of his early political life. He was a -man whose memory was so full of facts, that they oozed out at every -pore; a spirit I took great delight in consulting, because the great -struggle of Europe against Napoleon was shadowed forth by him, in a -very different point of view from that assumed by the bad pamphlets of -the imperial school. - -I saw him depart for London in the full enjoyment of his powerful -faculties, retaining his eagle glance, the elevated expression of -his noble brow, and his bright searching eyes, while his mouth was -expressive of mildness and goodness. But he was evidently out of -spirits, and he quitted Paris with the idea that some misfortune would -occur before he should see it again. In London he transacted the -affairs of his government with the same devotion and activity as ever, -but he took no pleasure in his employment; the friendship of the Duke -of Wellington, his companion in more than one battle-field, was his -only enjoyment; they passed whole days together at Apsley House talking -over the affairs of Europe, and their recollections; speaking, the one -of the caprice of the people who broke his windows, the other of the -ingratitude of a court incapable of comprehending that order, and peace -with a powerful nation like France, are essential to the tranquillity -of Europe. - -Weary of so long a diplomatic career, he had at last obtained -permission to seek the retirement he so ardently coveted, when a letter -from the Emperor apprised him of the intended journey of a Czarewitch -to London, and requested him to act as a guide to the young prince -during his stay in England. This involved a degree of responsibility -and of moral fatigue which shortened the life of Count Pozzo. How would -the heir to the Russian throne be received by the English nation, -so capricious both in their affections and their hatred? The trial -terminated happily, but it may be safely asserted that the last remains -of strength possessed by the ambassador sunk under the exertion. - -I saw him on his return to Paris: what a sad alteration from his former -self! and what mere worms we are in the hand of God, who disposes at -His pleasure of the mind and intellects of man! He no longer found any -enjoyment or ease except in the society of his nephew, Count Pozzo di -Borgo, and his amiable niece, a daughter of the noble house of Crillon. -Was the old ambassador desirous of shewing that he had never ceased -to be a Frenchman, by quartering his Corsican coat-of-arms with the -escutcheon and honourable devices borne by the brother-in-arms of Henry -IV.? - - - - -M. PASQUIER. - - -The administration of the Empire was, generally speaking, strong, full -of energy and unity of purpose; it was composed of two elements, the -ruins of the republican party now rallied around the dictatorship of -Napoleon, and became submissive under his iron rule, such as Treilhard, -Merlin, and Thibaudeau, and the pure and elevated remains of the -old monarchical school, like Molé, De Fontanes, and De Narbonne. -According to the custom observed in all governments possessed of any -portion of strength and intelligence, Buonaparte collected around -himself all the persons whose names were honourably connected with -past events, or exercised any influence over the present or the past; -he indulged neither in fear nor repugnance, because he had perfect -confidence in his own power of restraining and managing every thing. -Before the revolution of 1789, some parliamentary families existed, -who transmitted the highest magisterial offices from one generation -to another, forming a sanctuary in which public morals, duties, and -learning, were preserved and perpetuated. There were no doubt some -little party prejudices among them, together with a tendency towards -the feelings of the patricians of Rome; considering themselves to have -succeeded to the assemblies of the states-general. But though the -parliament sometimes threw difficulties in the way of the executive -government, still they maintained the spirit of liberty and probity -through the lapse of ages, and people considered them as a political -guarantee, upon occasions when a degree of confusion and disorder -prevailed in the constitution of the country. - -The family of the Pasquiers were descended from Etienne Pasquier, a man -of great talent and erudition, author of a celebrated work entitled -"_Recherches sur la France_." His character was very remarkable from -the versatility of his talents and occupations; he wrote clever verses, -and displayed the greatest ability in the important correspondence -in which he was engaged, and during the troubles of the League, he -strove to find a middle course from whence he might offer himself as -a timid mediator among the opposing parties. In my writings upon the -events of the sixteenth century, I have often spoken of that good -Etienne Pasquier, with his ingenious talents and the exquisite tact he -displayed in the evil times of civil war. - -The direct progenitors of the subject of this memoir held an -appointment in the parliament, and his father, Etienne Pasquier, -councillor in the parliament of Paris, was denounced at the -revolutionary tribunal and condemned to death on the 21st of April, -1794. His son was brought up at the College of Juilly, a fine -institution, which has produced many distinguished characters. I have -always admired the mild and careful system pursued by religious bodies, -where the education of the heart and mind is as carefully attended to -as that of the head, and which invested each professor with so paternal -a character, that even the most ungrateful of his pupils could never -entirely shake off the recollection; witness Voltaire and Diderot. - -M. Pasquier had scarcely left college before he was appointed to -a situation in the Parisian parliament, according to the custom -observed in families of the legal profession, where the office of the -father was inherited by the son. He did not long continue to wear the -parliamentary habit; he was, however, enabled to be present at the -solemn debates which took place in that assembly, and were terminated -by the convocation of the States-general, and he there received his -first lesson in political life. The magistracy were carried away in the -general tempest, and the parliaments were destroyed by the revolution; -the resistance to the royal prerogative had originated with them, and -both were abolished at the same time. - -Popular excitement is always ungrateful, and deals its first blow upon -those by whom it has been assisted or fostered, thus affording an -important lesson to demagogues or flatterers of the populace. - -M. Pasquier did not emigrate during the revolutionary troubles; he -was proscribed like all persons bearing a historic name, and at the -age of twenty-six years he received a summons to appear before the -committee of public safety, which was soon after succeeded by his -being placed under arrest at St. Lazare, on the evening before the 9th -Thermidor. The close of the reign of terror restored him to liberty, -and the restoration of the property of condemned persons enabled him -to retire to the estates of his family, which like those possessed by -all the parliamentary races were covered with thick woods, in whose -impenetrable retreats they were accustomed to seek shelter, in the evil -days of exile, from their accustomed employments. - -When order was restored under Napoleon, M. Pasquier returned to Paris, -and appeared in society, especially at the house of M. Cambacérès, who -was partial to the old magisterial families, and his remarkable talents -soon brought him into notice. At that period the Emperor was desirous -of establishing a monarchical system upon elevated principles, and -sought every where among men and things the materials for his purpose; -every noble or influential name attracted his attention, for he was -well aware of the power exercised by hereditary rank, and knew that -past recollections have as much influence as present energy in the -restoration of States. The Arch-chancellor Cambacérès agreed in the -Emperor's sentiments; and he, who was himself one of the enlightened -magistrates of the _Cour des Aides_ at Montpelier, suggested the name -of M. Pasquier for the situation of Master of Requests. It is rather -a remarkable circumstance that the memorial of the Arch-chancellor -contained the names of three candidates, MM. de Molé, Pasquier, and -Portalis; they all received appointments on the same day, and have -never been separated in the course of their political life, their -career having been facilitated and its importance augmented by the -strong political friendship that subsisted between them, in spite of -the difference in their age and capacity. - -M. Pasquier, while master of requests at the _Conseil d'Etat_, was -distinguished by his laborious attention and assiduity, at the time -when improvement had assumed a serious and reflective form; he had -passed his fortieth year when he was appointed attorney-general of the -great seal, and afterwards Councillor of state. The State council was -a powerful and important school; the Emperor, who entertained a strong -antipathy towards all bodies that deliberated under the sanction of -publicity, had a perfect horror of the representative system, and -public speaking; he liked to collect suffrages, to listen to all -opinions, reserving to himself the right of deciding upon them, and -weighing them against each other in such a manner, that an imperial -decree should never sanction an equivocal project or a bad measure. The -council of state, composed of very eminent men, was the real _corps -politique_; and even the title of Master of requests was not a common -rank granted to aspirants of an inferior grade. In this anxious and -laborious situation, the Masters of requests, attached to a section of -the council, devoted their existence to it, and the great end and aim -of their executive career was the situation of Councillor of state, a -title of which the characters best known to fame were ambitious. - -This close and incessant every-day application suited perfectly the -studious mind of M. Pasquier; a generation of young men had sprung up, -whose souls were entirely given up to assiduous attention to business, -and who devoted themselves to the active and deliberative portion -of the administration. The Master of requests had already received -the title of Baron and officer of the legion of honour in reward of -his services, when the dismissal of M. Dubois, after the melancholy -burning of Prince Schwartzenburg's palace, left vacant the prefecture -of police, an appointment originally instituted during the Consulate. -The police was divided into two parts:--the political police, which was -charged with the general safety of the kingdom and the surveillance -of political parties, constantly in a state of commotion even under -the heavy hand of Napoleon; it was always intrusted to the minister -of a department, and the situation was at that time filled by General -Savary; and the prefecture of police, an appointment of a more simple -order, circumscribed within the walls of Paris, whose chief had charge -of the _édilité_, that is to say, of the safety and cleanliness of -the city and the inspection of the markets and provisions, all duties -of considerable importance. The prefect of police also regulated the -bulletins concerning the state of the public mind, so as to act as -a check upon the minister of police. During the time of the Empire, -each of these situations involved serious duties and considerable -responsibility. - -When appointed to the prefecture of police, M. Pasquier devoted himself -entirely to the discharge of his official duties, and voluminous -writings still exist upon the provisioning of the capital, and the -method of multiplying magazines in the time of abundance; this had now -become a question of great anxiety, occupying the serious attention -of the government, for in the year 1811, the first symptoms of an -alarming scarcity made their appearance. The price of bread had reached -an exorbitant height, and people were constantly on the brink of a -disturbance owing to the dearness of grain of all kinds. I have perused -and analysed with the greatest attention the important writings of M. -Pasquier under the empire, deposited in the archives of the prefecture -of police.[26] - - [26] See "L'Europe pendant le Consulat et l'Empire de Napoleon." - -It must be recollected that Napoleon was then about to depart upon -his Russian expedition, and it may easily be imagined that contending -parties would give occasion to extreme anxiety during his adventurous -campaign: how great was that entertained by the prefect of police! his -nights were devoted to quieting the alarms excited by false bulletins, -and strengthening the confidence of the people, for the _prestige_ -that surrounded Napoleon was beginning to disappear, a certain spirit -of independence and animadversion was gradually gaining ground, and -numerous caricatures, _bons mots_, and epigrams, attacked the moral -power of the Emperor. - -The romantic enterprise of General Mallet took place at this juncture; -it was a prodigious act of boldness, shewing how slight was the tenure -of Napoleon's power; one hour more, or one man less, and the most -powerful empire of modern times would have been at an end! M. Pasquier -has been reproached with having allowed himself to be surprised by -the insurrection, but, in the first place, he had nothing to do with -watching the formation of plots, that duty devolved upon M. Savary, -the minister of police; and besides, to do justice to all parties, -what vigilance can possibly foresee or control the plans conceived by -_one_ man in the silence of a prison? General Mallet was armed with -a military power which it was in vain to resist, and M. Pasquier was -surprised at the prefecture, hurried into a _voiture de place_ and -conveyed to the prison of La Force, with injunctions that he should be -detained there until the provisional government was established. He was -not liberated until after the suppression of the conspiracy, having -steadily refrained from making any concessions to the conspirators, -but merely submitting to the fate prepared for him by a military -insurrection. A magistrate who gives way to the commands of unlawful -authority, is guilty of betraying his trust; he ought to remain -steadfast in his duty, even should violence cast him into a dungeon. - -Napoleon formed a favourable judgment of the conduct of M. Pasquier, -and continued him in his appointment of prefect of police, while M. -Frochot, prefect of the Seine, was dismissed by the council of state, -assembled to examine into the degree of culpability and negligence, -to be attributed to the different functionaries in the sad affair of -Mallet. The Emperor viewing matters from his elevated position, judged -the prefect of police to be perfectly undeserving of blame or censure, -as he had merely yielded to force, and it was utterly impossible for -him either to foresee or to prevent a disturbance conducted in so -unusual a manner; the most subtle and watchful mind could not have -suspected the meditations indulged in by so adventurous a person as -General Mallet; besides which, as I said before, General Savary had -charge of the political police. This severe trial soon afforded M. -Pasquier an opportunity of rendering an important service to the city -of Paris, by the creation and organisation of the gendarmerie, which, -under a different name, has on so many occasions greatly contributed to -maintain the peace and security of the capital. He had before, in the -year 1811, remodelled the corps of firemen,[27] whose devotion to their -duty and noble courage deserves the highest praise. - - [27] Sapeurs-pompiers. - -The difficult circumstances of the times were increasing; if the -management of the Parisian police was a hard task while the glory and -prosperity of Napoleon were at their height, how much more delicate, -and consequently more odious and watchful, was its office during the -season of reverses and misfortune? Parties were now in commotion, -people were no longer silent upon their desire of a change, and -the probability such might be the case, and the enemy was rapidly -approaching the capital: M. Pasquier fulfilled his duties to the very -last moment, by the wise and firm administration of his office; he -reduced the duties of his prefecture to the maintenance of public -tranquillity, and the careful management of every thing relating to -the repose and well-being of the city; thus returning to the original -charge he had received from the Emperor,--attention to the safety -and cleanliness of Paris, which were formerly almost the only duties -required from the lieutenant of police. - -When the artillery was heard in thunders upon the capital, the -senatorial party and Talleyrand invited him to support the political -alterations produced by circumstances, but it was not until the evening -before the allies entered Paris, that he, like M. Chabrol,[28] prefect -of the Seine, joined the movement which led to the restoration. The -enemy were about to enter Paris, and it was necessary the public -safety should not be endangered by any popular tumult; the influence -of the prefect of police was therefore most essential, but it was -merely passively exerted with regard to political events; it received -an impulse from them, but did not communicate any. Talleyrand had -formed a just estimate of the character of M. Pasquier, and attached -great importance to obtaining his concurrence. It was he who prepared -the proclamations urging the citizens to the maintenance of order; -and he entered into a communication with Count Nesselrode and the -allied generals, then taking possession of Paris. His connexion with -diplomatic affairs dates from this difficult period, as well as his -political career under the restoration; and when afterwards appointed -minister for foreign affairs, the reminiscences of Paris in the year -1814 rose to his mind and were of great service to him in assisting the -diplomatic arrangements of his cabinet. - - [28] The Comte de Chabrol had been appointed prefect of the Seine - upon the dismissal of Frochot after Mallet's conspiracy, and had - distinguished himself by the most inflated expressions of devotion - to the Emperor. "What is life," said he, "compared to the immense - interests which rest upon the sacred head of the heir of the Empire? - For me, whom an unexpected glance of your imperial eye has called - from a distance to a post so eminent, what I most value in the - distinction is the honour and right of setting the foremost example - of loyal devotion!"--_Editor._ - -A conciliatory character was manifested at the accession of the -Bourbons, and the police ceased to possess the importance attached to -its active administration during the reign of Napoleon; it was no -longer a fit situation for a man of such abilities as M. Pasquier, -he therefore resigned the prefecture, and was appointed by the king -one of the council of state, and received, a few days afterwards, the -situation of inspector-general of the bridges and causeways, an active -and important appointment in a country where so much remained to be -done for the improvement of the roads, and internal communication of -the kingdom. He displayed in his new office the activity and laborious -attention which characterised the imperial school, and the principal -part of the great enterprises with regard to roads were executed under -his direction. In France we think a great deal of public speeches and -very little of improvement; and it is a singular fact that we, who are -the most intelligent and industrious of nations, are at least twenty -years behind our neighbours in every thing relating to roads: even -Germany and Switzerland are far in advance of us. The commissioners for -bridges and causeways, while they spend large sums of money, are faulty -in their mode of administration, and do not make the most of their -resources; M. Pasquier exerted himself to improve this vast branch of -the public service, but his appointment was of short duration, for the -march of Napoleon upon Paris put an end to all executive existence, and -he was unemployed during the hundred days. - -When the white flag of Louis XVIII. floated above the tower of St. -Denis, M. Pasquier offered his services to the king; he was included in -the first ministry of Talleyrand as keeper of the seals, and exercised -at the same time the functions of minister for the interior, an -appointment of extreme delicacy and difficulty in the crisis of that -period. France was invaded by 700,000 strangers, the public mind was in -a state of constant agitation, and the principles of the restoration -had excited a deplorable reaction in several of the provinces; it thus -became necessary to organise the system of the prefects, to repress -the too ardent zeal occasionally exhibited, prevent the sanguinary -vengeance of parties, and prepare and advance the election of upright -persons of moderate views, in order to heal the wounds of the country. -Nothing is easier than to judge people with severity after a lapse of -years, and when events are long over; and thus the services rendered -by some statesmen in seasons of peril are soon forgotten, or are but -imperfectly appreciated by people, who are in the full enjoyment of -peace and security, and therefore inclined to exercise a mathematical -rectitude in their judgment of facts. If we look back upon the year -1815, after the double invasion and heavy military contributions, we -shall see that it was impossible for a government to display more -exemplary moderation, before the face of a victorious party, to whose -conditions it had been compelled to submit. M. Pasquier followed the -fortunes of Prince Talleyrand; he gave in his resignation and was -succeeded by M. de Barbé-Marbois. - -He had however, always been strongly inclined towards the moderate -system which gained the ascendant under the Richelieu ministry, -and shortly after its formation he was appointed one of the -commissioners for the liquidation of the foreign debts; it was a -post of great confidence, for if the laws of honesty were set aside, -enormous fortunes might soon be amassed. M. Pasquier's integrity was -unimpeachable, and he was the worthy colleague of M. Mounier, the most -honest man belonging to the noble Richelieu school. - -He was elected by the department of the Seine as their representative, -and on taking his seat in the chamber of deputies, after the ordonnance -of the 3d of September, he was nominated president; from this -parliamentary position, he again passed into the ministry in the month -of January 1817, the Duc de Richelieu having caused him to be appointed -keeper of the seals. - -A conciliatory system was predominant in the whole of M. Pasquier's -ministerial conduct at this period, and he was the first to enlarge -at the tribune upon the principles of the liberty of the press and -the responsibility of editors. There was still too much irritation -in people's minds, and the country still too much overwhelmed, to -allow the independence of the newspapers to be safely established -as a principle; books and pamphlets only were free, for a gradual -approach was making towards liberty, and the opinions laid down by M. -Pasquier are still considered as law upon the subject. The degree of -responsibility was perfectly well regulated, and the minister's motives -are clearly explained, and expressed with an elevation of principle and -closeness of reasoning which distinguish the true parliamentary style. -In England statesmen are in the habit of publishing their speeches, -because they form the record of their lives. - -When the Duc de Richelieu's ministry was dissolved in the latter part -of the year 1817, M. Pasquier had no hesitation in retiring from office -with the noble negotiator of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. M. Dessolle -was at the head of the new ministry, and M. Decaze naturally filled a -post of the highest importance in it; but the movement which was about -to incline them towards the ideas of the _parti gauche_ was too decided -to make it possible M. Pasquier should join them; and it soon became -apparent to him that the law of elections, although commendable for its -simplicity, was still liable to produce evil results. He possessed very -remarkable influence over the course of affairs, in spite of his having -retired from office; and one of his political habits was always to -compose a memorial upon every situation that occurred, for he liked to -observe men and circumstances as from an eminence, so as to enlighten -those in authority. In the month of October 1819, he presented a -memorial to Louis XVIII. upon the proceedings of the ministry, calling -attention to the faults they had committed and the bad effects of the -law of elections; and he considered the situation of affairs to be such -as to render an immediate change necessary in the government of the -country. - -Accordingly when the ministry of M. Decaze decided upon modifying -the law of elections, M. Pasquier was offered an appointment; he did -not resume the situation of keeper of the seals, but undertook the -direction of foreign affairs; our situation with regard to our foreign -relations having assumed a serious aspect, it was necessary they should -be under the charge of a minister quite resolved to resist any tendency -towards a spirit of revolution. M. Decaze lost office after the -assassination of the Duc de Berry; and on the formation of the second -Richelieu ministry, M. Pasquier retained the situation of minister for -foreign affairs, only with the proviso that he was to consult the noble -duke upon points relating to diplomatic matters. The Duc de Richelieu, -from his connexion with the various cabinets of Europe, must have -inspired great confidence in diplomatic proceedings of importance. - -From this period the existence of M. Pasquier was divided into two -distinct portions, the one being passed at the tribune, and the other -devoted to business. I am not acquainted with any session when the -debates were more violent or more contested than that of 1820; the -speeches were remarkable for their eloquence, the names of General -Foy, of Camille Jordan, and Benjamin Constant, appeared, beside those -of Casimir Périer and Lafitte; each question was decided by a small -majority, and it was necessary to modify the law of elections, and -determine upon measures rendered indispensable by the circumstances -succeeding the death of the Duc de Berry. The superiority of M. -Pasquier's abilities was evident during this long session, where -he was incessantly in the tribune, opposing, in the most decided -and authoritative manner, the orators of the liberal party. When an -alarming tumult took place in the public square, M. Pasquier appeared -at the tribune to denounce the instigators of the disturbances, -undismayed by the threats and vociferations of the revolutionary -_parti gauche_. He spoke without disguise or circumlocution, and -as to the phrase with which he has been so much reproached, _sur -l'arbitraire_,[29] is it any thing beyond a simple declaration of what -the government was desirous of obtaining, and requested from the power -authorised to grant it? Every thing that was obtained had demanded -incredible efforts, and whatever may have been said of the session of -1820 by those under the influence of party spirit, it was undoubtedly -the finest period of the representative system, recalling the times of -Pitt, Grenville, and Dundas, opposed to Fox, Erskine, and Sheridan. - - [29] The law to authorise arbitrary arrests was equivalent to - the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in England: and it was - originally brought forward by M. Decaze and strenuously supported - by Baron Pasquier. It was proposed that it should continue in force - for one year, and after a debate which lasted for several sittings, - it was passed by a majority of nineteen votes, modified however by - the introduction of a clause forbidding arrests to be made under it - during the night. A law restraining the liberty of the press was - also passed after being most obstinately contested. The majority in - the chamber of peers was only _two_ on this occasion.--_Editor._ - -M. Pasquier's situation was not less difficult as minister for foreign -affairs; for the revolutionary spirit had declared itself almost -simultaneously in Spain, Naples, and Piémont. France, it is true, -adopted the repressive system, and in this respect agreed with the -plan suggested at the congresses of Laybach and Troppau; nevertheless -the minister for foreign affairs could not overlook the material -interests of France; the Austrians, desirous of marching upon Piémont -and Naples, wanted to occupy definitively both these places, and how -was it possible France should not feel uneasy at the sight of the -German standards unfurled beyond the Alps, and extending even as far as -Savoy? A series of notes passed on this occasion between M. Pasquier -and Prince Metternich; and it was positively decided between the two -ministers, that if the Austrian occupation should be necessary, it -should be strictly limited to such a period, as would neither affect -the consideration nor the importance of France. Metternich faithfully -fulfilled this engagement, and the evacuation of Piémont took place at -the stipulated time. - -If you consult any of the persons employed in the foreign office, they -will speak of M. Pasquier's assiduous attention to his work, and of -his perfect capability of bringing a negotiation to the termination he -wished; and they will also tell you he shewed extreme judgment, in all -the great difficulties incident to a situation so liable to constant -change of circumstances. - -A complete rupture had taken place with the old liberal system; and -to insure success in this enterprise, the Richelieu ministry had been -obliged to apply to the ultra-royalist party. At the commencement -of the session of 1821, the council decided upon adding MM. de la -Corbière, de Villèle, and Lainé, to the cabinet; it was a great -mistake, it was either granting too much or too little; for, in fact, -what figure could they make in the cabinet as ministers without -appointments, and yet chiefs of the majority? And what was the -consequence? secret dissensions, as might naturally be expected, arose -from the very commencement of the attempted coalition; consultations -were held in the king's council, after which, MM. de Villèle and -Corbière privately expressed their dissatisfaction, and revealed the -designs of the ministry to their colleagues on the _côté droit_ in the -Piet society; quarrels naturally suceeded, which eventually led to the -rupture that took place after the session of 1821. - -The royalists, in general, entertained an extreme dislike to M. -Pasquier, and a great part of the _côté droit_ could could not endure -him.[30] All the opposition towards the end of the session was directed -against him, till, at last, his patience was exhausted, and he assumed -a high tone with the Ultras by openly and unhesitatingly declaring -his inclinations and his repugnances, expressing himself with so much -boldness and freedom that the whole of the _parti droit_ declared war -to him. M. Pasquier wanted to have done with the whole business; his -situation fatigued him, and, foreseeing the downfall of the ministry, -he obtained a seat in the upper chamber, being made a peer of France in -the course of the month of November 1821. The ministry of the Duc de -Richelieu had resigned office on the occasion of the address, and the -Duc de Montmorency assumed the charge of foreign affairs. - - [30] He was accused of great political tergiversation, and M. - Vaublanc, a keen royalist, designated him as "a man who never left - one administration till he had prepared to enter another, who never - deserted one set of friends till he had looked out for another more - in favour at court, and who had skipped into successive cabinets - with that ease which marked all his movements."--_Editor._ - -M. Pasquier took his seat in the upper chamber, at that time a -powerful institution possessed of hereditary rank, property, and the -_majorats_. The prospects of the young peerage were very great, and -evidence was soon afforded of what they were capable of doing, by -their constant opposition to the faults and ill-judged proceedings -of the restoration. M. Pasquier, placing himself on the same benches -as the statesmen of the Richelieu party, made a point of speaking -upon every subject that came before the house, and the judgment -and deep thought which characterised his discourses, caused them -to exercise great influence over the chamber. He spoke against the -rights of primogeniture, the creation of the three per cents, and the -law of sacrilege; and his speeches were often the means of deciding -the question by their influence on the majority obtained. He placed -himself in constant and direct opposition to the Villèle cabinet, which -occasioned a strange advance in revolutionary ideas, by the constant -injury it inflicted upon the interests and affections of modern France. - -There was not quite the same vehemence of debate in the chamber of -peers as in that of the deputies, but it attained to more certain -results. There was a degree of quiet, and at the same time great -political judgment, in the discussions, not allowing themselves to -be carried away by the spirit of party, but continuing so steadily -to advance towards the downfall of M. de Villèle's ministry, that -we may safely assert, the retirement of the royalist cabinet of the -restoration was owing to their efforts. It must be confessed, this -opposition was rather against the order of things; an aristocratic -power which opposed the elements of an aristocratic constitution, -was not in good keeping; but the fault lay with the party of the -restoration, which interfered too hastily with the new ideas and -prejudices prevalent in France. - -The chamber of peers obtained a complete triumph; although weakened -by successive promotions,[31] its influence over the elections of 1827 -was very great. The Martignac ministry was formed upon the principles -of the Richelieu administration, that is to say, with the upright -intentions that characterised the statesmen of that noble school. -M. Pasquier naturally assumed his proper degree of ascendancy over -that administration; the bond of recollections and of similarity of -principles united him with M. Portalis, the keeper of the seals; and -it was repeatedly proposed that he should resume the charge of the -foreign office, his name having even been suggested by the council of -the ministers after the retirement of M. de la Ferronays. Charles X. -however negatived the appointment when the list of the candidates was -presented to him, for he did not wish to have any man of importance -in a ministry which could only be of transitory duration; and certain -prejudices, dating from the year 1815, which had never been effaced -from the king's mind, first made him prefer M. de Rayneval, and -afterwards, finding the influence of that able diplomatist upon the -two chambers not sufficiently powerful, M. de Portalis was appointed -minister for foreign affairs. - - [31] At the same moment that he dissolved the chamber of deputies, - the king created seventy-six new peers, all of them people devoted - to the government. - -The formation of the Polignac ministry occasioned great uneasiness -to the political party, which was always composed of men of eminent -talents, and desirous of the establishment and preservation of order; -they observed with great anxiety the impending crisis, and they -dreaded the fatal struggle likely to be attempted by the party of the -restoration. All these experienced minds were well acquainted with -Charles X.; they knew that with all the advantages of his chivalrous -disposition, his undoubted uprightness of mind, his thoroughly -French character, he still had an unfortunate inclination for _coups -d'état_, and extravagant actions that might compromise the safety of -his government. The _corps diplomatique_ were equally uneasy, and -confidential communications took place between them and the political -party, expressing their sense of the danger and agitation likely to be -caused by a _coup d'état_; they were consequently less surprised than -alarmed by the promulgation of the _ordonnances_ of July. The political -party held itself in reserve during the popular crisis, and when order -was a little restored, it confined itself to giving a monarchical bias -to society, as the only means of preserving France from a foreign or -domestic war. As soon as the charter had restored the balance of power, -and the monarchical form of government, M. Pasquier was appointed -president of the chamber of peers. - -He had hardly taken his seat before he had to encounter the trial of -the ministers of Charles X., the chamber of peers having been converted -into a court of justice. We must look back upon the feelings of that -time, and remember the storm of passion that roared around,--the tumult -that was excited! Those parties who seek their own advantage in every -thing wanted to profit by the solemnity of these trials to occasion -disorder; this sovereign people, these heroes of the barricades, -thirsted after the blood of the imprudent ministers of Charles X.; -shouts and yells were heard recalling the days of horror of the first -revolution, the national guard was devoid of energy, and the troops of -the line discouraged by the check they had received at the barricades. -Matters were in this state, when the chamber of peers was called upon -to deliberate in the midst of tumult and disorder, and history will -confess that it proved itself worthy of better times, by refusing to -sanction the sanguinary vengeance so loudly demanded by the populace. -Some degree of strength of mind and courage was required, when crowds -of people, agitated like a troubled sea, threatened to invade the -Luxembourg and assassinate all the members of the chamber; nevertheless -the peers resisted, and a sentence of imprisonment alone was -pronounced, which could hardly be considered as a punishment, because -in seasons of political troubles, if people escape with their lives, -there is no doubt that in due time the popular fury will subside, and -permit their restoration to liberty and civil existence. The prudence -and talents of M. Pasquier did admirable service to the cause of -justice and order at this juncture. - -It was no doubt to reward the spirit of moderation evinced by the -peers on this occasion, that the parties made haste to deprive them -of their right to hereditary succession. The first blow aimed at the -importance of this assembly was evidently the clause in the charter, -which annulled the peerages created by Charles X. The peerage was thus -deprived of its indelible character, it was now no more than an office -capable of being revoked, and of which one might be deprived almost -like a prefecture; what sort of aristocracy could be formed of such -elements? The next step was to take away the hereditary transmission -of the peerage, _majorats_ were abolished, it was reduced to a mere -office for life, without power or influence upon the government. From -the time the peers consented to vote away their hereditary rights, -they became a mere council of elders, a kind of chapel of ease to the -chamber of deputies; the chamber of peers was converted into a sort of -noble hospital, where the wounded among the old political or military -ranks might seek repose. The chamber of peers no longer possessed -inviolability, hereditary rank, or property; from henceforth it could -no longer be an aristocratic body capable of resisting a democratic -impulse, but its sole greatness must consist in the superiority of -intelligence, the extensive experience, and great political ability it -possessed, and which no other body could dispute with it. - -Parties were not yet overcome, and a despairing effort had been made -by the republican party in the streets of Paris: the sword of justice -still hung suspended over many of the accused, and in virtue of the -charter all these offences were referred for trial to the chamber of -peers. It was said at that time in the newspapers, and even at the -tribune, that these trials would not take place; "It was impossible," -repeated they, "that the accused should be summoned before an old -worn-out body, like the chamber of peers." I must mention that -M. Pasquier's personal opinion had in the first instance been in -favour of an amnesty, and he wrote a memorial in which his motives -were clearly explained, but when the government decided that course -to be impossible, he comprehended the full extent of his duty as -a magistrate. People may recollect the firmness, the gravity, the -patience, even the haughtiness exhibited by the president of the court, -during these debates; he retained his superiority over these excited -and straightforward minds, and over the hearts of the young men who -were animated by patriotism and elevation of feeling. Not a single -sentence of death was pronounced, all the punishments were mild, and -the prisoners were able to profit by the amnesty shortly afterwards -granted to the solicitations of M. Pasquier. - -The trial of Fieschi was going on almost at the same time, after the -atrocious crime which had filled Paris with horror and bloodshed. -History will, perhaps, deprecate the too great consideration exhibited -towards Fieschi, and blame the undue attention shewn to that sanguinary -mountebank, who declaimed at the bar of justice like a street orator. -One of the prisoners alone had something remarkable in his appearance -and character; this was the aged Morey, a faithful specimen of the -old Jacobins, whose erroneous opinions are deserving of pity, because -he sealed them with his blood. This abuse was remedied in the affair -of Alibeau, by assigning a subordinate rank to that miserable trial, -with which the chamber of peers was burdened. On this occasion the -scene was restrained within due proportions, the reward of celebrity -was no longer conferred upon all those who dreamed of murder and -assassination, and the alteration produced so good an effect, that -during the last trial, that of Meunier, public curiosity was scarcely -excited, and the crime was abandoned to its proper obscurity. - -The great exertions M. Pasquier was compelled to make injured his -health, but had no effect upon the great qualities of his mind, or -upon the activity and skill in the management of affairs, which always -particularly distinguished men of the political party. I believe no -circumstance of importance has occurred during the last seven years, -upon which he has not been consulted. It is said he exercised great -influence on the formation of Casimir Perier's ministry; at all events, -his habit of preparing memorials, and of examining closely into all the -circumstances likely to produce any striking effect upon public life, -has often decided the resolutions of government, and his connexion with -the cabinet, and with the principal diplomatic characters, has always -facilitated the direction of affairs. He rarely takes them in hand -himself, but, like Talleyrand, he makes people act without personally -appearing; occupying thus, perhaps, a more elevated position than if -he were openly at the head of the government. - -He is a man of great experience and of extreme readiness of mind; add -to which, I never knew a man more assiduously devoted to his work; -and it is worthy of remark, that at the very time he was engaged in -taking part in all the most active and violent questions of government, -he found leisure to write more than twenty volumes upon the history -of his own times. His positive determination not to allow any of his -manuscripts to see the light during his lifetime, and even to forbid -too early a publication of them after his death, is a sure pledge of -the perfect independence of men and circumstances, with which he has -devoted himself to so great a work. This constant habit of occupation, -and study of facts, enlarges the ideas, and nothing gives a more -exalted tone to the minds of statesmen. In the present day we are apt -to throw ourselves into political life without any preliminary study; -and because we know how to write a few sentences, or that we have -uttered a few words at the tribune, we consider ourselves equal to -the task of governing a country. Far different is the English method! -Political life among our neighbours is a great duty, an entire and -constant devotion to the subject; history, diplomacy, administration, -in fact every thing must be learned by a public man who aspires to the -honour of the ministry, or to a confidential situation for the service -of his country. - -M. Pasquier had attained his sixty-eighth year at the time he was -invested with the dignity of chancellor of France, he had been -president of the chamber of peers ever since the revolution of July. - -This elevated situation was well suited to a Pasquier, the descendant -of a family which had held magisterial office for the last two -centuries, and the present chancellor answers perfectly to the idea his -ancestors had formed of the office he holds. - -There are few men in modern times who, like the magistrates of -old, devote a certain portion of their leisure hours to study and -to writing; all their country residences and their thick forests -are redolent of their recollections and their learning; such are -Malesherbes, Baville, and Champlâtreux. - -M. Pasquier's private life is very simple; he inhabits the apartments -of the _petit château_ at the Luxembourg, leaving the great palace -to M. Decaze. No person is easier of access; he speaks rapidly, and -apprehends and resolves questions with admirable perspicuity; his -habits are very industrious, and reading is his favourite occupation; -there is no time thrown away with him, for he contrives to make even -his visits a matter of business. - -Perhaps he has been appreciated as president of the judicial court -and of the chamber. He exhibits the most perfect impartiality in his -regulation of the debates in the court of justice. His dislike to -useless words and lawyers' speeches, which are of no use either to -direct or enlighten, is very great, and he always exercises a degree -of firmness without severity, which abridges the proceedings without -in any way interfering with the defence of the accused. As president -of the chamber, he never separates himself from an idea or opinion in -politics: it has been written that the president of a chamber ought not -to have an opinion, but I think differently, for he is the expression -of a majority, and essentially the man of a system, and therefore I -think he ought to form his own opinion; he cannot allow every thing to -be said or to be done, and it would be very fortunate if the president -possessed authority to put a stop to all idle debates; we sink under -the press of words in France, when shall we come to business? - -The political school of the restoration, of which M. Pasquier was one -of the most eminent chiefs, is gradually disappearing; it was the -heir of the moral and intellectual portion of the empire, and must -have afforded great strength of support to the Bourbons. Every time -that adverse parties have seized the reins of government by means -of its expulsion, the most serious catastrophes have ensued; it is -fortunate for the existence of kingdoms, and to preserve them from -dangers occasioned by the prevalence of excitement, that some men of -sense and reflection still exist, of a calm and prophetic turn of -mind, who render the transition between one system and another almost -imperceptible, and contrive that, in our capricious country, the -only definitive system should have been linked with moderation and a -constitutional government, which assumes its proper superiority after a -long struggle of adverse parties. - - - - -THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. - - -The life of the Duke of Wellington forms, for England, a sort of -epitome of the glorious career of the Tory party. The venerable chief -of the British armies is not only endowed with extraordinary abilities -in military operations, he also possesses a cool head in politics, -and a wise and pre-eminently moderate mind. Few publications have -produced so deep and lively an impression as the "Despatches of the -Duke of Wellington, during the various Periods of his Military Command, -from India to Waterloo." It changed and modified all party opinions -concerning his character; Whigs and Tories were equally struck with the -forethought of his measures and the temperate current of his ideas, -both in the most difficult and the most varied situations, while in -power as well as during the time of war. - -In France, opinions do not progress so fast, and people are still full -of prejudices concerning the talents and character of this great man. -The remains of the Buonaparte faction still affect us, and disfigure -history. His power of organisation and his restoration of the elements -of society, are not the qualities for which Napoleon's genius is -considered especially worthy of admiration, but people want to prove -impossibilities, even to the detriment of his fame; and the Duke of -Wellington is sacrificed to the resentments inspired by the battle of -Waterloo. We have been distinguished enough on the field of battle, -and our country has produced names sufficiently known to fame not -to make it necessary for us to sacrifice upon the tomb of Napoleon -all the rival reputations which opposed obstacles to his career. The -careful perusal of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches first caused me -to rectify my ideas concerning the man who has both filled the first -military place in his native land, and has also been, in the present -times, at the head of a powerful and organising party in the affairs of -government. - -When you study with attention the splendid English engravings that -represent the misfortunes and downfall of Tippoo Saib, surrounded -by his mourning family; when you gaze upon the magnificent Indian -scenery, steaming with heat and moisture, the feathery palm-trees, -the elephants with their gilded howdahs, the black Sepoys in European -costume, intermingled with the English troops, whose cool determined -spirit and military resignation are stamped upon their countenance; -while in the back-ground appear the high walls of Seringapatam, and -their heavy cannon breathing forth slaughter and defiance; in these -scenes, amidst the wreaths of smoke and the gleaming of scimetars, the -figure of a young officer may be discerned, with a calm countenance, -quiet and reserved manners, and the meditative look which presages a -great destiny:--that officer is Sir Arthur Wellesley, since then so -celebrated as the Duke of Wellington. - -Sir Arthur, the fourth son of Gerard Colley Wellesley earl of -Mornington, and of Anne Hill, daughter of Viscount Duncannon, was born -at Dungan Castle, on the 1st of May, 1769, one year after that which -gave birth to Napoleon; it was a period fertile in great geniuses of -all kinds, who came to humanise and to add greatness to the times of -the Revolution. Sir Arthur was brought up at Eton, and afterwards went -to the military college of Angers in France: our country at that time -possessed the best military establishments and the most frequented -universities; and I have already observed that Prince Metternich and -Benjamin Constant were educated at Strasbourg. - -Arthur Wellesley entered the army at an early age, and obtained -a commission in the 41st Foot; in 1793 he purchased the -lieutenant-colonelcy of the 33d regiment, and made part of the -expedition to Ostend against the French republic, where he commanded, -at the age of twenty-four years, a brigade in the retreat from Holland -under the Duke of York. The English dominions are so vast, that it -is by no means uncommon to see men even of the noblest families sent -from one extremity of the earth to the other in the service of their -country, and young Arthur Wellesley embarked for Jamaica; but the -fleet was driven back by a tempest, and after recruiting his regiment -in Ireland, the young officer found his destination had been altered; -and he was now directed to proceed with it to the banks of the Ganges, -with his brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who had been appointed -governor-general of India. He distinguished himself greatly in the -war with Tippoo, that noble ally of France and of Louis XVI; and was -present at the taking of Seringapatam, at the head of the auxiliary -troops furnished by the Nizam; he was afterwards acting as governor of -the conquered city in 1800, when Dhoondiah Waugh, an Indian adventurer, -made an incursion into the Company's territory at the head of 5000 -horse. - -Imagination carries us back to the times of the "Arabian Nights," when -we turn our attention upon the power of the English in India, with -their immense establishments among the Hindoos and Mahrattas, and the -vast capitals of Calcutta and Madras, almost as highly civilised as -Paris or London; where habits of extreme softness and indolence prevail -in the midst of active military life. - -Shall we long continue to be dazzled by that fairy land, sparkling with -diamonds and rubies? I think so; for no government possesses all the -qualities necessary to insure the colonisation of distant countries -in so eminent a degree as the noble and elevated system pursued by -England. People constantly talk of the projects of Russia: what need -has she of extending her conquests? These are dreams only fit for the -period of the empire under Napoleon. Russia and England are united by -the most powerful of all bonds, that of commerce. - -Sir Arthur Wellesley distinguished himself in the war against the -Mahrattas, and was appointed to the command of 12,000 men destined to -attack the enemy's country. Owing to the sagacity of the measures he -pursued, in order to secure the movements and subsistence of the troops -during his long march, he accomplished this difficult campaign, though -undertaken at a very unfavourable season, with hardly any loss. - -Buonaparte at this time occupied Egypt; and it is rather a curious -circumstance that Sir Arthur's name was suggested for the command of -the expedition which was to embark from Calcutta, cross the Isthmus -of Suez, and attack the French in the Desert. Had the appointment -taken place, young Wellesley would have been called upon, at the -very commencement of his career, to encounter the General Buonaparte -whose power as Emperor was finally annihilated by him on the plains -of Waterloo. The Indian campaign of this year is remarkable, because -the Company had to encounter the combined forces of Scindiah and the -Rajah of Becar. They were attacked by Sir Arthur near the fortified -village of Assaye, which has given its name to the battle. He destroyed -Scindiah's cavalry, defeated the infantry of the Rajah of Becar on the -plains of Argaum, and seized the fortress of Gawoneilgar,[32] which -was quickly followed by the submission of the two chiefs. A monument, -in memory of the battle of Assaye, was erected at Calcutta. The -inhabitants of that city presented the victorious general with a sword -of the value of 1000_l._, and the officers of his army subscribed for a -golden vase, still preserved by the Duke at Apsley House. The English -parliament also passed a vote of thanks, and the king conferred upon -him the order of the Bath. A person should read the first part of the -Duke of Wellington's Despatches to be able to form a correct idea of -the perils of this campaign and the precautions necessary to be taken, -as well as of the moderation and judgment displayed in his orders. - - [32] Gawilghur.--_Ed._ - -The Duke of Wellington thus commenced his military career in India. He -returned to England in 1805, to take the command of a brigade in the -army about to proceed to the Continent, under Lord Cathcart; Germany -being now the destination of the general who had lately gathered -laurels on the burning plains of Hindostan. The expedition, however, -was recalled, in consequence of the glorious victory obtained by -Napoleon at Austerlitz, which caused the death of Mr. Pitt; for in -England, that country of noble and elevated feelings, the destruction -of a great enterprise breaks the heart of a statesman. The political -life of Wellington dates its commencement from this period. The English -aristocracy are filled with devotion to their country, and the Tories -enter into her interests with their whole hearts; indeed, it is by -no means a rare occurrence in England to see a man at the same time -a member of parliament and employed on active service, for the life -of Toryism is essentially patriotic. This intermingling of political -situations and duties with military customs leads to the habits of -order and method observable in the majorities and minorities that occur -upon parliamentary questions; people obey their party or their opinions -as they would their commanding officer. In 1806 the town of Newport, in -the Isle of Wight, elected Sir Arthur as their representative in the -House of Commons, and in the same year he married Miss Pakenham, sister -to the Earl of Longford; shortly after which he was appointed secretary -to Ireland under the Duke of Richmond. He commanded the reserve of the -army under Lord Cathcart during the expedition to Copenhagen, which -occasioned such stormy debates in parliament; and the capitulation of -the city, an affair discussed, settled, and signed in the course of -one night, was entrusted to him. By the terms of this capitulation the -whole of the Danish fleet fell into the hands of the English. Upon this -occasion an unanimous vote of thanks to the army was passed in both -houses of parliament, and the Speaker of the House of Commons addressed -the general individually when he again took his seat after his return -to England. - -The theatre of war was gradually increasing, and, in 1808, Sir Arthur -received orders to embark for Corunna and oppose the victorious -armies of France, now assembled under chiefs whose fame resounded -through the whole of Europe; for Spain had been invaded, and England -sought to measure her strength in the field with that of Napoleon. -The fleet was directed towards Oporto, and Sir Arthur effected his -landing in Portugal in the face of the brave regiments of the great -army, at the time when Junot was assuming a regal position at Lisbon: -the monarchy of the house of Braganza appeared at this period like a -brilliant ring, which was successively fitted on the finger of all the -adventurous chiefs, despatched as a sort of disgrace to Portugal by -Napoleon. General Junot compromised the army by his want of capacity -and his vain pretensions, and the 21st of August was marked by the -battle of Vimiera, where the attack was commenced by the French. The -complete destitution of the army rendered a treaty necessary, and by -the miserable capitulation, called the Convention of Cintra, it was -agreed that the French should evacuate Portugal and return into France -with their arms and baggage. Sir Arthur did not sign this convention, -and the real author of it, Sir Hew Dalrymple, being violently attacked -by the opposition, Sir Arthur quitted the army to be present at the -debates, and at the trial of Sir Hew by a court-martial. The Convention -of Cintra has been greatly blamed by Lord Byron in his poem of "Childe -Harold." Dalrymple was deprived of his command, and he was succeeded -by Sir Arthur Wellesley, who landed at Lisbon on the 22d of August, -1809. By the direction of Napoleon, the most bitter ridicule was -cast upon him in the _Moniteur_; those wretched declamations against -his adversaries were a weak and contemptible trait in the emperor's -character, shewing a spirit of littleness in the midst of all his great -qualities. The following is the article he dictated in Paris, with a -mixture of folly and presumption:-- - -"We are very well pleased Lord Wellington should command the armies, -for, with the disposition he evinces, he will meet with great -catastrophes.... Sir John Moore and Lord Wellington shew no symptoms -of the provident forethought which is so essential a quality in -warlike operations, which leads people to do nothing but what they can -maintain, and to undertake nothing but what offers a probability of -success: Lord Wellington has not shewn more talent than the cabinet -of St. James's. To attempt to support Spain against France, and to -enter into a struggle with France upon the Continent, is to form an -enterprise which will cost dear to those who have attempted it, and -occasion them nothing but disasters." - -It must certainly be admitted, that Sir Arthur had no longer to contend -with an inexperienced general like Junot, the command of the army of -Portugal having been conferred upon Marshal Soult, an old soldier, who -would not fail to display the perfect knowledge of military tactics -which had raised him to the highest rank in his profession. The -uncertain battle of Talavera de la Reyna was celebrated in England as a -most decisive victory; great enthusiasm was excited, and, in spite of -the speeches of the opposition, a vote of thanks to the English general -was passed by both houses of parliament, and a pension of 2000_l._ per -annum was settled upon him; he was also raised to the peerage by the -title of Viscount Wellington of Talavera. The junta of Cadiz, which -had hitherto opposed him from motives of pride and national feeling, -now offered him the rank and allowances of captain-general of the -Spanish army; but Lord Wellington declined accepting any thing but a -present of a few horses of the Andalusian breed, which the Spaniards, -in the name of Ferdinand VII., offered him for his stud. The conduct -of the commander of the British armies on this occasion was quite in -keeping with the English character; he considered a few fine horses, -of a noble breed, as his most distinguished trophy. The rapid march -of Marshals Soult and Ney from Salamanca into Estramadura compelled -him to retreat as quickly as he had advanced; he therefore crossed the -Tagus, and took up a strong position to defend the passage at Almarez -and the lower part of the river. He was now destined to encounter the -two most remarkable lieutenants of Napoleon; for Massena, in his turn, -had entered Portugal, and commenced operations by the sieges of Almeida -and Ciudad Rodrigo. - -The Duke of Wellington, in his old age, takes pleasure in talking over -the campaign of Portugal at Apsley House, because he there offered a -powerful resistance to the French army, displayed the most consummate -strategic skill, and was opposed to the most renowned marshals of the -empire; first Soult and Massena, and afterwards Marmont, who, though -skilful in his arrangements, was always unfortunate, and Ney, the -boldest and most adventurous of them all. The Duke of Wellington has -caused drawings to be made of the celebrated lines of Torres Vedras, -whose plan he traced himself, and had executed with a rapidity and -perseverance that appear almost to belong to fabulous times. They were -intended to protect Lisbon, and extended from the sea to the Tagus, -at the point where the river, being about six miles broad, defended -them as completely as the sea itself. They were constructed with so -much secrecy, that Marmont was struck with amazement at the sight of -them; and the English system of tactics, which consists in taking up a -fortified position, was displayed on this occasion in all its glory. -The brave Massena passed nearly six months before these lines,--this -magnificent military work, roaming like a chafed lion desirous of -engaging with his enemy around these masses of granite, and the waters -of the great river, almost as vast as the sea. The old general of the -Italian campaign expected reinforcements from France, but he received -no assistance either in men or provisions--a circumstance which must -have rendered his retreat to the frontiers of Spain very difficult to -accomplish. The Duke of Wellington always does justice to the skill -of Marshals Soult and Massena; and, in speaking of them in present -times, he acknowledges them both to have been men of great military -capacity. The English general again received the thanks of both houses -of parliament on this occasion; an additional subsidy was voted him, -and the title of Marquis of Torres Vedras was conferred upon him, -to perpetuate the memory of the military resistance that had saved -Portugal. - -At this period the English government lavished marks of gratitude upon -its generals, in order to excite them to fresh acts of self-devotion; -and England already discerned in the Duke of Wellington a man capable -of coping with the power of Napoleon. An attempt had been at first made -to institute a comparison between Admiral Nelson and the Emperor, and -after his death at Trafalgar the Duke of Wellington succeeded him in -public estimation; such, at least, was the opinion expressed and acted -upon by the British parliament. - -The English army were guilty of many faults, from the time of the -blockade of Almeida up to the siege of Badajos; and the battle of -Fuentes d'Onoro was a severe lesson for their commander. The juntas -were not favourably disposed towards England, in spite of which Lord -Wellington had organised the Portuguese army, and placed it on a firm -military footing; and every thing at Lisbon was already under the -influence of England, which furnished provisions, artillery, clothing, -and arms. The Tagus was now occupied by a formidable English fleet, -and from this time forth the cabinet of London gradually extended its -influence in the Peninsula; in fact, Lisbon was actually in a state of -vassalage, and commercial relations contributed their share towards -strengthening the military bonds which war had imposed with such mighty -power. - -Lord Wellington passed the Tagus to prevent supplies of provisions and -ammunition being thrown into Ciudad Rodrigo, which was now the central -point of the military operations; and the city was carried by storm -after a siege of ten days.[33] Fortune had ceased to smile on Napoleon; -Massena had been recalled, and Marshal Soult shortly after him, leaving -Marmont, who was always unfortunate; while the Duke of Wellington, on -the contrary, had just succeeded in overcoming the repugnance of the -regency of Cadiz, by whom, after the taking of Badajos,[34] he was -created a grandee of Spain of the first class, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, -and commander-in-chief of the Spanish army. The English parliament also -voted him an additional pension of 2000_l._ per annum. - - [33] 20th January, 1812. - - [34] 7th April, 1812. - -Badajos was taken by storm some months after the fall of Ciudad -Rodrigo, and our eagles veiled their heads before the British armies. -His flanks being secured, Lord Wellington crossed the Tagus and entered -Castile; his means were very superior to those of his antagonists; -besides which the generals did not agree in opinion, and the court was -totally devoid of energy: Napoleon was not there to interpose his will, -which bore down all opposition. The battle of Salamanca,[35] which -decided the fate of Spain, took place shortly after. Lord Wellington -hastened on, with forced marches, towards Valladolid, and turning -suddenly to the right he made a bold movement towards Madrid, while -Joseph Buonaparte retreated to Burgos. I cannot imagine what induced -Napoleon to send Marshal Jourdan as a military guide to his brother, -for he was the most inferior of all his captains, and the Emperor had -greatly ridiculed his first revolutionary successes. Lord Wellington -again received the thanks of parliament on this occasion, the Prince -Regent conferred upon him the title of marquis, and the House of -Commons voted him the sum of 100,000_l_. - - [35] 24th July, 1812. - -It is necessary to enter into these details to understand the source -of the political fortune of the Duke of Wellington. We here see that -all his rank, his honours, even his income, are derived from the field -of battle. The rewards granted by parliament were profuse, because it -was of the highest importance to create a military existence capable -of opposing the wonderful fortunes of Napoleon. At this time, Marshal -Soult, who had raised the siege of Cadiz and abandoned Andalusia, -made so well-arranged a movement in concert with the main body of -General Souham's army, that Lord Wellington's line of communication -was compromised; he was compelled to make a precipitate retreat, and -Marshal Soult resumed a glorious offensive position. - -The English general having here forgotten the prudent system he usually -observed, for two days his whole army was exposed to the enemy, and -it is evident, from this circumstance, that the Duke of Wellington's -talent for defensive measures was greater than for an active military -campaign.[36] He never appeared to understand how to observe an exact -medium between the well-considered temerity, which seizes upon a fault -for the chance it affords of success, and the prudence which foresees -all the chances that may occur, even in a bad position. - - [36] Witness Assaye, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, Vittoria, - &c.--_Editor._ - -In order to complete the deliverance of the Peninsula, Lord Wellington -in January 1813, repaired to Cadiz, to communicate in person with -the regency; by this step all doubts were dispelled, and the Spanish -army, after being better organised, was placed under his immediate -command. He was tenaciously regardful of his title of generalissimo, -and explained his plan for the campaign at the head of the combined -army of England, Spain, and Portugal, as far as Vittoria, where the -battle took place which was so fatal to our arms in the Peninsula, -and where every thing was taken by the English, even to the treasure -of Joseph Buonaparte. The utter incapacity of Marshal Jourdain, and -the avidity of some of the French generals, were among the principal -causes of this misfortune; and the efforts made to save the treasure -occasioned the destruction of the army. All the family of Napoleon, by -whom he was surrounded, being incapable of comprehending his glory, -only served to endanger his fortune; and when the day of misfortune -has arrived, what power can arrest the torrent? The battle of Vittoria -procured for Lord Wellington the elevated rank of field-marshal, so -rarely conferred in England; and it opened the road of the Pyrenees to -the Coalition. It was when approaching Pampeluna and St. Sebastian, -that the English general unfolded his plan of carrying the war into -France. Soult had again taken the command of the French troops on the -Bidassoa; for Napoleon had found it necessary to despatch from the -field of Bautzen, a marshal of skill and ability to the point most -threatened with danger, and the army in Spain was in a state of utter -confusion. Lord Wellington extended his line to Bayonne, after having -carried the position of Nivelle: it was certainly a wonderful war, -full of strategy! Marshal Soult displayed great skill in the manner in -which he manœuvred before a superior force, which only advanced when -prudence permitted; and thus the two armies remained for nearly two -months, watching each other's motions, but prevented by the severity of -the season, and the dreadful state of the roads, from proceeding any -farther. Soult made an attempt to imitate the lines of Torres Vedras -on the frontiers of France, and erected formidable intrenchments near -Bayonne; but Lord Wellington, without attacking them in front, turned -them by the right, and thus compelled his antagonist to abandon them. - -The name of France inspired even the Allies with so much respect, -that they could not avoid a feeling of hesitation as to entering -her territories. When, however, we look back upon the early ages of -the French monarchy, we find that English troops had more than once -distinguished themselves on the plains of Gascony; and the exploits of -the Black Prince are interwoven with the feudal history of Guienne. -The Emperor's orders to Marshal Soult were to retreat very slowly, and -to endeavour as far as possible to avert the progress of the English, -Spanish, and Portuguese troops, by constant skirmishes. He had himself -entered into a treaty with Ferdinand VII., in the hope of separating by -this means the Spanish army from the Anglo-Portuguese force under Lord -Wellington. - -Matters were, however, too far advanced to admit of the realisation -of these political plans, for the Pyrenees were already passed. After -the battle of Orthes the French army was unable to maintain the road -to Bourdeaux, and Lord Wellington, in concert with Marshal Beresford, -was obliged to give a decided opinion concerning the inclination -in favour of the Bourbons, which began to manifest itself in the -southern provinces. On this occasion he assumed a political position -for the first time; until now he had been merely a general officer, -exhibiting some degree of dexterity in his negotiations with the junta -of Cadiz, but the events of 1814 were evidently assuming a decisive -character fraught with great importance. Would he be justified in -giving a political impulse in favour of the restoration of Louis -XVIII., and what were the orders of his government on this subject when -the Allies were engaged in negotiation at Chaumont? Lord Wellington -permitted the full and energetic manifestation of the public feeling; -and Marshal Beresford made no objections to the white flag being -hoisted. The empire was gradually declining from the northern to the -southern extremity of the kingdom; and letters were received from Lord -Castlereagh, informing the chief of the English armies of the events -that had taken place in Paris. The battle of Toulouse was fought a few -days afterwards, a melancholy and useless sacrifice of human life,--for -it was incapable of arresting the progress of the coalesced armies; -in fact, all was now over, the restoration was completed, and Louis -XVIII. in the act of re-entering his capital. The English remained in -possession of Toulouse, and the peace of 1814 was concluded by all the -allied powers. - -Lord Wellington took no part in this treaty, for he was then possessed -of no political influence, his life being entirely military; and Lord -Castlereagh, then at the head of the cabinet, was not inclined to yield -his ministerial influence to any one. When, however, the congress was -assembled at Vienna, the Duke of Wellington, who had been received with -the utmost enthusiasm in England, attended this meeting of crowned -heads, to exhibit the grandeur of his country, and recall to mind -the services he had rendered to the common cause. The talent he had -displayed in the Peninsular war, and the perseverance he had exhibited -during that long struggle, had cast a halo round his person, and -greatly excited the public curiosity concerning him. He was at that -time forty-five years of age, cold and reserved in his manners, but -attaching some value to the attention shewn him by some of the ladies -at Vienna; an immense number of entertainments were given to him, and -it is well known that no city in Europe offers so many resources for -those inclined to pleasure and dissipation. - -In the midst of all these amusements the congress was startled by the -fall of the thunderbolt,--news was received of the landing of Napoleon -in the gulf of Juan! It was necessary immediate recourse should be had -to military measures, and without a moment's hesitation the direction -of the operations was entrusted to the Duke of Wellington, as the -person most capable of opposing Napoleon; besides which, as Great -Britain gave the impulse to the European league, it was necessary to -give her a pledge of their sincerity, and the title of generalissimo, -conferred upon the Duke, was undoubtedly due to him, in consideration -of the subsidies which the English parliament were about to vote for -the advantage of Europe. After a hurried journey to England, Wellington -returned with all speed to the Low Countries, to decide in concert -with Field-marshal Blucher upon the plan of his campaign; and when -opposed to the powerful army of Napoleon, he followed the same system -he had been accustomed to pursue in Spain; that is to say, he assumed a -defensive attitude, in a well-chosen position. His military reputation -had commenced with the lines of Torres Vedras, and was destined to -reach its zenith at Waterloo;--thus shewing that the whole of a man's -destiny is sometimes comprehended between two ideas. - -I shall not enter here into military details, but content myself -with observing that the battle of Waterloo was a perfect type of the -system pursued by two men whose military capacities were entirely -dissimilar--the Emperor and the Duke of Wellington. Napoleon was -impetuous, actually sublime, when advancing to attack his enemy; but -disordered and devoid of reflection in a retreat. The Duke, on the -contrary, was timid, watchful, and undecided during an active campaign, -to such a degree that he endangered the safety of his troops whenever -he attempted a bold movement; but he was at the same time cool and -collected, and accustomed to avail himself of every advantage when -acting on the defensive. The attack made by Buonaparte at Waterloo -recalled the battles of Wagram and Austerlitz, while the Duke of -Wellington again saw the lines of Torres Vedras in the intrenched -position of Mont St. Jean. - -The influence of the Duke of Wellington naturally increased after -this great battle; he was advancing at the head of a victorious army, -and though Blucher did not actually fill a subordinate situation, yet -the Duke, from his being covered with the glory of Waterloo, could -not fail to exercise a considerable influence over the mind of the -Prussian generalissimo. At last, when they approached Paris, all the -revolutionary party, with Fouché at their head, came to meet the Duke, -considering him as the supreme arbiter, whose word was to decide upon -the fate of France. Fouché opened an active negotiation with him for -the occupation of France; and the noble Duke, in a conversation with -Louis XVIII., recommended the ministry of Talleyrand and Fouché, as the -only one capable of bringing about an union between royalty and the -liberty obtained by the revolution. Was the Duke mistaken? or was he -duped? Whichever may have been the case, the coalition fell to pieces -almost immediately, and the powerful and long-continued ascendency -of Lord Castlereagh and the English government was replaced by the -personal influence of the Emperor Alexander. Talleyrand was succeeded -by the Duke de Richelieu. - -By the treaty concluded in the month of November 1815, it had been -stipulated that an army of occupation should remain in France; and -it was placed under the command of the Duke of Wellington, without -making any distinction among the contingents furnished by the different -powers. He was also appointed inspector of the fortresses in the Low -Countries, which were erected as advanced posts against France, and -with the money levied upon her. The generalissimo resided in Paris, -where he saw a good deal of Louis XVIII.; and his English principles -were in perfect agreement with a system of moderation and freedom. He -possessed an honest and upright heart, and a habit of judging with ease -and simplicity of the state of events; and we must do him the justice -to say, that when on various occasions he was constituted arbiter of -the claims of the Allies, he almost invariably gave his opinion in -favour of our unfortunate country. Even when he was consulted, more -than once, upon the possibility of diminishing the army of occupation, -he declared that the state of the public mind in France would permit -this relief to be granted, which the suffering condition of the country -rendered imperatively necessary. At this period, when the Duke of -Wellington was engaged in rendering us most essential service, the -Buonapartist spirit armed a fanatic against his life, and a pistol -was fired actually into his carriage. The Duke escaped unhurt; and I -deeply regret that Napoleon, in his will written at St. Helena, should -have degraded himself to such a degree as to award a recompense to the -miscreant who had thus attacked his former military adversary. Conduct -like this communicates a stain which cannot be effaced even from the -most renowned characters in history. - -After the departure of the army of occupation, and the signing of -the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Duke of Wellington quitted Paris; -his military career was at an end, and his political life may be -said to have just begun: having been raised to a seat in the House -of Peers,[37] with the rank of duke, in the enjoyment of an immense -fortune, and decorated with the stars of every order of knighthood in -Europe, he could hardly fail of possessing a considerable degree of -influence. But the order of things was now changed in England: during -the long wars against the French Revolution and Empire, the English -had shewn extreme energy, and had made great and very judicious use -of their powerful means, thus enabling the Tories to overcome all the -difficulties presented by their situation; they were successful because -they were strongly opposed to all revolutionary principles, and firmly -resolved to carry out the war. The people had then no time to think of -internal dissensions, they were breathlessly engaged in incessantly -recurring struggles, and always hoping for victory; but now that the -war was at an end, passions were reawakened, and Lord Castlereagh saw -his power gradually declining, while that of the Whigs and Radicals was -progressively increasing. - - [37] He had long had a seat in the House of Peers, but the mistake - is very natural for a foreigner.--_Editor._ - -The Duke of Wellington was a Tory upon principle and family precedent; -he took his seat in the House of Peers among the Conservatives; and he -and Lord Aberdeen formed the centre of the Tory benches that supported -Lord Castlereagh's ministry. He was not an eloquent speaker, but he -expressed himself with great clearness and precision; and, without -being a man of a very enlarged mind, he was gifted with an instinctive -good sense, that enabled him to form an accurate judgment of the -generality of questions; while, at the same time, he was perfectly _au -fait_ of the political occurrences and situations of Europe, for he had -taken a part in too many affairs of importance not to have retained -a deep impression of them. In short, the Duke of Wellington, as a -statesman, was less distinguished for the _great_ than for the _good_ -things he had done. His popularity was now on the decline; the time had -passed away when his carriage was surrounded by crowds of people on his -return to England after his campaigns, for the Hero of Waterloo was too -staunch a Tory to be a favourite with the populace. The queen's trial -had excited public opinion in the highest degree, and every thing was -progressing rapidly towards reform. - -Under circumstances like these, the Duke had little political influence -except in the diplomatic circle; but he found himself mixed up with -all the serious continental affairs, in consequence of the important -part he had formerly played; and he was present at the congress of -Verona. He preserved a certain degree of influence in foreign affairs -during Mr. Canning's ministry, although the Whig party was in the -ascendant. Russia appeared at this time likely to become the rival of -England; the Greek question caused considerable public excitement, and -difficulties existed as to fixing the new boundaries of the Hellenic -territory. Mr. Canning, therefore, considered it necessary a person -of great consideration should be sent to St. Petersburg, and the Duke -of Wellington, being held in high estimation by the Emperor Nicholas, -and having also been actively engaged in most of the questions of -general interest, it was decided that his mission should be attached -to the treaty of the sixth of July, which established the independence -of Greece, and settled her territorial boundaries. It had become -necessary the business should be finally decided; and as, in England, -strong prejudices against individuals are never indulged in when -business is at stake, the Duke of Wellington was selected as being the -person most capable of being useful. - -When he returned to England Mr. Canning was dead; Lord Goderich's -ministry was struggling feebly with the difficulties it had to -encounter, and as diplomatic matters were assuming a singularly -complicated appearance, the king thought it advisable to form a -Tory ministry of men of capacity and experience. It was composed of -Mr. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington; and peculiarly -adapted for resisting any encroachments on the part of Russia. When -the Duke came seriously to examine into the state of the country, he -was convinced that one of the first steps necessary to secure the -efficiency and consistency of his ministry was the emancipation of -the Catholics. This had long been a favourite idea in his family; and -Marquis Wellesley[38] had formerly detached himself from George III. -on this very question. The Duke had no hesitation as to the course -he was to pursue, and a bill presented to parliament was passed by a -majority; the Tories were desirous of the glory of originating so just -and equitable a measure.[39] - - [38] Upon this occasion the Duke of Wellington voted against his - brother's measure.--_Editor._ - - [39] The editor begs to remind the reader that he is not answerable - for M. Capefigue's opinions. - -The revolution of July, some months afterwards, struck a fatal blow to -the heart of the Tories; for Radical opinions were already obtaining -great influence in England. The Duke hastened to recognise the events -that had taken place, but in his own mind he qualified the proceedings -with the epithet _untoward_--the same expression he had used concerning -the battle of Navarino. Had not every thing been overturned and -altered by this revolution? How, then, was it possible for the Duke -to contend with a political system which threatened to destroy the -treaties concluded in 1815? He comprehended the full consequences of -this change,--nor did he attempt to avert them; but, on the first -occasion of an equivocal majority, he sent in his resignation, and -gave up his situation to Lord Grey and the Whigs. As in England all -political characters are independent of their position, they resign -it without regret, even for some incidental circumstance. The Duke -then placed himself at the head of the Conservative party, and of the -enlightened Tories in the House of Lords; assuming there about the -same situation as Mr. Peel in the House of Commons. Conservative and -Tory signify in England men of worth and consistency, who venerate -the ancient institutions of their country, and do not wish them to -be interfered with; and it is certainly a magnificent ground for a -statesman to take up, for he places himself as a barrier to oppose -all the storms raised by parties. The Duke's Conservative principles -made him averse to the plan of reform that attacked the ancient -constitution of England: he continued to observe this steadfastness -of opinion in the House of Lords; and when, in 1833, the continental -question again became perplexed, the king proposed forming another -ministry, in which he was to be included; but on this occasion, with an -admirable appreciation of existing circumstances, Mr. Peel was placed -at the head of the cabinet, and the noble Duke only filled a secondary -place. He considered that a name belonging to the commonalty, like -that of Mr. Peel, was better suited to the juncture than that of the -Duke of Wellington or the Earl of Aberdeen. In consequence of this -arrangement the Duke found himself completely eclipsed by Mr. Peel, -and he appeared only to have been included in the ministry that he -might act as its representative in the House of Lords: as it has been -remarked by an English political writer, he certainly did not form its -basis, whatever strength and consideration he might have brought to its -assistance. - -Peel's ministry was not of long duration; and the Tories were certainly -guilty of an oversight in forming this ephemeral cabinet, for nothing -more deeply injures a party than abortive efforts, or attempts which -are not crowned with success. The Duke of Wellington resumed his place -in the House of Lords, and spoke with seriousness and moderation upon -all the questions of importance that came before them. As I have -before observed, strong good sense, and clear reasoning, are the -qualities for which he is especially distinguished, and which carry -every thing before them. His manner of expressing himself is quiet -and serious; and he is always listened to with respect and attention. -His private life is essentially military; and at Apsley House he is -surrounded by pictures of all his battles, from India to Waterloo. -His favourite campaign is that of the Peninsula; and one might say -that the recollections of his youth, under the exhilarating sky of -the south of Europe, are intermingled with it. The Duke likes the old -friends, and the society that reminds him of his military adventures; -he is also very intimate with the _corps diplomatique_, and entertains -magnificently,--displaying all the splendour of an immense fortune -and the grandeur of the English aristocracy. Sometimes he speaks with -bitterness of his past popularity contrasted with the feelings evinced -towards him in later times; and he has more than once called attention -to the windows of his palace, now defended by iron gratings against the -violence of the mob, who threw stones against his windows and into his -splendidly decorated apartments. "What a contrast!" said he to Pozzo -di Borgo, in 1834. "Recollect, my dear friend, my popularity after the -battle of Waterloo, and my entry into London in the year 1815; and now -see how completely I am out of favour with these people!" - -The Duke of Wellington likes to be compared to Marlborough and -Nelson--the two most illustrious of English heroes; but he avoids all -comparison with Napoleon, for their two careers are neither on the same -scale nor can be measured by the same proportion. - -The Duke of Wellington, a general essentially attached to the defensive -system, always knew how to select a favourable position; received -battle, but very rarely gave it. Every time that he ventured on bold -measures he was guilty of imprudence; and he only shewed himself -eminently superior when acting on the defensive.[40] Napoleon, on -the contrary, was bold and magnificent in the attack; his plans were -cleverly laid, and were the result of a sudden inspiration,--his -wonderful genius enabled him to modify them according to circumstances; -but at the slightest reverse Napoleon was cast down, and his retreat -was almost always a flight: though his attack was made in the most -brilliant manner, he knew not how to resist; and in this he personified -the military genius of the French nation, from the times of Cressy and -Agincourt. I think it necessary to repeat this parallel, as it is the -only one that it is possible to draw between Napoleon and the Duke -of Wellington. Nelson was the only Englishman who carried into naval -warfare the spirit exhibited by Napoleon in the continental war. Had -the Emperor lived to the age of the Duke, it would have been curious to -compare these two great characters at the extreme point of existence. - - [40] See Note, page 208.--_Editor._ - -Since the revolution of 1830, the history of parties and statesmen -has been greatly developed; Whigs and Tories have in turn been at -the helm--Lord Grey, Lord Palmerston; Mr. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen; -affording opportunities of forming a more correct judgment of the -character and personal value of each. The Tories have now returned into -power with Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen; but the Duke would not accept -any office beyond a sort of patronage over the House of Lords. - -A parallel may now be drawn between the Whigs and Tories, embracing -the most distinguished characters among both. Lord Grey left all his -celebrity as a leader of the opposition, to become a minister of -mediocrity at the head of the government. Lord Palmerston exhibited so -much emptiness and folly in his adventurous attempt at liberalism, as -to lose all his consistency in England. The Tories on the contrary, -have retained two men of high consideration, whose reputation is -unblemished, viz. Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen. No man can equal the -chief of the Tory party in his clear and perspicuous manner of speaking -of business; and the Earl of Aberdeen possesses in an eminent degree -a knowledge of foreign affairs and a most extensive acquaintance with -facts: and this, in truth, constitutes the superiority and the seal of -the Tory party. - -People generally mistake the Duke of Wellington's character, by -supposing him to feel a dislike to France; on the contrary, he has many -feelings quite in agreement with our national character and history. -The Tories, to a greater degree than the Whigs, are persuaded that the -predominance of France is necessary for the balance of power in Europe; -they seek all occasions to give a proof of this opinion, and are often -grieved at the prejudices which exist at the bottom of our character -against the politics of their cabinet. - -The Duke of Wellington has now reached the advanced age of seventy-four -years, and he seldom speaks in the House of Lords; but when he does -so his speeches are always worthy of attention, for his words carry -with them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate statesman. -His career, which began at so early an age in the burning climate of -India, has been already several times endangered by sudden attacks -of illness, from which he has recovered,--thanks to the strength of -his constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he himself -corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches, which not only place -him in the front rank as a _strategic_ writer, but also award him an -elevated position in the scale of minds imbued with the principles of -order, government, and administration. Let us repeat it, three men form -a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr. Peel for the administration, -Lord Aberdeen for foreign affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for -military glory and renown. All these three are men of powerful minds. - - - - -THE DUC DE RICHELIEU. - - -Among the admirable works that have emanated from the pencil of -Lawrence, the reader must have observed a countenance with a melancholy -expression, and a high forehead shaded by locks prematurely blanched; -the mild intelligent eyes, delicate nose, and firmly compressed mouth, -are indicative of a mind of a superior order, but at the age of -scarcely fifty years this countenance, whose nobleness and simplicity -of expression are remarkable, conveys the idea of a man worn out with -the troubles and anxieties of life; and I may almost add, by whom -its vanities and illusions are viewed in their true colours. It is a -mixture of the Frenchman of noble descent, and of the highest Russian -nobility, who live so fast. This portrait was painted by Lawrence -at Aix-le-Chapelle, and the original was distinguished during his -childhood by the title of Comte de Chinon; in youth he was called Duc -de Fronsac, and he finally inherited the title of Duc de Richelieu. - -The political systems of all ages are personified by certain -statesmen, who were their representatives. Since the commencement of -the eighteenth century, France has been constantly placed between two -preponderating interests; these are, 1st, an alliance with England, -effected during the regency, and overturned by Louis XV. at Fontenoy; -then resumed by the treaties of 1783 and 1785; again broken by the -convention, with expressions of contempt and violence, in 1793; renewed -for a moment under Talleyrand in 1814, when it was destroyed by the -personal influence of the Emperor Alexander; and finally restored for -a short time in 1833, by the feeble treaty between France, England, -Spain and Portugal. 2dly, the Russian alliance, of more modern date, -though naturally very suitable to the interests of France. It was first -attempted by means of the embassy of M. de Ségur, under Louis XVI.; -was restored by Napoleon at Erfurt, until the disastrous campaign of -Moscow; resumed in 1815, and supported by the ministries of the Duc -de Richelieu in 1816, and M. de la Ferronays in 1828, until Prince -Polignac brought back the English system. After the revolution of July -the diplomatic projects of Prince Polignac were resumed, with this sole -difference, that Talleyrand attempted with the Whigs what the ministers -of Charles X. had endeavoured to effect with the Tories. - -I am about to write the life of the Duc de Richelieu as the -personification of the Russian alliance, which I shall consider in all -its various stages, from the period of the Restoration; and this is an -era of very great importance in diplomatic history, for we are living -under the treaties of 1814 and 1815. Those concluded at Vienna, at -Aix-la-Chapelle, at Troppau, and Laybach, form the basis of our present -relations with the rest of Europe. - -Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu, well known in his early -youth under the name of Comte de Chinon, was born at Paris on the 25th -of September, 1766; his father was the Duc de Fronsac, son of the -old Marshal Richelieu, and his mother was a daughter of the house of -Hautefort. Paris was full of the endowments of his ancestor the great -cardinal, whose purple robe was the glory of his family; and it was -at the college of Plessis, founded by him, that the Comte de Chinon -first commenced his education, and was tolerably successful in his -studies, especially in acquiring the various languages of Europe; for -he learned to speak Italian, German, and English with facility, and -at a later period Russian became as familiar to him as French. At the -age of fourteen he was married to a daughter of the noble house of -Rochechouart, and the young count and his little wife, who was just -thirteen years of age, went to travel for some years, according to the -custom that prevailed at that time among families of rank: he visited -Italy, the country of the fine arts, to admire the works of the old -masters, and the ancient cities, whose renown had once overspread the -world. On the first breaking out of our domestic troubles the young -nobleman hastened to offer his services to his menaced sovereign, and -on the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, he proceeded on foot and alone -to Versailles, and making his way through the assembled mob of ragged -men and women, he went to warn the court of the danger with which it -was threatened. As if in anticipation of his future diplomatic career, -Louis XVI. employed him a few days afterwards on a mission to Joseph -II., a sovereign who patronised reform; and he discharged it with the -silent discretion so necessary to be observed in the relations of the -king with foreigners, at a time when he was so closely watched and -surrounded by the spies of the people. The Comte de Chinon, under the -title of Duc de Fronsac, was already distinguished for the uprightness -of his character; political intrigues did not suit his frank and open -disposition, and he therefore quitted Vienna and hastened to the siege -of Ismael, celebrated by Lord Byron in his poem of "Don Juan." Many of -the French nobility were serving in the armies of Catherine II., and -the Duc de Fronsac fought by the side of Count Roger de Damas at the -taking of the redoubt, where, according to the sarcastic rhymes of the -poet, the cannon that thundered upon the besiegers were as numerous as -the lovers of the licentious empress. The Duc de Fronsac was slightly -wounded, and Catherine sent him a gold-hilted sword and the order of -St. George. He also accepted the rank of Colonel in the Russian army, -when he inherited the illustrious title of Richelieu upon the death of -his father. - -When Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII., made an appeal to the old -and noble families among his countrymen, calling upon them to serve -under the white banner, the Duc de Richelieu joined the army assembled -to fight for the ancient crown of France; and after the unfortunate -termination of the campaign of 1792, when the Prince of Condé requested -an asylum in Russia for the French exiles, he was despatched by the -Empress Catherine to arrange with the Prince the plan of a colony, to -be established on the shores of the sea of Azof: it was to consist -entirely of men of birth, and this idea was of some service when -the noble foundation of Odessa took place; but in a military crisis -like this, how was it possible to conceive and follow out a project -involving a regular system of administration? - -At the siege of Valenciennes by the coalesced armies, the Duc de -Richelieu commanded a company of men of noble birth. There was -something glorious and honourable in this emigration, which followed -the fortunes of the royal banner as their ancestors had done that of -Henry IV; and we must not judge their proceedings according to our -little party prejudices. After the victorious republic had reconquered -her frontiers he returned to Russia, and became colonel of a cuirassier -regiment; but the Emperor Paul was then on the throne, and with his -usual harshness and brutality of disposition he punished the Duke for -his personal attachment to the Czarewitch Alexander, by depriving him -of his regiment; he even went so far as to forbid him to appear at St. -Petersburg: for with a degree of imperial egotism the Czar expected -devotion should be exhibited to himself alone. Such being the cause -of his exile, it is hardly necessary to say, that on the accession of -Alexander he was restored to his former rank, with every mark of the -sovereign's favour; and the esteem and confidence entertained for him -by Alexander, at this early period, was of the greatest service to -France during the events that took place in the year 1815. Even then -the Duke was fully sensible of the importance of an alliance between -France and Russia, two countries whose interests are constantly meeting -without its being possible they should clash; but at this time people -could not even dream of the restoration of the royal dynasty--no event -could appear less likely to occur. - -After peace was concluded with Russia in 1801, the Duke took the -opportunity of returning to France and collecting the remains of the -enormous fortune of his ancestors, for the sake of paying the debts of -his father and grandfather, both of whom had greatly involved their -patrimony by their insane prodigality: this was his _sole_ object; and -he abandoned the whole of his rights to the creditors, retaining for -himself nothing of that immense inheritance. It was certainly giving -evidence of a most noble disposition! The Duc de Richelieu, prime -minister of Louis XVIII., and great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal, -did not himself possess an income of more than 20,000 francs![41] - -[41] About 800_l._ - -Buonaparte was at the summit of his consular glory when the illustrious -name of Richelieu was presented to him; and he who attached a great -value to names of historic celebrity, and who was also a great admirer -of the iron-handed minister, offered the Duke employment in his army: -but he refused it, and is it possible to blame him for so doing? -He was a man of high and ancient descent, warmly attached to the -House of Bourbon, and resolved not to serve in a French army except -under the royal banner: his refusal, however, rendered it necessary -he should immediately quit Paris; and on his return to the Emperor -Alexander he was entrusted with the execution of rather a difficult -task, being appointed to the government of the southern portion of -that immense empire. All the provinces on the borders of the Black -Sea had been converted into uncultivated deserts by the ravages of -war, and the barbarous ignorance of the Mussulman inhabitants rendered -them incapable of repairing the mischief--in fact, the old Roman -colonies of the Palus Meotides no longer existed except in name; and -in repeopling this desert, the closest and most careful surveillance -was necessary for the purpose of introducing European customs and -civilisation. In the beginning of 1803, the Duke was appointed Governor -of Odessa, and he was afterwards employed in the general administration -of New Russia--a country where the climate is mild and genial, and -which is like Italy, only devoid of the arts and of cultivation: -institutions had been commenced, but nothing was completed, and in a -city of considerable extent there were hardly 5000 inhabitants.[42] -M. de Richelieu, without the slightest hesitation, had recourse -to the measures necessary for improving this state of things, even -though he sometimes offended ancient customs and selfish interests; -but it is only by means of absolute power that great reforms can be -accomplished. Every thing appeared to have received new life; commerce, -set free from the bonds by which she was before shackled, made a rapid -advance, and the population of Odessa was in a short time doubled. The -administration of the governor extended from the vast countries of the -Dniester to the Kouban and the Caucasus; and the colonies of German -Anabaptists, by whom more than one hundred villages were peopled, first -set the example of agriculture upon the most enlightened system, so -that, in a short time, immense fields of corn displayed their waving -verdure on plains which, formerly, scarcely afforded to the Tartars -pasturage for their cattle. - - [42] Now about 80,000.--_Ed._ - -It became necessary to establish a sort of feudal system to defend the -country against the invasions of the Circassians, armed, as in the time -of the Crusades, with golden helms and knightly mail; and the Duke, -brave, devoted to his undertaking, and desirous of glory, became the -military chieftain of the colony. It was impossible the establishments -on the Black Sea should attain their full greatness until Circassia -should have submitted to the Russian government; this conquest the -Russian cabinet is at present accomplishing.[43] - - [43] The government of Odessa includes the island of Taman, and - part of the Caucasian line, inhabited by the Cossacks of the Black - Sea, who were settled on the Lower Kouban by Potemkin, as a defence - against the incursions of the Circassians; forming a chain of - intrenched villages, sufficiently near to communicate by signals, - and supported by some regiments of infantry and artillery. The - Circassians have never been able to make any serious impression on - this line; and the Russians, whose object was purely defensive, - never even crossed the Kouban with an intention of permanently - establishing themselves beyond the river till the conclusion of - the last Turkish war, during which Anapa, and all other forts - possessed by the Turks on the Black Sea, were ceded to Russia. - The Circassians had only tolerated these nominal dependencies of - Turkey, as affording convenient points of trade and export for - the slaves captured from Russia and Georgia, as well as those - taken during their own domestic wars. The natural strength of - the country and its deadly climate have hitherto checked the - Russian conquests, but, sooner or later, it must yield to a power - capable of sending unlimited reinforcements, while every action - permanently diminishes the strength of the mountain tribes. The - war, which has now lasted sixty years, can have no effect on the - prosperity of the southern provinces of Russia, nor is it felt - twenty miles from the frontier. The few Circassians that have - been educated in Russia are not permitted to return to the tribes. - The Caucasian guard formed by Prince Paskewitch in 1830, and who - return periodically to their own country, may have a much greater - effect; they are taken indiscriminately from all the tribes, - Circassians, Lesghis, Chechens, and Ossatinians, forming a body - of about two hundred men, in some measure resembling the Mamelukes - of Napoleon.--_Editor._ - -To set a limit to the depredations of the Circassians, the governor -was repeatedly compelled to penetrate into their mountains at the head -of some Russian regiments; he neglected nothing that could lead to -the diffusion of the benefits of European society in that barbarous -country, and several young Circassians, whom the fortune of war or -other events had placed in his hands, were carefully educated under his -superintendence, instructed in our arts, accustomed to our manners, -and then restored to their homes to dwell among their countrymen, -whose customs and habits might be softened and improved by their -example: such was the custom of the ancient Romans with regard to -their vanquished nations. This active administration continued during -the plague which devastated Odessa in the year 1813; and the Duke -then displayed the utmost firmness and energy, though he was obliged -more than once to have recourse to the military power, which in Russia -is always confounded with the civil administration. But it would -be necessary to visit Odessa to form a just estimate of all he has -effected there; he appeared to have inherited the creative genius of -the great cardinal. - -A new field soon opened before him. The events of 1814 had brought -about the restoration of the Bourbons, and the influence of the Emperor -Alexander reigned paramount over the proceedings of the senate which -prepared the fall of Napoleon. Louis XVIII., who was a prince of a -touchy disposition, and very ceremonious habits, had but very little -inclination for the Duc de Richelieu, for he could not forgive his -having preferred filling a high and important situation in Russia to -the dignity of an attendant upon his exiled person; nevertheless, he -restored the peerage to his family, as well as the situation of first -_gentilhomme du roi_. The Duke was not in office during the first -restoration, and he employed himself in studying the new spirit that -had arisen in his country, after so many domestic troubles; for he was -sufficiently aware of the state of affairs to comprehend that events -exercise an irresistible power in the modification of the character, -and that when a person is desirous of bringing a revolution to a close, -it is necessary to make incessant concessions to men and circumstances, -and submit to unavoidable acts of necessity: these, no doubt, are -painful duties, but are we not all called to wear the crown of thorns? - -Totally unconnected with the negotiations of 1814, which were entirely -in the hands of Prince Talleyrand, the Duc de Richelieu may be said to -have spent the first restoration in renewing his acquaintance with his -country. He had quitted it a young man, and since then what marvellous -events, what a new existence, had taken place! Property had been -invaded, the homes of his forefathers pillaged! The domestic hearth no -longer existed--even the tombs were violated and the bones of the dead -were cast out; and this in the midst of a revolutionary society, which -attached guilt even to the tears of the victims! The events of the 20th -of March were caused by a fatal reaction in the minds of the soldiery, -and a democratic hatred against the unfortunate nobility of France; and -the Duc de Richelieu accompanied the ancient banner of his country into -voluntary exile. - -On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted Talleyrand -with the formation of a ministry based upon the English system; -nevertheless, the chief of the cabinet was well aware that Russia must -necessarily exercise very considerable influence over the negotiations -relating to France, and he proposed M. de Richelieu as minister of the -king's household, with the idea this choice would be agreeable to the -Emperor Alexander: the appointment, however, was not accepted, for -the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be seated beside the regicide -Fouché; besides which, he was well aware that Alexander was displeased -at the aspect of a ministry so entirely devoted to England, and which -had been formed under the ascendancy of the Duke of Wellington. I have -already mentioned the causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after -its dissolution, Louis XVIII. considered that the Russian influence -would alone be capable of procuring for us some alleviation of the -heavy burdens imposed by the invasion, for the Czar was the only party -whose interest was not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary to -read the diplomatic correspondence of Lord Castlereagh and the German -diplomatists to judge how overwhelming were the conditions imposed by -the Allies. Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum, had -been published; the negotiations did not advance, while, at the same -time, the disastrous condition of the country was aggravated by the -presence of a million of foreigners. It was in order to obtain the -powerful support of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed the -Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and president of the -council; thus assigning him a double and most difficult office. - -Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten the conclusion -of the treaty; nobody had so much reason to hope he might succeed -in abating its severity. The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the -noble governor of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France had -but little to hope for in point of support from her neighbours, who -had been too long irritated by the weight of her power. Russia alone -had nothing to claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to -lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of Europe. -The Duke was well convinced of all these circumstances, and he took -care to represent to the Czar, that all the importance lost by France -would be so much added to the strength and power of her rivals, and -would increase the superiority of Austria and Prussia. Alexander's -inclinations were favourable to our country, and by drawing out -these kindly feelings the Duke was enabled to fulfil the immense -task that had been imposed upon him. Let us take a retrospect of -the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year 1815. 700,000 -soldiers occupied the country, the people of Germany were in a state of -extreme irritation, and the remains of the seditious and disorganised -army on the other side of the Loire had been disbanded with great -difficulty; add to which, the treasury was exhausted, and the course -of the contributions interrupted by a long abuse of power. Surely -it required a mind of no common energy to grapple with a situation -so fraught with difficulty and disaster! In quiet times diplomacy -is a work of skill and address, a polished interchange of political -generalities, and some plans proposed for future accomplishment; but -at this time, when we must recollect that Paris was in the hands of -an imperious and vindictive enemy, what could we expect from the -magnanimity of conquerors so long humbled and trampled upon by French -domination? Under these fearful auspices the course of the negotiation -was intrusted to the Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive moment -when, after a most stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries had come to -an agreement concerning the sacrifices they were determined to exact -from France. The most ruinous projects were maintained by England, -Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended between four -points, viz. the cession of a territory, including the posts of Condé, -Philippeville, Givet, Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau, -and the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the fortifications -of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity of 800 millions; and the -occupation of the frontiers by an army of 150,000 men, kept up at the -expense of France for seven years. England insisted particularly that -the chain of fortresses on the northern frontier should be so closely -curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last in the possession of the -French. The country was to be restored to the limits it occupied in -the days of Henry IV., and a party, dating its birth from the national -excitement which roused Germany against Napoleon, considered it -undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine were to be reunited to the Germanic -confederation. The map which represented France deprived of these fine -provinces had already been designed by the German geographers, and it -has since been preserved as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family. - -Deeply affected by these resolutions, the minister drew up a -memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander, and expressed with -the conscientious energy of an honest man. "France," said he, "in -regaining her sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they -governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete." The minister -depicted, with the fervour inspired by deep conviction, the despair of -a great people, and the prospective consequences to be feared from it; -for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to arms. This -remonstrance made a great impression upon Alexander, and though it was -not possible to induce the allied powers to agree to the general idea -contained in it, at least the Duke succeeded in obtaining that the -important posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont, and the forts of Joux -and Ecluse, should not be included in the territorial cessions. The -pecuniary indemnity also was diminished by 100 millions of francs, and -it was determined the military occupation should not exceed five years, -and might possibly terminate at the end of three. The French minister -signed the memorable treaty on the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears -honourable witness to the sadness that oppressed his heart.[44] He had -succeeded in obtaining great and noble advantages for his country, -but he bore the name of Richelieu, and was the great-nephew of the -celebrated cardinal who had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and -he could not, without pain and grief, see the smallest particle of -its grandeur torn away. The speech he made five days afterwards bears -the stamp of patriotic sorrow and dignified resignation, and it was -impossible, while listening to it, not to feel that the minister had -yielded solely because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the -measure of imperious necessity. - - [44] _Vide_ art. Pozzo di Borgo. - -The cares incident to so important a negotiation had not led the Duke -to neglect the internal administration of the country; and while the -chambers sanctioned the extraordinary powers required by the government -to repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the ministry -was occupied in taking just and solemn measures against those who, -by favouring the return of Buonaparte, had led to the misfortunes of -their country, and authorised these terrible reprisals. The fatal trial -of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now that political -ideas are clearer, and we are no longer carried away by declamation, -the motives of the great debate that ensued are easily explained. The -marshal was summoned before a council of war, by an _ordonnance_ signed -under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand; and this council having -declared itself incompetent, the marshal ought to have been tried by -the House of Peers, this being the natural order of jurisdiction. The -Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of November, 1815, carried to the chamber -the royal _ordonnance_, which constituted it a court of justice, and, -with his heart still full of the sad sacrifices that had been exacted -from his country, he expressed himself with warmth and firmness against -the authors of the revolution of the Hundred Days; for was it not the -actions of those people that had brought a million of foreigners into -our land? After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous -of calming the unruly passions that raged in the country, presented a -bill for a general amnesty to the two chambers, in which there were no -exceptions, except the names contained in a list drawn up by Fouché. -During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyond the plans -proposed by governments, and upon this project the chamber of 1815 -established its system of _categories_; and the regicides were banished -the kingdom, contrary to the personal opinion of Louis XVIII. In the -course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate the property of -condemned and banished persons, but Richelieu rejected the measure, -saying that "confiscations rendered the evils of war irreparable." And -how much generosity was exhibited in this conduct, when we consider -that the Duke had himself been deprived, by the most implacable -confiscations, of all the property of his family! - -The finest portion of his life begins from this period. The great -object he had proposed to himself was the deliverance of invaded -France, overwhelmed by foreign powers; and, at the same time, the -situation of the country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness. It -was now necessary to levy an army to act as a weight in the European -balance of power, and also to fulfil the hard conditions imposed by the -treaty of 1815; while, to remove the fears entertained by the different -cabinets, the Duke gave them to understand that the divisions arising -in the chambers were merely the natural result of the representative -system. One ought to remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817; the -dearness of grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in various provinces, -the occupations of the strong posts in France by 150,000 bayonets, and -a military contribution of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all -these disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the foreign army, -thus commencing a negotiation which led to much greater results; and, -on the 11th of February, 1817, he came to announce to the chambers that -30,000 men were about to repass the frontier, and that the expense of -the army of occupation would be diminished by 30 millions of francs. -This relief was owing to the reparative system he had pursued, and to -the efforts of France, so fruitful in resources. - -We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history, with two -years more difficult to get over than from 1815 to 1817. An armed -invasion, famine, vehemence of parties, factions up in arms; and -withal, extreme constraint in the administration, both as a whole and -in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers must be by all means -preserved. - -The army of occupation having been diminished, it became indispensable -to have recourse to forced levies, to secure the safety and the dignity -of the country; and a law for that purpose was proposed and accepted at -the opening of the session of 1817, as a complete military system: the -essentials of this law are still in force. - -At this period commenced the intimacy between the Duc de Richelieu -and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval, two men of great ability, and who -remained faithful to his memory. And let me be permitted to offer a -last tribute to both these distinguished persons, then in the flower of -their age, and now consigned to the tomb; for men of strong feelings -are soon worn out by public life. M. Gérard de Rayneval belonged to -an ancient diplomatic family, whose employment in the foreign office -dated from the ministry of M. de Vergennes, and the treaty with the -Low Countries. M. Mounier was endowed with a lively and penetrating -mind, and possessed immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had, in -early youth, been thrown into the administration of the Empire, and -had filled the situation of secretary to the cabinet; and the Duke -conceived a friendship for both these men equal to the confidence -he deservedly reposed in them. He had a great regard for honour and -probity, and where could it be more fully met with than in people, -whose characters remained pure and free from blemish, nay, who retained -an honourable poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign -debts, amounting to 1700 millions of francs? - -When the peace of 1814 was signed, the governments had declared -their reciprocal debts at an end; but while they renounced their own -claims upon the treasury, they made a reservation in favour of those -of private individuals, which had been so violently attacked by the -wars of the Revolution and of the Empire. When Europe dictated the -implacable treaty of November, 1815, claims poured in on every side; -it was stipulated that payment should be effected by inscriptions in -the great book of the public debt of France, and 9 millions a-year -were at first set aside for that purpose; the time, however, for -presenting claims was not to expire until the 28th of February, -1817; and--will it be believed?--the sum total amounted to 1600 -millions![45] a sum of almost fabulous magnitude, which surpassed -the value of the two budgets of France. It was enough to drive one -to despair, especially as each person demanded payment in full. What -was to be done under circumstances of so much difficulty? Russia was -so situated as naturally to assume the character of a mediator, for -she had but few claims; and the Emperor Alexander, convinced that, -unless the negotiation were carried on by an arbiter common to all -parties, it would fall to the ground before the diversity of views -and opinions, proposed, as I have before stated, to intrust it to the -Duke of Wellington, making, at the same time, a sort of appeal to his -generosity. - - [45] 64 millions sterling. - -The mediator, under the guidance of M. Mounier, and after unheard-of -retrenchments, fixed the sum destined for the payment of the debts -of France to individuals at 16 millions and 40,000 francs. People -are too apt to forget in the present times the extreme difficulties -encountered by the public credit of the restoration, during the -period of our misfortunes. The Duc de Richelieu very soon came to the -conclusion, that a system of well-conducted loans offered the only -possible means of fulfilling the obligations imposed by the treaty. -During the sway of Napoleon, the credit of the government had been -utterly null; confidence had been destroyed by too many violations of -the public faith, and too many arbitrary actions, for the Revolution -and the Empire were merely the abuse of power; and the events of 1814 -and 1815 having compelled the government to increase the public debt -to 126 millions, would it be possible to obtain an additional loan? No -French house had presented itself possessed of sufficient capital to -act upon so vast a scale; their fear of the risk was too great. But -the Duke considered there would be an advantage in foreign loans, in -raising a competition among all the capitals of Europe, and effecting -our deliverance by a mere change of location. The necessary pecuniary -resources were found in the opulent firm of Hope and Baring; and, to -prepare the departure of the foreign troops, the minister succeeded -in obtaining that the sovereigns who signed the treaty of 1815 should -assemble at Aix-la-Chapelle, to determine whether the occupation should -terminate at the end of three years, or whether it should be prolonged -to five, according to the alternative left by the treaty. - -This proposal having been accepted, the congress assembled on the -20th of September 1818. All the obstacles had been already overcome -by the pacific views of Russia, which had acted favourably upon the -scruples entertained by Prussia and England; and on the 2d of October -the evacuation of the French provinces was decided upon, and the last -traces of the invasion disappeared; besides which the Duc de Richelieu -obtained a reduction of part of the indemnity still unpaid. Who does -not recollect the proud and natural delight of the French minister on -his return? France was no longer a country in the occupation of Europe, -but a government admitted into the first rank among nations, with its -greatness, its liberty, and its independence. Sufficient justice is -seldom rendered to statesmen who restore to a country its dignity and -consideration: vulgar history only extols those that destroy. - -Another crisis, however, was in preparation. The value of the public -securities, owing to excessive speculations, had risen to an immoderate -height, which was followed, in 1818, by an equally rapid fall, and the -Allies might have destroyed the public credit by rejecting the _rentes_ -that had been assigned in payment of the subsidies; but the word of -the Duc de Richelieu was sufficient to obtain a considerable extension -of the time fixed for the payments to be made to the allied powers: -and as great embarrassments still prevailed on the Exchange, he still -farther obtained, that 100 millions which were to have been discharged -by inscriptions of _rentes_, and which were included in the payments -stipulated by the Allies, should be withdrawn, and in their stead -_bons_ on the treasury should be substituted, to become due in eighteen -months. - -Such was the end attained by the negotiations of the Duc de Richelieu -with foreign powers; the great object of his life was fulfilled, for -in what a state of misery was France when he assumed the reins of -government! 700,000 foreigners, contributions of all kinds, the country -placed at the ban of Europe! Now to that country he had restored -liberty, he had reorganised her army, had established her public -credit, and reconciled France with the world. Before this great result -was achieved, the Duke had repeatedly declared to his friends that, -as soon as the personal credit he enjoyed with foreign powers was no -longer necessary, he should quit the situation he had been compelled -to accept, and retire into private life, and accordingly he sent in -his resignation; but it was not accepted, for the old liberal spirit -had arisen to struggle for victory. Many men possessed of no ability, -except for public speaking, had striven to secure the elections, and -the result of the proceedings of several of the electoral colleges had -caused great anxiety to the friends of government. M. de Richelieu was -therefore compelled to remain at the head of affairs; and he returned -to Paris for the purpose of concerting the measures rendered necessary -by the actual circumstances. - -The cabinet were agreed upon the necessity of opposing a barrier to -democratic opinions and principles; nevertheless, serious dissensions -arose when the electoral system came to be debated; and the Duke, -much annoyed by the difference of opinion that existed in the council -between himself, M. Decaze, and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, returned to -his former wish of retiring from office. His example was followed -by the rest of the ministers, who gave in their resignation in a -simultaneous manner that was very remarkable. It is a melancholy truth, -that the statesman who had so powerfully contributed to deliver the -territory from foreign occupation, was compelled to retire before the -petty intrigues suggested by narrow policy and the Chamber of Deputies. -The Duke's opinion of the electoral system was different from that -entertained by the partizans of the old liberal school, and he resigned -his portfolio to General Dessole. - -In spite of all the great affairs in which M. de Richelieu had been -engaged, he was in a condition of honourable poverty, and the king -conferred upon the retired minister the appointment of Grand Huntsman, -in the same manner as he had conferred the title of Grand Chamberlain -upon M. de Talleyrand, after his services in 1815. The chambers, -however, were conscious that a recompense was due from the country to -the able negotiator of Aix-la-Chapelle, and M. de Lally made a proposal -that the king should be requested to confer a national reward upon the -Duc de Richelieu. The same suggestion was made in the upper chamber, at -the very moment when a letter from the Duke declared to the president -of the deputies, that he should be proud of receiving a mark of the -king's favour, given with the concurrence of the chambers; but that as -it was proposed to award him a _national_ recompense at the expense of -the nation, he could not consent to see any thing added for his sake to -the burdens under which the country was already groaning. Every body -was well aware that the Duke possessed no fortune, and that his sole -income was derived from his office of grand huntsman; a good deal of -littleness, however, was exhibited in the Chamber of Deputies when it -was proposed to assign a _majorat_ of 50,000 francs to the heir of the -name of Richelieu, as a recompense to the minister who had obtained the -liberation of the territory. Are public bodies only capable of great -actions when a profit arises from them to the passions by which they -are actuated? The proposed _majorat_ was afterwards changed into an -annuity; and, out of respect to the king's wishes, the Duke did not -refuse this acknowledgement of his services, but he devoted the entire -income derived from it to the foundation of a religious charity in the -city of Bourdeaux. Such was the personal generosity of this great man, -who was desirous of retiring entirely to private life. - -Alas! his political career was not yet concluded! The Decaze ministry, -on every side inundated by old liberal opinions, was at its last gasp. -Advantage was taken of the law of elections against the government, one -concession led to another, and the Duke was summoned to the council -extraordinary, presided over by the king in person, to advise upon -the measures to be pursued in this emergency. The crime of Louvel had -filled Paris with grief and horror, and M. Decaze, abandoned by the -_côté gauche_ of the chamber, who defended the law of February 5th, -1817, rejected by the royalists, who reproached him with not having -agreed to the propositions of the Marquis Barthélemy, at last sent -in his resignation; and at this difficult juncture, the king again -placed the Duc de Richelieu at the head of affairs. The most urgent -entreaties were required to induce him to accept the appointment, -for the situation was melancholy, and the country full of anxiety, -while the irritation of parties had reached its highest pitch. The -preceding administration had proposed an electoral system, which was -distasteful to all parties in the chamber; it had demanded laws arming -the government with extraordinary powers; no majority was yet formed, -and the ministry were doubtful whether these laws would be capable of -overcoming the formidable opposition they would have to encounter; the -fears of Europe also had been aroused, and it was necessary to appease -them. At length, every thing, however, was provided for, and, at the -end of a long and painful discussion, exceptional laws were voted. - -But then, who was able to calm the public mind? and what hand was -sufficiently powerful to arrest the evil tendency of society? A bias -had been given to education in France ever since the revolution of -1789; people were closely surrounded by mischievous opinions and -frightful systems; parties considered themselves sufficiently powerful -to conspire openly, and intimidate the government by tumultuous -meetings. Seditious assemblies took place with a view to political -catastrophes, and the slightest hesitation might have given rise to -the most dreadful calamities. The command of Paris was now committed -to Marshal Macdonald, by the ministers' council, formidable military -preparations were made, and proofs were obtained of a conspiracy, -involving some names since exalted by another revolution. During the -ten days that this state of anxiety and trouble prevailed, they had -only to regret the lives of two of the disturbers of the public peace; -and now that the ideas concerning government are become more advanced, -people will be surprised at the declamations of those who held liberal -opinions, against measures which were indispensable for the safety of -the country. Has not every government a right to defend itself, and is -it not bound to do so? - -Europe now began to assume an alarming aspect. The revolt of the -Spanish army at the island of Léon found an echo in a similar movement -among the Neapolitan troops. Portugal quickly followed their example; -and the seditious, imagining the French army well inclined to imitate -the conduct of their neighbours, directed all their efforts towards -this end. After having broken all the bonds of civil order, the -revolution endeavoured to overturn the principle of duty and obedience -among the soldiery. In most of the corps, however, the officers -continued faithful to their engagements; a few only were unable to -resist the torrent, and a conspiracy was formed in several of the -regiments at Paris, extending in its ramifications to various military -stations, and it was determined that the rising should take place -in the barracks on the 20th of August, 1820. On the proposal of M. -Mounier, then director-general of the police, the ministers' council -determined upon arresting the conspirators before they had unfurled -a standard and actually proclaimed the insurrection. The heads of -this military conspiracy are well known at present, and some of them -have even been rewarded; but, as is always the case, the plot was -denied by the parties engaged in it. The Chamber of Peers behaved with -much indulgence, as able and experienced authorities usually do when -severity is not indispensably necessary; and the government preferred -pardoning many offences, and consigning much to oblivion, to being -compelled to authorise the shedding of blood. - -The elections of 1820, which had taken place when a favourable -impression had been raised by the birth of the Duc de Bourdeaux, -gave a powerful and compact _côté droit_ to the chamber, and MM. de -Villèle and Corbière, who had assumed the position of its chiefs, -ought naturally to have supported the Duc de Richelieu; but, at the -very commencement of the session, clouds appeared on the horizon. The -_côté droit_ of the chambers had hitherto fought by the side of the -ministers, and triumphed with them, and consequently they claimed a -direct participation in the administration. Negotiations were entered -into with them; the Duke would not consent that any of the men who had -hitherto governed with him, and preserved the kingdom in its hour of -peril, should be excluded from the council; however, two only of the -principal deputies on the _côté droit_, MM. de Villèle and Corbière, -were appointed members of the cabinet, with the title of ministerial -secretaries of state.[46] M. Lainé, a man with whose honest and -upright character the Duke had been particularly struck, was also a -member of this administration. - - [46] Ministres secrétaires d'état. - -The political principle of this revised ministry was the agreement of -the centre of the _côté droit_, and the _droite_ itself, in one common -vote; but the session under this management was long and troublesome, -and a tedious and stormy debate took place before the Duke was able to -decide upon the execution of his idea of an extended system of canal -navigation, like that at present in force. He drew up a plan, inviting -men possessed of large capital to take a part in these great works; -for at that time the principal part of the capital in the kingdom, -was invested in the funds, and enterprises tending to the benefit of -industry and the improvement of the country were not popular: many -difficulties were encountered, but they were all overcome by means of -firmness and determination. - -Order was now established in all the departments of government; -the restraints formerly imposed upon the action of the municipal -authorities, by a system of excessive centralisation, were removed; -and in the financial department the most unlimited competition was -invited, for the first time, in the sale of stock, and the value of -public securities reached its highest pitch. In his foreign policy, -the Duke never ceased for a moment to support the idea of the Russian -alliance, less from former recollections, and his affection for the -Emperor Alexander, than upon the principle constantly expressed in -all his correspondence, that the Russian alliance was advantageous to -France because it was perfectly disinterested. In fact, what can Russia -demand of us? On what point can we clash? Commerce with her can never -be otherwise than an equal exchange; the productions of industry in -her country are not of equal value with ours; she requires our wines, -our fashions, our manufactures, and we, in exchange, require her -timber, her copper, and her iron. Her fleets cannot assume any dominion -over us, her frontiers do not reach us in any direction, and we are -benefited by her influence; whilst, on the other hand, the designs -and interests of France are opposed by the English alliance in all -questions of importance. M. de Richelieu's system was resumed by M. de -la Ferronays in 1828. - -During the Duke's second ministry the great European powers met at -Laybach, to agree upon a vast repressive system to be pursued against -the insurrection rising in arms around. The Richelieu cabinet was -resolved upon a firm resistance against all the tumults and disorders -that were disturbing the peace of Europe. Agitation had also arisen -in the East, and the Greeks had raised the standard of the cross. But -Russia, which under Catherine had supported the Hellenic emancipation, -was now too fully occupied with her own affairs to be able to follow -up the system she had then commenced. France, therefore, determined -upon sending a naval force into the Grecian seas for the protection of -commerce, and, while observing a generous neutrality, assistance was -still afforded to all who implored it from the French flag. But now -the Richelieu cabinet, entirely occupied with its foreign relations, -was threatened with danger to itself. Its very feeble parliamentary -combination rested upon a false basis in the chamber. The ministry -only existed by the will of the _côté droit_; and that party with -its chiefs, MM. de Villèle and Corbière, would not fail, sooner or -later, to assume the direction of affairs, because they possessed the -majority. The _droite_ and the _gauche_ were both distinct from the -cabinet, and the former was evidently impatient to seize the reins of -government. - -These two fractions of the chamber were desirous of concluding with a -_coup d'éclat_; and the reply to the speech from the throne in 1821 -became the arena for the great political struggle. The commission -under the direction of the _côté droit_ insisted that in the plan of -the address presented to the chamber these words should be inserted: -"We congratulate you, sire, upon your friendly relations with foreign -powers, feeling a just confidence that so valuable a peace has not -been purchased by sacrifices incompatible with the honour of the -nation and the dignity of the crown." So offensive an expression was -an open rupture with the cabinet. M. de Richelieu declared such an -insinuation was an insult to the crown, and the ministers tendered -their resignation. The chamber persisted, and voted the address, which -was, in fact, a declaration that they did not wish the ministry to -stand: the cabinet, therefore, retired in a mass, and were succeeded by -MM. de Montmorency and de Villèle. - -And here let us pause, and observe to what trials men are exposed who -devote themselves entirely to the defence of the interests of their -country, without intrigue or passion, simply from the feeling for all -that is right and noble! No character can bear a comparison with that -of the Duc de Richelieu; no services equal those he rendered to his -country; and, behold! he was overturned both by the _côté droit_, and -the _gauche_ of the Chamber of Deputies. The conduct of the _gauche_ -was this: the Duke took charge of France at the time of the foreign -invasion; the Buonapartists and the remains of the Jacobin faction, -having a second time endangered the country by their madness of -the _hundred days_; the enemy was in Paris--it occupied France; -the influence of the Duke succeeded in preserving the country, and -diminishing the sacrifices exacted from it; the foreign troops were -withdrawn, and, as a recompense, the spirit of liberalism overturned -the Duke. - -Would you also know the conduct of the ungrateful monarchical party? A -great crisis had occurred for the crown; the royalists were giving way, -and the power was about to be wrested from their hands by the _côté -gauche_. The restoration was completely compromised, when the Duke -again sacrificed himself: holding his popularity cheap, he augmented -and strengthened the royalist party, and this was the summary of the -instructions concerning the elections, directed by M. Mounier: "Before -every thing, the friends of royalty;" and then the ultras, masters -by this means of the majority, had nothing so much at heart as the -dismissal of the Duc de Richelieu, in order to give themselves up to -their mad projects. - -This moment was the conclusion of the Duke's political life; his -feelings had been severely tried by the injustice of parties. It -soon became apparent that his health was rapidly declining, and in a -journey to the Château of Courteille, where the Duchess was living, he -was taken ill, suddenly became insensible, and died at Paris, on the -night of the 16th of May, 1822. He was only fifty-five years of age; -his carriage was erect, and his features simple and regular, as they -appear in the fine portrait of Lawrence of which I have spoken. All -parties concur in awarding the highest praise to the noble qualities of -the Duc de Richelieu. He was not a man of extraordinary genius, but of -a thoroughly honest and upright character; and there are times, when -no talent possessed by a statesman is of so much avail as honesty. I -admire the infinite superiority of a man capable of allowing virtue and -honour their full weight in the political balance, and I take especial -pleasure in rendering this tribute to the Duc de Richelieu, because I -have never known so fine a character combined with so noble a name. - - - - -PRINCE HARDENBERG. - - -It is natural that States which feel an incessant desire of increasing, -should not retain the inflexible principles of upright and generous -policy in their diplomatic system. Every time they feel stifled, they -strive for more space and the means of more extended respiration; -and such has constantly been the condition of the Prussian monarchy, -from the time of its foundation, which may be said to have taken -place unexpectedly, at the beginning of the eighteenth century. At -this period the Duchy became a Kingdom, and no sooner was the kingdom -established than it wanted to become great; for more room is required -to unfold the sweeping train of a King, than to wear the robes merely -of a Duke or a Margrave. - -This necessity for augmentation created a national law peculiar to -Prussia; and looking at nothing but the necessities of her position, -she seized every thing she could lay her hands upon. Frederic II. -carried on this system of conquest, for his wars were regulated by -no principle of the law of nations, and he appeared to have but one -object in view, which was, to attack at one time Poland, and at another -Silesia, for the purpose of conquering cities and provinces. On this -account he availed himself of all means of distinction, striving for -the celebrity of a writer and the pretension of a poet; even making the -most of the puerile vanity of the philosophical party of the eighteenth -century. When we examine into the actual constitution of Prussia, as -well as into that she formerly possessed, we shall observe that her -organisation has always been such as to render conquest imperatively -necessary; even at present is not the kingdom like a lean giant, armed -at all points, whose head is at Königsberg and his feet dipped in the -Rhine, but whose middle is wanting? and the country that is required to -complete the picture, is it not Saxony? - -It is, then, as the personification of the Prussian political system, -that I am about to write the life of Baron, afterwards Prince -Hardenberg, the most remarkable statesman that has been at the head -of affairs in the monarchy of Frederic. Charles-Augustus, baron -Hardenberg, was born in October 1750, at Hanover, that principality -wedged into the midst of Germany, which recalls to the recollection -the origin of the kings of England. Hanover preserves its German -character under a separate administration, although it belongs to the -patrimonial inheritance of the princes called to wear the English -crown; and this separation was imperatively demanded by the English, a -people so tenacious of their liberty, in order to avoid the chance of -fatal continental wars, to defend the patrimony of their sovereign--a -contingency their constitution will not permit. - -Baron Hardenberg was descended from an ancient family, carried back -by the old heraldic traditions as far as the eleventh century, at the -time of the Emperors of the house of Suabia; he was himself the son -of a marshal of the empire, and went to the military university of -Brunswick with the intention of following his father's profession. -The bent of his inclinations, however, appeared to be different, and -while he applied his mind to the severest studies, he felt a strong -vocation for a diplomatic life, and his curiosity led him always to -endeavour to discover by what springs the cabinets recorded in history -were actuated. He afterwards went to travel, gaining knowledge while -visiting the different parts of Europe, and arrived in London at the -time when Mr. Pitt was at the head of affairs, and a most violent and -active opposition surrounded the ministry. As Hanover, as I have before -mentioned, forms part of the patrimonial inheritance of the reigning -family, Baron Hardenberg, though not an English subject, was naturally -desirous of acquiring an extensive knowledge of the laws and customs -which form a national law peculiar to England, and with which every -British subject ought to be acquainted. But England was the scene of -his greatest domestic infelicity; for having in early youth married the -most beautiful woman in Germany, Mademoiselle de Randlaw, he introduced -her into the brilliant society and dissipation of London, and she was -received with an almost chivalric enthusiasm in the highest circles. - -A Prince, from whom Richardson would have drawn his character of -Lovelace, the Prince of Wales, heir to the throne of England, -remarkable for his personal beauty, magnificent in his equipages, and -accomplished in all manly exercises, fell desperately in love with -Baroness Hardenberg; and so much publicity attached to his admiration, -that a separation became inevitable; the Baron therefore quitted -England and returned to Germany. He already gave evidence of three -qualities denoting great ability; the subtlety of intellect necessary -in all negotiations of any importance; a habit of conversation, -alternately discreet and unguarded, cold or vehement, according to -circumstances; and a most profound knowledge of European national -law--talents which naturally fitted him for a high diplomatic -situation: nevertheless, young Hardenberg gave himself up entirely to -the details of the administration of the country--a circumstance in -which he resembled William Pitt, who was at the same time a first-rate -politician and attentive to the smallest minutiæ regarding war and -finance. His perfect acquaintance with the laws of Germany was a great -assistance to him, when he was summoned to the supreme direction of the -affairs of Prussia. - -Another quality possessed by Hardenberg, was his strong and decided -taste for literature; and his intimate friendship with Goëthe, who -exercised such absolute dominion over the intellects of his time, arose -from this source. This was not one of the relations of protector and -protégé; for in Germany, where matters of genius and study are viewed -in a serious light, a man of literary celebrity is placed almost in -a superior rank, and he is not only on a footing of equality with -statesmen, but sometimes even in a position of master and scholar. -What a brilliant sceptre was that extended by Goëthe over Germany! -The poet who had shewn such incomparable skill in his delineation of -the feudal ages, appeared to blend in his escutcheon of glory all the -ancient colours of the German nobility. This threefold aptitude of -Baron Hardenberg for literature, politics, and administration, produced -great and uncommon results: first, an expansion of mind arising from -the habit of treating important affairs; then, a close application to -detail, arising from his employment in the executive administration; -and, finally, a clear, exact, and benevolent mind, the consequence of -the literary intercourse he had pursued with enthusiasm during his -youth. - -We must recollect what was at that time the spirit that prevailed -in Prussia, and also the bent of its government. In addition to her -never-failing desire of conquest, there is always in that country a -certain inclination for serious study, and a wish for the advancement -of ideas; and though no free debate be permitted on matters connected -with the government, the discussion of philosophical and rational -questions is entirely unshackled; religious opinions also are -independent of any controlling theory, the Protestant spirit having -introduced a sort of egotism into the schools, from which it results -that every opinion, even though it be mischievous, is admitted and -examined without regard to the chivalrous feelings that attach a people -to a dynasty, or a generation to the articles of their faith. - -It was in this school the statesmen of Germany were formed, more -especially Baron Hardenberg. His devotion to the study of German -law had given him a precise and accurate manner of examining facts, -without being carried away by prejudice or enthusiasm; and when -the French revolution burst forth, Prussia, which was foremost to -join the coalition, saw a new class of statesmen arise to oppose -the chivalrous spirit of the nobility, and place the check of cool -reason upon the ardour of the old families. Baron Hardenberg did not -completely concur in the opinions of M. Haugwitz, of the secretary -M. Lombard, and the Countess Lichtenau, who were even well inclined -towards the revolutionary powers that then reigned in France; he had -less inclination than Count Goltz towards French ideas, but being -completely a Prussian in his interests and opinions, he considered -that the object of his cabinet could not possibly be to act as a -knight-errant in defence of certain political opinions, but rather to -endeavour to acquire a great influence in Germany, at the expense of -Austria, and also a territorial addition in Poland; and as Prussia -was not immediately threatened by the principles and ideas of the -French revolution, he considered it very important to reap all possible -advantage from the new situation of events. - -This rendered him the most active partisan of the treaty of Basle, -though he was not at first engaged in it by name; for that very -difficult negotiation was originally undertaken by Count Goltz with M. -Barthélemy; but after the death of the plenipotentiary it was concluded -by Baron Hardenberg; and this was the first commencement of his being -really actively employed in public affairs. His manners were singularly -pleasing to the men of the revolution, especially to Merlin de Douai, -who thought them like those of a marquis of the old school, with -intelligence, ease, and a method of action free from prepossession or -prejudice, even with regard to democratic opinions. The committee of -public safety treated him almost in royal style, by sending him a fine -service of Sèvres china, as at the conclusion of treaties under the old -monarchy, when an interchange of diplomatic presents used to take place -among plenipotentiaries. - -In this treaty, as in the negotiation of Rahstadt, Baron Hardenberg -was less actuated by French principles than by the firm conviction -that the treaty of Basle tended to realizing the two most constant and -deeply-rooted feelings of his mind: viz. the Prussian influence over -Germany, and the aggrandisement of his cabinet. He promoted the system -of German neutrality, which influenced the interests of the country, -and to a certain degree excited Germany against Austria; and for this -purpose he made use of France, considering it of little consequence -whether it was a monarchy or a republic: he had a particular object -in view; but he was guilty of a mistake on that point. There were -two questions to be particularly considered in the French revolution: -if it had confined itself to measures that merely regarded its own -internal condition, and had disseminated nothing, neither ideas nor -interests, the selfish policy of Prussia might have been successful; -but neither the committee of the convention nor the directory had -any respect for fixed principles. Baron Hardenberg had established -neutrality in part of Germany; how was it observed when the republican -army required again to pass the Rhine? Did it trouble itself concerning -the principles laid down by the Prussian minister, and the territorial -line of the neutrality? When entering into a treaty with a government, -the first necessary inquiry is, whether it will respect the general -principles of the law of nations. Prussia, however, had assumed too -egotistical a position; indeed she carried her system to such a pitch, -that the minister interfered with the levy of contingents, lest they -should augment the Austrian influence. Many years elapsed before the -ideas of this school were effaced; but Hardenberg's mind afterwards -expanded, and he saw there were other circumstances to be attended -to, besides the antiquated system of politics, which would keep up a -rivalry between Prussia and Austria, at the time when a general social -revolution had taken place. - -After a long stay at Basle, during which time he was in habits of the -greatest intimacy with the ministers of the French republic, Baron -Hardenberg returned to Berlin, where the king conferred upon him the -order of the Black Eagle of the first class, as a mark of his perfect -concurrence in the politics of the treaty just concluded. The direction -of foreign affairs was still, however, in the hands of Count Haugwitz, -a friend of Countess Lichtenau, and the secretary Lombard, and Baron -Hardenberg being a person of too much importance to occupy a situation -subordinate to Count Haugwitz, the administration of the principalities -of Bayreuth and Anspach was again conferred upon him. This was a -recreation to the diplomatist, who was glad to seek repose from -political theories in the executive government of a principality, which -he may be said to have added to Prussia. In Germany statesmen like to -be men of business, and even in retirement their life is one of labour -and study. - -Baron Hardenberg took no part in active business during the life of -Frederic William II.; his private opinions had been a little modified, -and he was not quite so decided in his approval of the convention of -Basle, since he had had occasion to see the mischievous and arbitrary -application made by the republicans of its principles in Germany. -Nothing had been awarded to Prussia by the treaty of Rahstadt, in spite -of the promises of real indemnities, as well as of absolute liberty, -which had been made to her at Basle; he, therefore, had no connexion -with the negotiations carried on by M. Caillard, when an endeavour -was made to place Prussia in a new attitude, and produce a great -degree of intimacy between the republic and Frederic William II. Baron -Hardenberg does not appear to have exercised any influence until the -accession of the young prince Frederic William, when, being attached -to the young queen, Louisa of Prussia, by the most respectful and -chivalrous devotion, he adopted her ideas and opinions, as indeed did -all those who were within the circle of her almost magical influence. -What a grand though melancholy existence was that of Louisa Wilhelmina, -queen of Prussia, daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz and of -Caroline of Hesse Darmstadt! Filled with the enthusiastic and visionary -feelings natural to her country, she exercised, at the age of scarcely -twenty years, the most holy, as well as the most absolute influence -over her husband, while the hopes of Germany appeared to centre upon -her. She introduced a more noble and elevated feeling into the selfish -system of politics hitherto adopted by Prussia; and being as it were -queen of the students and of the universities, she was the origin -and the hope of the secret societies, which gave so poetical a tinge -to Germany during the latter years of Napoleon. Under her influence, -Baron Hardenberg took charge of the ministry for foreign affairs, -shortly after the commencement of the consulate. In the midst of the -various coalitions of the period, Prussia had hitherto preserved a -strict neutrality; after the 18th Brumaire, however, she shewed herself -perfectly willing to agree to all required by the First Consul, and the -insinuations made by Buonaparte to Louis XVIII., proposing to him to -abdicate, were despatched from Berlin; nor was even the proper degree -of dignity exhibited on this occasion, though it ought to increase, -rather than diminish, where illustrious sufferers are concerned. - -The Consul became Emperor; and with a view of still farther -strengthening the bonds of union with Prussia, Napoleon appointed -Marshal Duroc, his confidential friend, to represent him at Berlin. -It was rather a difficult moment, as war was about again to resound -in Europe, and the combined armies of Russia and Austria to take the -field, rendering it a matter of very great importance to create a -suitable post for Prussia; Baron Hardenberg was, therefore, summoned -to the head of affairs, as the representative of a middle system then -beginning to arise and develope itself under the influence of the Queen -of Prussia. He was attached at the same time to English principles, -and to the politics of France and Germany, and was under the necessity -of instituting a close comparison among the various interests and -influences presented to his view; he, however, detached himself from -the debased political system pursued by Count Haugwitz. His great fault -on this occasion was his not perceiving that Buonaparte's deceit was -equal to his genius, and that he only kept terms with Prussia now, to -ensure him a greater facility in punishing her at a future period. - -The first dissatisfaction entertained by the cabinet of Berlin -against Buonaparte appeared in a despatch of Hardenberg's, on the -violation of the Prussian territory, an extraordinary dereliction -of the law of nations, which had given extreme offence to the court -and to the people. "His majesty," said the Prussian minister, "does -not know with which he has most cause to be astonished, the violence -the French armies have chosen to commit in his territories, or the -incomprehensible arguments by which it is pretended to justify them. -His majesty, properly tenacious of the consideration due as much to his -power as to his character, has read, with feelings he would in vain -endeavour to conceal, the justificatory despatches that have been sent -by the French legation to his cabinet. They rest upon the example of -the former war and the parity of circumstances, as if the proceedings -then permitted had not been founded upon exactly defined treaties, -which ceased with the peace! as if the Emperor Napoleon had borne these -treaties in mind when he took possession of Hanover, of a country -which by these same treaties had been for many long years under the -protection of Prussia! Ignorance of our intentions is made a pretext, -as if our intentions were not, in this instance, proved by the actual -fact; and as if the nature of the affair could be altered without any -previous stipulation! His majesty had not given sufficient publicity -with the Elector of Bavaria to circumstances it was unnecessary he -should mention! And as if I had not myself, with the map in my hand, -declared long before, in my conferences with M. le Maréchal Duroc, -and M. de Laforest, the impossibility of permitting any troops to -march through the margraviate! The king considers himself, from this -time forth, set free from all the engagements he has formed, and feels -under the necessity of commanding his armies to assume the position -necessary for the defence of the state." The Emperor Napoleon was -greatly offended by this despatch, and the firm language in which it -was couched; but he was then desirous of keeping on good terms with the -cabinet of Berlin to prevent their joining the coalition. - -By assuming a system of perfect neutrality, Prussia was likely to -derive the advantage of being on friendly terms, even with the parties -opposed to Napoleon; and there were English, Austrian, and Russian -ministers at Berlin, with whom Baron Hardenberg was naturally in -communication. - -According to the principles and the precedents of the court of -Berlin, Hanover, though a hereditary fief of the British crown, was, -nevertheless, under the protection of the German neutrality; such, -however, was not the theory of Napoleon, who was deeply irritated -against England; and more than one violation of territory had already -shewn that the powerful Emperor would not consider the respect due to -the rights of neutral powers, if it were likely to prove any obstacle -to his success. - -Prussia was greatly displeased, and a decisive moment was at hand, -for the Russian and Austrian armies were advancing against Napoleon. -According to his usual custom, the impetuous military chieftain of -France had ventured all risks, for he had boldness and fortune in -addition to his genius; he entered Moravia, and, if Prussia had then -declared herself, it would have been all over with him, as with -150,000 men on his flank, his position would have been utterly lost; -and to obtain this object the most pressing negotiations were going -on at Berlin, England offering subsidies, Russia support, and Austria -a larger share of territory, even in Poland. Hardenberg's opinion was -to decide at once, but was his influence always predominant in the -midst of so much corruption? Among those who sided with him was the -noble-minded Queen, and the brave and generous Prince Louis of Prussia; -but he had to contend with the personal opinion of Count Haugwitz and -the Marquis Lucchesini, both strongly in favour of the French cabinet. -The system of a supine neutrality, therefore, carried the day, and the -utmost Hardenberg could obtain was permission to assure England that -they would protect the independence of Hanover, so far as to allow a -passage to the English troops, should they be attacked or pursued by -Napoleon. - -On this subject the Prussian minister wrote a letter to Lord Harrowby, -in which rather a remarkable view was taken of the neutrality; a -certain inclination towards the opinions and sentiments of the -coalition appeared to filter through it, with a considerable degree of -irritation with regard to the French cabinet, which had already failed -to respect the Prussian neutrality. - -Baron Hardenberg had been in hopes of obtaining a positive decision, -which would have placed Prussia in the first rank among nations, for -150,000 men directed against the flank of Napoleon would have secured -the victory to Europe, when intelligence was received of the wonders -achieved at Austerlitz. Napoleon was a gambler on an immense scale! His -eagle threw the dice of human destiny from his immense claws, and the -chances had hitherto always been in his favour; but, besides this, did -he not always quarrel with characters inclined to temporise, and who -delayed declaring themselves until victory had decided in favour of one -of the parties? After the battle of Austerlitz was it a time to assume -a threatening attitude, when Austria and Russia were going to treat -with the Emperor of the French on a common footing? - -Under these circumstances, then, the position of Baron Hardenberg -became difficult, nay, intolerable, for was he not considered as the -representative of the warlike party and the opponent of Napoleon? How -could the minister of the heroic Queen and Prince Louis of Prussia -remain at the head of the cabinet, when Prussia, prostrate before -Napoleon, seemed almost to solicit pardon for having assumed, however -slightly, an attitude of independence? At that time, Napoleon, who was -incapable of forgiveness, knew well how to ruin a man by dictating -articles for the _Moniteur_, pronouncing thus a sentence against -statesmen whom he wished to get rid of. Buonaparte was an excellent -pamphleteer, and, when he got into a passion, he gave vent in this -manner to his ill-humour, against a king, a minister, or a general. -M. Maret used to write from his dictation in short-hand, and send -it afterwards to the official newspaper, according to his original -profession of a journalist; he, also, possessed a certain knack for -composition. - -Upon this occasion Hardenberg was honoured by the capricious abuse of -the Emperor, in consequence of a despatch full of impartiality which he -had addressed to Lord Harrowby, concerning the neutrality of Hanover. A -word from Buonaparte to the court of Berlin was sufficient to procure -the dismissal of the minister, and, having retired from the cabinet, -he the very same day repelled the attacks of the French emperor, who -had accused him of not even being a Prussian. "I am proud," said he, -"of the esteem and confidence of the sovereign and people of Prussia; -I am proud of the opinion of estimable foreigners, and it is with -great satisfaction that I number some Frenchmen among them. I am not -a Prussian by birth, it is true, but I will yield in patriotism to no -native of that country; and I have obtained a right to assert this -fact, both by my services, and by having transferred my patrimony, and -become a proprietor in this country. Though I am not a soldier, I feel -that I should not have proved unworthy, had fate summoned me to bear -arms in defence of my sovereign and his rights, or the dignity, safety, -and honour of the state." - -There was a degree of asperity in these expressions as uttered by a -man who had given up the direction of affairs, without the hope of -resuming it. He resigned his portfolio to Count Haugwitz, under the -influence of the Marquis Lucchesini and the secretary, M. Lombard, -and then, encompassed by the attachment of the Prussian army, and the -enthusiasm of the universities, he retired into the country, like a man -to whom the present time is devoid of interest. Some very significant -proceedings, however, were going on in Prussia; the government had -adopted extremely moderate measures, and both the king and the cabinet -were desirous of maintaining the conditions of the French alliance: -but there was a movement among the people, an energetic expression of -national feeling, which would not allow this condition of quiet and -peace to be maintained in the state. - -This double situation affords an explanation of the events, and many of -the faults, of this period; the tergiversations of the cabinet, which -appeared constantly to have an inclination towards public opinion, and -then again, especially after the battle of Austerlitz, returned to -their former dread of the Emperor. At length the king, pressed by the -people, roused himself, and manifested a chivalrous disposition in -accordance with the spirit of the nation, and more especially of the -universities; and it reached such a pitch, that, after the retirement -of Hardenberg, the people flew to arms in a hasty and adventurous -manner, and without sufficiently calculating the course they were -to pursue. And who was to conduct this war? Count Haugwitz, already -devoted to France, and the secretary Lombard, both creatures of -Napoleon! One would have said treachery was already determined upon. - -Nothing could surpass the campaign of Jena, no praise be too great for -that admirable military movement directed by the Eagle of Austerlitz. -But were these splendid victories due entirely to the brilliant and -energetic courage of the imperial army? had not a series of faults been -committed by their opponents? and were those who directed the cabinet -of Berlin perfectly faithful and devoted to the interests of Prussia? -After the disasters of Jena so many acts of secret treason came to -light, that Hardenberg, under the influence of Queen Louisa and the -Emperor Alexander, was again placed at the head of foreign affairs, -for an inclination to resist the power of France had now sprung up. -This new situation of the cabinets of Russia and Prussia requires -some explanation, because it formed the basis of the intimate union, -which at a later period led to the ruin of the French empire. The -dissatisfaction before entertained by the cabinet of St. Petersburg -against Prussia proceeded entirely from the position of indifferent -neutrality assumed by the latter ever since the treaty of Basle; and -all the endeavours made by England, Austria, and Russia to induce the -cabinet of Berlin to break through this mischievous situation had met -with a refusal, for neutrality appeared to be the fundamental principle -of the Prussian political system. It was, therefore, satisfactory to -see Prussia willing to engage in hostilities, though at _the eleventh -hour_, for her position by that means became clear and decided; and it -was of little consequence if they had been unsuccessful in the campaign -of Jena, provided the spirit of their government was in favour of -war; if, in short, there was a degree of unity and vigour capable of -supporting the coalesced cabinets. - -Baron Hardenberg thus became the representative of the alliance between -Russia and Prussia. Frederic William having been obliged to evacuate -Berlin, had fallen back with the ruins of his army upon the Russian -troops, and then commenced the campaign in the midst of wintry snows, -the fiercely-contested and sanguinary battle of Prussisch-Eylau, -where first paled the star of Napoleon! Friedland, however, saved the -audacious eagle, as Austerlitz had preserved it two years before, and -treaties were again had recourse to. Who can express the humiliating -conditions dictated by the victor to Prussia? Who describe the cold -sarcastic conduct of the fortunate soldier towards the heroic queen, -the idol of the universities? - -Baron Hardenberg, being again compelled to retire, resigned his -portfolio to the new cabinet formed by Napoleon, from which every mind -possessed of any degree of independence or elevation was excluded. -Prussia became almost a department of France, traversed in every -direction by military roads; the whole population of some districts was -carried away by the generals of Buonaparte, with blows and violence; -the universities were closed, and the provinces reduced to the last -extremity; while such heavy military contributions were imposed, that -they wrung from the peasant his last hard-earned crown, and even -his plough and his oxen. People must not treat a country thus, when -they are desirous of governing it; they should recollect that the -superiority of a power does not result from violence, but from the -moral ascendancy produced by protection and support. - -But at the side of the public government of Prussia, bowed down before -the wrath and violence of Napoleon, a number of secret associations -had been brought into existence, by the oppression of the conquerors; -and taking the Fatherland for their watchword, they only awaited a -crisis for vengeance. After the death of their noble-hearted queen -these associations greatly increased, and the most eminent among the -patriots, as well as the statesmen out of favour, participated in them, -for the salvation of the country was at stake. It is incontestable that -Hardenberg was the _mind_ of this national conspiracy, as Blucher and -Gneisenau were its _sword_; this secret and magnificent undertaking, -this moral resistance, advanced with indescribable and undeviating -energy, during the period which elapsed between 1808 and 1811, and -then, by a capricious will of the Emperor Napoleon, Hardenberg was -again destined to receive a mark of confidence from his sovereign, and -the government of Prussia was once more placed in his hands. I consider -this to have been the most critical period for Northern Germany; the -provinces, constantly traversed by French troops, were completely in -the power of their generals, and that fine country was now nothing but -a magazine of forage, provisions, and money for the French troops. -In the midst of these disastrous circumstances, the minister applied -himself particularly to reinstating some little degree of order in the -complicated administration of Prussia; he relieved the people as far as -it was possible, and above all, he endeavoured to reorganise the army, -firmly, but not openly, for this Napoleon would not have permitted, -but by a military system which constantly summoned the young soldiers -to their duties, and then shortly afterwards restored them to their -families and their homes; a plan which permitted him to have a fine -army in preparation for future events, at a very moderate expense. -The system of military reserves is essentially Prussian, because it -realizes the double idea of a considerable army in time of war, and -a limited contingent during peace; by this means every Prussian is a -soldier. - -If at this time the Emperor treated Prussia with some little degree of -respect, if he even called for the concurrence of Baron Hardenberg, it -was because, being then almost on the eve of undertaking a campaign -against Russia, he was desirous of engaging Prussia in it as an -auxiliary; and as the cabinet was already devoted to him, Buonaparte -sought to enlist popular opinion in his favour, by means of their -favourite minister. And here a question may be asked, of great -importance to history. How came Hardenberg to affix his signature to -the secret treaty which placed the Prussian army under the orders of -Napoleon? Had he really and in good faith entered into the alliance? -or had he only signed it with the determination of breaking through -its conditions at the first check experienced by the French arms? It -is necessary we should recollect, that with Napoleon there were no -discussions, no considering the various clauses of a treaty; and the -correspondence of M. de Saint-Marsan with M. Maret, with the notes and -explanations of the Prussian minister with the French ambassador, are -sufficient to carry conviction that nothing was free or spontaneous on -this occasion: every thing was submitted to from the most imperious -necessity; there was no choice given of acceptance or refusal, but -Prussia placed her army and her treasury at the disposal of the -conqueror, because he had said, _It is my will_. - -Now in these necessities, imposed by misfortune, did no gleam of hope -remain? In politics, no alliances are durable but those resting upon a -perfect agreement of views and interests. When two people unite because -they are free and happy, because they feel a mutual esteem and regard -for each other, because they reciprocally afford and receive important -services, then, depend upon it, these alliances are durable, these -treaties will be carefully carried out. But suppose, on the contrary, -a people vanquished and humbled--a king of Prussia, the descendant of -Frederic the Great, to whom M. Maret insolently writes, "that he must -sign a military and diplomatic convention, under pain of captivity;" -does such a treaty as that form an alliance? is the convention which -delivers up Berlin to the French army, a treaty between friends and -allies? or could the plan which parcelled out the Prussian army, into -divisions under French marshals or generals, be a free, upright, or -durable proceeding? Surely not: this reconciliation could only be -momentary; it was imposed by main force, and with the decline of power -it must come to an end. - -In addition to this, the Prussian government could no longer control -the people of Germany, indignant at the humiliations they were called -upon to submit to. That Hardenberg was acquainted with the proceedings -of the secret societies, does not admit of a doubt, neither is it less -certain that he permitted their developement, in order afterwards to -avail himself of them, as a powerful instrument against the oppression -of France; but a circumstance one cannot comprehend is, that it should -not have occurred even to the inferior mind of M. de Saint-Marsan, -and the very moderate capacity of M. Maret, that at the first reverse -experienced by the grand army, all these alliances would be got rid -of, as something troublesome and offensive--in fact, as a yoke to be -cast off. To what a degree of humiliation was the House of Frederic now -reduced! Prussia, in a suppliant attitude, had solicited an alliance -with the Buonaparte family, and Hardenberg, the principal negotiator, -had received a cold refusal! Was it possible all this should be -forgotten? On one side was the recollection of their young and heroic -queen, who had died broken-hearted, insulted in the public papers, -and calumniated in pamphlets; and on the other, was a people ground -down by oppression, but undertaking its own preparations for the day -of independence; while to the insolence of the chief we must add all -the harshness of his generals, and of the people employed in levying -contributions. I do not wish here to mention proper names, but if any -men are still living who were then employed in the local administration -of Prussia, let them speak, and say, whether the system to which -Prussia was subjected, was one possible for her to maintain, in spite -of all the hopes of liberty inspired by the general rising in Europe? -and whether it was not natural the conflagration of Moscow should be -succeeded by other flames? - -The most important events in Prussia commenced from this period. The -fatal campaign of Moscow being concluded, the French army, a miserable -swarm of fugitives, fell back upon the frontiers of Prussia, so lately -traversed under different auspices! The corps of Marshal Macdonald was -compelled to retreat from the siege of Riga, and the brave and faithful -chief brought back with him the Prussians, especially the division -of York, long under the influence of the principles inculcated by -Schill. News suddenly arrived that the Prussians refused to fight, and -General York addressed a respectful letter to the Marshal, declaring -his intention of maintaining a perfect neutrality with the Russian -armies. This defection extended to all the Prussian troops, and excited -surprise, though it had long been in preparation; in fact, both -officers and soldiers were all strongly imbued with the doctrines -of Schill, Stein, and the secret societies; and Prussia, ripe for -independence, obtained it at last: a bright dawn had begun to appear, -and wherefore should she not avail herself of it? - -Such being the state of popular opinion in Prussia, let us now inquire -what was the spirit of the cabinet conducted by Baron Hardenberg. He -had evidently been well acquainted with the existence of the secret -societies, and the edicts of Breslau, issued on the 3d and 9th of -February, which gave a military organisation to the _Tugendbund_, were -drawn up and signed by him; and admirable indeed were these patriotic -papers, calling upon all the sons of Germany to take up arms in defence -of the Fatherland! It is necessary to read them, fully to understand -the pitch excitement had now reached in Germany; all the young men -between the ages of seventeen and twenty-four, were to take up arms, -and form volunteer corps, clothed in the dress that had been worn by -Schill and Stein, that is, the short frock girded with a leathern belt, -and the little cap usually worn by students. No youth could be married -unless he had performed this service, nor could he fill any public -situation unless he had discharged his duty to his country; without -this there was no hope for him, either in the path of ambition or of -love. The patriotic edicts were signed by Hardenberg, who was desirous -of placing himself at the head of popular feeling in Prussia. They were -thus worded:--"The dangers with which the state is threatened demand -an immediate augmentation of our military force, at the same time that -the state of our finances forbids any increase of our expenditure. The -subjects of Prussia have always been distinguished for their attachment -to their king and country, and they require nothing to direct them to -a determined object but a favourable occasion, which may enable our -brave youth to display the courage which leads them to join the ranks -of the ancient defenders of their native land, and acquit themselves -at their side, of their first and noblest duties. It is with this -object, that his majesty has been pleased to command the formation of -detachments of yagers, intended to be annexed to the battalions of -infantry and the regiments of cavalry of which the army is composed, -so as to summon to military service those classes of the inhabitants -of the country who are not compelled to it by the laws, and yet whose -means permit them, to clothe and equip themselves at their own expense, -and to serve the state in a manner compatible with their situation -regarding the civil government. It will also afford an opportunity to -young men of education to distinguish themselves, and become some day -clever officers, or non-commissioned officers." - -The spirit of Prussia was now thoroughly roused and up in arms. At the -same time Baron Hardenberg was engaged in a negotiation with M. Maret, -who did not perceive that the Prussian cabinet was merely following the -stream--that it was, in fact, no longer the king who governed, but the -people, and that the people were boiling with indignation. Generally -speaking, the functionaries of the empire did not attach sufficient -importance to public opinion; the greater part of them, forsooth, were -too great people, men of too illustrious birth, as every one is aware, -and they looked down upon the mass of the nation! These men, born of -the people, raised by them--some being old newspaper-writers, others -scriveners, or retired attorneys--considered themselves, by the grace -of God, such great lords and princes, that they paid no attention to -the vast power which gives laws to kings and states. When Hardenberg -wrote that he was desirous of forming the plan of an alliance, even -after the campaign of Moscow, M. Maret's mind was quite at ease on -the subject of Prussia; and the diplomatic despatches give sufficient -evidence of the perfect ignorance that existed at Paris as to the -approaching movement at Berlin: they did not observe that fresh ideas -were becoming developed, and that the cabinet was no longer master of -the country. "What is going to happen?" wrote M. de Saint-Marsan to -the Prussian minister; and, as his sole answer, the latter despatched -General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to Paris, bearing soothing -words. "Prussia is desirous of maintaining peace, and the French -alliance is pleasing to her, but she requires fresh conditions." Read -this note from Hardenberg to M. de Saint-Marsan, which describes -perfectly the situation of Prussia, a situation M. Maret had not -understood:--"It has occurred to the king, that nothing would more -advance the great work than a truce, according to which the French and -Russian armies would retire to a certain distance, and establish lines -of demarcation, leaving an intervening country. Would his imperial -majesty be willing to enter into such an arrangement? Would he consent -to resign the charge of the fortresses of the Oder, of Pilau, and of -Dantzic (with regard to the latter, conjointly with the Saxon troops, -as agreed by the treaty of Tilsit), to the troops of the king, and -withdraw his army beyond the Elbe, provided the Emperor Alexander -should withdraw his beyond the Vistula? The king has commanded General -Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to inquire into the intentions of his -imperial majesty on this head; and he has made similar proposals to -the Emperor Alexander, as concerning an idea emanating entirely from -himself, and which can in no way compromise the resolution which your -sovereign, his imperial majesty, may come to on this point. According -to what is decided upon at present, the king will regulate his ulterior -proceedings." - -Although Hardenberg's language was somewhat timid, matters were, -nevertheless, in a state of progression. In her first position, the -situation of Prussia was that of an ally; in the second, that of -a neutral power: would she stop there? The arrival of the Emperor -Alexander at Breslau decided the king upon following the popular -movement, and the court of Berlin pronounced in favour of the -coalition; information being conveyed to M. Maret, in a paper drawn -up by Hardenberg, that Prussia had declared war. This remarkable -exposition of their causes of complaint against Napoleon contains, more -especially, a summary of pecuniary grievances, unheard-of violations of -the various clauses of the treaty, and recollections of the harsh rule -of the French generals. One circumstance, however, is omitted, although -it occupied the first place in the mind of the Prussian minister, viz. -that the country was weary of foreign dominion. The _Tugendbund_ had -arisen, like an ancient German warrior, armed at all points. - -Hardenberg quickly followed up this first despatch by a second, -addressed to General Krusemarck at Paris, who transmitted it to M. -Maret. "The Emperor of Russia offers a noble and faithful friendship -to Prussia, while Napoleon has thrust away his ally, not even having -condescended to enter into any explanation with her. Prussia has -endured all the insolence unsparingly heaped upon her by the conqueror; -all her fortified places have been seized by the French troops; Berlin -has been occupied, and 94 millions levied upon the country. These -circumstances render further hesitation impossible; honour commands us -to draw the sword, and never will we sheath it until an honourable and -advantageous peace has been obtained." - -Baron Hardenberg was now completely in his element; his original -inclinations bound him to Russia and the Emperor Alexander, and he -rejoiced in seeing the idea of Queen Louisa accomplished, and the two -monarchs pressing each other's hands. From this time forward, all -the efforts of the minister were directed to the developement, and -organisation of the secret societies. His object was to give a heroic -impulse to Germany, and, laying aside for the moment all the divisions -between the Catholic and Protestant parties, he resolved to see nothing -but the Fatherland thirsting for deliverance from the tyranny of -Napoleon; he encouraged the young men to carol patriotic songs, and -excited them to march boldly to battle, without any distinction being -made between the civilian and the soldier. - -Then were seen universities rising _en masse_, and the professors -themselves leading their pupils to the battle of the giants. The -engagements of Lutzen and Bautzen have never been considered in a point -of view which would invest them with a melancholy interest. The flower -of both countries was there opposed to each other; the conscripts of -the empire, from the age of eighteen to twenty-one years, and the -students of the universities bearing the funereal banner of Queen -Louisa, the oldest of whom did not exceed the age of twenty-two years. -In the midst of these noble squadrons were heard the thunders of 1500 -pieces of artillery, tearing their youthful and tender bodies, carrying -off heads, mutilating limbs; yet none of these youths faltered, for -they were fighting for their country, their common mother. - -During this tremendous conflict, the minister did not neglect liberal -concessions, capable of increasing the enthusiasm of the people. -Germany, so heavily oppressed, thirsted after liberty, and when the -people were giving such pledges to the government, it was but just the -government, in return, should do something for the people. In Prussia -there is a spirit essentially of organisation, a constant want of -improvement and progress. All the acts of Hardenberg at this period -were impressed with a character of liberty; he augmented the municipal -administrations, all the pecuniary privileges of the nobility and -clergy were annulled, and, following the ideas of the economic school, -wardenships and the freedom of cities were abolished. By some acts of -the cabinet a political constitution was promised to Prussia, although -it is hardly possible to believe they could ever have thought seriously -of such a thing for a country whose interests and opinions were so -disjointed as those of Germany. But at that time Napoleon was regarded -by the whole world as a great despot; the power raised to oppose him -must of necessity be the spirit of liberty; and every national feeling -rose in arms, because the season of oppression must be brought to a -close. Under these peculiar circumstances, engagements naturally were -entered into and promises made. To a people capable of such noble -daring, great concessions might be promised, and in this, Hardenberg -only followed the impulse that had been given; he pressed the hand -of Stein, Blucher, and Gneisenau, because their names, like that of -Suwarow in Russia, were the symbol of the country in arms. - -See what name is given in Germany to our disastrous defeat at -Leipsic--the Victory of the Nations! Yes! it was indeed there, the -nations overcame the terrible oppressor who had crushed them to the -dust! It was from the battle of Leipsic, that dated the sudden, -but prolonged reaction, which finally delivered the people and the -governments from that giant hand. Accustomed as we are to place the -character of Napoleon in the highest rank, we will not understand that -he was the tyrant of Europe, and that even now we are undergoing the -reaction of two fatal ideas--the recollection of our conquests and of -our disorganising principles. - -After Leipsic, the Rhine was crossed, and Hardenberg did not for a -moment quit the head-quarters of the Allies: he also represented -Prussia at the congress of Châtillon. From this moment, in all the -diplomatic proceedings, as well as in the military operations, Prussia -always manifested the strongest animosity against the French Emperor; -she hoped for great reprisals, and would undoubtedly have obtained -them, had not the general inclination in Europe for peace, and the -exclusive and generous influence of the Emperor Alexander, swayed the -negotiations concerning the treaty of Paris, and the restoration of the -Bourbons. All the political transactions were signed by Hardenberg, -from his having been the powerful hand which for two years had steadily -directed public affairs; the King of Prussia conferred upon him the -title of Prince; and he was invested with that high dignity when he -accompanied the sovereigns to England. - -The sight of the palace of St. James's must have awakened melancholy -feelings in his mind; in his youth he had there experienced domestic -sorrow, and been agitated by contending passions; for he had been the -lover and husband of the Countess Randlaw, the most beautiful woman in -Germany: she had been lost to him through the means of the Prince of -Wales, and her seducer was now the Regent of the British islands. But -they had both grown much older; and when twenty-five years have been -passed in political agitations and tempests, the heart has been worn -out by emotion, and but little room is left for recollections of enmity -and vengeance. Prince Hardenberg was therefore presented to the Prince -Regent, who received him with marked attention; and the past only -recurred to their minds, like one of those views which scarcely leave a -trace in the memory. - -From London, Prince Hardenberg repaired to Vienna, to be present at -the meeting of the great congress, and he had the honour of seeing the -immense aggrandisement of Prussia sanctioned by successive treaties. -She now became the kingdom most immediately in an offensive position, -and was placed in the situation of an advanced post in the coalition -against France. Those who have investigated the spirit of Europe in -the remodelling which took place in 1815, can easily perceive that -the whole system of politics was directed against our country, whose -influence had caused the most dreadful agitations in all the world -during the last thirty years. Prussia, which during the revolutionary -war had almost invariably maintained a neutral position, now received -such a territorial organisation, as to render it necessary she should -henceforth be the first to engage in war. This long strip of land, -which has one extremity on the Niemen, and the other on the Meuse, must -necessarily strive to extend itself by means of conquest, and in this -manner the neutrality was avoided, which had occasioned a degree of -torpor in Europe during the revolution. - -An implacable hatred again burst forth, when news arrived at the -congress of the landing of Napoleon: the young students had but just -returned to the universities, the _landwehr_ and _landsturm_, disbanded -but yesterday, were called to resume their arms on the morrow; and -the closest alliance was renewed in Europe, so as to march at once -against Napoleon, who, like an adventurous soldier, threw himself -almost immediately into Belgium and the Rhenish provinces. In this -military movement, which threatened Prussia, Prince Hardenberg was -compelled again to appeal to the national troops, who had shed their -blood on the fields of Lutzen and Bautzen. The same spirit was still -found in full strength and vigour; Blucher was at the head of the -Prussian contingent at Waterloo; they fought with the utmost fury, and -victory having decided in their favour on that plain, fatal to the -last hopes of Napoleon, the northern provinces of France were soon -inundated with enemies. In all the proclamations of Hardenberg, and -all his acts calling Germany to arms, a deadly hatred, a rancorous -degree of vengeance against France was manifested, in order to rouse -the courage and the powerful energy of the old Prussian monarchy. This -irritation was conspicuous at every step taken by the German troops -on the French territory; they appeared desirous of at once taking -vengeance for all the humiliations they had undergone during the last -ten years. Waterloo was not sufficient to appease the anger excited by -Jena; the recollection of the oppressive dominion of the French was -fresh in every heart; and it must be confessed, the most rancorous and -vindictive during the war were not the regular troops, the soldiers -devoid of mind or imagination, but the young men from the universities, -the _landwehr_ and the _landsturm_: it was the fair-haired Germans, -with the short frock and leathern belt, the admirers of Schiller -and Goëthe, and, more than all, the noble worshippers of the Queen -of Prussia, who came to claim the spoils of France; for the revered -image of the heroic Louisa, oppressed and calumniated by Napoleon, was -mingled in all their dreams. - -The despatches of Hardenberg, while the negotiations of Paris were -in progress, bore the impress of this bent in Germany, and in fact of -the whole of his German existence. From the time he first took part -in public affairs, he particularly interested himself in every thing -concerning the confederation; his influence alone had induced Prussia -to enter into the system of neutrality and centralisation, which became -the national law of Germany from the time of the French revolution; -and now these same interests were placed under his supreme direction. -Germany, which had so long been endangered by French principles, was -desirous of reacting against that power; and everywhere declared and -averred, that Alsace and Lorraine had been taken from her, and that -they ought to be restored to their elder sister; conquest alone had -given them to France, and a reverse of fortune might deprive her of -them. Prince Hardenberg set forth these ideas, and supported them at -the conference in Paris; he asserted that the Rhine was not natural to -France, but was, on the contrary, offensive to Germany; Strasburg is -a threatening position, and so would be Mayence; the Vosges and the -Moselle were the limits he was desirous of assigning as a disgrace -to us, and this desire proceeded less from his own mind than from -the detestation Germany had vowed against us: it was the reaction of -liberalism against Napoleon, extending almost to the partition of -France. I have already described how M. de Richelieu preserved us from -this great misfortune, by appealing to the Emperor Alexander, more -disinterested in the question of partition, and who interposed in -favour of our vanquished country. - -Notwithstanding this, the sacrifices imposed upon us by the treaty of -Paris were sufficiently heavy. Hardenberg was one of those who signed -it, and the influence he had exerted gave him very great claims upon -the confidence of his sovereign. He became, in the Prussian cabinet, -the representative of the Anglo-German alliance; renewing the union -between the Tory party and the German aristocracy, whose fundamental -principle was a hatred and hostility towards France, dating as far back -as the battle of Fontenoy, where the troops of the Duke of Cumberland -were humbled before the fortune of Louis XV. - -Although peace was now established, the task of the minister was not -completed, and a most difficult mission remained to be accomplished. -The strong national impulse given to Germany by the necessity of -getting rid of Napoleon, had roused an energetic feeling in favour of -liberty in every breast; charters and constitutions had been promised, -and a sort of mystic unity in Germany had been spoken of; and how -were these promises to be redeemed? This political question, which I -have already mentioned as so delicate, I may almost say so terrible, -for Prince Metternich, was still more so for the head of the Prussian -government. In Austria the popular mind was neither so advanced, nor so -philosophically organised, as in Prussia; the enthusiasm of the people -was at bottom only an extreme devotion to the Emperor and the august -house of Hapsburg; and all they requested in return, was the repeal -of a few of their taxes, some local liberties, and a little public -happiness. But in Prussia the desires were not so moderate; all the -secret societies had visions of a state of things so strangely liberal, -that Germany would have been nothing more than a republic under a king, -if a free course had been allowed to their expectations. In order to -arrive at a regular plan of government, Hardenberg was obliged, even -in the face of his former promises, to break with the patriot party, -whose efforts he had so strenuously seconded during the crisis. Blucher -and Gneisenau, the chiefs of these young men, were anxious for a -national representative system, and for that purpose they wished the -secret societies to remain in full force; but Hardenberg demonstrated -to them that the object of these associations no longer existed, and -that as to the constitution of the States, the part designated as -the administration must be separated from the political legislation. -Under this point of view Hardenberg's theory is particularly worthy of -remark. According to him legislation belongs to the king alone; and -it was certainly a right no one would have disputed with Frederic, -the founder of the kingdom; the administration only belongs to the -provincial states, as also the power of voting taxes. He established -this theory by many successive acts, drawn up under his influence; -and it reached such a pitch, that a royal edict even put a stop to -the secret societies, as dangerous and fatal. The king's language is -paternal, and explanatory of his motives; such being the usual course -pursued in Prussia, where reason and explanation are had recourse to -with a thinking people. - -This second portion of the life of Hardenberg presents exactly the -reverse of the medal; and such, we may observe, is generally the case. -The existence of political characters is almost invariably divided -into two parts: the one, all action and advance; the other, devoted -to the repression of the ideas they may have favoured in the days of -their youth and strength. The secret societies occasioned alarm, and, -perhaps, with some reason, at a time when the strangest theories had -begun to appear in Germany, and the press was doing mischief. There -had been a time when it was desirable to rouse Germany, and then every -thing might be said in favour of Liberty, as it was by her means -that every thing was to be done; but, after the crisis was over, the -government would be exposed to sudden and unexpected accusations. In -the Prussian universities it is permitted to discuss all questions, to -examine into the most important points of theology and morals; but when -they come to the application, when the principles of the government -are actually attacked, there is liberty no longer. All discussion is -formally forbidden which leads to the examination of the rights of the -crown or the obedience of the subject, because the head of the state is -essentially military, and his power is the work of the soldier. - -Hardenberg, as minister of the king, took a part in all the acts which -prepared the Germanic constitution; for Frederic William abandoned -himself to his long experience, and he was prime minister in the -fullest sense of the word. To mark how perfectly he was satisfied with -his services, the king not only wrote to him with his own hand on his -birthday, but he also, as an agreeable surprise, caused his portrait to -be placed in the principal apartment of his hôtel. - -By the act of the Germanic Confederation a close alliance took place -between Prussia and Austria, in order that they might share the power -equally between them; the one in the north, the other in the south; -Prussia as the representative of the Protestant, and Austria of the -Catholic system. The German unity was remodelled on that plan, and -there was no longer any thing but a moral struggle between the two -nations. Prussia was more advanced in her philosophical ideas, and -Austria more paternal and provident in her domestic regulations. - -The well-established distinction between the administration and the -political system is particularly owing to the exertions of Hardenberg. -The administration is careful, economical, and often dishonest; the -political branch watchful and military, carefully restricting the -developement of liberty within the most exact limits. After the -termination of the great transactions of 1816, Hardenberg occupied -himself only in applying his system of repression to the press, to the -convocation and to the limited constitution of the States. At Troppau -and Laybach he supported Prince Metternich's designs, and all the -measures against the schools were taken in concert with Austria. The -system of the German universities embraced two main points,--studious -and intellectual ideas, and political influence. Hardenberg, a highly -educated man, the friend of Humboldt, Gentz, and Kotzebue, and -himself distinguished for his literary tastes, was willing to leave -to philosophy the vast domain where intellect displays, and often -loses itself; therefore the studies were not restricted in their -developement, the universities were still left mistress of their -doctrine, but they were obliged to resign their mysterious influence -on secret societies, and they no longer formed acting and deliberating -corps. Science, thought, and philosophy, remained as a grand and noble -trinity in the domain of the learned, like the school divinity of the -middle ages. - -Political action being restrained, it was easier to bring the -administration to perfection. The system of Prussian presidencies was -only a collection of vast prefectures or local administrations, and -every thing was regulated with so much economy, that the taxes are -collected with a third less expense than in France. - -In this long struggle of every-day labour, the life of Prince -Hardenberg was worn out; and at Aix-la-Chapelle and Troppau it was -evident that his strength was beginning to give way. Old age had come -upon him, and one is astonished a war with parties should have been -carried on so vigorously by a man who had reached the advanced age of -threescore and ten. One can imagine the peaceful government of an aged -man over a peaceful state; but the last four years of Hardenberg's life -had been the most laborious, because he not only had to contend with -external powers, but with his own opinions and ideas, hardly five years -old. He had organised the secret societies, and he was now compelled -to destroy them. It was not his feelings that had changed, but the -necessities of Europe, with whom deliverance had passed into repression. - -At the congress of Verona, Hardenberg was seen, for the last time, -exerting all his strength to support the opinions of the Emperor -Alexander and Metternich, upon the necessity of a war with Spain. His -last public act was a journey to Rome, to sign a concordat between -Prussia and the Holy See; and the reconciliation between a Protestant -state and the head of the Catholic Church was certainly a most singular -and novel proceeding. Whence did it proceed? and what was the cause -of it? The excitement occasioned in Europe by the Holy Alliance had -reunited the various and scattered sovereignties. Their ideas were -confounded by the necessity of mutual defence, and the various shades -of opinion were effaced by the urgent anxiety for the repression of the -democratic principle; so that the Pope was restored by the English, -Prussians, and Russians, who all belong to different communions. These -political reconciliations had strengthened the religious feeling, and, -at this time, the Czar was dreaming of an universal church, by the -union of all the sects, which offers some explanation how Hardenberg -might go to Rome to sign the concordat. We must not, however, -forget that, owing to her new position, and her great acquisition -of territory, nearly half her population were now Papists, all the -Rhenish provinces surrounding the great cathedral of Cologne being -of that profession, and it was necessary to secure the exercise of -their religion to these people, but half-subject to their new master. -Hardenberg had still sufficient strength to preside over this treaty; -he then proceeded to Genoa in search of a milder climate, and had taken -one of those delightful villas where Lord Byron was accustomed to enjoy -the charms of a lovely country, when he was surprised by illness and -death, at the age of seventy-two years. - -It was a diplomatic career as long as that of Prince Talleyrand; but -Prince Hardenberg had not, like him, preserved the polished manners -and mode of expression which, in his youth, won the hearts of the -republicans. His speech had become thick and heavy; he spoke French -well, but with the German accent, that is slightly observable with -Baron Humboldt. His language was very cold, and appeared the mirror -of his feelings, which seldom permitted themselves to be excited -by the imagination; he appeared to be even more a man of business -than a statesman; and, in fact he has organised, not created, an -administration which still exists, and gradually advances on the path -marked out for it by him. - -At present, Prussia has done nothing beyond enlarging this system, -and at the same time stamping it more powerfully with a poetical and -philosophical tendency; for the ideas and impressions of stormy and -difficult times are not required in calmer seasons. Prussia appears -likely to realise the problem of an intelligent people, highly advanced -in philosophical knowledge, and yet capable of doing without what -are called constitutional institutions. The idea that proposes to -centralise and confound every thing, the visionary desire that would -group Germany around the cathedral of Cologne, is grand and vast; but, -in order this unity should triumph, would not the first necessary -condition be, that there should be but one faith, one object of love, -one system of belief? And how can Protestantism, which is so constantly -subject to internal dissensions, create unity? To make Berlin the -capital of science, to cause all the universities to converge towards -that point, as to an Athens dreamed of by the philosophers, is a noble -idea of the government; but, on the other hand, what means this license -against Christianity? Though Frederic the Great received Atheists -privately at his table, he would never have permitted atheism to be -publicly taught; and an empire desirous of seeking for unity in science -and philosophy must lay the first foundations in religion and Christian -instruction. My opinion, then, is, that the Romish system can alone -form a powerful bond among the people; otherwise, Cologne restored will -only present a barren proof of the utter incapacity of Protestantism to -renew the Catholic union of the arts and religion, as it existed during -the middle ages. - - - - -COUNT NESSELRODE. - - -In the march of generations two distinct periods are observable: the -one of ardent and vigorous activity, when quiet and lukewarmness are -vexatious and annoying; the other of fatigue and exhaustion; and, when -this reaction has taken place, it is necessary there should be at the -head of affairs, wise and moderate ministers, perhaps even men who are -themselves weary of too active and busy a life. The great European -monarchies enjoy an incontestable advantage over freer but more stormy -governments, in the perpetuity of their system and the lengthened -career of their statesmen. Look at Austria and Russia during the last -thirty-three years; they have been under the unvarying direction of -two ministers, who have alone had the direction of affairs,--Prince -Metternich and Count Nesselrode; and only the death of Prince -Hardenberg has deprived Prussia of his services. This perpetuity of -statesmen is attended with many advantages: it creates a constant -succession of precedents in the cabinet; it permits the conception of a -long series of measures, and allows one idea to be followed and worked -out with perseverance. A young man is selected immediately he has -finished his studies, and placed in the second or third rank among the -_attachés_ of an embassy; he next becomes a minister plenipotentiary; -and, if he rises and distinguishes himself, he obtains a post in the -_chancellerie_; and when, owing to the confidence of his sovereign, or -the force of circumstances, he has once been placed in a superior rank, -he remains there to the end of his life. And what is the result?--a -most serious attention to all transactions, and a most profound -knowledge of business: the political situation, which was originally -the great object of his ambition, now becomes the subject of his -careful study, and, indeed, his whole existence is bound up in it. - -England, always intelligent and clear-sighted, has striven to apply a -remedy to the instability of men, by the stability of parties. In that -country there are two schools opposed to each other, the Whigs and the -Tories; and men from their earliest childhood are destined to belong to -one, or other of these vast divisions. The universities of Oxford and -Cambridge receive into their bosom this twofold generation of students, -who apply themselves to the study of the peculiar ideas which divide -these shades of parliamentary opinion, and proceed without hesitation -on the path they have chosen for themselves; and, on quitting the -university, they support in parliament the opinions in which they have -been educated, or which they have adopted. Suppose a young man to be a -Tory, if the Tories are in power he obtains an appointment as one of -the under-secretaries of state, and only resigns it when his party go -out of office; should he be a Whig, and the Whigs are at the head of -affairs, the same thing takes place: every thing is fixed, and proceeds -according to rule in the government; by that means alone it is known -whence people come, and they are equally well acquainted with the -course they are likely to take. - -In bringing together the names of Metternich, Nesselrode, and -Hardenberg, I do not pretend to draw an absolute parallel between them; -on the contrary, there exists a strong and well-defined difference. -Metternich and Hardenberg always expressed their own ideas, and were -the representatives of a system, which they followed with the utmost -perseverance, and applied through all the changeful course of events -that occurred in the two great kingdoms committed to their care. They -were statesmen who had taken office with fixed principles, and their -whole life was employed in their developement. For instance, the -self-imposed object of Prince Hardenberg's foreign policy, was the -increase of the national influence of Prussia against Napoleon; and of -his internal government, the reconstruction of the States and of the -Prussian citizen classes. Prince Metternich, in the foreign relations -of the cabinet of Vienna, especially strove to establish his system of -armed mediation, and moral influence produced by means of vast military -establishments; while, to speak the truth, Count Nesselrode has been -nothing more than the upright and intelligent executor of the will of -his sovereign: he was the reflected image of Alexander, the faithful -hand which undertook the execution of his wishes, even of those where -his personal feelings were most concerned. The position of Nesselrode -with regard to the Emperors Alexander and Nicholas, might be compared -to that of the _ministres secrétaires d'état_ under Napoleon; the -influence he exercises results from his long experience, and from -the circumstance of his every-day life being passed in the midst of -politics, which are thus interwoven with all his habits; and this in -itself confers a great degree of power. - -Charles Albert, count Nesselrode, was born at Lisbon in 1770, of -a noble family of German extraction. His father was minister -plenipotentiary in Portugal under Catherine II., and some traditions -exist concerning the cause of this species of exile; there are, -however, always some of these rather sneering, and random legends, -current in the _corps diplomatique_, as if for the purpose of unbending -the brow of official gravity. - -Count Nesselrode was still very young at the termination of the -reign of Catherine,--that extraordinary woman, whose character forms -so curious a study, because it perfectly represents the state of -civilisation in Russia; whose political ideas were so masculine, and by -whom the system of Peter the Great had been constantly followed up and -advanced. She appeared to effect an alteration in the influence of the -cabinet of St. Petersburg, which had hitherto been purely oriental, and -to render it more German and central; being the first step towards the -predominance in Southern Europe, which was afterwards the ambition of -her grandson Alexander. Peter the Great had pointed to Constantinople; -but Catherine considered Warsaw the most favourable point, as a -position which might enable the Russian power, at a later period, to -assume in the south the importance which her literary correspondence, -and political despatches were already preparing. It was solely with -this view that she encouraged the spirit of the eighteenth century, and -caressed D'Alembert and Diderot, journalists who were devoted to her -interests. When Voltaire, with his expression of flattering vanity, -wrote to Catherine that light came from the north, he foretold the -consummate ability of the Czarina, which prompted her to make herself -talked of at any price; "because," as she cleverly observed, "by dint -of exalting the Russian name, it will at last be made some account of -in France and in England; we shall no longer be reckoned among the -barbarians; we shall be talked of at Versailles, in London, and at -Madrid; and this, in politics, is indispensable, if we are desirous of -obtaining any ascendancy." - -The leading principle of the cabinet of St. Petersburg for the last -hundred years, has been the agglomeration of Poland, and the expulsion -of the Turks, whom they are desirous of driving back as far as the -Black Sea. Poland has fallen; nor was it in the power of any government -to prevent the ruin of that fated country. A strong antipathy, a deep, -unmeasured hatred, exists between the Poles and Russians; they are two -races ready to fall upon each other; two giants, armed at all points, -constantly contending during six centuries. The most unpopular of all -proceedings at Moscow, at Kalouga, at Novogorod, and in the old castles -of the ancient nobility, was the erection of Poland into an independent -kingdom, organised by Alexander,[47] which occasioned murmurs of -dissatisfaction on every side. The other object of Russia, the fall of -Turkey, will also take place sooner or later; it cannot be prevented, -and, if the government will not undertake it, the people will do it -themselves. Saint Sophia is required to crown the patriarchate of the -Greek Church. Of this Europe is well aware; she delays the explosion -until the proper time has arrived, and determines the various shares -beforehand: but to prevent it altogether is beyond her power. And some -day we shall hear that the Russians, with the cross as their banner, -have marched to the succour of their brethren, and that another empire -of Constantine has arisen on the Bosphorus. It is so written in the -book of fate! - - [47] _Vide_ art. Pozzo di Borgo. - -I am not aware that the Russian cabinet has ever been made the subject -of consideration in France, in the point of view of its great -diplomatic ability. The principal source of its predominance has been -sought in the strength communicated by its armies, and in its absolute -organisation; but they have been mistaken: the truth is, that there is -nothing more persevering, or more deeply reflecting, than the Russian -cabinet; it goes on slowly, without attracting attention by noise or -tumult. During the last century, the Russian population has increased -by eleven millions of souls, who occupy more than five hundred leagues -square of territory, if we include Georgia and the part of Tartary -united to the government of the Crimea; and, independent of these -actual conquests, Russia has acquired an undoubted protectorate over -Moldavia and Wallachia, and such a degree of influence in Persia, that -no other country would now think of disputing it with her: finally, -every one is aware of the position she has obtained at Constantinople, -and also of the efforts made by the whole of Europe to prevent her from -actually accomplishing the vast projects formed by Peter the Great. In -order to arrive at this result, nothing has been neglected by Russia; -neither political protestations, nor appeals to religious feeling, -have been spared. Knowing exactly where to stop, she never ventures -too far in an idea; she waits patiently till the opportunity is ripe; -and, should her system have too much awakened attention, she does not -overstep certain limits, but makes a momentary concession, and then -resumes her projects with admirable consistency. As soon as the proper -season has arrived, and that the obstacles she at first encountered are -overcome, then Russia progresses straight to the accomplishment of her -wishes. - -Catherine, struck with a fatal apoplexy, had descended to the tomb, -and the sceptre passed to the Grand Duke Paul, who had been condemned -to the most profound obscurity, until the moment when he was summoned -from his solitude to the government of forty millions of people. The -gloomy singularity of his character has been exaggerated; he has been -represented as a capricious prince, who would pass suddenly from acts -of savage tyranny to kindness and tender intimacy; but we must remember -that Paul came of the blood of Peter the Great, and being incessantly -surrounded by conspiracies, which threatened both his crown and his -life, he often formed resolutions which flew at once from unreserve -to anger, from confidence to sudden fury. Characters generally spring -from situations, and are what events have made us. Paul had to defend -his life, which had been endangered by many attempts against it; we -must not, therefore, be too hasty in our judgment of this prince, but, -in order to form a fair opinion, we must descend to the depths of the -national character, and view the general situation of her politics. - -Europe had received a vehement impulse from the French revolution. The -Grand Duke, who was himself threatened by the spirit of revolt, must -have viewed with but little satisfaction this popular explosion at the -other extremity of Europe; but the distance of Russia, her financial -embarrassments, and the accomplishment of the partition of Poland, did -not permit her to take part in the first coalition against the French -revolution: the Russians did not join the hostile party until the -second Italian war, during the campaign of Suwarof. I will not repeat -the well-known military story; the divisions in the cabinets of Vienna -and St. Petersburg put a stop to the second coalition: but the Russian -regiments had seen Italy; they had touched the soil of Switzerland; for -the first time their breasts had been warmed by the mild rays of the -southern sun; and, like the invaders of the third and fourth centuries, -they recollected during the long wintry nights of their icy clime, -that there were large towns and fair cities in the south of Europe, -that those fertile lands produced delicious fruits, while the smiling -plains were crowned with abundant harvests: these recollections lay -deep in the mind of many a Russian veteran in the years 1813 and 1814, -and from this time forth the cabinet of St. Petersburg took a part in -the interests of southern Europe. - -The diplomatic career of Count Nesselrode began at the time of the -embassy of Count Marcoff at Paris, under the Consulate--that wonderful -period when every thing, government, institutions, and political and -social ideas, appeared to have been renewed with the vigour of youth. -The forcible administration of the First Consul easily opened the way -to negotiations with Russia, for whenever a regular power has been -established in France, Europe has never attempted to overturn it. Count -Nesselrode being attached to the embassy in Paris, had the opportunity -of witnessing the magnificent developement of the power and genius of -Buonaparte, then First Consul. Who would have foretold that fifteen -years later, he, as the Chancellor of Alexander, would preside over the -acts relative to the downfall of the Emperor, and sanction the decrees -of the senate of 1814 for the restoration of the House of Bourbon? - -Paris, at this early period of the Consulate, was an abode full of -pleasure and enjoyment. The treaty of Amiens had just been concluded, -peace had been obtained through victory, and people were desirous -of amusement and repose; they were emerging from the system of the -Directory, the spirit of good society again raised its head, and -its rules and customs were eagerly sought for, in order to restore -it from its ruins. There was a little court at the Tuileries around -Joséphine; all the ceremonies and etiquette of former times were -collected with avidity; ambassadors alone had liveries, and their -splendid equipages shone with double lustre among the half-republican -assemblage, where there was a long string of hackney-coaches with their -numbers concealed. Napoleon still reserved all his magnificence for -his military festivals; his grand reviews on the Place du Carrousel, -where in the midst of clouds of dust the squadrons of _guides_, and the -grenadiers of the consular guard defiled, as we see them depicted in -the pictures of Isabey. - -The luxurious splendour of the embassies cast over every thing -belonging to the legation, an aristocratic gloss which turned the heads -of this generation; and this may explain the success in female society -enjoyed by various members of the _corps diplomatique_ at this period, -and the close and tender intimacies which were afterwards so useful to -Prince Metternich in his diplomatic _surveillances_. Young Nesselrode, -like all Russians, spoke French with the greatest fluency, and without -the decided accent, which all Prince Metternich's talents are unable -to correct. He had his share of the dissipation of the new court, -where some young women, as if astonished at their own position, forgot -themselves, and forgot also that they had the gravest and most serious -head in the world as their chief. I can hardly say wherefore, but -nothing has given me a more contemptible idea of society in the time of -the Consulate, than the perusal of some memoirs that have been written -in apology for it; beside the wonders achieved by one man, how mean and -wretched appear the tricks and narrow intrigues of those around him! - -The Russian legation was at that time obliged to concern itself, with -one of the most important questions of maritime rights, and of the -law of nations. The treaty of Amiens, which never could have been any -thing more than a truce between France and England, was broken by both -parties at once; and it is an invidious question to inquire which of -these two governments, was guilty of the first infringement of the -treaty: the peace fell to the ground because it was only a momentary -repose for two cabinets unable to live in peace with each other, on -account of their gigantic ambition. As soon as war was declared between -France and England, Napoleon was naturally desirous of carrying on -hostilities in a vigorous manner, and for that purpose he endeavoured -to secure the co-operation of some of the continental powers. Paul, who -was as ardent in his admiration as in his hatred, had conceived a high -esteem for the First Consul, and Buonaparte, taking advantage of this -feeling, requested him again to put in force, for the benefit of the -neutral powers, the principle of the liberty of the sea; a principle -completely opposed to the ideas and interests of England, for the -British government never would admit that the flag should protect the -merchandise. A squadron appeared in the Sound, to act simultaneously -against Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, who had adhered to the principle -of armed neutrality. The legation at Paris, under the direction of -Count Marcoff, based the treaty on the rights of the neutral nations, -being the developement of a grand maritime idea renewed by Louis XVI. - -A change, however, soon took place, for, as if stricken by a -thunderbolt, Paul fell a victim to a conspiracy. The mysterious horrors -of that awful night have been recorded in history. The mild and -romantic Alexander was placed on the throne of his father, who appeared -almost immediately inclined to proceed to warlike measures against -France and Napoleon; and accordingly the influence exercised by England -over the cabinet of St. Petersburg was very considerable. The Russian -legation quitted Paris, and as it had lately exhibited great activity -in obtaining information that was not favourable to the ideas of -Napoleon, Count Marcoff was on the point of being arrested, and there -was a good deal of hesitation whether he should receive his passports. -These acts of violence were a habit of Napoleon, for even the barrier -opposed by the law of nations to his will was displeasing to him, and -he was always on the eve of breaking through it. - -The part played since this period by Count Nesselrode, and the -importance of the negotiations between Russia and France, render -it necessary to explain the organisation of the highest class of -the _corps diplomatique_, as it exists in the Russian empire. The -Emperor being the supreme head of the army, of the government, and -of the church, all the authorities depend upon him, and consequently -he reserves to himself the entire direction of what is called the -_Chancellerie_. This _chancellerie_ appoints agents, who, under the -title of ministers or ambassadors, represent officially their sovereign -at foreign courts; it also exercises much activity and vigilance, and -keeps a watch upon the ambassadors, who are often compelled to collect -the most minute information--a proceeding not at all in keeping with -their elevated rank, for the shades are almost imperceptible between -what is allowable, and what is forbidden in diplomatic affairs; and, -as I have before stated, this ambiguous situation often induced the -Emperor Napoleon to be almost violent in his measures against the -Russian ambassadors, when he found they obtained statements of the -military establishments, and secret conventions, so as to become -masters of the most carefully guarded secrets of the cabinet. - -Independent of these people, who are officially accredited, the Czar -despatches aides-de-camp, without any positive commission except that -of travelling, or perhaps being the bearers of some complimentary -message; and these officers examine into every thing and send reports, -not only regarding the government and the population they are -deputed to inspect, but even concerning the Russian agents. To recall -an example: under the Emperor Napoleon, in 1811, the aide-de-camp -Czernitcheff made two or three journeys to Paris, ostensibly to -compliment the Emperor, and to carry him autograph letters from the -Czar; and then he returned to Russia with a statement of all the -military strength of the country, which had been given him by an -_employé_ in the war-office--information that was of the greatest -possible service to Russia in the defence of 1812. In addition to all -this, when the Czar takes the field a great number of general officers -unite diplomatic missions and services, to their military titles; -as, for instance, Count Pozzo di Borgo, as we have before observed, -attended at the same time to the strategic operations, and to the -arrangements in the cabinets, which might secure their developement. -When England, who was the first to follow this plan, granted subsidies -to a power, she always sent a commissioner with each army to follow the -campaign. - -Count Nesselrode was early attached as a councillor to the private -_chancellerie_ of the Czar, who soon discovered him to possess -a faithful disposition, great and solid erudition, a serious -understanding, and a spirit of ready obedience that would willingly -support his sovereign will. Count Nesselrode took especial pains to -please Alexander, whose mind was too full of his own ideas to bear any -impulse that was not given by himself. At the time of his departure -for the interview at Erfurt, it was evident that three ideas in -particular possessed the minds of the members of the cabinet of St. -Petersburg. The one, entirely Russian, observed with feelings of grief -and humiliation, the alliance between Alexander and the head of the -French government; a strong dislike was felt by the old Muscovites -to the greatness of the new empire; the noble Sclavonian detested -the proud and arrogant _parvenus_. They did not wish for an open -rupture with France, but the engagements entered into by the treaty of -Erfurt, the intimacy between the two crowns, which had been formed by -the fascinations of Napoleon--all this, I say, was a source of great -displeasure to the old aristocracy, to the successors of those Boyards -who claimed the feudal government of the Russian provinces. - -The second school of this diplomacy was in some degree Greek and -Oriental. Napoleon had been desirous of satisfying some of the projects -of Russia by the treaty of Erfurt; and as he was then dividing -the world with Alexander, he conceded to him the full and entire -realisation of the plans of Catherine, agreeing that Constantinople -should be his in a few years, Ispahan and Persia in the course of -time; they even spoke of the independence of Greece, and consequently -of the possibility of an insurrection among the Hellenic and Syrian -population. Napoleon had long revolved these projects in his mind; in -fact, had not the general of the army of Egypt already had an idea of -appealing to the Christian profession, as a means of rousing the Copts -and Syrians against their Ottoman masters? Some maxims of liberty were -to be attached to the Greek school of diplomacy, and they were brought -forward some years afterwards at the congress of Vienna by Count Capo -d'Istria. - -The third diplomatic school, which was to a certain degree founded by -Count Nesselrode, consisted in taking a middle course between the two -former systems. The young Count had never been devoted to the plans -proposed at Erfurt, and he did not for a moment allow himself to be -carried away by the gigantic projects then determined upon in a moment -of enthusiasm; he did not identify himself either with the Greek or the -German school, nor even entirely with the Muscovite, in its repugnance -for Napoleon. What Alexander particularly remarked was, the perfect -obedience of his minister to all his wishes, though he sometimes strove -to infuse a little moderation into his decisions, when their tendency -was too abrupt or positive to be advisable in political affairs. -Nesselrode always executed the orders of his sovereign, but in so doing -he tempered the expressions of enthusiastic mysticism which often -characterised the politics of the Czar; he did not attempt to give an -impulse, but he endeavoured to prevent the will of his master from -going too far. - -The commencement of Count Nesselrode's favour dates especially from -the French expedition to Russia. The movement, still more national -than military, which repulsed this gigantic undertaking, naturally -took its source from the old Muscovite families, and in the savage -energy against which the Czars, ever since the days of Peter the Great, -have struggled in vain; and Alexander, whose education and principles -rendered him particularly averse to this return of barbarism, felt the -need of a confidential friend, in whose bosom he might confide his -fears of the results to be apprehended from this Muscovite tendency, -which went beyond his own ideas and wishes. Count Nesselrode became one -of these confidential servants, and as early as 1812, although he did -not fill the official situation of _conseiller d'état_, he took the -principal part in the prodigious diplomatic movement then in progress; -he concluded and signed the treaty of the subsidies with England, and -the secret alliance of the two great powers against Napoleon, which -completed his political fortune. - -The intimacy between Count Nesselrode and Prince Metternich began in -the course of the negotiations at the congress of Prague. As I have -before observed, it is impossible to institute a comparison between -these diplomatists; Prince Metternich being the creator of a system, -while Nesselrode was merely employed in executing, or perhaps in -moderating an idea, which was not always his own. Count Nesselrode was -not the official plenipotentiary at the congress of Prague, the full -powers being entrusted to M. d'Anstett, a man of considerable ability, -but hardly likely to be very favourably inclined to a peaceable system, -for he was a French _émigré_; however, the impulse and the direction of -the whole business emanated entirely from Alexander, and consequently -from Count Nesselrode, the most faithful and devoted of his -representatives. It was then, as we cannot but feel, of the greatest -importance, to induce Austria to join the coalition of the Allies -against Napoleon, for upon it depended the success of the campaign of -Germany; but Metternich was far from being decided in favour of this -step, and he wished to oblige them to purchase the co-operation of -Austria at a very high price: the negotiations, however, were conducted -with great ability by Count Nesselrode, and at the conclusion of the -congress of Prague the alliance of Austria was well secured to the -coalition. The Russian minister arranged in the name of his sovereign -all the articles of this treaty, which calmed the fears of Austria, by -assigning to her an advantageous frontier in Germany and Italy. - -A new element had just manifested itself in the Russian diplomacy, -General Pozzo di Borgo having arrived at head-quarters, after -accomplishing his mission to Bernadotte, crown-prince of Sweden. Count -Pozzo was the friend of the disaffected generals of the Empire; and his -constant thought, and the master-passion of his soul, was his desire -to bring about the ruin of his ancient rival, whom he considered as -the oppressor of Europe. It was necessary for Count Nesselrode, if not -exactly to contend with this influence over the mind of Alexander, -at least not entirety to concur in it; for he, like Metternich, for -a short time considered it might be possible to treat with Napoleon, -and to impose such a degree of restraint upon his military power, as -to prevent him from injuring the German independence, or the security -of the interests and relations of the States. On this head Nesselrode -perfectly agreed in the opinions of Alexander, who, during the campaign -of 1813, was as far from desiring the downfall of Napoleon, as from -wishing to interfere with the form of government in France; there was -then quite enough to do in Germany, the Rhine had not yet been passed, -and the question concerning the deposition of the French Emperor did -not occur until 1814. Count Nesselrode having been present at the -interview at Abo, between the Czar and Bernadotte, it was impossible -he should be ignorant that questions had been raised concerning -certain possible events, among which the chance of another form of -government being established in France was spoken of. Those who have -some knowledge of the state of the case, are well aware that nothing -could be more vague and undecided than all that was settled in this -interview, if we except the close alliance between Russia and Sweden, -and certain decisions concerning their territorial claims. The Emperor -Alexander conversed with Bernadotte about the plan of the campaign, and -the state of the public mind in France, as well as concerning all the -possibilities and chances that might be the consequence of the war; and -Bernadotte in his turn naturally spoke of his grievances, and of the -injuries which, as a Republican general, he had been exposed to from -Napoleon, and for which he retained a strong dislike to him: but there -was no talk of any change, and they entered into no positive agreement -to overturn the sovereign who then reigned in France. - -During the campaign of 1814, there was as much activity in the -negotiations as even in the military operations; and when the Allies -had once passed the Rhine it was considered necessary diplomacy -should follow all the phases of the war, so as to be ready to reply -to the proposals that might be made by the Emperor of the French, -and also to resolve all the difficulties they might encounter. The -arrival of Lord Castlereagh on the Continent greatly facilitated the -transactions regarding the subsidies and the equipment of the troops; -and the treaty of Chaumont was signed by Count Nesselrode, as well as -by the plenipotentiaries of the other allied powers. The ascendancy -acquired by England just then was so great, that she may almost be -said to have alone given the impulse and direction to all the acts of -the cabinet; it must, however, be acknowledged, that as she furnished -the sinews of war, it was very natural she should fix positively the -use to which they were to be applied. Count Nesselrode arranged with -Lord Castlereagh the method of issuing the pay of the troops, and the -diplomatic result of the campaign. - -The sad events of the war brought the Allies to Paris; and the moment -was decisive for that portion of the senate which, under the direction -of Talleyrand, D'Alberg, and Jaucourt, wished for the fall of Napoleon. -A provisional government was established, after the occupation of the -capital. There could be no hesitation in the choice of alliances, for -the support of Alexander was indispensably necessary to accomplish the -ruin of the imperial system, whose hour was come! For this purpose, -however, it was essential to obtain the concurrence of Nesselrode, -the minister who had signed all the diplomatic acts concluded in the -last three years; and even had they considered him as a mere secretary -(Alexander being accustomed to act very much for himself), they would -naturally have been desirous of engaging him in the interests of the -provisional government. - -As soon as Alexander entered the French territory, the disaffected -placed themselves in communication with his cabinet. I have already -mentioned the mission of M. de Vitrolles, who, with a view to the -restoration, had informed the Czar of the state of the public mind; and -Count Nesselrode had hardly arrived in Paris before he was surrounded -and assailed by a thousand conflicting intrigues and negotiations -of all sorts, for the purpose of inducing his cabinet to decide in -favour of the Bourbons. It was the general bent of the period, as the -revolutionary principle had been that of a former era. The first steps -taken by the Russian minister were full of caution; he wanted to feel -his way and judge of the public feeling, and it was also necessary to -induce Prince Schwartzenberg, who commanded the active army, to make an -open demonstration in favour of the Bourbons; yet, at the same time, -they were not quite certain what was the ultimate decision of Austria, -and, more especially, of Prince Metternich. All the papers written -about this time by Count Nesselrode bear evidence of this complicated -situation; he, however, spoke in plain terms in an official letter -addressed to M. Pasquier, that he might set at liberty some people -arrested on account of _the good cause_, and this _good cause_ was the -restoration of Louis XVIII. - -It was evident from this expression of opinions favourable to -legitimate sovereignty, that the decision had been made before it was -officially announced. Never, perhaps, at any time had more activity -been displayed than at this period; Nesselrode must remember it as -the most brilliant and busy part of his life. His _salon_ never was -empty; at one time Caulaincourt, with full powers from the Emperor, -solicited peace; at another, the marshals of the empire stipulated -for the rights of the army, and a special treaty for Napoleon; then, -again, Talleyrand, D'Alberg, and De Jaucourt, came to press the Russian -minister to put an end to all uncertainty by pronouncing the downfall -of Buonaparte; and, finally, the royalists devoted to the Bourbons, -such as Sosthènes de la Rochefoucauld, and De Vitrolles, endeavoured to -obtain the triumph of the ancient dynasty. - -After these various negotiations, the declaration of the Emperor -Alexander, announcing to France that they would not treat with -Napoleon, was agreed to in the cabinet. This remarkable declaration was -drawn up by Pozzo di Borgo; it was printed by means of a hand-press at -the hôtel of Prince Talleyrand, in the Rue St. Florentin, and thousands -of copies were thrown from the balconies. It was a great party stroke -for the house of Bourbon, for from that time its cause was secure. It -has been reported that the resolution of Count Nesselrode was decided -by immense diplomatic presents; but one should generally regard with -distrust the various stories that are current after political events -have been accomplished: there is less corruption than people imagine -in public business. At the same time it is very probable that some -gratitude would be manifested after so important an act; secret -presents almost invariably accompany the signature of stipulations in -all diplomatic transactions--it is an old custom, and, no doubt, the -value of these presents was increased in consequence of the immense -importance of the service rendered; but this is all that historical -impartiality can say on the subject. - -This season of 1814 was very brilliant for Count Nesselrode; there was -nothing at Paris but _fêtes_ and flowers. The moderation of Russia had -swayed all the resolutions and softened the conditions of victory, and -the Emperor Alexander enjoyed a great reputation as the symbol of peace -and the expression of magnanimity in the midst of triumph. England -and Austria were quite cast into the shade, nobody was spoken of but -Alexander, and this celebrity was reflected upon Count Nesselrode in so -great a degree as to occasion a feeling of jealousy in Metternich, who -had hardly any thing to do with the transactions at Paris in 1814. The -Austrian minister awaited his turn at the congress of Vienna. The first -occupation of our capital was the _apogée_ of the moral omnipotence of -Russia in the affairs of southern Europe. - -Here it is necessary I should mention all the difficulties of -Nesselrode's situation. Nothing could be more changeable and more prone -to sudden impressions than the mind of Alexander, who passed from one -enthusiastic fancy to another with inconceivable rapidity; when he -had taken up one idea it was difficult to put it out of his head; and -if you followed in the same track, some time afterwards he would meet -with some other fancy, which he adopted with equal warmth. We may, -therefore, imagine how difficult was the part of a secretary of state -desirous of giving some consistency to these projects, of classing them -in a certain order, and of producing any result from them all. From the -close of 1813, Alexander had been deeply imbued with the mysticism of -Madame Krüdner, and he mingled with his manifestoes on the principles -of Europe, and his theories of peace and war, a species of ascetic -worship and enthusiastic superstition very difficult to translate or -apply to the real business of life, and of which the ultimate object -was not always understood by powers like England and Austria. - -At the congress of Vienna they had to treat of serious affairs, and -it was necessary to give a positive meaning to the vague conceptions -of Alexander, and translate theories into treaties. Poland was -occupied by a Russian army, and the diplomatists of the old Muscovite -school, in hopes this occupation would become permanent, pressed the -annexation of Poland to Russia, without a constitution or any free -state privileges. Alexander, who was desirous of wearing the crown of -Poland, was entirely opposed to these demands, and wanted to collect -the ruins of that kingdom into one system of political organisation; -and Count Nesselrode faithfully executed this idea of his sovereign at -the congress of Vienna. The question of Poland was his sole anxiety, as -the integrality of Saxony and the restoration of the House of Bourbon -at Naples was the exclusive thought of Prince Talleyrand. - -At the congress of Vienna Nesselrode formed an intimacy with Prince -Hardenberg. Russia had supported the pretensions of Prussia, the -States had been bound to each other by means of political and family -arrangements, and, for the future, Prussia was destined to act as -the advanced guard of Russia, in her projects of influence over the -south of Europe. Russia was too busy with her own affairs to observe -the sort of underhand alliance forming between England, France, and -Austria, against Alexander's design of instituting a kingdom in Poland, -dependent on a viceroyalty of the czars. Nesselrode had to contend at -once with Metternich and Hardenberg, who were both afraid of seeing the -portion of Poland that had accrued to them at the time of the first -partition escape from their grasp; Austria fearing for Gallicia, and -Prussia for the districts beyond the Vistula. The other opposition the -Russian minister had to overcome was, as I have before observed, that -of the old Muscovite families, who murmured at seeing the organisation -of Poland with an independent constitution and a degree of national -liberty. Great difficulty existed in this quarter, although Nesselrode -had not entered as warmly into this project as his sovereign had done, -but had taken a middle course, in order to avoid a misfortune with -which he had at one time appeared threatened. - -But all these divers interests were confounded by the astounding news -of Napoleon's landing in the Gulf of Juan. The Emperor Alexander, whose -mind was more than ever impressed with the mystic and liberal ideas of -the German school, did not hesitate a moment in lending his powerful -aid to the coalition. Madame Krüdner had persuaded him that the _white -angel_, Peace, was to overcome the _black angel_, which presided over -battles, and that the part of mediator and preserver of the human race -was intended for him. The immense armies of Russia, therefore, marched -against the _black angel_ (Buonaparte). I will not enter into the -military details of the Waterloo campaign; suffice it to remind the -reader that the Russians, who had afforded such decisive support during -the invasion of 1813 and 1814, upon this occasion only arrived with the -third division after the struggle was over, which explains the reason -why the influence of England and Prussia was paramount in France during -the transactions of 1815. - -I have elsewhere given an account of these negotiations;[48] the -Emperor Alexander constituted himself the protector of the French -interests, being led to do so as much by the natural generosity of his -disposition as by a certain degree of national rivalry, which already -began to appear between Russia and England. Nesselrode's influence -over the mind of the Emperor was quite as powerful as that of Pozzo -di Borgo, and we must acknowledge that they rendered us the most -essential service, by preserving us from a partition of our territory, -and a pecuniary indemnity beyond the power of France to discharge. -Still the treaty of Paris stands in evidence, that we were obliged to -submit to very painful sacrifices and heavy humiliations. - - [48] _Vide_ articles "Pozzo di Borgo" and "Richelieu." - -Just at this time the influence of Nesselrode was endangered by a rival -in Alexander's favour; I allude to Count Capo d'Istria. - -Capo d'Istria was born in the Ionian islands, in the midst of the Greek -population, which have so often been encouraged by Russia to strive -for their liberty, ever since the time of Catherine II. He was the -friend of Ipsilanti and of all the ardent generation who fought for -the independence of their country. At a very early age he had been -employed in secret and mysterious negotiations. However the cabinet -of St. Petersburg might be situated with regard to the Porte--let -the relations of the two countries be what they might, Russia, for -the last century, had never ceased to favour secretly the efforts of -Greece to shake off the Ottoman yoke. Alas! had she not had frequent -cause for self-reproach on this subject? More than once she had -instigated the Greeks to revolt, and then, when all their efforts had -proved ineffectual, she had not dared to defend them openly in the -face of Europe; for she was closely watched by England and Austria, -who denounced to the Divan the slightest action of the unfortunate -Hellenists--even the groans of an oppressed people were not allowed -to pass in silence. When, therefore, Capo d'Istria was admitted to -the confidence of the Emperor, the cause of the Greeks enjoyed the -advantage of a constant advocate, and a warm, faithful representative. -His credit dated from the negotiations in Switzerland in 1815, whose -result was a new act of mediation under the threefold influence of -Austria, Russia, and Prussia. Capo d'Istria was afterwards appointed to -divide with Nesselrode the ministry for foreign affairs. - -It was, as I have before observed, a complete rivalry, for Count -Nesselrode had entirely adopted the ideas of the European school. -Since the year 1812, he had followed the political system opposed -to the military principle of the French revolution, now pursued in -concert by all the cabinets of Europe, whose ruling desire, from the -year 1816, had been the repression of the liberal movement engendered -by the resistance of the people to the conquests of Napoleon. -Nesselrode perfectly agreed with Metternich on this point, and the -Emperor Alexander's partiality for the liberal and Hellenic school -of Capo d'Istria was a source of sorrow and vexation to them both. -The difficulties they had to encounter were of a complicated nature, -for religious feelings were mingled with political ideas--there -was strong sympathy between the two churches of Moscow and Athens, -and the patriarchs were in constant communion with each other. It -was impossible openly to attack Alexander on this point; all that -Nesselrode could do in opposition to Capo d'Istria, was to spread the -alarm in every direction concerning the fearful progress made by the -spirit of insurrection. - -As early as the close of 1815, the Emperor Alexander had conceived -the project of the Holy Alliance--an idea resulting from the mystic -and religious fancies of Madame Krüdner, but involving at bottom very -positive resistance to the spirit of revolt; for the Holy Alliance -was nothing more than a contract of mutual support, a sort of bond -entered into by all the crowned heads against the revolutionary -movement in Europe. Metternich and Nesselrode were certainly not the -men for ideal transactions--there had been too much reality and -matter of fact in their lives; still they saw the cabinets adopt these -measures with satisfaction, as they both entertained hopes of bringing -over the Emperor to their way of thinking; and, indeed, the general -course of events at that time appeared to favour the common idea of -Metternich and Nesselrode, for the secret societies in Germany had -been greatly developed, and kept Prussia and Austria in a state of -perpetual anxiety. They sent repeated despatches to St. Petersburg, -and Nesselrode secretly supported the ideas of the alarmed cabinets. -Thus the liberal plans advocated by Capo d'Istria met with secret -opposition, and more than once the Emperor Alexander remained undecided -among the various tendencies which disputed among themselves his mind, -his power, and his affections. - -Events, however, were progressing in a manner likely to weaken the -credit of Capo d'Istria, and augment that of Nesselrode. The Polish -senate had been the especial creation of Alexander, it was the work -of his own hands; and this senate, by an ill-advised resistance, had -just deeply offended the will of the sovereign--a circumstance which -might have been considered as a legal act, in a long-established -government, was construed into an armed and criminal revolt; and the -Czar suddenly issued harsh and firm resolutions regarding Poland. The -strong repressive measures advocated by Nesselrode and Metternich thus -regained their place among the ideas of the European system; from the -same cause the influence of Capo d'Istria visibly lost ground with -the Emperor, and with his influence declined the idea of a Christian -insurrection in Greece. - -Capo d'Istria, as I before observed, was favourably disposed towards -his countrymen the Greeks, who, by a spontaneous movement, had shaken -off the yoke of the Porte; and he urged Alexander immediately to -interfere, by causing a Russian army to appear on the Pruth and an -imperial fleet in the Mediterranean. The revolt of the Greeks was -observed with great anxiety by Metternich; the house of Austria, -being considered as the protectress of the Divan, made every possible -effort to avoid a conflict calculated to injure the Ottoman influence, -which was necessary to the balance of power in Europe: consequently, -it was the object of Austria to persuade Alexander that the real -spirit evinced by Greece was that of revolution, where Capo d'Istria -saw nothing but a religious question; and in this opinion Nesselrode -perfectly concurred. He considered that the actual state of Europe -would not admit of the emancipation of a people, for rebellion was -every where forming against the crowned heads, and Greece was merely -employed as a pretext. - -The moment was well chosen to infuse these alarms into the mind of the -Emperor, the bent of the German universities having just manifested -itself by the assassination of Kotzebue; Piémont had taken up arms, -Naples was in a state of insurrection, and Spain had proclaimed the -Cortes. Metternich, in concert with Nesselrode, then returned to the -idea of congresses, those great fusions of the sovereignties, according -to the course that had been settled by the Holy Alliance. - -The diplomatic school had rather a predilection for this assembling -of Europe--those meetings in which all the statesmen of the various -countries met on friendly terms to discuss the affairs of the -Continent. The same passion for congresses was to be observed in -Talleyrand, Metternich, Hardenberg, and Nesselrode; it was a habit they -had formed, a desire of appearing and playing an important part on the -diplomatic stage. The Emperor Alexander was also fond of these great -_réunions_ because he was consulted as an arbiter, the princes of -Europe trusting both to his experience and to his magnanimity. - -Nesselrode accompanied the Emperor to Troppau and Laybach; those who -studied the character and deportment of both observed that their minds -appeared to be undecided: there was a kind of uncertain hesitation -between the liberal ideas they had lately entertained and the strongly -repressive tendency advocated by Austria. Metternich made use of all -his talents and influence to convince the Emperor of the dangers by -which all the European sovereignties were threatened, if they did not -decide upon one of those great military demonstrations which, by their -overwhelming force, at once made an end of rebellion; when, just at the -most critical moment, intelligence was brought to the Russian minister -of a mutiny that had taken place in one of the regiments of guards at -St. Petersburg. This news quickly determined the Emperor's opinion; -Nesselrode received orders to enter with the utmost vigour into the -plans proposed by Austria, and the downfall of Capo d'Istria appeared -impending. - -One thing must be particularly observed in this struggle between -liberal principles and those of absolute dominion; and that is, that -Capo d'Istria had always been the faithful interpreter of an idea of -independence for Greece, consequently, when liberal opinions were in -the ascendant, he was not likely to continue in favour. The great -misfortune of the Greeks at this moment, and what retarded their -emancipation, was the circumstance of their insurrection taking -place at the same time as the revolt in Piémont and the proclamation -of the constitution of the Cortes; rendering it difficult always -to discriminate exactly between an unruly military movement which -terrified the regular governments, and the noble spectacle of Greece, -with a spirit worthy of her forefathers, raising the holy symbol of -her religion on her banners, stained and torn in many a former heroic -struggle. Capo d'Istria's affection for Greece led to the loss of the -Emperor's favour; and he, the protector of the Hellenists, was stabbed -to the heart by a Greek,[49] affording a melancholy proof of the -ingratitude of revolutions. - - [49] Count Capo d'Istria was murdered in September, 1831, by the - brother and son of a Mainote he had imprisoned.--_Ed._ - -Then took place the intimate fusion of the Russian and Austrian system -of politics, occasioning the absolute triumph of Metternich; and this -situation was continued at the congress of Verona under Nesselrode, -from that time forth sole minister of Russia, and chief of the -_chancellerie_ under Alexander. At the congress of Verona he held the -pen, and all the resolutions regarding Spain were taken in concert; -the diplomatic notes were drawn up by the two ministers together; -Metternich wrote to the Austrian minister at Madrid, while Nesselrode, -recalling the Russian ambassador, fulminated a sentence of proscription -against the Cortes. It was no longer the liberal and generous Alexander -they had to deal with, but an imperious prince, who, through his -ministers, laid down the law in a sovereign and dogmatic manner. When -M. de Villèle craftily objected for a short time to engage in an -expensive and hazardous campaign, Nesselrode, without the slightest -hesitation, wrote to him, in the name of the Emperor, that Russia was -determined to venture every thing in order to repress the spirit of -revolt in the Peninsula. The impulse was so powerful it was no longer -possible to resist it. - -The close of Alexander's life was greatly harassed by these feelings; -the sacred cause of the Greeks weighed upon his mind as a subject -of remorse, and the sorrow it occasioned him was imprinted on his -countenance, which now bore the appearance of ill health. Yet what -was to be done? The panic of impending revolutions had seized upon -his mind, and delivered him over to a thousand terrors, for his dread -of the spirit of the secret societies was extreme. Liberalism filled -him with alarm, he viewed it as a spectre threatening him with the -seditions that might arise in his empire, and he did not comprehend -that the most effectual means of employing the national effervescence -of the Russians would have been to march them against Turkey for the -deliverance of Greece. The causes of the unexpected death of Alexander -have formed the subject of much inquiry; perhaps this acute sorrow was -not entirely unconnected with it: he was a man of a deeply religious -mind, with a mild disposition and a tender and impressionable heart; -thus he felt deeply for the sufferings of Greece. Every stroke of a -yataghan which caused the head of a woman or child to roll in the dust, -among the ruins of Athens or Lacedæmon, made his heart bleed. - -Soon after Alexander had been gathered to his fathers, a commotion, at -once political and military, took place in Russia. In southern Europe -people are not sufficiently acquainted with the character of the noble -family of the Czar: there was a degree of enthusiasm in the filial -affection entertained by the Emperor Alexander for his aged mother, and -the deepest respect existed in the hearts of Constantine and Nicholas -for their elder brother Alexander. His death took them all by surprise, -and upon his tomb burst forth the military movement prepared by the -secret societies, and by a generation of young officers, dreaming of -the old Sclavonian independence. - -Was the accession of the Emperor Nicholas likely to make any -alteration in Nesselrode's position? One powerful reason which -operated against any diminution of the minister's influence was the -respectful admiration of Nicholas for the policy and the opinions of -his deceased brother, and being also inexperienced in business, he -considered it indispensable to surround himself with the men who had -been acquainted with the politics of Russia ever since the great epoch -of 1814. These men of traditions are essential to governments; they -preserve the history of all the precedents in the cabinets; they know -what has been the conduct of Europe during a long series of years, -what are the springs by which she has been actuated, and the acts she -has been called upon to concert; comprising information of the most -essential utility for the comprehension of treaties and the conduct of -negotiations: besides this, it was impossible to deny that Nesselrode -was possessed of very great ability in unravelling events, and had -always shewn an enlightened, though passive obedience, to the wishes of -his sovereign. The Emperor Nicholas, then, being desirous of continuing -the policy of his brother, to whom could he better address himself than -to the man who had had the direction of affairs during the last fifteen -years? Nesselrode also enjoyed the esteem of the Empress-Mother; and -what power that remarkable woman had exercised over political affairs! -She alone always manifested a sovereign contempt for Napoleon--she -alone swayed the mind of her son Alexander, even after Erfurt; and, -according to the patriarchal fashion, all her children appeared, to a -certain degree, to do homage to her for the crown, as if they owed the -supreme power to her from whom they had derived their existence. - -Nevertheless, Nesselrode soon found it necessary to modify his -opinions. Ideas had advanced since the death of Alexander, and it was -impossible to restrain the Russian spirit, which had decided in the -most energetic manner in favour of Greece; it therefore required -military food, and a war was indispensable. The influence of Metternich -over the cabinet of St. Petersburg daily lost ground from this moment, -and Nesselrode began to draw off from Germany, and become more -essentially Russian in his principles and ideas; he also began to take -a decided turn in favour of the Greeks. Nor in this conduct ought he to -be reproached with inconstancy, for the times and circumstances were -no longer the same, the monarchical principle having triumphed every -where, in Piémont as well as at Madrid and at Naples, while Poland -appeared entirely subject to her viceroy Constantine. Under these -circumstances it was less difficult to discern the holy and heroic -principle of the Greek revolution, and to rekindle the ardent hope of -an independence, acquired by means of so many pious sacrifices. From -this new tendency of affairs, Nesselrode found himself the antagonist -of Metternich, with whom he had hitherto been agreed; but the Russian -interest now prevailed over the Austrian spirit. - -The friendship between France and Russia dates from the year 1815, and -was increased at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, under the influence -of the Duc de Richelieu; but at that period, as we learn from the -despatches of Count Nesselrode, France was too much overwhelmed by -the fatal consequences of the two invasions to take an active part -in affairs, or afford a support that would make her alliance worth -seeking by the various cabinets of Europe: but from the year 1819 -France exhibited such a developement of vital powers and military -energy, that Russia hastened to include her in her diplomatic means. -The inclinations of the French cabinet turned in this direction, under -the Duc de Richelieu and M. Dessolles; and they continued thus until -the more English administrations of Polignac, of Montmorency, and of -Villèle. The ministry of M. de la Ferronays again was favourable to -the Russian alliance; and the ties that now bound France to Russia -were not merely those of gratitude for the services rendered at the -restoration, but the well-grounded conviction that the Russian alliance -could on no occasion injure our interests, but might, on the contrary, -on many occasions augment our diplomatic influence and our territorial -boundaries. The collection of the despatches of Nesselrode and Pozzo di -Borgo during this interval, and all the diplomatic papers that exist -in the Foreign Office, attest the good-will of the cabinet of St. -Petersburg, and the offers made secretly by it to obtain the alliance -and concurrence of France on the Eastern question. - -Another cause which made this friendship so greatly desired, was the -rivalry that had already become apparent between Russia and England. -The system of the alliances in 1815 had overturned all the ancient -diplomatic ideas, and all private jealousies had given way before the -common object of Europe,--the destruction of Napoleon's power. But one -great fault then committed by England was her inordinate augmentation -of the power of Russia, thus, to a certain degree, creating her future -omnipotence; for it was with the money and subsidies of England that -the cabinet of St. Petersburg acquired the means of influencing for -ever the southern interests. Nesselrode, who had been engaged in -the greater part of the transactions of 1815, was obliged to detach -himself from the traditions of the alliance of 1812, and great ability -is required in order to make these transitions without abruptness; -supple minds possess their influence as well as those of a more decided -character, and ruin follows close upon the attempt to resist too much. -Nesselrode is essentially the man of transitions; he has never assumed -an inflexible attitude in a system or an idea, but has constituted -himself the translator of times and interests: from which cause, as -I have before observed, it sometimes occurred that his opinions as -_chancelier d'état_ to the Emperor Nicholas were opposed to those he -professed when he held the same situation under Alexander. The ideas of -these two princes were not alike, neither were they placed in the same -situations; yet Nesselrode served them both with the same fidelity and -the same intelligence. It is a talent in public affairs to know how to -make one's self the interpreter of another person; there are but a few -of those very superior minds who, being deeply impressed with their own -conceptions, obtain a dominion over times and characters, and even they -frequently fall. But many very distinguished ministers never are able -to attain that point of elevation, and, not daring to make themselves -types, they are content with being impressions. They agree with all -periods, all situations, and all difficulties. - -From the accession of the Emperor Nicholas to the revolution of 1830, -the Russian policy was in some measure absorbed by the war with the -Porte. All the ancient theory of the Holy Alliance was abandoned for -less undecided interests, and less fear was entertained concerning -revolutions at the time the most complete revolution took place. -Whatever judgment may be formed of the event of 1830, it must suddenly -have awakened a new train of emotions in the Russian _chancellerie_; -for the popular principle which had caused this violent irruption had -demonstrated as much energy, as did formerly the military power of -Napoleon, against whom all Europe had risen in arms. The old education -of Nesselrode was here destined again to be of service to him; for the -first consequence of the revolt was, though not exactly to _revive_ -the treaties of the Holy Alliance, an old parchment which had fallen -to pieces, at least to pave the way for a treaty of mutual guarantee. -All private dissensions were naturally compelled to give way, that -people might hasten to provide against the most pressing danger; -Metternich appeared entirely to resume his former ideas, as if he were -returning to the projects of 1815, and the diplomatic school abandoned -many serious plans for the chances of a crusade against democratic -principles. We are inclined to think Nesselrode did not dislike this -reminiscence of the principles of political repression, being those -which he most perfectly understood, and which he had particularly -dwelt upon during his early years of study and labour: but age had now -supervened; in 1830 Nesselrode was no longer young, and it is not at -the second period of existence people are able to encounter the great -perturbations which shake the world to its centre. In recapitulating -the causes of the maintenance of peace, people have not sufficiently -considered the dread of change that possessed those wearied existences. -Truly, it was not without reason that the Greeks placed in the hands -of the aged the decision concerning peace or war. Let us suppose -Metternich with the impetuosity of youth, and Nesselrode fifteen years -younger, who can tell what might have occurred? Perhaps a violent war -might have broken out, and with it all the chances of disorder. - -The insurrection in Poland, however, gave plenty of occupation to -Russia, and the ideas of the Emperor Nicholas on the subject of -repression harmonised perfectly with those of his minister. What -the Russian people desired was the union of Poland to Russia; and -the amalgamation, which had so long been the constant subject of -Nesselrode's thoughts, was, at last, on the point of being finally -accomplished. He never fully entered into the prejudices of the old -Muscovites on this point, but he, nevertheless, was of opinion that -this divided nation, this double and simultaneous government, injured -the political and administrative unity of Russia. - -The divers administrations which constitute the vast Russian empire, -and which all tend to one common centre, under the hand of the -Emperor, are, as a whole, very remarkable. Ever since the constituent -assembly established an unity of administration in France, our system -of government has no longer cause to dread that, in a homogeneous -whole, one province or one district will be opposed to another; their -strength has been blended in a manner very convenient to those in -power. But it is far otherwise in Russia: the cabinet of St. Petersburg -has to command thousands of different races--Tartars, Mahometans, -Poles, and Cossacks; each of these people has its laws, its customs, -its power, and its recollections, and it is necessary to maintain -this individuality without detracting from the unity of the system. -There is neither one general rule observed in the mode of levying the -taxes, nor even, in a great measure, is there any undeviating rule -for the military conscription. Some pay tribute, others are subject -to contributions of arms and horses; in some places the recruits are -furnished by the nobles, in others they are obtained by means of -_levées en masse_; some people are still subject to feudal government -under the Czar, and others, again, depend on the regular and immediate -authority of the princes. In France the administrative clockwork is so -simple that nothing but a will and a hand for business are required -to set it in motion; nothing can be easier than the situation of a -prefect, or even of a minister for the home department; interests, -rights, and customs, are all sacrificed to the strength of the -government. - -All these circumstances lead to the necessity in Russia of a more -careful and more finished education for a statesman; for a young man -who is preparing for a diplomatic situation at St. Petersburg, must not -only be acquainted with French and German, but must also understand -modern Greek and some of the Oriental languages. Nesselrode, in spite -of his long experience, has been obliged to submit to the general rule; -and a considerable portion of his life has been devoted to the study of -living languages. His mind has become a repertory of treaties, he is a -living catalogue of all the transactions of his time. The offices over -which he presides are the most extensive, the most multiplied, and the -most minute that can be imagined; there is a division for the relations -with Persia, another for those with China, and with the little -Mahometan princes, independent of those for the secret correspondence -with the chiefs of the various tribes lately conquered by Russia. -Nesselrode presides over all these affairs of the _chancellerie_ with -an activity nothing can slacken: his extreme facility in the despatch -of business, and his laborious existence in the midst of the European -relations, have naturally confirmed his credit with the Czar; who is -also accustomed to act very much for himself, and only requires a -minister as a sort of memorandum-book he can consult when he pleases, -and as a faithful arm to execute his will. During the last five years -the system of diplomatic aides-de-camp has been revived in full force, -for the Emperor likes those semi-military appointments, which give a -constantly armed attitude to Russia; in fact, it is one of the active -sources of his moral influence. - -Nesselrode, it is true, is only the enlightened hand which writes the -will of the Emperor; he is valued as a man of good counsel, which -means, that he listens a great deal, and that he can discover the -secret thoughts of the person that consults him, without himself -having any of those determined plans which clash with the will of the -sovereign. - -The junior diplomatic school of Russia regard Nesselrode as a living -archive, something in the way M. d'Hauterive was considered in France; -and it is of great importance that a person who is called to direct the -affairs of his country in the present times should be well acquainted -with its former history--it also adds greatly to the elevation of his -position. The temperate system, adopted by men weary of agitation, is -a great benefit when opposed to the fiery spirits who wish to proceed -with impetuosity in public affairs. The proud and generous disposition -of the Emperor renders it necessary he should have at his side a man -who will not execute his orders till the following day, because time -is thus afforded for reflection, and an order issued to-day might very -possibly be revoked after the lapse of a night; on these occasions -there is a great advantage in a man of a temperate mind. - -Nesselrode has, in every respect, the most agreeable _salon_ in St. -Petersburg, and the one where the most conversation goes on. He takes -pleasure in collecting people who hold the most various opinions, in -such a manner as to form a neutral ground, on which every body may -meet; and when a man has reached a venerable age, full of years and of -honours, what more can be desired? our tent must be pitched somewhere. -When for forty years, people have been engaged in the most gigantic -events, like the aged men in Homer, they offer hospitality to the -young, when they recount to them all they have seen, and the judgment -they have formed; they contemplate the present generation with the -feelings experienced by a traveller who, from an elevated tower, looks -down on the cities far below him, and the people incessantly busy, and -thronging to perform the part assigned to them in the weary task of -humanity. - - - - -LORD CASTLEREAGH. - - -I am about to write the life of a statesman whose character has been -more violently attacked in the annals of England--I might almost say -of Europe--than any other with whom I am acquainted. No one ever had -to endure more outrages and insults, and no one ever displayed more -inflexible firmness, in the course of a most chequered and agitated -life. I shall offend many little prejudices, and hurt many vulgar -opinions; but things of this sort have never prevented me from -proceeding straight to the truths of history, respecting men who have -accomplished a great political career. - -On the picturesque Lake Foyle[50] in Ireland, whose shores are studded -with ancient mansions, and whose waters are diversified with fertile -islands, inhabited by little colonies of aged fishermen, a young man of -eccentric manners, but whose appearance denoted a being of a superior -class to those around him, had for two years fixed his residence. His -only habitation was his boat: fishing, hunting, and violent exercises, -filled up his time; and in the evening, surrounded by the fishermen, -he made them relate to him all the old legendary tales of the country, -and, in his turn, instructing the inhabitants of the district, he drew -up laws respecting fishing, and hunting, as if he were the sovereign -of this watery republic. No one could exhibit more intrepidity than did -this singular being. Upon one occasion he set sail in his frail bark, -in the strait that separates Ireland from England; and his shipwreck on -the Isle of Man, where he had alone managed his yacht in a stormy sea, -like one of the Ossianic heroes, was long recorded by the peasantry. -His dreams were of the legends of the lake; and being deeply enamoured -of the daughter of one of the fishermen named Nelly, he sacrificed -every thing to this ardent and romantic passion, wearing simply the -dress of the children of the lake, for he loved and was desirous of -being beloved again. Enthusiastic and passionate in his feelings, he -would endure no contradiction; and an attempt having one day been made -to deprive him of his mistress, he defied his rival to a duel after the -Scandinavian fashion--that is to say with battle-axes--and conducted -himself with a degree of intrepidity that was celebrated all over Great -Britain. - - [50] Quære, Coyne?--_Editor._ - -This young man, whose eccentricity took so poetical a form, for his -youth was like a ballad, was Robert Stewart, afterwards Viscount -Castlereagh and Marquess of Londonderry. His family was not originally -Irish, but came from Scotland. James I., as every one is aware, created -some great fiefs in Ireland, and bestowed them upon some of his most -faithful subjects, in the hope of more closely uniting Ireland to the -British empire. Eight of these fiefs, with a kind of _suzeraineté_, -fell to the share of the Duke of Lennox; and the Stewarts, that noble -name in Scotland, no doubt allied to the royal line, held some of the -lands subject to the Lennox family. It has always been the fate of -Ireland to be under the dominion of strangers to her soil; the yoke of -conquest becomes more heavy after each impatient tumult. Her oppression -arises from her disturbed condition; each unsuccessful revolt produces -additional servitude, and much of her suffering is owing to the crime -of the popular agitators, who are instigated by nothing but their own -insatiable vanity to endeavour to destroy all old and respectable -national feeling. - -The Stewarts, however, decided in favour of William III., and of -what is termed in England the glorious Revolution. As possessors of -military fiefs they were naturally inclined to second the accession -of a new dynasty, by whom their usurpation of the conquered country -was likely to be sanctioned. When great alterations have taken place -in the rights and tenure of property, a change of power is required, -and, indeed, is almost indispensable to restore peace and quiet to -the country. The Orangemen, therefore, formed a closely-united party -in Ireland, and exercised military dominion over the people. In vain -did the unfortunate James, in his rapid passage through Ireland, cause -the parliament of Dublin to pronounce a sentence of confiscation, on -account of felony, against the estates of Colonel Stewart, serving -under William of Orange. This confiscation continued in force but -a short time; and William, having gained the victory, lavished his -rewards upon the officer who had so powerfully supported his cause. -William Stewart, thus loaded with wealth by the king of 1688, was one -of the most determined oppressors of Ireland--one of those who ruled -with a rod of iron the country reconquered after the battle of the -Boyne. - -The young man dwelling among the fishermen on the shores of the lake, -therefore, came of a noble lineage; and his mother was a Seymour, -named Sarah-Frances, like the Puritan dames who have been re-animated -by the genius of Walter Scott. Robert Stewart, like the rest of the -youth of Great Britain, had pursued his studies at the University of -Cambridge; and, on leaving college, he had precipitated himself into -this romantic sort of life, some said from his love for the fisherman's -daughter, while others, on the contrary, declared such a passage was -merely incidental to his eccentric life, like a wreath of wild flowers -on the brow of a Scandinavian warrior. He, however, led a generous -life, for money appeared to be of no value to him; and he spent largely -in constructing little ports for the fishermen, and distributing among -them boats of a superior construction, like a beneficent deity. Such -is the great source of the power enjoyed by the English aristocracy. -While their public life is passed in the midst of cities, their private -life is in the country. All that was benevolent in the old feudal -system is still to be found in their castles: from their turrets flow -the alms still, as in ancient times, conferred upon the people; the -donjon is converted into a dispensary, where medicines and assistance -are afforded to the sick. And thus the aristocracy reign over the -peasantry, in virtue of the powerful aid they are ready to afford to -all who require it in their neighbourhood. - -Nevertheless, the wish to distinguish himself in public life began to -animate the heart of young Stewart. Parliament appears necessary to -the youth of Great Britain, and it is there they prepare themselves -for political life, taking their place among the Whigs or Tories -according to a certain order of political principles. It was necessary -the Stewarts should have seats in the Irish parliament, for they had a -great stake in the country; but, owing to the family being Protestants, -the election was violently contested, and cost the successful candidate -thirty thousand pounds. These corruptions are a general rule in -England, and they even add to the strength of the country; for there -is no danger a bad choice should result from them, every thing being -fixed according to settled rules; every thing is so well foreseen and -organised by the mechanical arrangements made, that the elections that -take place are always of men of safe principles. Pecuniary corruption -in the existence of states often acts as a corrective of another, and -far more injurious, corruption for a people--I mean ideas tending to -revolutionary principles. - -The Irish parliament, then still existing, was a great cause of -disorder in the unity of the British government, until the illustrious -Pitt placed every thing under the common law of the triple crown. There -is something strange and perfectly inconsistent in the pretensions of -Ireland. The people profess to respect the Union without ever wishing -to depart from it; and then they claim a parliament for themselves, -and desire something resembling a republic independent of England. Let -them exult in their Catholic emancipation; they have a right to do so, -and cannot value it too highly. But do they wish still to make part of -the British empire?--do they wish the harp of Erin still to hold her -place on the escutcheon of England? Alone, Ireland cannot subsist. Her -commerce is supported by the vast trade of England: she only exists by -means of the colonies, and the day she ceases to be English she will be -ruined. What, then, is the meaning of all those revolts, those protests -on all occasions, which serve no purpose except that of conferring a -certain sort of renown upon street orators and demagogues? - -The election of Robert Stewart, however, though anti-Catholic, was not -ministerial; for he promised on the hustings to support parliamentary -reform, and on taking his seat in the House of Commons he placed -himself on the opposition benches. This was a sort of sacrifice to -popularity necessary from all statesmen at the beginning of their -career, and the most powerful have not been exempt from paying this -tribute to rhetoric. However, even at that time, young Stewart -appeared to keep within certain limits of order and principles; and, -avoiding declamation, he spoke seriously, and restrained himself while -speaking. He was not an orator with a sonorous, reverberating voice, -who, by means of biting epigrams, drew peals of laughter from his -auditors. His speeches bore the impress of the Toryism of his family, -and all his inclinations were those of an eminently Conservative mind. - -England and Ireland were at this time agitated more especially by two -questions; the first was parliamentary reform, and the other the free -commerce of Ireland with the colonies. On the first of these points, -the Castlereagh family, like the Wellesleys, considered it absurd to -impose upon the Catholics a conscientious oath, which would exclude -them from participating in the benefit of the elections; but, at the -same time, was it not very unwise to prepare an indefinite reform, -which would overturn the whole of the social condition of Great -Britain? It was with a view to the admission of the Catholics into -parliament that the Irish Tories became friends with the opposition; -they shewed themselves favourably inclined to the emancipation of those -who differed with them in belief, and at the same time opposed to -radical reform: and this last subject was the cause of Castlereagh's -withdrawal from the Irish agitators, who now began to aim murderous -blows at the Union. - -Robert Stewart, also, considered that Ireland could not with justice be -deprived of an extensive commerce with the colonies. What was the use -of a system which made all the advantages fall to the share of England -and Scotland, without allowing the essentially agricultural population -of Ireland, to participate in them? Young Stewart defended the -interests of Ireland with energy and great ability, and he immediately -attracted the attention of those in power, more especially the Marquis -of Buckingham and Lord Westmoreland. - -The rebellion in Ireland took place at this juncture; the people -were determined to separate themselves from the English crown; the -time was past when the questions raised by the opposition were those -of religious liberty or political independence; they now wanted to -establish a sort of Irish republic, under the protection of the -democracy that was then setting Europe in a blaze. Treasonable -correspondence with the French republic could not fail to place the -society of United Irishmen without the pale of the constitution and -of all patriotic feelings. Ireland called for the assistance of -foreigners, and a strong party was naturally formed to oppose these -evil designs. The Orangemen, who sided with the government, organised -the yeomanry--a sort of feudal system against the insurgents, and -a civil war broke out in Ireland at the time of the expeditions to -their coasts, commanded by Generals Hoche and Humbert. The members -of parliament could not venture on further hesitation; for it was -necessary either to take part with the United Irishmen supported by -foreigners, or to declare for the government of Mr. Pitt. Robert -Stewart, who had just acquired the title of Castlereagh, upon his -father being created Earl of Londonderry, exhibited no indecision as -to the course he was to pursue, and from this time forth he was always -firmly convinced that the only real statesmen are those who know how to -repress the tumultuous movements of popular excitement. - -He now devoted himself to repressive measures, with the energy that -formed the basis of his character. He had been appointed secretary for -Ireland under Lord Camden, and by this means became identified with -the Orange party. It was principally owing to his vigorous measures -that the insurrection was brought to a termination, for he never was -arrested by any of the trifling obstacles which often form the ruin -of causes; he considered it necessary the government should display -perfect inflexibility, for the salvation of the country was at stake: -amnesties were granted, it is true, but not until the tumult was -over and the rebels had laid down their arms. During this struggle -Lord Castlereagh was particularly distinguished for the strength and -importance he conferred upon the Orange party, consisting of men of -property who were formed into a body for the defence of their land. -Lord Cornwallis was able, after a time, to succeed Lord Camden in the -government of Ireland, and the repressive system had then produced -such a state of security, that the government considered the season of -pardon and oblivion to have arrived. - -The most violent hatred was now aroused against Lord Castlereagh: -it is, alas! the fate of all who by violent means restore order in -a country, for they occasion discontent, and all the spirits whose -turbulence had troubled the country are, of course, opposed to them; -because their proceedings have been severe, people insist that they -have been sanguinary. These invectives of the Irish did not permit -Lord Cornwallis to retain Lord Castlereagh as secretary, he therefore -gave in his resignation; for, in peaceful times, the men who commanded -during the storm are no longer required, and when the tempest is over -the services of the hardy pilot are scarcely remembered: thus Marquis -Cornwallis, whose government was distinguished for its indulgence, -no longer required the inflexible hand of the former secretary. No -part of his conduct, however, had escaped the vast intellect of the -statesman then at the head of the English government. Mr. Pitt had -discovered the secretary for Ireland to possess an inflexible mind, -which, when once convinced of the expediency of any measure, was -capable of making every exertion, and encountering every risk, in order -to carry out an idea he had formed; and this kind of disposition must -have been particularly satisfactory to Mr. Pitt at a time when England -was threatened with so many dangers. In unsettled times, the presence -of men of firm and determined characters, who will prevent society -from falling to pieces, is of the greatest importance to a government. -From this moment, a communication took place between Pitt and Lord -Castlereagh. The great minister required a powerful supporter in the -definitive question of the parliamentary union of Ireland and England; -for the late disturbances, and more especially the unfortunate appeal -to a foreign power, and to the leaders of the French revolution, had -inspired Mr. Pitt with a firm conviction, that neither strength nor -order were to be hoped for, except through the means of the Union, and -that the existence of the Irish parliament was in direct opposition to -the spirit of centralisation, which can alone secure the prosperity -and glory of a country. After every insurrection Ireland was losing -some portion of her freedom,--a fate always prepared by agitators for -those who trust too much to their words! A nation obtains concessions -only when it remains in a quiescent position, and when its well-founded -complaints are uttered with calm sobriety of manner; silent suffering -produces a great effect on the minds of the beholders, and the feeling -of justice exercises an unspeakable influence. Lord Castlereagh in the -Irish parliament made himself the zealous champion of Mr. Pitt, in his -plan for uniting the two parliaments; the country comprehended the -advantages to be derived from this measure, and it was decided that -the three crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland, ought to form one -great whole, which would hereafter be the support of the Continent -when threatened with danger. Pitt was highly satisfied with Lord -Castlereagh's speech for the Union; he was summoned by the ministerial -party to the united House of Commons, and appointed president of -the Board of Control for the affairs of India. This is one of the -appointments conferred in England by the ministers upon the talented -men with whom they surround themselves, for the sake of their support -in parliament. - -No man could be better acquainted with the situation of Ireland than -Lord Castlereagh, or more perfectly aware of all the resources of the -Orange party which could be employed for the purpose of repression. -This knowledge rendered him a person of great importance, for the prime -minister was then anxious to put into execution the union between -England and Ireland, which had been decided upon in parliament, and -Lord Castlereagh, who by his profound acquaintance with the moral -topography of Ireland was the man most calculated to realise this -design, was consulted upon all the measures to be pursued. Mr. Pitt -especially possessed the practical genius which enabled him to discover -men of particular capacity, and around him were a multitude of young -and clever men, each with his appointed station and employment. The -system of under-secretaries of state in England produces wonderful -results; it gives to affairs their full developement, enabling the -statesman to confine himself to generalities, both of ideas and -systems, while the young under-secretaries devote all their energies to -the statistics of detail and the internal administration. Thus was Lord -Castlereagh situated; a man of an inflexible and laborious disposition, -who never arrived at a general idea except by means of the most careful -and minute study of all the circumstances. - -This special knowledge of affairs caused Lord Castlereagh to be -retained even during Mr. Addington's ministry, which lasted but a very -short time, and was succeeded by Mr. Pitt's still more decided plans -against the French revolution. Addington signed the peace of Amiens, -and Castlereagh, as president of the Board of Trade, had to deliberate -upon all the measures which augmented the commercial relations of -England with India and the colonies. He assumed no position as a -political character, for he did not agree with the ideas entertained -by Addington, and he, therefore, completely gave himself up to his -duties at the Board of Control and to the affairs of Ireland. His heart -was full of detestation for France, and, in imitation of his master, -he allowed this administration to pass without taking any part in it. -As a reward for his conduct on this occasion, Pitt, on resuming his -situation at the head of affairs, gave him the portfolio of the War -department. - -It is necessary to observe that Pitt's great ambition was that all -the various departments should be entirely dependent upon him; he did -not like to have any men about him except those of his school, or -immediately attached to his system,--his _fides Achates_, as they were -classically termed by Dundas; and among these young men the names of -Castlereagh and Canning are especially resplendent: both were subject -to his power, but of essentially opposite characters, and jealous of -each other. Castlereagh was so firm and decided, that he never gave up -an idea he had once formed; his manner of speaking was slow, and rather -heavy, but serious, and never thoughtless. Canning, on the contrary, -was sarcastic, and rather inclined to classic declamation; an orator, -rather spoiled from a constant striving after effect. Castlereagh was -often listened to with impatience, nevertheless, he generally attained -his object; while Canning, by the generality of people, was only viewed -in the light of an eloquent speaker. Castlereagh was a statesman; -Canning, a man of words, rather theatrical, not to be relied on, and -with an indescribable levity of language and purpose. Castlereagh -would have laid down his life for his party, or for an idea; Canning -was a renegade to his party, he supported every thing with ability, -and gloried in his oratorical triumphs, at the very time he was -compromising his cabinet. - -When Pitt, their illustrious chief, died broken-hearted by the victory -of Austerlitz, the king considered it indispensable, in order to -conclude a peace with France, that Fox and Grenville, the leaders of -the Whigs, should assume the ministry; it was an unfortunate attempt, -often repeated in England. Fox, and all his friends, shewed themselves -perfectly devoid of political knowledge, and they also evinced extreme -incapacity, which gave occasion to the remark that a Whig ministry was -a misfortune both for the country and for the party itself; for the -country, because it compromises it, and for the party, because the -Whigs always forfeit their reputation, throwing away, in a ministry -which lasted fifteen months, the fruit of fifteen years of popularity. -As might be expected, Canning and Castlereagh were the most violent -opponents of Fox's cabinet. The debates in parliament during this -ministry form a curious study; Canning and Castlereagh did not like -each other, though they were on the same side of the question, and -this was mainly owing to the difference in their talents, as well as -in the character of their minds and intellects. Castlereagh attacked -the administration by means of reasoning, an appeal to figures, and a -sort of traditional influence, which produced a great effect upon the -Tories; while Canning, on the contrary, trusted to poetical sallies, or -ridicule. Above all, Fox was out of place at the head of affairs. - -Men whose whole life is passed in attacking others, are essentially -in a bad position when they assume the direction of affairs; they are -unable to breathe, they are neither free nor happy in this sphere, for -it is not congenial to them. The men of business, on the contrary, -who are for a short time in the opposition, become very dangerous -opponents, especially if they possess a flow of language and a quick -and earnest manner; as they have seen a great deal, they preserve an -incontestable degree of authority while reproaching the opposition with -succeeding no better than _they_ did when in power, and with imitating -awkwardly the very conduct they had formerly attacked with great -violence. The men who declaim are not to be feared; the only really -formidable adversaries are those who have had much experience in the -course of events. - -The wretched administration of Lord Grey, after the death of Fox, was -a continuation of the Whig politics. His lordship had at all times -been rather the bulwark than leader of his party, and the tool of the -able men who availed themselves of his high reputation: there are -generally in politics some characters who serve as a stalking-horse for -certain opinions; they have a great name, which is taken hold of, to be -employed or absorbed according to circumstances. - -The ministry of Lord Grey, and Grenville, only lasted for a few -months after the death of Fox, for the continental questions began to -assume so serious an aspect that it was not possible for the Whigs -to direct them. Fox had been desirous of a peace with France--one of -those bastard truces attempted by Addington at the peace of Amiens; -but how was it possible there should be peace between two such proud -and powerful authorities as Napoleon and the English aristocracy? -the irrevocable fall of one or other of the parties was inevitable. -Austerlitz had given birth to Fox's ministry, and the awaking of -Prussia from the torpor in which she had been plunged brought about -the fall of the Whigs. The Duke of Portland, belonging to the moderate -Tory party, undertook the difficult and painful task of directing the -affairs of Great Britain, and the two most determined and unvarying -opponents of the former administration were naturally included in the -present ministry: as I have before observed, they were men of perfectly -different characters. Castlereagh returned to the War Office, with -the detail of which he was perfectly well acquainted; and Canning was -appointed minister for foreign affairs, as being the favourite pupil of -Pitt and the inheritor of his doctrines. - -From this time a peace with France was no longer thought of; that idea -gave place to the determination to engage in a fierce and implacable -war against Napoleon, who had now reached the _apogée_ of his glory, -and on this point the opinion of Lord Castlereagh was firm and -unvarying. His great object was to find the leaven of war, on that -continent now humbled under the sword of the Emperor; and, by means of -secret springs, to arouse the governments and people, crushed beneath -his gigantic power. The influence of France extended from Cadiz to -Hamburg, from Antwerp to Trieste; Austria had made peace with her -after the sad defeat at Austerlitz; and Prussia, after appearing for a -moment as if roused to resistance, had again bowed beneath the yoke. -Germany was subject to the Confederation of the Rhine; Switzerland to -the predominant mediation of the French empire; Italy was in a state of -vassalage under the Iron crown; at Tilsit a friendship had been formed -between Russia and France, and the two emperors were about to meet -again at Erfurt, to cement the alliance projected at Tilsit, and divide -the world between them. - -England, therefore, stood _alone_ in the struggle now fiercely -undertaken against Napoleon. Castlereagh, who held the same opinions -that Mr. Pitt had done, resolutely rejected every attempt at peace with -a power whose principle had hitherto been to grasp at every thing, -and which appeared resolved it should continue so to be. The Duke of -Portland had a degree of rashness, and something chivalrous, in his -disposition, which led him to engage boldly in the struggle; and the -new connexion between Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Wellington gave -him a sort of pre-eminence in the cabinet, which offended the vanity -of Canning. Like all political speakers, the minister for foreign -affairs aimed at power, and, because he possessed a happy facility in -quoting some classical verses acquired at the University, he considered -himself fitted to occupy a higher situation than Castlereagh, whose -speech was slow and embarrassed. This jealousy increased after the -brilliant expedition to Copenhagen, in which the minister of war had -displayed very great ability, and the arrangements of which were so -perfectly successful that the Danish fleet remained in the power of the -English. The opposition in vain declared it was an iniquitous action, -contrary to all the principles of the law of nations: but necessity has -no law; and was it not absolutely necessary that Great Britain should -prevent the coalition of the Danish squadron and the fleet of Antwerp? -The lukewarm neutrality of Denmark was not a sufficient guarantee to -England, and it was indispensable either to force that government to -declare itself, or to destroy a fleet which lay too near the formidable -arsenal of Napoleon. Mr. Canning was very jealous of his ministerial -colleague; he had always considered himself to hold the first place -since the death of Mr. Pitt, and he could not bear that another should -share in this renown: this enmity soon burst forth in a striking -manner. - -The active diplomatic proceedings of England on the Continent had -excited the fears of Austria, as to the probable results of a war; -the interview at Erfurt determined the cabinet of Vienna to take arms -against Napoleon, and England immediately contracted a league of -offence and defence with Austria, based upon subsidies which she agreed -to furnish. - -It was well known that, ever since the commencement of the war in -Spain, great dissatisfaction had existed in the French empire against -the insatiable ambition of Buonaparte; and several ministers, as for -instance Talleyrand and Fouché, had begun to look forward to the -possibility of the death or downfall of the Emperor. When generals -like Bernadotte were out of favour, one might easily imagine that, -in case of the death of Napoleon, or of a military insurrection, the -vast empire raised by one man would fall into complete decay and -dissolution. This was, from henceforward, the groundwork of the plans -of England. It was intended an English army should land in Holland, -at the same time that Austria should open the war by an immense -military demonstration, and thus effect a rapid popular insurrection. -The thing Lord Castlereagh considered of the most importance was the -destruction of the fleet and arsenal of Antwerp, in the same manner -as the capture of the Danish fleet had formerly been effected; he -therefore, as minister of war, made immense preparations for the -Walcheren expedition; but,--must it be said?--here commenced the -treachery of Mr. Canning towards his country and his colleague. It is -incontestable that Mr. Canning furnished information to Fouché, to let -him know the intentions of Lord Castlereagh;[51] for when jealousy -has taken possession of the heart it listens to nothing. As to his -conduct towards his colleague, Canning persuaded the Duke of Portland -to get rid of Lord Castlereagh, as a man of a harsh and inflexible -disposition, incapable of conducting the war department, or of -directing or supporting a debate. In parliament, Mr. Canning wanted to -rule over the Tory party, and Lord Castlereagh was an obstacle to his -ambitious designs. - - [51] This assertion is untrue, and not borne out by any - evidence.--_Editor._ - -The Walcheren expedition failed, and explanations naturally took place -between the colleagues. Unfortunate catastrophes are always followed -by harsh and bitter words, because no one is willing to stand by the -consequences. A feeling was raised against Lord Castlereagh, who -was denounced by the Whigs as unfit for his situation. "How had it -happened," said they, "that a fine English army had been thus plunged -into sickness and misery?" Lord Castlereagh was obliged to defend -himself, and the storm which was growling around him rendered it -impossible for him to retain his situation; but he wrote a sharp and -angry letter, openly accusing Canning, if not of actual treason, at -least of underhand practices, which had occasioned all these disasters. -Canning replied in a confused manner, by details on the delays that -had taken place in the departure of troops, and the wrong address -of the despatches; he was only ardent and cutting when he came to -personal recriminations against Castlereagh, who, deeply offended, sent -a challenge to his adversary. He was thus returning to the early and -poetic part of his existence, to the reminiscences of the eccentric -youth on the shores of Lough Foyle, where he had fought a duel in the -Scandinavian fashion; and now, when he was a serious and reflecting -statesman, he considered that in personal questions the only means -of terminating a quarrel was by a personal encounter. Canning and -Castlereagh fought with pistols: in England people are ready to lay -down their lives for an idea or a system; both were brave men, and -would not draw back, but Castlereagh was the most fortunate, for -Canning was severely wounded. The resignation of the minister of war -was nevertheless accepted, while Canning continued in office, and the -Duke of Portland pursued the middle course which had occasioned the -rupture between his two colleagues. - -The situation of parties and of affairs is sometimes such, that a -man is possessed of more influence when out of the cabinet than when -he actually forms one of the ministry; and the firm and inflexible -attitude of Lord Castlereagh, and his implacable hatred towards France, -secured him a degree of ascendancy among the Tories, which Canning -had striven for in vain. The Wellesleys, then rendered so powerful -by the successes of the Duke of Wellington, shared their credit -with the ex-minister; and he followed in parliament the energetic -political system which infallibly leads to the downfall of all feeble -or temporising measures. The ministry of the Duke of Portland and Mr. -Canning had already taken some steps towards peace with Buonaparte, -but Castlereagh was constantly opposed to it; he agreed with the -ministers whenever repressive measures, or any plan favourable to -Conservative ideas was in debate, but opposed them when they were -inclined to make any concessions to Whiggism, or the idea of peace. By -this skilful conduct he gradually rose in public estimation, and when -the unfortunate death of Mr. Perceval occasioned the dissolution of the -ministry, the Tories proposed Lord Castlereagh as minister for foreign -affairs in the room of Mr. Canning. - -The situation of Europe at this time rendered it imperatively necessary -that the conduct of England should be decided and full of energy. -Though it can hardly be said that war was actually on the point of -breaking out on the Continent, there were every where the elements -of an universal conflagration: Spain had hoisted the signal of -independence, and the English armies extended in the Peninsula, from -Lisbon to Cadiz. Immediately after he had taken charge of the Foreign -Office, Lord Castlereagh was called upon to explain himself concerning -the question of peace or war with France. Buonaparte was then on -the eve of undertaking the Russian campaign, and in order to give -an undeniable proof of his pacific inclinations, and also as a lure -to public opinion, he caused M. Maret to write to Lord Castlereagh, -proposing peace upon what he termed easy and simple conditions, which -reduced themselves to the following points. At Naples and at Madrid, -the actual dynasty, and in Portugal and Sicily also the reigning -dynasty (without any further explanation). The English minister, -being closely connected with Russia, had little inclination to treat -with Napoleon; and it was no doubt sarcastically that he proposed the -following question to M. Maret,--"First of all, it is necessary to -understand what dynasty you are speaking of; in Spain, is it Ferdinand -VII. or Joseph Buonaparte? At Naples, is it the House of Bourbon or -Murat, that is considered as the actual dynasty?" And when M. Maret -replied that his majesty Don Joseph and his majesty Joachim were meant, -Lord Castlereagh, with proper spirit, declared any further proceedings -were out of the question, because he had nothing to do with these -usurpers,--it was only with the legitimate sovereigns of Spain and -Naples that England had any connexion. The accession of the leader of -the active Tory party, therefore, caused the politics of England to -assume a firmer attitude respecting all the affairs of Europe. When -Buonaparte undertook his adventurous expedition against Russia, the -English minister turned his closest and most careful attention upon -Turkey and Sweden, both of which possessed powerful means of action. -The negotiation feebly entered into by the agents of M. Maret, had been -rendered abortive by the abrupt and imperative character of Buonaparte; -and Lord Castlereagh, more fortunate and more adroit, went direct to -his object with regard to Bernadotte and the Porte. He knew the Crown -Prince was displeased with the haughtiness of Napoleon, and offered -him subsidies if he would maintain a strict neutrality, reserving to -himself the chance of future events. In his relations with Europe he -was still more fortunate in bringing about the peace of Bucharest, -which left the Czar master of all his forces. This plan of increasing -the strength of the enemies of Buonaparte, and thus depriving him of -the necessary alliances, was an admirable mode of attack. The peace of -Bucharest enabled the Czar to advance with the army, which attacked -Napoleon on the flank and encircled him in its vast coils; and the -neutrality observed by Sweden permitted to Russia the disposition of -her forces near Riga--a circumstance that did more towards causing the -defection of Prussia than people are aware. - -The active mind of Lord Castlereagh, and the determined energy which -distinguished his character, were more especially manifested in the -European movement which led to the fall of Napoleon. In 1813, the whole -continent was full of English agents; they were everywhere--at Vienna, -at Berlin, and at Stockholm, and even among the secret societies of -Germany: for the Tories perceived that the time was come for them to -act with vigour, and put an end to the power by which they had so -long been threatened. Parliament never presented a more animated or -truly national spectacle, or evinced a more unanimous devotion to the -cause supported by the old English aristocracy; no sacrifice appeared -too great, and subsidies were granted almost without limitation. The -disasters of Moscow had inflamed all hearts, and with the assistance -of one magic word, _Liberation_, the plans most hostile to Napoleon -were realised. Treaties of alliance and subsidy were concluded by Lord -Castlereagh with almost all the powers of Europe; and in order more -completely to identify himself with his system, the minister appointed -his brother, Sir Charles Stewart, to a special mission to the courts -of Prussia and Sweden. This officer, now Marquis of Londonderry, was -sent as commissioner with the English armies, and has himself published -his despatches addressed to him whom he mentions as his illustrious -brother. The English commissioners, who all received appointments both -military and political, were at the same time soldiers, negotiating -agents, and commandants of troops. We see in these despatches the -painful efforts made by Sir Charles Stewart to produce some degree of -unity in the coalesced camp. As England was paying armies to the right -and left, with unheard-of liberality, she was desirous of retaining the -political direction of events in her own hands, and as this supremacy -encountered obstacles raised by the spirit of calculation and of -self-love, it was necessary to be perpetually engaged in discussions -with the generals-in-chief and the government. Sir Charles was at that -time a young man, with a warm temper and some pride of birth; and -Bernadotte, in spite of his doubtful position, preserved a certain -degree of personal dignity: this led to perpetual differences of -opinion, and even to quarrels, which required the skilful and moderate -interference of the Russian commissioner, Count Pozzo di Borgo. Sir -Charles having conceived a feeling of mistrust regarding Bernadotte, -no doubt with reason, watched him closely, and his elevated position -as brother to the Prime Minister of England invested him with an -undoubted superiority in all negotiations. The attitude of England at -that time was so proud! I am not acquainted with any period in the -history of empires more magnificent, from the energy displayed, than -that of England from the year 1792 to 1814; and this energy led to -the general rising of Europe against Napoleon. Castlereagh was the -soul of it, for the elements of which the English ministry were then -composed were subject to his power; indeed when a character of great -strength is anywhere met with, every thing gives way to his influence, -for a superior mind never fails to be acknowledged. Lord Liverpool was -no doubt a man of great consideration, and he held the first place -officially in the cabinet; but when Europe began to rouse herself from -her sleep, Castlereagh gave so powerful an impulse to the English -diplomacy that it very soon ruled the world: let us now see what an -immense task she had to perform. - -Europe, with all her desire of acting vigorously against Buonaparte, -possessed neither money nor credit, and this to such a degree, that -Prussia, for instance, had not a million of florins at her disposal; -England not only provided subsidies, but also the means of negotiating -loans: she became security for Prussia, Austria, and Russia; thus -taking upon herself the credit of the world. The whole of the subsidies -were not paid in money--arms, clothing, and provisions were also sent; -and this extraordinary effort gave employment to her machinery, work -to the labouring classes, and immense occupation to her mercantile -navy. Her inexhaustible liberality demanded in return the abatement of -the tariffs and free entry for her manufactures; by which means she -regained a great portion of the advantages she afforded. In order -to be convinced of this, it is only necessary to consult the rate of -exchange for that period, which was almost always in favour of London; -that is to say, that while she appeared to be furnishing money, it was -merely changing the location of her funds. Hamburg, Frankfort, Vienna, -and Berlin, were in debt to London, and the loans thus compensated -themselves; shewing the prodigious strength of the commercial -principle, and the magnificent power of an aristocratic state, directed -by a superior mind. - -The principal object Lord Castlereagh had in view was to bring about -a degree of persevering unity in the European coalition; it was the -ruling idea of Mr. Pitt and the labour of his life: but the statesman -had so often failed in his object. The weakness of Europe against -Buonaparte resulted from its divisions, from its conflicting interests, -and the separation of one cabinet from another; it was therefore -necessary to unite them all in one common cause, and this was not the -least difficult task he had to perform. If they might reckon upon the -willingness of Russia to proceed to extremities against Napoleon, if -the national spirit had been roused in Prussia to strive earnestly -for the fall of the Emperor, were they likely to meet with the same -concurrence, the same absolute devotion on the part of Austria, and of -Sweden under Bernadotte? What obstacles and opposition Lord Castlereagh -had to encounter in the course of the year 1813, at the time of the -armistice of Plesswitz and the congress of Prague! Fresh discussions -were incessantly started, and the coalition was repeatedly ready to -fall to pieces, from the selfish tendencies of private interests. As -for him he had but one object, one desire--the fall of Napoleon and -the dissolution of the French Empire, and no words can express the -power possessed by a man who has one idea constantly present to his -mind, and follows it up with undeviating energy. The dissolution of the -congress of Prague was occasioned by this absorbing passion in the mind -of Lord Castlereagh, who induced Metternich to engage more decidedly in -the coalition; he was like the intrepid hunter who sounds the halloo in -pursuit of the stag at bay. - -The vast plan he had conceived rested upon two points--exertion on the -part of the various governments to promote the march of troops, and a -general rising among the people to second the efforts of the cabinets. -The material impulse was given by Russia, and he allowed it to proceed -and develope itself, well knowing the example of that great power would -be followed by Prussia and Austria, and that their efforts would be -sufficient for the liberation of Germany. It then became necessary in -the north to urge Sweden to take the field, and with her Denmark and -Holland; all his efforts were therefore directed to this point, and -gave rise to the mission of Sir Charles Stewart and General Graham. He -considered there would be no difficulty in inducing a revolt among the -oppressed Dutch and Belgian population, and a popular movement would -bring about the restoration of the House of Orange; while in the south -the armies of England overspread Spain and Portugal, and France was -thus attacked at both extremities at the same time. This has always -been the favourite political system of England; by acquiring influence -in Spain and Portugal, and also in Belgium, she prevents France from -affecting her either commercially or diplomatically; and as English -statesmen, in what situation soever they may be placed, never lose -sight of the hereditary diplomatic traditions, one plan is transmitted -through many generations, in the same manner that it formerly descended -in our monarchy, when under the dominion of kings, and of able and -distinguished ministers. Nothing is done in that country from a sudden -impulse; every plan is maturely weighed, and England in the nineteenth -century is swayed by the same principles as in the sixteenth. - -Lord Castlereagh's task, however, increased in difficulty as the allied -armies drew near France, and their interests became more personal -and more divided. It then became a question whether Austria would be -willing to overturn France, and whether the Emperor Francis would -sacrifice his son-in-law; there was also a doubt whether Russia would -consent to the proposed augmentation of Austria and Prussia, which -would add so considerably to their importance; and in addition to all -the other questions, what compensation was likely to be awarded to -England? Such were the difficulties that arose at every step after -the Allies had reached the Rhine, until at last Pozzo di Borgo was -despatched to England, with the firm determination to induce Lord -Castlereagh, if possible, to visit the Continent; his presence now -seemed really indispensable amidst the clashing of ideas and interests, -which threatened to lead to the dissolution of the coalition. England -alone was capable of reconciling all their wishes, and restoring to the -various forces the unity which, like the bundle of sticks in the fable, -rendered them invincible when united, though each separately would be -easily overcome. - -Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent to confer with Lord Aberdeen, -Lord Cathcart, and his own brother Sir Charles Stewart; and from this -time the influence of the British legation was complete and paramount. -The intervention of the English minister was indispensable, as I -have before observed, to fortify the bonds of cohesion between the -various cabinets, and more especially for the purpose of enforcing -the principle, that no treaty was possible with Napoleon. In the -conferences that took place between Metternich and M. de St. Aignan -at Frankfort, the English legation observed that the Allies appeared -rather inclined to a pacific arrangement, which would leave the Rhine -as the boundary of the French empire, and would consequently include -Belgium; but never would England have consented to a proceeding which -would abandon Antwerp to France: she had too long coveted her fleet and -great arsenal, and many had been the expeditions she had undertaken -with that object! - -The opinion of Castlereagh was therefore inflexible; France, he -declared, must be reduced within her ancient limits, and this -resolution led to the conviction that with the ancient frontiers -the ancient dynasty would be necessary. It was not that the English -minister had entered into any engagements with the house of Bourbon; -the Tories might consider the restoration of Louis XVIII. as a -desirable circumstance after the general disorder that had existed -in Europe, but it did not make one of the necessary conditions of -a general peace, for the selfishly English interest was paramount -over every other consideration. This state of affairs is evident in -the correspondence between Lord Castlereagh and the French princes -who had taken refuge in England; and though he might insinuate to -the Comte d'Artois and the Duc d'Angoulême that they might appear -on the Continent, he would not officially approve of their conduct, -so as not to make the restoration a necessary condition for the -re-establishment of peace. This caution affords an explanation of the -Duke of Wellington's conduct after the battle of the Pyrenees; he made -no objections to the Duke of Angoulême's presence in the south of -France, but the white flag was not hoisted, because Lord Castlereagh -was completely engaged in the negotiations at Châtillon. - -In these conferences, so fatal to our interests, the predominance of -the English minister was manifested in the highest degree. As England -furnished the subsidies, she exercised very great influence over -the movements of the Allies, and Lord Castlereagh's language often -assumed an imperious tone. Upon the first hesitation manifested by -Austria, he declared that England would no longer be security for the -money borrowed by the cabinet of Vienna, if they should attempt to -enter into a separate treaty; and he was supported in his design of -a general unity against Napoleon by Pozzo di Borgo, who had not left -his side since they had travelled together from London. In fact, he -was convinced it was not possible to make a treaty with Buonaparte. -What peace would there be for Europe as long as he continued to wear -the French crown? Had they not for many years been engaged in a -protracted and constantly recurring struggle? For this reason, upon -firm conviction, he supported as a statesman the maxim adopted by the -Tory party,--_The ancient territory and the ancient dynasty_. - -Although Lord Castlereagh held no acknowledged diplomatic office at -the congress of Châtillon, he nevertheless swayed all the resolutions -formed there; he was the principal author of the treaty of Chaumont, -which placed the military direction of the campaign under the influence -of England. It was a singular example of the power that may be -exercised by a commercial and monied government over military powers, -for England had hardly any soldiers engaged in this war, but by means -of her subsidies alone she set in motion a million of men, and made -them subservient to her national and exclusive interests. Thus it -was admitted as a general principle, that France was to be reduced -within her ancient limits, and the object of England was gained by our -being deprived of Antwerp; her vast arsenal was no longer dangerous, -and her fleet was to be divided. It may be said that the treaty of -Paris in 1814, which was the consequence of the treaty of Châtillon, -formed in some measure a realisation of the leading ideas of Toryism; -that is to say, the re-establishment of the House of Orange, with a -territory extending to our frontier; Prussia increased in strength -and importance, Austria assumed a predominant position in the south -of Germany, while they both served as barriers to Russia; and above -all, the maritime and commercial supremacy of Great Britain, to -such a degree that, in the secret treaty of 1814, Lord Castlereagh -imperatively insisted on the rupture of the family compact among the -various branches of the House of Bourbon, for the purpose of rendering -her influence as secure over Spain as over Holland. - -One might have supposed that, after this long and painful struggle -against Buonaparte, the English minister would have enjoyed some -rest from his anxieties; but such was far from being the case, for -the Colossus had scarcely been hurled from its base before intestine -dissensions arose in the coalition which had so lately set the world -in motion. Various interests were the subject of secret discussion -at Vienna; and the questions concerning Saxony, Poland, and Italy -occasioned him extreme uneasiness. Throughout the whole period of the -French revolution, England had undoubtedly played the principal part, -and her perseverance alone had saved the Continent from a general and -overwhelming oppression; but in diplomatic matters, as in politics, -ancient services are less considered than the new situation in which -countries are placed: England had been too much engaged in continental -affairs not to continue to feel great anxiety concerning them, and -on the question of Poland, Lord Castlereagh was opposed to the plans -of the Russian cabinet, and he did not restrain the expression of -his dissatisfaction respecting the Polish _suzeraineté_, which the -Emperor Alexander was desirous of reserving to himself. No one ever -surpassed his lordship in the union of firmness of character with the -most polished manners, the distinguishing mark of a true gentleman; -there was a degree of steadiness, I may almost say of nobleness, in -his private conferences with Alexander, in the midst of the splendid -_salons_ of Vienna, that was quite admirable. - -No aristocracy in Europe is more magnificent than that of England. Lady -Castlereagh's parties at Vienna exceeded in splendour those even of the -Emperor of Austria, and were replete with every pleasure and amusement; -while her ladyship, who was a woman of extraordinary abilities, -afforded considerable assistance to the diplomatic proceedings of -her husband. The bold and rather presumptuous manner of Sir Charles -Stewart, Lord Castlereagh's brother, were tempered by the studied -mildness of Lord Aberdeen and the military profusion of Lord Cathcart; -and the _soirées_ of the English legation were cited as the most -brilliant of the season, not excepting those of the sovereigns. The -English minister, however, was not satisfied with the decidedly Russian -tendency of the congress. He had carefully studied the character of -Alexander, and was well aware that vast ideas and infinite ambition -lay concealed under the religious mysticism he had adopted under the -influence of Madame Krüdner; and looking at it under this point of -view, he naturally came to the conclusion that, if the English policy -had been the means of saving the Continent from the absorbing power -of Napoleon, it would be necessary to guard against a new danger, and -prevent the power of Russia from becoming too great and exercising too -absolute a dominion over the destinies of the world. This feeling, -common to them all, formed a tie between Castlereagh, Metternich, and -Talleyrand, all of whom were equally convinced that the combination of -the three sovereignties would not be too much to oppose the projects -of Russia; and their dissatisfaction increased so much towards the -termination of the congress, that the three plenipotentiaries signed -the treaty of alliance concluded in February, 1815, to guard against -any possibilities that might arise regarding Saxony and Poland. Thus -the man who had been the keystone of the coalition, whose powerful hand -had cemented and directed it, contributed at this moment to introduce -divisions into its bosom, because the common danger had passed away. - -This danger, however, appeared again when intelligence was received -of the landing of Buonaparte and his march to Paris; and the English -minister had no hesitation in placing himself at the head of the -coalition, for Napoleon was considered as the general enemy of Europe. -In 1814, Lord Castlereagh had opposed the sovereignty of the island of -Elba being awarded to the ex-Emperor, and now, laying aside all other -considerations, he looked at nothing but at the necessity of restoring -unity to the confederation, and marching at once against the man who -had been placed at the ban of Europe. Reports were in circulation that -England had favoured the return from Elba, in order again to humble -France and to impose heavier conditions upon her; and Lord Castlereagh, -when asking for subsidies, was obliged in the House of Commons to enter -into an explanation upon the subject. He had only to answer, that it -was against his opinion a sovereignty had been granted to Buonaparte; -but that, after he had once been acknowledged as an independent -sovereign, no one had any right to watch his actions and proceedings. -He and the Duke of Wellington now shared the arrangements between -them, the one directing the debates in parliament while the other was -employed in organising the army. Immense subsidies were again required -to assist the coalition, and set a million of men in motion against the -glorious adventurer who had made but one step from the Gulf of Juan to -Paris. - -Lord Castlereagh had vowed an implacable hatred to all the ridiculous -dynasties who sheltered themselves under the mantle of Napoleon, and he -revealed to the House of Commons the correspondence between Murat and -the Emperor; thus paving the way for the downfall of that melodramatic -king who was playing his part among the lazzaroni at the palace of -Portici, or at the Villa Reale. In the stormy debates in the House -of Commons he always exhibited the same tenacity of principles and -resolution which had supported him in the imperial crisis, and even the -present situation awakened in his mind the pride of a statesman who -has realised some great thing for his country; for the supreme power -henceforth belonged to England, and no one could dispute with her the -empire of the sea: for a short time she had been at war with America, -but peace had just been concluded, and all these circumstances had -greatly augmented her power. - -In the struggle now taking place, his lordship was possessed with one -great object: in 1814 he had made some concessions to France, and he -considered the affair terminated when her ancient limits, augmented -by Savoy and the Comté Venaissin, were assigned to her, under the -government of her ancient dynasty; but he now found all his work had -fallen to the ground, and he concluded from thence that the power of -France was still too great, and predominated too much on the Continent: -for the sake, therefore, of obtaining the applause of Germany and the -support of Prussia, he entered unhesitatingly into all the hatred vowed -to us by them. Waterloo had placed France under the especial direction -of England and Prussia, and deprived her of the Russian influence; -therefore his lordship was at liberty to explain his ideas, and there -was every facility for the execution of his system. His principles -being in perfect agreement with those of the Duke of Wellington, he -communicated to him his opinion about the future condition of France. -In the first place, the ministerial system must be entirely English; -and as a good understanding had existed between him and Talleyrand at -Vienna, he chose him to fill the situation of prime minister. Then -again, the Tories do not like revolutionists; but as these last assumed -a suppliant attitude before the English, and that the patriots, under -the shield of Fouché and of the representative chamber, were at the -feet of the Duke of Wellington, even to obtain a foreign prince, they -decided Fouché should be appointed to the ministry with Talleyrand. - -But this was only the commencement of the system. Lord Castlereagh had -observed that the material power of France was too considerable for the -balance of power in Europe, and also that Belgium was not sufficiently -protected; he therefore considered it necessary another frontier should -be adopted, to prevent any irruption on that side; and as England -wanted to secure the good will of Germany, he agreed to support, if -necessary, the proposal for the cession of Alsace and Lorraine to the -Germanic confederation. These ideas gave birth to the hard conditions -insisted upon by England, and rendered it necessary that France should -have recourse to the Emperor Alexander to obtain better terms after her -heavy afflictions. - -With regard to Buonaparte, the minister's conduct was perfectly -consistent. In 1814 he had strenuously opposed the idea of an -independent sovereignty in the island of Elba, and the enemy of -England was now again in his power. It has been written and currently -reported, that Napoleon's resolution to throw himself for protection -upon the generosity of England was a free and spontaneous action; but -such was far from being the case: too well did he know the unpitying -and irritated feelings entertained against him by that nation, but he -went on board the English man-of-war because he could no longer escape -the cruisers, and perhaps the sailors in those vessels might have done -him some injury, in vengeance of the sufferings of Captain Wright, -who died in so mysterious a manner in the Temple. His letter to the -Prince Regent was only an attempt to escape his fate by assuming the -position of a free agent, when a few hours later he would have been a -prisoner of war. As soon as Buonaparte was on board the Bellerophon, -Lord Castlereagh hastened to acquaint the plenipotentiaries of -the allied powers, assembled at Paris, with the fact; and then he -naturally returned to his original and favourite idea of placing him -under the charge of the Allies, in some spot sufficiently remote from -the Continent to secure Europe against the risk of any further bold -attempt on his part. This proposal did not arise from any personal -hatred or feeling of animosity, but was the result of a profound and -well-considered conviction. As for the rest, every thing was done -with proper attention and consideration; but no one ever shewed more -sulkiness, ill-humour, and I may say more littleness, than did Napoleon -in adversity. How had he treated the Duc d'Enghien? Had he not pursued -and striven to ensnare Louis XVIII. in every part of Europe? Was it -too much, immediately after his adventure of the hundred days, which -had cost us so dear, to send him to a place of security, from whence -he would no longer be able to torment Europe? Buonaparte took offence -because the title of majesty was refused him, and because he was not -permitted to live quietly like one of the citizen classes in England or -the United States (a proposition he made with just the same degree of -sincerity as his request to be appointed _juge de paix_ of his district -before the 18 Brumaire). Imagine Buonaparte a citizen of Westminster or -Charleston! After so long a drama on the theatre of the world, if a man -has not been able to die he ought to know how to submit to obscurity; -but he, at St. Helena, did not exhibit the greatness that ought to have -arisen from his recollections and his glory, and I would willingly -believe his flatterers garbled his conversations in the narratives -published of his exile. - -By the treaty concluded in the month of November, which was the -completion of the transactions at Vienna, a magnificent position -was allotted to England. In the south of Europe her influence over -Portugal was secured, and the family compact was broken; in the north, -a kingdom was constructed of Holland and Belgium, under her patronage, -for the Prince of Orange, one of her generals; Prussia was closely -attached to her system, and the Elbe opened to her the road to Germany; -Hanover belonged to the British crown; she absorbed the factories and -establishments of France in India, and acquired the Cape of Good Hope, -the Isle of France, and Ceylon, besides Malta and the Seven Islands -in the Mediterranean. She had reached the highest degree of power -permitted to a state, and it was the firm and resolute conduct of Lord -Castlereagh that had led to these great results; for had the weak and -unconnected opinion of the Whigs carried the day, had peace been signed -with Buonaparte, based on the terms approved by Fox and Grenville, -never would England have attained to such a pitch of power and -splendour. In mortal struggles like these one party must perish; and -as it was, Napoleon sunk under the efforts of Britain. The captive of -St. Helena was well aware of this, for he never accused any one of his -fall but Lord Castlereagh and the English aristocracy, whom he devoted -to the execration of future ages; no doubt for thus having succeeded in -exalting the grandeur of England, as he had dreamed of doing with the -magnificence of his nation and his race. - -In the history of states, two periods usually occur. When there is a -strong inclination to foreign wars, it very seldom occurs that there -is much agitation among parties at home, because when society is -hurried with violence into affairs of great importance, she has no -time for considering her own troubles or inquiring closely into her -domestic afflictions; but when the war is over she turns her attention -upon herself, and internal dissensions take place. This was the case -in England after the treaty of Paris in 1815, extreme irritation was -displayed in her troubles; and this requires some explanation: that -there was much suffering among the various classes of British subjects -is an undoubted fact, and it proceeded from many different causes. The -successive debts she had been obliged to contract had inordinately -increased the taxes; a war, lasting for twenty years, had been suddenly -succeeded by a peace which had injured the interests of many people, -because war, by occasioning an unnatural excitement to industry of -every kind, had given employment to thousands, for the commerce of the -world was in the hands of England. Peace opened an immense competition; -Great Britain, formerly alone in the market, now met with the French -and Americans, and the ports were no longer exclusively open to her -manufactures. Besides this, pauperism, that species of leprosy in a -nation, had greatly increased, and it had now become an actual sore in -the British government, a vermin on the velvet robes of her rulers. - -A radical and deep-seated movement had also taken place in the public -mind. Great excitement always leaves a degree of fermentation behind; -the revolutionary doctrines had sheltered themselves behind the shield -of parliamentary reform, and this very reform became a pretext gladly -seized upon by agitators; thus England found herself covered, not with -secret societies, for on her soil people breathe freely, but with -clubs and inflammatory meetings, so that the country resounded with -petitions. On this occasion it again became necessary to display a -degree of firmness; the inflexible character of Lord Castlereagh was -alone capable of opposing to doctrines which manifested themselves by -riotous assemblies of 100,000 men in various cities. - -Independent of these domestic troubles, there were also difficulties -connected with foreign affairs that exhibited a no less serious aspect. -Ever since the year 1792 but one great danger had occupied the mind of -Europe, the absorbing and inordinate power of the republic and empire -of Napoleon. England having always been at the head of the implacable -movement which attacked the revolutionary power in France, had also -naturally taken the lead in the political transactions; and Europe did -not stop to examine whether the cabinet of London assumed too great an -influence while protecting the general interest; for Buonaparte excited -alarm, and the assistance of Great Britain was required to oppose him: -but as soon as this powerful Colossus was overthrown, a continental -system was formed under the influence of the Emperor of Russia, and led -to all those congresses, annually repeated, in which England could not -take an active or predominant part. The statesmen of Great Britain, -both Whigs and Tories, rejected all the theories of absolute power; -they had been educated in the principles of 1688, and neither would, -nor could, adopt the maxim of the divine right of kings. Thus Lord -Castlereagh could not unite in all the manifestoes and declarations of -principles which the Emperor Alexander issued in his mystical ideas of -the Holy Alliance. We must not lose sight of this circumstance in the -last four years of the minister's life. The treaty of 1815 had hardly -been signed before a formidable conspiracy of Radicalism in arms arose -in England, not merely easily suppressed riots, but bodies of 100,000, -who broke the power-looms and pillaged the houses, and the ancient -aristocracy appeared threatened with the most imminent danger; yet -such is the spirit of order in that country, and the reliance to be -placed on the English population, that these tumults were not attended -with danger. On this occasion the firm repressive spirit of Lord -Castlereagh was fully manifested; without hesitation, he demanded from -parliament the suspension of all liberty, even of the _habeas corpus_, -that powerful security of the English citizen. The troops ordered to -act vigorously against the rioters, shewed no compassion, because -there appeared no limit to the disturbances. How many accusations -were brought against Lord Castlereagh after the riots at Manchester -and Birmingham! The pamphlets published on the occasion represented -him as a butcher of human victims, and Lord Byron wrote some lines on -the cold impassiveness of his countenance. Was England to be allowed -to perish to please the poets? or were the designs of housebreakers -and destroyers of machinery to be seconded? The minister only did his -duty as a statesman--he saved society, and what do people want more? -He did it even at the peril of his fame--a great sacrifice for those -who devote themselves to the idea of order in the midst of disorder. -Very vigorous bills were passed, on the demand of the minister, against -foreigners, and against the instigators of the disturbances, and -he undertook in parliament the painful task of obtaining repressive -measures. In England there are resources, even in times of the greatest -danger, because there exists a race of statesmen, the Tories, who never -give way to public clamour; in the midst of the most formidable riot a -degree of respect for the laws is still felt, and people submit to the -summons of a constable. - -This agitated situation lasted nearly five years; the counties were in -a blaze; and at last the Queen's trial became the pretext for fresh -disorders. No one could take any interest in a queen who, in the -decline of life, had carried on her intrigues in Syria, in Greece, -and in Italy, with true English disregard of public opinion, which is -in itself an eccentricity. Every one was aware of the irregularities -of the Princess of Wales, now queen by the death of George III., and -retaining in her service the witness and partaker of her excesses, her -chamberlain, Bergami. But the Radical party did not look so closely at -the affair; all they wanted was a pretext to excite the public mind, -and they had recourse to the queen's trial as a means of occasioning -riot and disorder. The Tories, deeply sensible of the embarrassed state -of the country, and desirous, if possible, of avoiding a scandalous -trial, proposed a middle course to the princess. Her name was not to -be mentioned in the Liturgy, but she would still be queen, only she -would be required to remain abroad, constantly travelling about, and a -large pecuniary allowance would be made to her; but upon the Radical -party being consulted, the old queen refused all the offers, and a -long and disgraceful trial was obliged to take place. Lord Castlereagh -determined upon the measure with firm and respectful energy; the more -unwilling he had been to resort to this mode of proceeding, the more -vigorously he was resolved to carry it through. When we contemplate -the angelic figure of Anne Boleyn, beside the gross and sensual Henry -VIII., every one feels a strong and lively interest in the unfortunate -victim; but who could have the slightest feeling for a queen grown old -with the most degrading passions? - -The minister here again was opposed by his old adversary Canning, who -was then aiming at extreme popularity. He had constituted himself the -Queen's champion, not because he esteemed her, but because this course -furnished him with the means of the most violent opposition to the -ministry over which Castlereagh presided. The trial began, and was -followed by debates, and the disgraceful and disgusting revelations are -too well known. The oratorical fame of Brougham and Canning was greatly -augmented by these proceedings; their popularity became immense, and -their opponents were visited with a degree of reprobation to which men -of distinguished capacity must accustom themselves in the course of -their painful and wearisome task. - -All these domestic events occurred at a period when Europe, still -full of agitation, was constantly holding congresses, in order to -declare her principles, or to decide upon general arrangements. -Since the declaration of Alexander, bearing the title of the Holy -Alliance, England had taken up a separate position; her statesmen, -more especially Lord Castlereagh, had declared the principles of that -convention to be too vague to allow the English ministers to admit -them, under their legal responsibility. From this first separation of -interests from the rest of Europe, two political systems resulted: the -one Russian, whose ascendency over the congress was almost absolute; -the other English, which opposed any general deliberation upon -interests now divided. - -Lord Castlereagh assumed this position when he attended the congresses -of Troppau and Laybach; he signed the protocols without adopting -the ideas of the Holy Alliance, but simply as the consequence of -the treaties of 1815 and the articles of the congress of Vienna. In -his conversations with Metternich he advanced this principle, that, -although Europe might enter into an agreement to repress disturbances -affecting the security of crowned heads, she neither could, nor ought -to interfere with any modifications which a people might freely and -spontaneously choose to make in their respective governments. This -declaration referred to several very important questions that had -lately arisen: first, the separation of the Spanish colonies from the -mother-country; secondly, the disturbances in Greece; and, thirdly, the -revolution in Spain. The emancipation of the Spanish colonies of an -ancient date originated in the commercial interests of England, which -constantly require to be satisfied; the markets opened by peace must -replace those of war, and a new world was requisite for the overflow of -her manufactures; under this point of view, therefore, the emancipation -of the Spanish colonies secured a market to England, she henceforth -became favourable to their independence, and her consuls resided with -their _exequatur_ in these colonies. Lord Castlereagh's position at -this juncture was rather delicate; for with one hand he favoured the -sedition of the colonies, and with the other he severely repressed the -riots in the English counties. - -Being a partisan of the emancipation of the colonies, he naturally felt -no repugnance towards the government of the Cortes at Madrid. What is -considered of importance in England, is not the form of government -adopted by a power, but its tendency with regard to herself and her -interests. She seldom breaks a lance for a mere chivalrous idea. Both -Whigs and Tories are equally actuated by the same spirit of national -selfishness, which is, in fact, patriotism; and, while holding this -doctrine, that England is not to meddle with the internal form of -government, the path remains open, so that they can decide according -as interest advises. With regard to the emancipation of the Greeks, -Lord Castlereagh viewed it in its true light, without weakness, and -without sentimental feelings, allowing the question to rest on the -ground of Russia and Turkey: thus, to emancipate the Greeks would be to -aggrandise Russia, open to her the gates of the Bosphorus, and drive -the Turks into Asia, and this policy would be unfaithful and puerile -as far as the interests of England were concerned; it was, on the -contrary, most advantageous to her to protect the Ottoman empire by the -British flag, to develope her strength, and create in that country a -commercial alliance for herself. Thus at the same time to give a new -world to industry, by the emancipation of the Spanish colonies, to take -no heed of the revolutions at Naples and in Spain, but watch Russia and -restrain any ambitious projects she might have formed, by supporting -the Porte: such were the politics of Lord Castlereagh in the first five -years that succeeded his vigorous contest with Napoleon. - -The disturbances in England had begun to subside, when the ancient -civil war was again renewed in Ireland between the Orangemen and the -Catholics; it was a constantly recurring quarrel, as between two races -who entertained the greatest detestation for each other. All the people -who thought seriously on the subject felt that something must be done -for the Catholics; the reason for the former oppression having ceased -to exist, Ireland could not always remain in a state of slavery. Lord -Castlereagh was well acquainted with this country, where his youth had -been passed, and, whenever business left him leisure, was accustomed -to visit the ancient towers of Londonderry, the beautiful lakes, and -the old fishermen, whom his munificence assisted in rebuilding their -villages and their boats, portioning their daughters, or increasing -their own comforts. The bill for the admission of the Catholic lords -into parliament was then in debate; it was opposed by the Orange -party in Ireland, and, after passing the House of Commons, was thrown -out by the Lords; and this was the cause of the sanguinary troubles -which again threw Ireland into the most fearful state of disorder. -The ministry shewed no indulgence, for the country was deluged with -blood; and Lord Wellesley, then lord-lieutenant, declared at last that, -if they were desirous of saving that country, more agitated than the -ocean, it must be placed under a most vigorous system of legislative -exception.[52] The old laws of the conquest were put in force against -the parties of Whiteboys who ravaged the country, but by degrees these -demonstrations gave way before the severe measures used to repress them. - - [52] Parliament decided upon the re-enactment of the Insurrection - Act, and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, in Ireland.--_Editor._ - -As soon as order was restored, it was necessary the ministry should -take measures to relieve the sufferings of the three kingdoms, and they -devoted themselves with the greatest attention to their difficult task. -It is a historical truth worthy of the remembrance of agitators, that -they occasion the slavery of all for the sake of the vain pleasure they -derive from some ovations to themselves. Despotism is the successor of -disorder, and there is more influence in reason and resignation than -in the noisy acclamations of the public streets. O'Connell appears to -me, to be just the man destined to bring about the complete subjection -of Ireland; he will be the destroyer of his country for the sake of -a little personal vanity, for the applause of 100,000 men, collected -round the hustings. The Tories did every thing that was possible for -Ireland when it was quiet: the emancipation of the Catholics was -promoted by the Wellesleys, nor did they stop there. - -Lord Castlereagh, deeply sensible that there was real suffering among -all classes of the people, now unfolded his vast plan of economy, with -all the logic of Pitt in his admirable budget of 1798. Taking his -ground on the existence of much distress in the agricultural districts, -and in the principles of credit, he proceeded at once to retrenchments. -The expenses of the army and navy were reduced by two millions sterling -a-year; the interest of the public debt was reduced from 5 to 4 per -cent; and the sinking fund was considerably increased.[53] These -measures permitted the decrease of imposts, the suppression of all -additional taxes, and a system of loans to agriculture by means of -the bank, the grand instrument he always had recourse to, in order -to make advances to parishes, and more especially to the producers -of corn, so as always to keep down the price. It was an earnest -undertaking, and the last he had to carry on during this session. In -the meanwhile he could not fail to observe that the renown of his old -adversary, Canning, was marvellously increasing; he was becoming a -popular character, he was the favourite of the mob, while the firm and -persevering minister who had aroused the world, and saved England, was -branded with reprobation by the populace, who broke the panels of his -carriage. Ought he to allow himself--he, so proud and haughty, to be -drawn into the wake of Canning, on the boundless waste of revolutionary -ideas? Partially reconciled to his adversary on the Catholic question, -his lordship took only a secondary part in the debate; and he was stung -by the conviction, that, while in foreign relations his influence -was overpowered by the Holy Alliance, at home Canning was the person -considered most necessary to the administration, because he was better -suited to the new liberal situation in which they were becoming -entangled; and he repeatedly expressed his grief and vexation at this -circumstance. In England, where public questions are adopted like a -mission, and the feelings of statesmen on the subject are deep and -interwoven in their whole being, the destruction of a system involves -that of the man. Mr. Pitt was killed by the battle of Austerlitz, -and Lord Castlereagh belonged to that noble school. He whose life -had commenced in so poetical a manner, who had feared neither single -combat, nor the dangers of the raging waves in his shipwreck on the -Isle of Man, could not be afraid of death; but as his hour drew near, -his disposition became extremely irritable, and he expressed himself -in parliament with a degree of bitterness and sullen haughtiness: I -should almost say he looked with pity and contempt upon the opposition -of the Whigs, who were advancing towards fresh storms and disturbances. -There are times when people wish to have done with a situation which -oppresses them, and with adversaries of whom they are weary; they utter -their last words to their face, and after that they die without regret. - - [53] This is a mistake.--_Editor._ - -Lord Castlereagh announced his intention of visiting the Continent, -with the intention, if not of being present at the congress of Verona, -at least of meeting the assembled sovereigns there; and Canning was in -hopes that, when his colleague had once left England, he would send -in his resignation, and consequently leave him at the head of affairs. -But matters were more rapidly drawing to a close: Lord Castlereagh -had been unwell for several days, and there was every appearance of -extreme nervous irritability about him; some expressions that fell -from his lips shewed that he had some sinister ideas in his head, and -when he went to take leave of the king, the state of his mind did not -escape the monarch, who had a great esteem for him. From that time he -constantly complained of a feeling of oppression in his head, and his -physician, Dr. Bankhead, reported that when he visited him he was calm, -though there were symptoms of impatience and caprice in his manner, and -a few short and hurried words were all that he could draw from him; -he let fall some observations on the troubles of life which raised -apprehensions of suicide, and he was watched: but on Monday, the 12th -of August, 1822, just as his physician entered his dressing-room, Lord -Castlereagh uttered these few words: "Doctor, let me fall on your arm; -it is all over!" and fell with the heaviness of a corpse. The blood -was flowing in torrents, from a deep wound which he had inflicted -in the carotid artery, with a small penknife he had concealed in a -letter-case. Such was the end of the man, who had conducted the affairs -of England with so much firmness and consistency for the last ten years! - -Since then people have endeavoured to prove that he was raving mad, -and the opposite party have even asserted, that the energy of his -government shewed a tendency to mental alienation: would they not have -considered any man mad, who wanted to contend vigorously against them? -No, Lord Castlereagh was _not_ mad; he only felt the deep sorrow of -a statesman who, after having fulfilled a great duty, finds himself -forgotten and abandoned at the end of his career. Mr. Pitt had died at -his post while his work was progressing towards its accomplishment, and -Lord Castlereagh saw it completed by the fall of Buonaparte. But he, -in his turn, had to contend with the revolutionary opinions that were -again invading the world; Canning was like his evil genius, and as in a -long political career they were both constantly before the public, we -may inquire what services they rendered to England. Castlereagh gave -his country the pre-eminence she every where exercises; he signed the -treaties of 1815, he secured to her vast stations, colonies, and new -worlds, and he was forced to escape, by suicide from the reprobation -of the people; while Canning the declaimer, the renegade from the -opinions of Pitt, and who, though threatening all the cabinets, did -not dare to oppose the expedition to Spain in 1823, died peaceably in -his bed, and was crowned with universal applause. Alas! it is because -men who devote themselves to the serious affairs of their country, are -in general persecuted and misunderstood; for with the populace, noise -and clamour are thought more of, than good measures. Let it, however, -be said to the credit of England, that she is returning to the men -she formerly blamed. The noble hierarchy of statesmen which begins -with Pitt and Castlereagh, and extends to Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the -Duke of Wellington, is now hailed as the school most fitted to afford -protection to Great Britain; and Fox, Sheridan, and Canning, are only -mentioned as eloquent speakers, who passed away long nights in the -House of Commons. - - * * * * * - -There is not the slightest doubt that the unfortunate termination of -Lord Castlereagh's existence was owing to delirium.--_Editor._ - - -Printed by George Barclay, Castle Street, Leicester Square. - - - - - * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - -Obvious printer errors have been corrected. 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