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diff --git a/old/53767-0.txt b/old/53767-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 1352c41..0000000 --- a/old/53767-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,22220 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Vol 5 (of -9), by Thomas Jefferson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Vol 5 (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private - -Author: Thomas Jefferson - -Editor: H. A. Washington - -Release Date: December 19, 2016 [EBook #53767] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Inconsistent or incorrect accents and spelling in passages in French, - Latin and Italian have been left unchanged. - - The following possible inconsistencies/printer errors/archaic - spellings/different names for different entities were pointed - out by the proofers, and left as printed: - - Crownenshield, Crowningshield, - - Pontchartrain, Ponchartrain, - - Blennerhasset and Blannerhassett, - - Miller and Millar, - - ascendancy and ascendency. - - - Page 129: Turfot's works should possibly be Turgot's works. - - Page 208: "Whom shall we appoint in the room of Kilgore." is possibly - missing a question mark. - - Page 234: seafencibles should possibly be sea fencibles. - - Page 277: "if we become dissatisfied" should possibly be "if we become satisfied". - - Page 278: Uberville should possibly be Iberville. - - Page 556: teazing should possibly be teasing. - - Page 468: arbonverous is a possible typo. - - Page 581: chetif is a possible typo. - - Table of Contents: - - Colonel Humphreys was misspelled as Umphreys, and therefore out of order. - - Latrobe was mispelled and therefore out of order. - - LEVETT HARRIS omitted. - - - - - THE - WRITINGS - OF - THOMAS JEFFERSON: - BEING HIS - AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES, - ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL - AND PRIVATE. - - PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE LIBRARY, - FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, - DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE. - - WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX - TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE, - BY THE EDITOR - H. A. WASHINGTON. - - VOL. V. - - NEW YORK: - H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY. - 1861. - - - - - Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by - TAYLOR & MAURY, - In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia. - - - - -CONTENTS TO VOL. V. - - - - - BOOK II. - - PART III.--CONTINUED.--LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED - STATES DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH.--(1790-1826,)--3. - - - Adams, citizens of county of, letter written to, 262. - - Albemarle county, inhabitants of, letter written to, 439. - - Armstrong, General, letters written to, 134, 280, 433. - - Astor, John Jacob, letter written to, 269. - - Attorney General, letter written to, 546. - - - Baldwin, M., letter written to, 494. - - Barlow, Joel, letters written to, 402, 475, 587, 601. - - Barnum, Hon. Joseph, letter written to, 388. - - Barton, Dr., letters written to, 204, 469. - - Beatty, Captain, letter written to, 125. - - Bettay, Mr., letter written to, 246. - - Bibb, Mr., letter written to, 326. - - Bidwell, Mr., letters written to, 14, 125. - - Blake, George, letters written to, 113, 371. - - Bloodgood & Hammond, Messrs., letter written to, 472. - - Botta, Mr., letter written to, 527. - - Bowdoin, Mr., letters written to, 17, 63, 123, 298. - - Boyd, Mr., letters written to, 414. - - Brent, Robert, letters written to, 49, 196. - - Brent, Colonel D. C., letter written to, 305. - - Bringhurst, Joseph, letter written to, 208. - - Brown, Jacob, letters written to, 239, 241. - - Brown, Dr. James, letter written to, 378. - - Burwell, W. A., letters written to, 20, 504. - - - Cabell, Governor, letters written to, 114, 118, 132, 138, 141, - 143, 147, 150, 156, 158, 166, 170, 191, 194, 201, 205, 208, - 258, 385. - - Campbell, John W., letter written to, 465. - - Campbell, Judge David, letter written to, 499. - - Capede, M. de, letter written to, 309. - - Chapman, Dr., letter written to, 487. - - Chase, Thornwick, letter written to, 156. - - Christian, Mr., letter written to, 33. - - Claiborne, Governor, letters written to, 40, 306, 318, 345, - 381, 518, 519. - - Clarke, Daniel, letter written to, 32. - - Clarke, General Wm., letters written to, 220, 467. - - Clarke, General George Rogers, letter written to, 220. - - Clay, Charles, letter written to, 27. - - Clinton, Mr., letter written to, 80. - - Colles, Christopher, letter written to, 302. - - Colvin, J. B., letter written to, 499. - - Cooper, Judge, letter written to, 530. - - Cooper, Mr., letter written to, 182. - - Cooper, Hon. Thomas, letters written to, 121, 376. - - Coste, M. de la, letter written to, 79. - - Coxe, Mr., letters written to, 57, 199. - - Crawford, Mr., letter written to, 193. - - Croix, M. de la, letter written to, 421. - - - Dashkoff, M., letter written to, 463. - - Dearborne, General, letters written to, 44, 60, 118, 149, 278, - 295, 283, 409, 454, 529, 607. - - Dickinson, John, letter written to, 29. - - Digges, Mr., letter written to, 14. - - Diodati, M. de, letter written to, 61. - - Dorsey, Mr., letter written to, 235. - - Duane, Wm., letters written to, 139, 532, 538, 551, 574, 590, 602. - - - Eccleston, Daniel, letter written to, 213. - - Eppes, Mr., letter written to, 490. - - Eustis, Dr., letter written to, 410. - - Evans, Oliver, letter written to, 74. - - - Fishback, James, letter written to, 470. - - Foronda, Don Valentine, letter written to, 473. - - Franklin, Mr., letter written to, 303. - - Fulton, Mr., letters written to, 165, 216, 341, 516. - - - Gaines, Mr., letter written to, 140. - - Gallatin, Albert, letters written to, 23, 26, 29, 36, 42, 49, 50, - 59, 70, 86, 114, 115, 122, 202, 207, 209, 215, 221, 223, 227, - 231, 243, 244, 245, 250, 251, 259, 263, 265, 267, 268, 269, 270, - 271, 272, 273, 275, 286, 300, 336, 369, 370, 371, 372, 375, 382, - 386, 396, 398, 399, 403, 405, 408, 477, 536, 548, 588. - - Gamble, James, letter written to, 204. - - General, Attorney, letter written to, 200. - - Giles, Wm. B., letter written to, 65. - - Gilliam, Shelton, letter written to, 301. - - Governors of States, letter written to, 413. - - Granger, Gideon, letters written to, 497. - - Gregg & Leib, Messrs., letter written to, 431. - - Gregoire, M., letter written to, 429. - - Griffith, Elijah, letter written to, 450. - - Grove, Captain, letter written to, 374. - - Guest, Henry, letter written to, 407. - - - Hay, George, letters written to, 78, 81, 82, 84, 86, 94, 98, 102, - 112, 174, 187, 190, 191, 198. - - Hamilton, Hon. Paul, letter written to, 495. - - Harris, Mr., letter written to, 5. - - Hawkins, Samuel, letter written to, 392. - - Henry, Mr., letter written to, 31. - - Hewson, Thomas, letter written to, 494. - - Hillard, Captain Isaac, letter written to, 551. - - Holland, King of, letter written to, 47. - - Hollins, John, letters written to, 427, 596. - - Howell, David, letter written to, 554. - - Humboldt, Baron de, letters written to, 434, 580. - - - Irving, George W., letter written to, 479. - - - James, Thomas C., letter written to, 411. - - Jay, Governor James, letter written to, 440. - - Jefferson, S. Garland, letter written to, 497. - - Johnson, Richard M., letter written to, 256. - - Jones, Skelton, letter written to, 459. - - Jones, Dr., letter written to, 509. - - - Kentucky, Ohio, &c., Governors, letter written to, 51. - - Kerr, &c., Messrs., letter written to, 332. - - Kercheval, Samuel, letters written to, 489, 492. - - Knox, Robert M., letter written to, 502. - - Kosciusko, General, letters written to, 281, 506, 585. - - - La Fayette, Marquis, letter written to, 129. - - Lambert, W., letter written to, 449. - - Lambert, Mr., letter written to, 528. - - Langdon, Governor, letter written to, 511. - - Latrobe, Mr., letter written to, 578. - - Lasteyrie, Mr., letter written to, 314. - - Law, Mr., letters written to, 555. - - Leib, Dr., letter written to, 304. - - Leiper, Mr., letters written to, 295, 416. - - Letue, Mr., letter written to, 384. - - Lewis, Governor, letters written to, 153, 320, 349, 353. - - Lincoln, Levi, letters written to, 264, 352. - - Lincoln, Lieut. Governor, letter written to, 387. - - Livingston, Robert R., letters written to, 54, 224, 369. - - Logan, Dr., letter written to, 404. - - Lyman, Wm., letter written to, 279. - - Lynch, John, letter written to, 563. - - - Madison, James, letters written to, 37, 72, 76, 77, 169, 172, - 195, 197, 257. - - Maese, &c., Messrs., letter written to, 230. - - Maese, Dr., letter written to, 412. - - Main, James, letter written to, 373. - - Mason, Captain Armistead, letter written to, 432. - - Mason, General John, letter written to, 217. - - Masters of Norfolk vessels, &c., letter written to, 118. - - Masters of Charleston vessels, letter written to, 147. - - Matthews, General, letter written to, 120. - - Maury, Mr., letter written to, 214, - - McAndless, Wm., letter written to, 438. - - McIntosh, Wm., letter written to, 241. - - McGregor, Captain, letter written to, 356. - - Melish, John, letter written to, 573. - - Miller, Robert, Mr., letter written to, 236. - - Minor, Colonel, letter written to, 215. - - Monroe, Colonel James, letters written to, 9, 52, 82, 247, 253, - 419, 597. - - Monroe, Thomas, letter written to, 395. - - Moore, Thomas, letter written to, 73. - - Morgan, Benjamin, letter written to, 137. - - Morgan, G., letter written to, 56. - - - Navy, Secretary of, letters written to, 157, 171, 184, 186, 192, - 196, 300, 316, 335, 337, 367, 582. - - Nemours, Dupont de, letters written to, 127, 432, 456. - - Nicholas, Wilson C., letters written to, 3, 4, 48, 260, 400, 452, - 488. - - Nicholas, John, letter written to, 168. - - Niemcewicz, Mr., letter written to, 72. - - Nicholson, Mr., letter written to, 45. - - Norvell, John, letter written to, 90. - - - Ogilvie, Mr., letter written to, 604. - - Onis, Chevalier de, letter written to, 478. - - Orleans, New, Governor of, letter written to, 286. - - - Page, John, letter written to, 135. - - Paganel, Mr., letter written to, 581. - - Paine, Mr., letter written to, 200. - - Paine, Thomas, letter written to, 189. - - Patterson, Robert, letter written to, 61. - - Pemberton, James, letters written to, 212, 302. - - Pahlen, Count, letter written to, 526. - - Philosophical Society, letter written to, 392. - - Pinckney, Governor, letters written to, 34, 322, 383. - - Pinckney, Charles, letter written to, 265. - - Potocki, Count, letter written to, 599. - - President, The, letters written to, 437, 442, 443, 458, 463, 468, - 480, 481, 484, 522, 572, 600. - - Price, Chandler, letter written to, 46. - - - Randolph, Thomas Mann, letters written to, 424, 430. - - Randolph, E., letter written to, 406. - - Randolph, T. Jefferson, letter written to, 388. - - Representatives, Speaker of House of, letters written to, 222, - 249. - - Rodney, Cæsar A., letter written to, 501. - - Rodney, Wm., letter written to, 275. - - Ronaldson, James, letter written to, 533. - - Ruelle, M., letter written to, 430. - - Rush, Dr., letters written to, 225, 558. - - Russia, Emperor of, letter written to, 358. - - - Salimankis, Abbe, letter written to, 515. - - Salmon, Daniel, letter written to, 245. - - Saunders, Captain J., letter written to, 119. - - Sevier, Governor, letter written to, 421. - - Seymour, Thomas, letter written to, 43. - - Shee, General, letter written to, 33. - - Short, Wm., letters written to, 93, 210, 362, 435. - - Silvester, M., letter written to, 83. - - Simms, Colonel Charles, letter written to, 418. - - Smith, General, letters written to, 13, 146. - - Smith, Mr., letters written to, 41, 228, 234, 244, 268, 282, - 317, 372. - - Smith, Hon. John, letter written to, 77. - - Smith, General Benjamin, letter written to, 293. - - Smith, Colonel Larkin, letter written to, 440. - - Smith, Robert, letter written to, 589. - - Smith, John, letter written to, 342. - - Spafford, Mr., letter written to, 445. - - Stael, Madame de, letter written to, 133. - - State, Secretary of, letters written to, 69, 154, 164, 167, 173, - 178, 181, 185, 186, 274, 278, 290, 294, 299, 329, 339, 360, - 361, 367, 451, 545. - - Stewart, Judge, letter written to, 606. - - Stoddart, Mr., letter written to, 425. - - Sullivan, Governor, letters written to, 100, 203, 252, 317, 340. - - Sylvestre, Mr., letter written to, 312. - - - Tatham, Colonel, letter written to, 116, 145. - - Taylor, John, letter written to, 226. - - Taylor, Colonel John, letter written to, 148. - - Theus, Simeon, letter written to, 364. - - Thompson, Charles, letter written to, 403. - - Tiffin, Governor H. D., letters written to, 37, 241. - - Tompkins, Governor, letters written to, 238, 283, 343. - - Tracy, Destutt, letter written to, 556. - - Treasury, Secretary of, letters written to, 35, 172, 193, 271, - 277, 289, 290, 291, 296, 307, 325, 327, 333, 335, 344, 346, - 355, 360, 363, 368. - - Turpin, Dr. Horatio, letter written to, 90. - - Tyler, Governor, letters written to, 414, 425, 524. - - - Humphreys, Colonel, letter written to, 415. - - - Vater, John Severin, letter written to, 599. - - Vavasseur, M. de, letter written to, 263. - - Vice-President, letter written to, 115. - - Voolif, G., &c., letter written to, 517. - - - War, Secretary of, letters written to, 110, 317, 122, 126, 135, - 155, 157, 162, 167, 175, 179, 183, 188, 202, 206, 229, 288, - 293, 321, 330, 332, 334, 338, 348, 355, 357, 361, 408. - - Washington, Colonel, letter written to, 276. - - Waterhouse, Dr., letter written to, 393. - - Weaver, Mr., letter written to, 88. - - Willis, Charles F., letter written to, 483. - - White, Hugh L., &c., letter written to, 520. - - Wilkinson, General, letters written to, 24, 38, 109, 198, 305, - 359, 572. - - Williams, J. & Peale C. W., letter written to, 28. - - Williams, Governor, letter written to, 209. - - Wirt William, letters written to, 233, 593, 596. - - Wistar, Dr., letters written to, 46, 104, 218, 261. - - Woodward, Judge, letter written to, 449. - - Worthington, W. D. G., letter written to, 503. - - Wyche, John, letter written to, 448. - - - Addressee lost, letters written to, 55, 285, 380, 406. - - - - -PART III.--CONTINUED. - -LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS -DEATH. - -1790-1826. - - -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.--(_Confidential._) - - WASHINGTON, March 24,1806. - -DEAR SIR,--A last effort at friendly settlement with Spain is proposed -to be made at Paris, and under the auspices of France. For this purpose, -General Armstrong and Mr. Bowdoin (both now at Paris) have been appointed -joint commissioners; but such a cloud of dissatisfaction rests on General -Armstrong in the minds of many persons, on account of a late occurrence -stated in all the public papers, that we have in contemplation to add -a third commissioner, in order to give the necessary measure of public -confidence to the commission. Of these two gentlemen, one being of -Massachusetts and one of New York, it is thought the third should be -a southern man; and the rather, as the interests to be negotiated are -almost entirely southern and western. This addition is not yet ultimately -decided on; but I am inclined to believe it will be adopted. Under this -expectation, and my wish that you may be willing to undertake it, I give -you the earliest possible intimation of it, that you may be preparing -both your mind and your measures for the mission. The departure would be -required to be very prompt; though the absence I think will not be long, -Bonaparte not being in the practice of procrastination. This particular -consideration will, I hope, reconcile the voyage to your affairs and your -feelings. The allowance to an extra mission, is salary from the day of -leaving home, and expenses to the place of destination, or in lieu of the -latter, and to avoid settlements, a competent fixed sum may be given. For -the return, a continuance of the salary for three months after fulfilment -of the commission. Be so good as to make up your mind as quickly as -possible, and to answer me as early as possible. Consider the measure -as proposed provisionally only, and not to be communicated to any mortal -until we see it proper. - -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. - - WASHINGTON, April 13, 1806. - -DEAR SIR,--The situation of your affairs certainly furnishes good cause -for your not acceding to my proposition of a special mission to Europe. -My only hope had been, that they could have gone on one summer without -you. An unjust hostility against General Armstrong will, I am afraid, show -itself whenever any treaty made by him shall be offered for ratification. -I wished, therefore, to provide against this, by joining a person who -would have united the confidence of the whole Senate. General Smith was -so prominent in the opposition to Armstrong, that it would be impossible -for them to act together. We conclude, therefore, to leave the matter -with Armstrong and Bowdoin. Indeed, my dear Sir, I wish sincerely you -were back in the Senate; and that you would take the necessary measures -to get yourself there. Perhaps, as a preliminary, you should go to our -Legislature. Giles' absence has been a most serious misfortune. A majority -of the Senate means well. But Tracy and Bayard are too dexterous for them, -and have very much influenced their proceedings. Tracy has been of nearly -every committee during the session, and for the most part the chairman, -and of course drawer of the reports. Seven federalists voting always -in phalanx, and joined by some discontented republicans, some oblique -ones, some capricious, have so often made a majority, as to produce very -serious embarrassment to the public operations; and very much do I dread -the submitting to them, at the next session, any treaty which can be -made with either England or Spain, when I consider that five joining the -federalists, can defeat a friendly settlement of our affairs. The House -of Representatives is as well disposed as I ever saw one. The defection -of so prominent a leader, threw them into dismay and confusion for a -moment; but they soon rallied to their own principles, and let them go -off with five or six followers only. One half of these are from Virginia. -His late declaration of perpetual opposition to this administration, drew -off a few others who at first had joined him, supposing his opposition -occasional only, and not systematic. The alarm the House has had from this -schism, has produced a rallying together and a harmony, which carelessness -and security had begun to endanger. On the whole, this little trial of -the firmness of our representatives in their principles, and that of -the people also, which is declaring itself in support of their public -functionaries, has added much to my confidence in the stability of our -government; and to my conviction, that, should things go wrong at any -time, the people will set them to rights by the peaceable exercise of -their elective rights. To explain to you the character of this schism, -its objects and combinations, can only be done in conversation; and must -be deferred till I see you at Monticello, where I shall probably be about -the 10th or 12th of May, to pass the rest of the month there. Congress has -agreed to rise on Monday, the 21st. - -Accept my affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. HARRIS. - - WASHINGTON, April 18, 1806. - -SIR,--It is now some time since I received from you, through the house -of Smith and Buchanan at Baltimore, a bust of the Emperor Alexander, for -which I have to return you my thanks. These are the more cordial, because -of the value the bust derives from the great estimation in which its -original is held by the world, and by none more than by myself. It will -constitute one of the most valued ornaments of the retreat I am preparing -for myself at my native home. Accept, at the same time, my acknowledgments -for the elegant work of Atkinson and Walker on the customs of the -Russians. I had laid it down as a law for my conduct while in office, and -hitherto scrupulously observed, to accept of no present beyond a book, a -pamphlet, or other curiosity of minor value; as well to avoid imputation -on my motives of action, as to shut out a practice susceptible of such -abuse. But my particular esteem for the character of the Emperor, places -his image in my mind above the scope of law. I receive it, therefore, and -shall cherish it with affection. It nourishes the contemplation of all the -good placed in his power, and of his disposition to do it. - -A little before Dr. Priestley's death, he informed me that he had -received intimations, through a channel he confided in, that the Emperor -entertained a wish to know something of our Constitution. I have therefore -selected the two best works we have on that subject, for which I pray -you to ask a place in his library. They are too much in detail to occupy -his time; but they will furnish materials for an abstract, to be made by -others, on such a scale as may bring the matter within the compass of the -time which his higher callings can yield to such an object. - -At a very early period of my life, contemplating the history of the -aboriginal inhabitants of America, I was led to believe that if there had -ever been a relation between them and the men of color in Asia, traces of -it would be found in their several languages. I have therefore availed -myself of every opportunity which has offered, to obtain vocabularies -of such tribes as have been within my reach, corresponding to a list -then formed of about two hundred and fifty words. In this I have made -such progress, that within a year or two more I think to give to the -public what I then shall have acquired. I have lately seen a report of -Mr. Volney's to the Celtic academy, on a work of Mr. Pallas, entitled -"Vocabulaires compares des langues de toute la terre;" with a list of one -hundred and thirty words, to which the vocabulary is limited. I find that -seventy-three of these words are common to that and to my vocabulary, -and therefore will enable us, by a comparison of language, to make the -inquiry so long desired, as to the probability of a common origin between -the people of color of the two continents. I have to ask the favor of you -to procure me a copy of the above work of Pallas, to inform me of the -cost, and permit me to pay it here to your use; for I presume you have -some mercantile correspondent here, to whom a payment can be made for -you. A want of knowledge what the book may cost, as well as of the means -of making so small a remittance, obliges me to make this proposition, and -to restrain it to the sole condition that I be permitted to reimburse it -here. - -I enclose you a letter for the Emperor, which be pleased to deliver or -have delivered; it has some relation to a subject which the Secretary of -State will explain to you. - -Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and consideration. - - -TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. - - WASHINGTON, April 19, 1806. - -I owe an acknowledgment to your Imperial Majesty for the great -satisfaction I have received from your letter of August the 20th, 1805, -and embrace the opportunity it affords of giving expression to the sincere -respect and veneration I entertain for your character. It will be among -the latest and most soothing comforts of my life, to have seen advanced -to the government of so extensive a portion of the earth, and at so early -a period of his life, a sovereign whose ruling passion is the advancement -of the happiness and prosperity of his people; and not of his own people -only, but who can extend his eye and his good will to a distant and infant -nation, unoffending in its course, unambitious in its views. - -The events of Europe come to us so late, and so suspiciously, that -observations on them would certainly be stale, and possibly wide of their -actual state. From their general aspect, however, I collect that your -Majesty's interposition in them has been disinterested and generous, -and having in view only the general good of the great European family. -When you shall proceed to the pacification which is to re-establish -peace and commerce, the same dispositions of mind will lead you to think -of the general intercourse of nations, and to make that provision for -its future maintenance which, in times past, it has so much needed. -The northern nations of Europe, at the head of which your Majesty is -distinguished, are habitually peaceable. The United States of America, -like them, are attached to peace. We have then with them a common interest -in the neutral rights. Every nation indeed, on the continent of Europe, -belligerent as well as neutral, is interested in maintaining these rights, -in liberalizing them progressively with the progress of science and -refinement of morality, and in relieving them from restrictions which the -extension of the arts has long since rendered unreasonable and vexatious. - -Two personages in Europe, of which your Majesty is one, have it in their -power, at the approaching pacification, to render eminent service to -nations in general, by incorporating into the act of pacification, a -correct definition of the rights of neutrals on the high seas. Such a -definition, declared by all the powers lately or still belligerent, would -give to those rights a precision and notoriety, and cover them with an -authority, which would protect them in an important degree against future -violation; and should any further sanction be necessary, that of an -exclusion of the violating nation from commercial intercourse with all the -others, would be preferred to war, as more analogous to the offence, more -easy and likely to be executed with good faith. The essential articles of -these rights, too, are so few and simple as easily to be defined. - -Having taken no part in the past or existing troubles of Europe, we have -no part to act in its pacification. But as principles may then be settled -in which we have a deep interest, it is a great happiness for us that -they are placed under the protection of an umpire, who, looking beyond -the narrow bounds of an individual nation, will take under the cover of -his equity the rights of the absent and unrepresented. It is only by a -happy concurrence of good characters and good occasions, that a step can -now and then be taken to advance the well-being of nations. If the present -occasion be good, I am sure your Majesty's character will not be wanting -to avail the world of it. By monuments of such good offices, may your life -become an epoch in the history of the condition of man; and may He who -called it into being, for the good of the human family, give it length of -days and success, and have it always in His holy keeping. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, May 4, 1806. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 16th of March by a common vessel, and -then expected to have had, on the rising of Congress, an opportunity of -peculiar confidence to you. Mr. Beckley then supposed he should take -a flying trip to London, on private business. But I believe he does -not find it convenient. He could have let you into the _arcana rerum_, -which you have interests in knowing. Mr. Pinckney's pursuits having been -confined to his peculiar line, he has only that general knowledge of what -has passed here which the public possess. He has a just view of things -so far as known to him. Our old friend, Mercer, broke off from us some -time ago; at first professing to disdain joining the federalists, yet, -from the habit of voting together, becoming soon identified with them. -Without carrying over with him one single person, he is now in a state -of as perfect obscurity as if his name had never been known. Mr. J. -Randolph is in the same track, and will end in the same way. His course -has excited considerable alarm. Timid men consider it as a proof of the -weakness of our government, and that it is to be rent into pieces by -demagogues, and to end in anarchy. I survey the scene with a different -eye, and draw a different augury from it. In a House of Representatives -of a great mass of good sense, Mr. Randolph's popular eloquence gave him -such advantages as to place him unrivalled as the leader of the House; -and, although not conciliatory to those whom he led, principles of duty -and patriotism induced many of them to swallow humiliations he subjected -them to, and to vote as was right, as long as he kept the path of right -himself. The sudden defection of such a man could not but produce a -momentary astonishment, and even dismay; but for a moment only. The -good sense of the House rallied around its principles, and without any -leader pursued steadily the business of the session, did it well, and -by a strength of vote which has never before been seen. Upon all trying -questions, exclusive of the federalists, the minority of republicans -voting with him has been from four to six or eight, against from ninety -to one hundred; and although he yet treats the federalists with ineffable -contempt, yet, having declared eternal opposition to this administration, -and consequently associated with them in his votes, he will, like Mercer, -end with them. The augury I draw from this is, that there is a steady, -good sense in the Legislature, and in the body of the nation, joined -with good intentions, which will lead them to discern and to pursue the -public good under all circumstances which can arise, and that no _ignis -fatuus_ will be able to lead them long astray. In the present case, the -public sentiment, as far as declarations of it have yet come in, is, -without a single exception, in firm adherence to the administration. One -popular paper is endeavoring to maintain equivocal ground; approving the -administration in all its proceedings, and Mr. Randolph in all those which -have heretofore merited approbation, carefully avoiding to mention his -late aberration. The ultimate view of this paper is friendly to you; and -the editor, with more judgment than him who assumes to be at the head of -your friends, sees that the ground of opposition to the administration -is not that on which it would be advantageous to you to be planted. -The great body of your friends are among the firmest adherents to the -administration; and in their support of you, will suffer Mr. Randolph to -have no communications with them. My former letter told you the line which -both duty and inclination would lead me sacredly to pursue. But it is -unfortunate for you to be embarrassed with such a _soi-disant_ friend. You -must not commit yourself to him. These views may assist you to understand -such details as Mr. Pinckney will give you. If you are here at any time -before the fall, it will be in time for any object you may have, and by -that time the public sentiment will be more decisively declared. I wish -you were here at present, to take your choice of the two governments -of Orleans and Louisiana, in either of which I could now place you; -and I verily believe it would be to your advantage to be just that much -withdrawn from the focus of the ensuing contest, until its event should -be known. The one has a salary of five thousand dollars, the other of two -thousand dollars; both with excellent hotels for the Governor. The latter -at St. Louis, where there is good society, both French and American; a -healthy climate, and the finest field in the United States for acquiring -property. The former not unhealthy, if you begin a residence there in the -month of November. The Mrs. Trists and their connections are established -there. As I think you can within four months inform me what you say to -this, I will keep things in their present state till the last day of -August, for your answer. - -The late change in the ministry I consider as insuring us a just -settlement of our differences, and we ask no more. In Mr. Fox, personally, -I have more confidence than in any man in England, and it is founded -in what, through unquestionable channels, I have had opportunities of -knowing of his honesty and his good sense. While he shall be in the -administration, my reliance on that government will be solid. We had -committed ourselves in a line of proceedings adapted to meet Mr. Pitt's -policy and hostility, before we heard of his death, which self-respect did -not permit us to abandon afterwards; and the late unparalleled outrage on -us at New York excited such sentiments in the public at large, as did not -permit us to do less than has been done. It ought not to be viewed by the -ministry as looking towards them at all, but merely as the consequences -of the measures of their predecessors, which their nation has called on -them to correct. I hope, therefore, they will come to just arrangements. -No two countries upon earth have so many points of common interest and -friendship; and their rulers must be great bunglers indeed, if, with such -dispositions, they break them asunder. The only rivalry that can arise -is on the ocean. England may, by petty larceny thwartings, check us on -that element a little, but nothing she can do will retard us there one -year's growth. We shall be supported there by other nations, and thrown -into their scale to make a part of the great counterpoise to her navy. -If, on the other hand, she is just to us, conciliatory, and encourages -the sentiment of family feelings and conduct, it cannot fail to befriend -the security of both. We have the seamen and materials for fifty ships -of the line, and half that number of frigates; and were France to give -us the money, and England the dispositions to equip them, they would -give to England serious proofs of the stock from which they are sprung, -and the school in which they have been taught; and added to the efforts -of the immensity of sea coast lately united under one power, would leave -the state of the ocean no longer problematical. Were, on the other hand, -England to give the money, and France the dispositions to place us on the -sea in all our force, the whole world, out of the continent of Europe, -might be our joint monopoly. We wish for neither of these scenes. We -ask for peace and justice from all nations; and we will remain uprightly -neutral in fact, though leaning in belief to the opinion that an English -ascendancy on the ocean is safer for us than that of France. We begin to -broach the idea that we consider the whole Gulf Stream as of our waters, -in which hostilities and cruising are to be frowned on for the present, -and prohibited so soon as either consent or force will permit us. We shall -never permit another privateer to cruise within it, and shall forbid our -harbors to national cruisers. This is essential for our tranquillity and -commerce. Be so good as to have the enclosed letters delivered, to present -me to your family, and be assured yourself of my unalterable friendship. - -For fear of accidents, I shall not make the unnecessary addition of my -name. - - -TO GENERAL SMITH. - - WASHINGTON, May 4, 1806. - -DEAR SIR,--I received your favor covering some papers from General -Wilkinson. I have repented but of one appointment there, that of Lucas, -whose temper I see overrules every good quality and every qualification -he has. Not a single fact has appeared, which occasions me to doubt that -I could have made a fitter appointment than General Wilkinson. One qualm -of principle I acknowledge I do feel, I mean the union of the civil and -military authority. You remember that when I came into office, while -we were lodging together at Conrad's, he was pressed on me to be made -Governor of the Mississippi territory; and that I refused it on that very -principle. When, therefore, the House of Representatives took that ground, -I was not insensible to its having some weight. But in the appointment -to Louisiana, I did not think myself departing from my own principle, -because I consider it not as a civil government, but merely a military -station. The Legislature had sanctioned that idea by the establishment -of the office of Commandant, in which were completely blended the civil -and military powers. It seemed, therefore, that the Governor should be in -suit with them. I observed, too, that the House of Representatives, on the -very day they passed the stricture on this union of authorities, passed -a bill making the Governor of Michigan commander of the regular troops -which should at any time be within his government. However, on the subject -of General Wilkinson nothing is in contemplation at this time. We shall -see what turn things take at home and abroad in the course of the summer. -Monroe has had a second conversation with Mr. Fox, which gives me hopes -that we shall have an amicable arrangement with that government. Accept my -friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. DIGGES. - - July 1, 1806. - -Thomas Jefferson salutes Mr. Digges with friendship and respect, and sends -him the newspapers received last night. He is sorry that only the latter -part of the particular publication which Mr. Digges wished to see, is in -them. He will be happy to see Mr. Digges and his friends on the fourth -of July, and to join in congratulations on the return of the day which -divorced us from the follies and crimes of Europe, from a dollar in the -pound at least of six hundred millions sterling, and from all the ruin -of Mr. Pitt's administration. We, too, shall encounter follies; but if -great, they will be short, if long, they will be light; and the vigor -of our country will get the better of them. Mr. Pitt's follies have been -great, long, and inflicted on a body emaciated with age, and exhausted by -excesses beyond its power to bear. - - -TO MR. BIDWELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 5, 1806. - -SIR,--Your favor of June the 21st has been duly received. We have not -as yet heard from General Skinner on the subject of his office. Three -persons are proposed on the most respectable recommendations, and under -circumstances of such equality as renders it difficult to decide between -them. But it shall be done impartially. I sincerely congratulate you on -the triumph of republicanism in Massachusetts. The Hydra of federalism -has now lost all its heads but two. Connecticut I think will soon follow -Massachusetts. Delaware will probably remain what it ever has been, a mere -county of England, conquered indeed, and held under by force, but always -disposed to counter-revolution. I speak of its majority only. - -Our information from London continues to give us hopes of an accommodation -there on both the points of "accustomed commerce and impressment." In this -there must probably be some mutual concession, because we cannot expect -to obtain everything and yield nothing. But I hope it will be such an one -as may be accepted. The arrival of the Hornet in France is so recently -known, that it will yet be some time before we learn our prospects there. -Notwithstanding the efforts made here, and made professedly to assassinate -that negotiation in embryo, if the good sense of Bonaparte should prevail -over his temper, the present state of things in Europe may induce him -to require of Spain that she should do us justice at least. That he -should require her to sell us East Florida, we have no right to insist; -yet there are not wanting considerations which may induce him to wish a -permanent foundation for peace laid between us. In this treaty, whatever -it shall be, our old enemies the federalists, and their new friends, will -find enough to carp at. This is a thing of course, and I should suspect -error where they found no fault. The buzzard feeds on carrion only. Their -rallying point is "war with France and Spain, and alliance with Great -Britain:" and everything is wrong with them which checks their new ardor -to be fighting for the liberties of mankind; on the sea always excepted. -There one nation is to monopolize all the liberties of the others. - -I read, with extreme regret, the expressions of an inclination on your -part to retire from Congress. I will not say that this time, more than all -others, calls for the service of every man; but I will say, there never -was a time when the services of those who possess talents, integrity, -firmness, and sound judgment, were more wanted in Congress. Some one of -that description is particularly wanted to take the lead in the House -of Representatives, to consider the business of the nation as his own -business, to take it up as if he were singly charged with it, and carry it -through. I do not mean that any gentleman, relinquishing his own judgment, -should implicitly support all the measures of the administration; but -that, where he does not disapprove of them, he should not suffer them -to go off in sleep, but bring them to the attention of the House, and -give them a fair chance. Where he disapproves, he will of course leave -them to be brought forward by those who concur in the sentiment. Shall -I explain my idea by an example? The classification of the militia was -communicated to General Varnum and yourself merely as a proposition, -which, if you approved, it was trusted you would support. I knew, indeed, -that General Varnum was opposed to anything which might break up the -present organization of the militia: but when so modified as to avoid -this, I thought he might, perhaps, be reconciled to it. As soon as I found -it did not coincide with your sentiments, I could not wish you to support -it; but using the same freedom of opinion, I procured it to be brought -forward elsewhere. It failed there, also, and for a time, perhaps, may -not prevail; but a militia can never be used for distant service on any -other plan; and Bonaparte will conquer the world, if they do not learn his -secret of composing armies of young men only, whose enthusiasm and health -enable them to surmount all obstacles. When a gentleman, through zeal for -the public service, undertakes to do the public business, we know that we -shall hear the cant of backstairs' councillors. But we never heard this -while the declaimer was himself a backstairs' man, as he calls it, but -in the confidence and views of the administration, as may more properly -and respectfully be said. But if the members are to know nothing but -what is important enough to be put into a public message, and indifferent -enough to be made known to all the world; if the Executive is to keep all -other information to himself, and the House to plunge on in the dark, it -becomes a government of chance and not of design. The imputation was one -of those artifices used to despoil an adversary of his most effectual -arms; and men of mind will place themselves above a gabble of this order. -The last session of Congress was indeed an uneasy one for a time; but as -soon as the members penetrated into the views of those who were taking a -new course, they rallied in as solid a phalanx as I have ever seen act -together. Indeed I have never seen a House of better dispositions. -* * * * * Perhaps I am not entitled to speak with so much frankness; but -it proceeds from no motive which has not a right to your forgiveness. -Opportunities of candid explanation are so seldom afforded me, that I must -not lose them when they occur. - -The information I receive from your quarter agrees with that from the -south; that the late schism has made not the smallest impression on the -public, and that the seceders are obliged to give to it other grounds than -those which we know to be the true ones. All we have to wish is, that at -the ensuing session, every one may take the part openly which he secretly -befriends. I recollect nothing new and true, worthy communicating to you. -As for what is not true, you will always find abundance in the newspapers. -Among other things, are those perpetual alarms as to the Indians, for -no one of which has there ever been the slightest ground. They are the -suggestions of hostile traders, always wishing to embroil us with the -Indians, to perpetuate their own extortionate commerce. I salute you with -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. BOWDOIN. - - WASHINGTON, July 10, 1806. - -DEAR SIR,--I believe that when you left America the invention of the -polygraph had not yet reached Boston. It is for copying with one pen while -you write with the other, and without the least additional embarrassment -or exertion to the writer. I think it the finest invention of the present -age, and so much superior to the copying machine, that the latter will -never be continued a day by any one who tries the polygraph. It was -invented by a Mr. Hawkins, of Frankford, near Philadelphia, who is now in -England, turning it to good account. Knowing that you are in the habit of -writing much, I have flattered myself that I could add acceptably to your -daily convenience by presenting you with one of these delightful machines. -I have accordingly had one made, and to be certain of its perfection I -have used it myself some weeks, and have the satisfaction to find it the -best one I have ever tried; and in the course of two years' daily use of -them, I have had opportunities of trying several. As a secretary, which -copies for us what we write without the power of revealing it, I find it a -most precious possession to a man in public business. I enclose directions -for unpacking and using the machine when you receive it; but the machine -itself must await a special and sure conveyance under the care of some -person going to Paris. It is ready packed, and shall go by the first -proper conveyance. - -As we heard two or three weeks ago of the safe arrival of the Hornet -at L'Orient, we were anxiously waiting to learn from you the first -impressions on her mission. If you can succeed in procuring us Florida, -and a good western boundary, it will fill the American mind with joy. -It will secure to our fellow citizens one of the most ardent wishes, -a long peace with Spain and France. For be assured, the object of war -with them and alliance with England, which, at the last session of -Congress, drew off from the republican band about half a dozen of its -members, is universally reprobated by our _native_ citizens from north to -south. I have never seen the nation stand more firm to its principles, -or rally so firmly to its constituted authorities, and in reprobation -of the opposition to them. With England, I think we shall cut off the -resource of impressing our seamen to fight her battles, and establish the -inviolability of our flag in its commerce with her enemies. We shall thus -become what we sincerely wish to be, honestly neutral, and truly useful to -both belligerents. To the one, by keeping open market for the consumption -of her manufactures, while they are excluded from all the other countries -under the power of her enemy; to the other, by securing for her a safe -carriage of all her productions, metropolitan or colonial, while her own -means are restrained by her enemy, and may, therefore, be employed in -other useful pursuits. We are certainly more useful friends to France and -Spain as neutrals, than as allies. I hope they will be sensible of it, -and by a wise removal of all grounds of future misunderstanding to another -age, enable you to present us such an arrangement, as will insure to our -fellow-citizens long and permanent peace and friendship with them. With -respect to our western boundary, your instructions will be your guide. I -will only add, as a comment to them, that we are attached to the retaining -of the Bay of St. Bernard, because it was the first establishment of the -unfortunate La Sale, was the cradle of Louisiana, and more incontestibly -covered and conveyed to us by France, under that name, than any other -spot in the country. This will be secured to us by taking for our western -boundary the Guadaloupe, and from its head around the sources of all -waters eastward of it, to the highlands embracing the waters running into -the Mississippi. However, all these things I presume will be settled -before you receive this; and I hope so settled as to give peace and -satisfaction to us all. - -Our crops of wheat are greater than have ever been known, and are now -nearly secured. A caterpillar gave for awhile great alarm, but did little -injury. Of tobacco, not half a crop has been planted for want of rain; and -even this half, with cotton and Indian corn, has yet many chances to run. - -This summer will place our harbors in a situation to maintain peace and -order with them. The next, or certainly the one following that, will -so provide them with gun-boats and common batteries, as to be _hors -d'insulte_. Although our prospect is peace, our policy and purpose is -to provide for defence by all those means to which our resources are -competent. - -I salute you with friendship, and assure you of my high respect and -consideration. - - -TO W. A. BURWELL. - - MONTICELLO, September 17, 1806. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of August the 7th, from Liberty, never got to my hands -till the 9th instant. About the same time I received the Enquirer, -in which Decius was so judiciously answered. The writer of that paper -observed, that the matter of Decius consisted, first of facts; secondly, -of inferences from these facts: that he was not well enough informed to -affirm or deny his facts, and he therefore examines his inferences, and in -a very masterly manner shows that even were his facts true, the reasonable -inferences from them are very different from those drawn by Decius. But -his facts are far from truth, and should be corrected. It happened that -Mr. Madison and General Dearborne were here when I received your letter. -I therefore, with them, took up Decius and read him deliberately; and -our memories aided one another in correcting his bold and unauthorized -assertions. I shall note the most material of them in the order of the -paper. - -1. It is grossly false that our ministers, as is said in a note, had -proposed to surrender our claims to compensation for Spanish spoliations, -or even for French. Their instructions were to make no treaty in which -Spanish spoliations were not provided for; and although they were -permitted to be silent as to French spoliations carried into Spanish -ports, they were not expressly to abandon even them. 2. It is not true -that our ministers, in agreeing to establish the Colorado as our western -boundary, had been obliged to exceed the authority of their instructions. -Although we considered our title good as far as the Rio Bravo, yet in -proportion to what they could obtain east of the Mississippi, they were -to relinquish to the westward, and successive sacrifices were marked -out, of which even the Colorado was not the last. 3. It is not true that -the Louisiana treaty was antedated, lest Great Britain should consider -our supplying her enemies with money as a breach of neutrality. After -the very words of the treaty were finally agreed to, it took some time, -perhaps some days, to make out all the copies in the very splendid -manner of Bonaparte's treaties. Whether the 30th of April, 1803, the -date expressed, was the day of the actual compact, or that on which it -was signed, our memories do not enable us to say. If the former, then it -is strictly conformable to the day of the compact; if the latter, then -it was postdated, instead of being antedated. The motive assigned too, -is as incorrect as the fact. It was so far from being thought, by any -party, a breach of neutrality, that the British minister congratulated -Mr. King on the acquisition, and declared that the King had learned it -with great pleasure; and when Baring, the British banker, asked leave -of the minister to purchase the debt and furnish the money to France, -the minister declared to him, that so far from throwing obstacles in the -way, if there were any difficulty in the payment of the money, it was -the interest of Great Britain to aid it. 4. He speaks of a double set of -opinions and principles; the one ostensible, to go on the journals and -before the public, the other efficient, and the real motives to action. -But where are these double opinions and principles? The executive informed -the legislature of the wrongs of Spain, and that preparation should be -made to repel them, by force, if necessary. But as it might still be -possible to negotiate a settlement, they asked such means as might enable -them to meet the negotiation, whatever form it might take. The first -part of this system was communicated publicly, the second privately; but -both were equally official, equally involved the responsibility of the -executive, and were equally to go on the journals. 5. That the purchase -of the Floridas was in direct opposition to the views of the executive, -as expressed in the President's _official_ communication. It was not in -opposition even to the public part of the communication, which did not -recommend war, but only to be prepared for it. It perfectly harmonized -with the private part, which asked the means of negotiation in such terms -as covered the purchase of Florida as evidently as it was proper to speak -it out. He speaks of secret communications between the executive and -members, of backstairs' influence, &c. But he never spoke of this while -he and Mr. Nicholson enjoyed it most solely. But when he differed from the -executive in a leading measure, and the executive, not submitting to him, -expressed their sentiments to others, the very sentiments (to wit, the -purchase of Florida) which he acknowledges they expressed to him, then he -roars out upon backstairs' influence. 6. The committee, he says, forbore -to recommend offensive measures. Is this true? Did not they recommend -the raising ---- regiments? Besides, if it was proper for the committee -to forbear recommending offensive measures, was it not proper for the -executive and Legislature to exercise the same forbearance? 7. He says -Monroe's letter had a most important bearing on our Spanish relations. -Monroe's letter related, almost entirely, to our British relations. Of -those with Spain he knew nothing particular since he left that country. -Accordingly, in his letter he simply expressed an opinion on our affairs -with Spain, of which he knew we had better information than he could -possess. His opinion was no more than that of any other sensible man; and -his letter was proper to be communicated with the English papers, and with -them only. That the executive did not hold it up on account of any bearing -on Spanish affairs, is evident from the fact that it was communicated -when the Senate had not yet entered on the Spanish affairs, and had not -yet received the papers relating to them from the other House. The moment -the Representatives were ready to enter on the British affairs, Monroe's -letter, which peculiarly related to them, and was _official_ solely as -to them, was communicated to both Houses, the Senate being then about -entering on Spanish affairs. - - * * * * * - -These, my dear Sir, are the principal facts worth correction. Make any -use of them you think best, without letting your source of information be -known. Can you send me some cones or seeds of the cucumber tree? Accept -affectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, October 12, 1806. - -DEAR SIR,--You witnessed in the earlier part of the administration, the -malignant and long-continued efforts which the federalists exerted in -their newspapers, to produce misunderstanding between Mr. Madison and -myself. These failed completely. A like attempt was afterwards made, -through other channels, to effect a similar purpose between General -Dearborne and myself, but with no more success. The machinations of the -last session to put you at cross questions with us all, were so obvious -as to be seen at the first glance of every eye. In order to destroy one -member of the administration, the whole were to be set to loggerheads -to destroy one another. I observe in the papers lately, new attempts to -revive this stale artifice, and that they squint more directly towards -you and myself. I cannot, therefore, be satisfied, till I declare to you -explicitly, that my affections and confidence in you are nothing impaired, -and that they cannot be impaired by means so unworthy the notice of candid -and honorable minds. I make the declaration, that no doubts or jealousies, -which often beget the facts they fear, may find a moment's harbor in -either of our minds. I have so much reliance on the superior good sense -and candor of all those associated with me, as to be satisfied they will -not suffer either friend or foe to sow tares among us. Our administration -now drawing towards a close, I have a sublime pleasure in believing -it will be distinguished as much by having placed itself above all the -passions which could disturb its harmony, as by the great operations by -which it will have advanced the well-being of the nation. - -Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant and -unalterable respect and attachment. - - -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. - - WASHINGTON, January 3, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I had intended yesterday to recommend to General Dearborne -the writing to you weekly by post, to convey information of our western -affairs, so long as they are interesting, because it is possible, though -not probable, you might sometimes get the information quicker this way -than down the river, but the General received yesterday information of -the death of his son in the East Indies, and of course cannot now attend -to business. I therefore write you a hasty line for the present week, and -send it in duplicates by the Athens and the Nashville routes. - -The information in the enclosed paper, as to proceedings in the State -of Ohio, is correct. Blennerhasset's flotilla of fifteen boats and two -hundred barrels of provisions, is seized, and there can be no doubt that -Tyler's flotilla is also taken, because, on the 17th of December, we -know there was a sufficient force assembled at Cincinnati to intercept it -there, and another party was in pursuit of it on the river above. We are -assured that these two flotillas composed the whole of the boats, provided -Blennerhasset and Tyler had fled down the river. I do not believe that -the number of persons engaged for Burr has ever amounted to five hundred, -though some have carried them to one thousand or fifteen hundred. A part -of these were engaged as settlers of Bastrop's land, but the greater -part of these were engaged under the express assurance that the projected -enterprise was against Mexico, and secretly authorized by this government. -Many were expressly enlisted in the name of the United States. The -proclamation which reached Pittsburg, December 2d, and the other parts of -the river successively, undeceived both these classes, and of course drew -them off, and I have never seen any proof of their having assembled more -than forty men in two boats from Beaver, fifty in Tyler's flotilla, and -the boatmen of Blennerhasset's. I believe therefore, that the enterprise -may be considered as crushed, but we are not to relax in our attentions -until we hear what has passed at Louisville. If everything from that place -upwards be successfully arrested, there is nothing from below that is to -be feared. Be assured that Tennessee, and particularly General Jackson, -are faithful. The orders lodged at Massac and the Chickasaw bluffs, will -probably secure the interception of such fugitives from justice as may -escape from Louisville, so that I think you will never see one of them. -Still I would not wish, till we hear from Louisville, that you should -relax your preparations in the least, except so far as to dispense with -the militia of Mississippi and Orleans leaving their homes under our order -of November 25th. Only let them consider themselves under requisition, and -be in a state of readiness should any force, too great for your regulars, -escape down the river. You will have been sensible that those orders were -given while we supposed you were on the Sabine, and the supposed crisis -did not admit the formality of their being passed through you. We had -considered Fort Adams as the place to make a stand, because it covered the -mouth of the Red river. You have preferred New Orleans on the apprehension -of a fleet from the West Indies. Be assured there is not any foundation -for such an expectation, but the lying exaggerations of those traitors to -impose on others and swell their pretended means. The very man whom they -represented to you as gone to Jamaica, and to bring the fleet, has never -been from home, and has regularly communicated to me everything which -had passed between Burr and him. No such proposition was ever hazarded to -him. France or Spain would not send a fleet to take Vera Cruz; and though -one of the expeditions now near arriving from England, is probably for -Vera Cruz, and perhaps already there, yet the state of things between us -renders it impossible they should countenance an enterprise unauthorized -by us. Still I repeat that these grounds of security must not stop our -proceedings or preparations until they are further confirmed. Go on, -therefore, with your works for the defence of New Orleans, because they -will always be useful, only looking to what should be permanent rather -than means merely temporary. You may expect further information as we -receive it, and though I expect it will be such as will place us at our -ease, yet we must not place ourselves so until it be certain, but act on -the possibility that the resources of our enemy may be greater and deeper -than we are yet informed. - -Your two confidential messengers delivered their charges safely. One -arrived yesterday only with your letter of November 12th. The oral -communications he made me are truly important. I beseech you to take the -most special care of the two letters which he mentioned to me, the one in -cypher, the other from another of the conspirators of high standing, and -to send them to me by the first conveyance you can trust. It is necessary -that all important testimony should be brought to one centre, in order -that the guilty may be convicted, and the innocent left untroubled. Accept -my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 4, 1807. - -There is a vessel fitting out at New York, formerly called the Emperor, -now the James, or the Brutus (accounts differ), to carry 22 guns and -150 men, and to be commanded by Blakely, who went out Lieutenant of -the Leander. She is confidently believed to be destined for Burr at -New Orleans. The collector should be put on his guard; he can get much -information from the Mayor of New York on the subject. If Blakely went out -really with Miranda as Lieutenant, he should be immediately arrested and -put on his trial. Will you be so good as to take the necessary measures on -this subject? - - * * * * * - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 6, 1807. - -Mr. Clarke left with me the papers I now send you, presenting the claim of -the Corporation of New Orleans to all the lands between the city and the -Bayou St. Jean, as a common. What is to be done? The subject is broader -than these papers present. I presume this claim would be proper for an -investigation and report by the commissioners. I believe it to be a plot -against Lafayette. That there should be left a reasonable common for them -we had directed; but they might as well claim to the ocean as to the Bayou -St. Jean. I am certain there is in some of Claiborne's letters information -that they never had a right to a common, but under a kind of lease or -permission for a term of years expired long since. - -But I think we should go further, and direct the governor to report to us -in detail all the lots and buildings owned by the public in New Orleans, -stating the use they were applied to under the former government, and that -for which they would be proper now; to be laid before Congress at their -next session, for their determination. Indeed I am not certain but that -Claiborne has made such a report to the Secretary at War. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. CHARLES CLAY. - - WASHINGTON, January 11, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of December 19th has been duly received, and I thank -you for your friendly attention to the offer of lands adjoining me for -sale. It is true that I have always wished to purchase a part of what was -Murray's tract, which would straiten the lines of the Poplar Forest, but -I really am not able to make a purchase. I had hoped to keep the expenses -of my office within the limits of its salary, so as to apply my private -income entirely to the improvement and enlargement of my estate; but I -have not been able to do it. - -Our affairs with Spain, after which you inquire, do not promise the -result we wish. Not that war will take place immediately, but they may -go off without a settlement, and leave us in constant bickering about -indemnification for spoliations, the navigation of the Mobile and the -limits of Louisiana. Burr's enterprise is the most extraordinary since -the days of Don Quixotte. It is so extravagant that those who know his -understanding, would not believe it if the proofs admitted doubt. He has -meant to place himself on the throne of Montezuma, and extend his empire -to the Alleghany, seizing on New Orleans as the instrument of compulsion -for our western States. I think his undertaking effectually crippled by -the activity of Ohio. Whether Kentucky will give him the _coup de grace_ -is doubtful; but if he is able to descend the river with any means, we -are sufficiently prepared at New Orleans. I hope, however, Kentucky will -do its duty, and finish the matter for the honor of popular government, -and the discouragement of all arguments for standing armies. Accept my -friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS AND C. W. PEALE, JUDGES OF ELECTION FOR THE A. P. -SOCIETY. - - WASHINGTON, January 12, 1807. - -GENTLEMEN,--I am again to return the tribute of my thanks for the -continued proofs of favor from the American Philosophical Society; and I -ever do it with sincere gratitude, sensible it is the effect of their good -will, and not of any services I have it in my power to render them. I pray -you to convey to them these expressions of my dutiful acknowledgments, and -to accept yourselves thanks for the favorable terms in which your letter -of the 2d instant announces the suffrage of the Society. - -I am happy at the same time to greet them on the safe return of a valuable -member of our fraternity, from a journey of uncommon length and peril. He -will ere long be with them, and present them with the additions he brings -to our knowledge of the geography and natural history of our country, from -the Mississippi to the Pacific. - -Tendering them my humble respects, permit me to add for yourselves my -friendly salutations, and assurances of high consideration. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 12, 1807. - -I return you the letter of Mr. Gelston respecting the Brutus. From what I -learn, she cannot be destined for the Mississippi, because she draws too -much water to enter it. However, considering the difficulty Congress finds -in enlarging the limits of our preventive powers, I think we should be -cautious how we step across those limits ourselves. She is probably bound -to St. Domingo. Could not Congress, while continuing that law, amend it so -as to prevent the abuse actually practised. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO JOHN DICKINSON. - - WASHINGTON, January 13, 1807. - -MY DEAR AND ANCIENT FRIEND,--I have duly received your favor of the 1st -instant, and am ever thankful for communications which may guide me in the -duties which I wish to perform as well as I am able. It is but too true -that great discontents exist in the territory of Orleans. Those of the -French inhabitants have for their sources, 1, the prohibition of importing -slaves. This may be partly removed by Congress permitting them to receive -slaves from the other States, which, by dividing that evil, would lessen -its danger; 2, the administration of justice in our forms, principles, -and language, with all of which they are unacquainted, and are the more -abhorrent, because of the enormous expense, greatly exaggerated by the -corruption of bankrupt and greedy lawyers, who have gone there from the -United States and engrossed the practice; 3, the call on them by the land -commissioners to produce the titles of their lands. The object of this -is really to record and secure their rights. But as many of them hold on -rights so ancient that the title papers are lost; they expect the land -is to be taken from them whenever they cannot produce a regular deduction -of title in writing. In this they will be undeceived by the final result, -which will evince to them a liberal disposition of the government towards -them. Among the American inhabitants it is the old division of federalists -and republicans. The former are as hostile there as they are everywhere, -and are the most numerous and wealthy. They have been long endeavoring -to batter down the Governor, who has always been a firm republican. There -were characters superior to him whom I wished to appoint, but they refused -the office: I know no better man who would accept of it, and it would not -be right to turn him out for one not better. But it is the second cause, -above mentioned, which is deep-seated and permanent. The French members -of the Legislature, being the majority in both Houses, lately passed -an act declaring that the civil, or French laws, should be the laws of -their land, and enumerated about fifty folio volumes, in Latin, as the -depositories of these laws. The Governor negatived the act. One of the -Houses thereupon passed a vote for self-dissolution of the Legislature -as a useless body, which failed in the other House by a single vote -only. They separated, however, and have disseminated all the discontent -they could. I propose to the members of Congress in conversation, the -enlisting thirty thousand volunteers, Americans by birth, to be carried -at the public expense, and settled immediately on a bounty of one hundred -and sixty acres of land each, on the west side of the Mississippi, on the -condition of giving two years of military service, if that country should -be attacked within seven years. The defence of the country would thus be -placed on the spot, and the additional number would entitle the territory -to become a State, would make the majority American, and make it an -American instead of a French State. This would not sweeten the pill to the -French; but in making that acquisition we had some view to our own good as -well as theirs, and I believe the greatest good of both will be promoted -by whatever will amalgamate us together. - -I have tired you, my friend, with a long letter. But your tedium will -end in a few lines more. Mine has yet two years to endure. I am tired -of an office where I can do no more good than many others, who would -be glad to be employed in it. To myself, personally, it brings nothing -but unceasing drudgery and daily loss of friends. Every office becoming -vacant, every appointment made, _me donne un ingrat, et cent ennemis_. My -only consolation is in the belief that my fellow citizens at large give -me credit for good intentions. I will certainly endeavor to merit the -continuance of that good-will which follows well-intended actions, and -their approbation will be the dearest reward I can carry into retirement. - -God bless you, my excellent friend, and give you yet many healthy and -happy years. - - -TO MR. HENING. - - WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807. - -SIR,--Your letter of December 26th, was received in due time. The only -object I had in making my collection of the laws of Virginia, was to save -all those for the public which were not then already lost, in the hope -that at some future day they might be republished. Whether this be by -public or private enterprise, my end will be equally answered. The book -divides itself into two very distinct parts; to wit, the printed and -the unprinted laws. The former begin in 1682, (Pervis' collection.) My -collection of these is in strong volumes, well bound, and therefore may -safely be transported anywhere. Any of these volumes which you do not -possess, are at your service for the purpose of republication, but the -unprinted laws are dispersed through many MS. volumes, several of them so -decayed that the leaf can never be opened but once without falling into -powder. These can never bear removal further than from their shelf to a -table. They are, as well as I recollect, from 1622 downwards. I formerly -made such a digest of their order, and the volumes where they are to be -found, that, under my own superintendence, they could be copied with once -handling. More they would not bear. Hence the impracticability of their -being copied but at Monticello. But independent of them, the printed laws, -beginning in 1682, with all our former printed collections, will be a most -valuable publication, and sufficiently distinct. I shall have no doubt of -the exactness of your part of the work, but I hope you will take measures -for having the typography and paper worthy of the work. I am lead to this -caution by the scandalous volume of our laws printed by Pleasants in 1803, -and those by Davis in 1796 were little better; both unworthy the history -of Tom Thumb. You can have them better and cheaper printed anywhere north -of Richmond. Accept my salutations and assurances of respect. - - -TO DANIEL CLARKE, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807. - -SIR,--I have examined the papers you left with me on the claim to the -common of New Orleans, and finding the subject to be within the cognizance -of the Board of Commissioners for that territory, they will be immediately -instructed to make full inquiry into the foundation of the claim, and to -report it for the decision of Congress. - -With respect to the lots and buildings in the city of New Orleans, held by -the public, the Governor will be immediately instructed to report an exact -list of them, stating the uses to which they were applied under the former -government, and those for which he thinks them proper at present, which -shall be laid before Congress at their next session, the Legislature alone -being competent to their final disposition. - -I have lodged in the Treasury Office the papers you left with me; but -if you wish their return, they will there be delivered to you. Accept my -salutations and assurances of respect. - - -TO GENERAL SHEE. - - WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807. - -SIR,--Your letter of the 16th ult. was duly received, conveying a tender -of the Philadelphia republican militia legion, of their voluntary -services, against either foreign or domestic foes. The pressure of -business, usual at this season, has prevented its earlier acknowledgment, -and the return of my thanks, on the public behalf, for this example of -patriotic spirit. Always a friend to peace, and believing it to promote -eminently the happiness and prosperity of nations, I am ever unwilling -that it should be disturbed, until greater and more important interests -call for an appeal to force. Whenever that shall take place, I feel a -perfect confidence that the energy and enterprise displayed by my fellow -citizens in the pursuits of peace, will be equally eminent in those of -war. The Legislature have now under consideration, in what manner, and -to what extent, the executive may be permitted to accept the service of -volunteers, should the public peace be disturbed, either from without or -within. In whatever way they shall give that authority, the legion may be -assured that no unreasonable use shall be made of the proffer which their -laudable zeal has prompted them to make. With my just acknowledgments -to them, I pray you to accept personally the assurance of my high -consideration and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN CHRISTIAN. - - WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807. - -SIR,--I have duly received your letter of December 24th, conveying a -tender, by the officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates of the -Saratoga Rangers, of their voluntary services to support the Constitution, -laws, and integrity of our country, when the constitutional authorities -shall declare it necessary, and I now, on the public behalf, return them -thanks for this example of patriotic spirit. Always a friend to peace, -and believing it to promote eminently the happiness and prosperity of -mankind, I am ever unwilling that it should be disturbed until greater and -more imperious interests call for an appeal to force. Whenever that shall -take place, I feel a perfect confidence that the energy and enterprise -displayed by my fellow citizens in the pursuits of peace, will be equally -eminent in those of war. The Legislature have now under consideration, in -what manner, and to what extent, the executive may be permitted to accept -the service of volunteers, should the public peace be disturbed either -from without or within. In whatever way they shall give that authority, -the Saratoga Rangers may be assured that no unreasonable use shall be made -of the proffer which their laudable zeal has prompted them to make. With -my acknowledgments to them, I pray you to accept personally the assurance -of my high consideration and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR PINCKNEY. - - WASHINGTON, January 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received two days ago a letter from General Wilkinson, dated -at New Orleans, December 14th, in which he enclosed me an affidavit, of -which I now transmit you a copy. You will perceive that it authenticates -the copy of a letter from Colonel Burr to the General, affirming that -Mr. Alston, his son-in-law, is engaged in the unlawful enterprises he is -carrying on, and is to be an actor in them. I am to add, also, that I have -received information from another source, that Mr. Alston, while returning -from Kentucky last autumn through the upper part of your State, proposed -to a Mr. Butler of that part of the country, to join in Colonel Burr's -enterprise, which he represented as of a nature to make his fortune, and -is understood to have been explained as against Mexico, as well as for -separating the Union of these States. That Butler communicated this to a -person, of the same part of the country, called Span, who communicated it -to a Mr. Horan, the clerk of a court in that quarter; that Butler and Span -agreed to join in the enterprise, but Horan refused. - -Nobody is a better judge than yourself whether any and what measures can -be taken on this information. As to General Wilkinson's affidavit, it -will be laid before the Legislature in a few days, and, of course, will -be public; but as to the other part, if no use can be made of it, your -own discretion and candor would lead you to keep it secret. It is further -well known here that Mr. Alston is an endorser to a considerable amount, -of the bills which have enabled Colonel Burr to prepare his treasons. A -message which I shall send into the Legislature two days hence, will give -a development of them. I avail myself with pleasure of this opportunity of -recalling myself to your recollection, and of assuring you of my constant -esteem and high consideration. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - January 24, 1807. - -Several French vessels of war, disabled from keeping the sea, by the -storms which some time since took place on our coast, put into the -harbors of the United States to avoid the danger of shipwreck. The -Minister of their nation states that their crews are without resources -for subsistence, and other necessaries, for the reimbursement of which he -offers bills on his government, the faith of which he pledges for their -punctual payment. - -The laws of humanity make it a duty for nations, as well as individuals, -to succor those whom accident and distress have thrown upon them. By -doing this in the present case, to the extent of mere _subsistence and -necessaries_, and so as to aid no military equipment, we shall keep within -the duties of rigorous neutrality, which never can be in opposition to -those of humanity. We furnished, on a former occasion, to a distressed -crew of the other belligerent party, similar accommodations, and we have -ourselves received, from both those powers, friendly and free supplies -to the necessities of our vessels of war in their Mediterranean ports. -In fact, the governments of civilized nations generally are in the -practice of exercising these offices of humanity towards each other. Our -government having as yet made no regular provision for the exchange of -these offices of courtesy and humanity between nations, the honor, the -interest, and the duty of our country requires that we should adopt any -other mode by which it may legally be done on the present occasion. It -is expected that we shall want a large sum of money in Europe, for the -purposes of the present negotiation with Spain, and besides this we want -annually large sums there, for the discharge of our instalments of debt. -Under these circumstances, supported by the unanimous opinion of the heads -of departments, given on the 15th of December, and again about the 10th -inst., and firmly trusting that the government of France will feel itself -peculiarly interested in the punctual discharge of the bills drawn by -their Minister, for the sole subsistence of their people, I approve of the -Secretary of the Treasury's taking the bills of the Minister of France, -to an amount not exceeding sixty thousand dollars, which according to his -own, as well as our estimate, will subsist his people until he will have -had time to be furnished with funds from his own government. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 31st, 1807. - -Satisfied that New Orleans must fall a prey to any power which shall -attack it, in spite of any means we now possess, I see no security for it -but in planting on the spot the force which is to defend it. I therefore -suggest to some members of the Senate to add to the volunteer bill now -before them, as an amendment, some such section as that enclosed, which -is on the principles of what we agreed on last year, except the omission -of the two years' service. If, by giving one hundred miles square of that -country, we can secure the rest, and at the same time create an American -majority before Orleans becomes a State, it will be the best bargain ever -made. As you are intimate with the details of the Land Office, I will -thank you to make any amendments to the enclosed in that part, or in any -other which you may think needs it. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - Sunday, February 1st, 1807. - -The more I consider the letter of our minister in London, the more -seriously it impresses me. I believe the _sine quâ non_ we made is that of -the nation, and that they would rather go on without a treaty than with -one which does not settle this article. Under this dilemma, and at this -stage of the business, had we not better take the advice of the Senate? I -ask a meeting at eleven o'clock to-morrow, to consult on this question. - - -TO H. D. GOVERNOR TIFFIN. - - WASHINGTON, February 2d, 1807. - -SIR,--The pressure of business during a session of the Legislature has -rendered me more tardy in addressing you than it was my wish to have been. -That our fellow citizens of the West would need only to be informed of -criminal machinations against the public safety to crush them at once, I -never entertained a doubt. I have seen with the greatest satisfaction that -among those who have distinguished themselves by their fidelity to their -country, on the occasion of the enterprise of Mr. Burr, yourself and the -Legislature of Ohio have been the most eminent. The promptitude and energy -displayed by your State has been as honorable to itself as salutary to -its sister States; and in declaring that you have deserved well of your -country, I do but express the grateful sentiment of every faithful citizen -in it. The hand of the people has given the mortal blow to a conspiracy -which, in other countries, would have called for an appeal to armies, and -has proved that government to be the strongest of which every man feels -himself a part. It is a happy illustration, too, of the importance of -preserving to the State authorities all that vigor which the Constitution -foresaw would be necessary, not only for their own safety, but for that -of the whole. In making these acknowledgments of the merit of having -set this illustrious example of exertion for the common safety, I pray -that they may be considered as addressed to yourself and the Legislature -particularly, and generally to every citizen who has availed himself of -the opportunity given of proving his devotion to his country. Accept my -salutations and assurances of great consideration and esteem. - - -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. - - WASHINGTON, February 3d, 1807. - -SIR,--A returning express gives me an opportunity of acknowledging the -receipt of your letters of November 12th, December 9th, 10th, 14th, 18th, -25th, 26th, and January 2d. I wrote to you January 3d, and through Mr. -Briggs, January 10th. The former being written while the Secretary at War -was unable to attend to business, gave you the state of the information -we then possessed as to Burr's conspiracy. I now enclose you a message, -containing a complete history of it from the commencement down to the -eve of his departure from Nashville; and two subsequent messages showed -that he began his descent of the Mississippi January 1st, with ten boats, -from eighty to one hundred men of his party, navigated by sixty oarsmen -not at all of his party. This, I think, is fully the force with which he -will be able to meet your gun-boats; and as I think he was uninformed of -your proceedings, and could not get the information till he would reach -Natchez, I am in hopes that before this date he is in your possession. -Although we at no time believed he could carry any formidable force out -of the Ohio, yet we thought it safest that you should be prepared to -receive him with all the force which could be assembled, and with that -view our orders were given; and we were pleased to see that without -waiting for them, you adopted nearly the same plan yourself, and acted -on it with promptitude; the difference between yours and ours proceeding -from your expecting an attack by sea, which we knew was impossible, either -by England or by a fleet under Truxton, who was at home; or by our own -navy, which was under our own eye. Your belief that Burr would really -descend with six or seven thousand men, was no doubt founded on what you -knew of the numbers which could be raised in the Western country for an -expedition to Mexico, _under the authority of the government_; but you -probably did not calculate that the want of that authority would take -from him every honest man, and leave him only the desperadoes of his -party, which in no part of the United States can ever be a numerous body. -In approving, therefore, as we do approve, of the defensive operations -for New Orleans, we are obliged to estimate them, not according to our -own view of the danger, but to place ourselves in your situation, and -only with your information. Your sending here Swartwout and Bollman, and -adding to them Burr, Blannerhassett, and Tyler, should they fall into -your hands, will be supported by the public opinion. As to Alexander, -who is arrived, and Ogden, expected, the evidence yet received will not -be sufficient to commit them. I hope, however, you will not extend this -deportation to persons against whom there is only suspicion, or shades of -offence not strongly marked. In that case, I fear the public sentiment -would desert you; because, seeing no danger here, violations of law are -felt with strength. I have thought it just to give you these views of -the sentiments and sensations here, as they may enlighten your path. I -am thoroughly sensible of the painful difficulties of your situation, -expecting an attack from an overwhelming force, unversed in law, -surrounded by suspected persons, and in a nation tender as to everything -infringing liberty, and especially from the military. You have doubtless -seen a good deal of malicious insinuation in the papers against you. -This, of course, begot suspicion and distrust in those acquainted with -the line of your conduct. We, who knew it, have not failed to strengthen -the public confidence in you; and I can assure you that your conduct, as -now known, has placed you on ground extremely favorable with the public. -Burr and his emissaries found it convenient to sow a distrust in your -mind of our dispositions towards you; but be assured that you will be -cordially supported in the line of your duties. I pray you to send me D.'s -original letter, communicated through Briggs, by the first entirely safe -conveyance. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and -respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - WASHINGTON, February 3, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I pray you to read the enclosed letter, to seal and deliver -it. It explains itself so fully, that I need say nothing. I am sincerely -concerned for Mr. Reibelt, who is a man of excellent understanding -and extensive science. If you had any academical berth, he would be -much better fitted for that than for the bustling business of life. -I enclose to General Wilkinson my message of January 22d. I presume, -however, you will have seen it in the papers. It gives the history of -Burr's conspiracy, all but the last chapter, which will, I hope, be -that of his capture before this time, at Natchez. Your situations have -been difficult, and we judge of the merit of our agents there by the -magnitude of the danger as it appeared to them, not as it was known to -us. On great occasions every good officer must be ready to risk himself -in going beyond the strict line of law, when the public preservation -requires it; his motives will be a justification as far as there is any -discretion in his ultra-legal proceedings, and no indulgence of private -feelings. On the whole, this squall, by showing with what ease our -government suppresses movements which in other countries requires armies, -has greatly increased its strength by increasing the public confidence in -it. It has been a wholesome lesson too to our citizens, of the necessary -obedience to their government. The Feds, and the little band of Quids, -in opposition, will try to make something of the infringement of liberty -by the military arrest and deportation of citizens, but if it does not go -beyond such offenders as Swartwout, Bollman, Burr, Blennerhasset, Tyler, -&c., they will be supported by the public approbation. Accept my friendly -salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - February 6, 1807. - -A resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, asks from me -information as to the efficacy of the gun-boat defence, what particular -ports we propose to place them in, and how many in each. I will enumerate -the particular ports, but instead of saying literally how many to each, on -which there would be a thousand opinions, I will throw them into groups as -below, and say how many to each group. Will you be so good as to state how -many you would think necessary for each of the ports below mentioned, to -give then such a degree of protection as you think would be sufficiently -effectual in time of war? Also to strike out any of the ports here named, -and insert others as you shall think best: - - Mississippi river, } - Lake Ponchartrain, } - Savannah, } - Beaufort, } - Charleston, } - Cape Fear, } - Ocracock, } - - Chesapeake Bay and water, - - Delaware Bay, - - New York, } - New London, } - Newport, } - - Boston, } - Newburyport,} - Portsmouth, } - Portland, } - Kennebeck, } - Penobscot, } - - Passamaquoddy. - -Send me also, if you please, copies of the opinions of certain officers -on the effect of gun-boats, which I believe, were formerly laid before a -committee. - -A similar note in substance was sent to General Dearborne. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - February 9, 1807. - -I thank you for the case in the Siman Sea, which escaped my recollection. -It was indeed a very favorable one. I have adopted your other amendments, -except as to the not building _now_; my own opinion being very strongly -against this for these reasons: 1st. The 127 gun-boats cannot be built -in one, two, or even six months. Commodore Preble told me he could -build those he undertook, in two months. They were but four, and though -he was preparing during the winter, was engaged in April, and pressed -to expedite them, they were not ready for sea till November. 2d. After -war commences they cannot be built in New York, Boston, Norfolk, or any -seaport, because they would be destroyed by the enemy, on the stocks. -They could then be built only in interior places, inaccessible to ships -and defended by the body of the country, where the building would be -slow. 3d. The first operation of war by an enterprising enemy would be -to sweep all our seaports, of their vessels at least. 4th. The expense -of their preservation would be all but nothing, because I have had the -opinion of, I believe, every captain of the navy, that the largest of our -gun-boats can be drawn up, out of the water, and placed under a shed with -great ease, by preparing ways and capstans proper for it, and always ready -to let her down again. Such of them as are built in suitable places may -remain on the stocks unlaunched. 5th. Full the half of the whole number -would be small, and not costing more than three-fifths of the large ones. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THOMAS SEYMOUR, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, February 11, 1807. - -SIR,--The mass of business which occurs during a session of the -Legislature, renders me necessarily unpunctual in acknowledging the -receipt of letters, and in answering those which will admit of delay. -This must be my apology for being so late in noticing the receipt of the -letter of December 20th, addressed to me by yourself, and several other -republican characters of your State of high respectability. I have seen -with deep concern the afflicting oppression under which the republican -citizens of Connecticut suffer from an unjust majority. The truths -expressed in your letter have been long exposed to the nation through the -channel of the public papers, and are the more readily believed because -most of the States during the momentary ascendancy of kindred majorities, -in them have seen the same spirit of opposition prevail. - -With respect to the countervailing prosecutions now instituted in the -Court of the United States in Connecticut, I had heard but little, and -certainly, I believe, never expressed a sentiment on them. That a spirit -of indignation and retaliation should arise when an opportunity should -present itself, was too much within the human constitution to excite -either surprise or censure, and confined to an appeal to truth only, it -cannot lessen the useful freedom of the press. - -As to myself, conscious that there was not a _truth_ on earth which I -feared should be known, I have lent myself willingly as the subject of a -great experiment, which was to prove that an administration, conducting -itself with integrity and common understanding, cannot be battered down, -even by the falsehoods of a licentious press, and consequently still -less by the press, as restrained within the legal and wholesome limits -of truth. This experiment was wanting for the world to demonstrate -the falsehood of the pretext that freedom of the press is incompatible -with orderly government. I have never therefore even contradicted the -thousands of calumnies so industriously propagated against myself. But -the fact being once established, that the press is impotent when it -abandons itself to falsehood, I leave to others to restore it to its -strength, by recalling it within the pale of truth. Within that it is a -noble institution, equally the friend of science and of civil liberty. -If this can once be effected in your State, I trust we shall soon see -its citizens rally to the republican principles of our Constitution, -which unite their sister-States into one family. It would seem impossible -that an intelligent people, with the faculty of reading and right of -thinking, should continue much longer to slumber under the pupilage of -an interested aristocracy of priests and lawyers, persuading them to -distrust themselves, and to let them think for them. I sincerely wish that -your efforts may awaken them from this voluntary degradation of mind, -restore them to a due estimate of themselves and their fellow-citizens, -and a just abhorrence of the falsehoods and artifices which have seduced -them. Experience of the use made by federalism of whatever comes from me, -obliges me to suggest the caution of considering my letter as private. I -pray you to present me respectfully to the other gentlemen who joined in -the letter to me, and to whom this is equally addressed, and to accept -yourself my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and consideration. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - February 14, 1807. - -Thomas Jefferson salutes General Dearborne with friendship, and -communicates the following information from Captain Lewis, which may be -useful to Colonel Freeman, and our future explorers; and indeed may enable -us understandingly to do acceptable things to our Louisiana neighbors when -we wish to gratify them. - -He says the following are the articles in highest value with them: - -1. _Blue_ beads. This is a coarse cheap bead imported from China, and -costing in England 13d. the pound, in strands. It is far more valued by -the Indians than the _white_ beads of the same manufacture, and answers -all the purposes of money, being counted by the fathom. He says that were -his journey to be performed again, one-half or two-thirds of his stores -_in value_ should be of these. - -2. Common brass buttons, more valued than anything except beads. - -3. Knives. - -4. Battleaxes and tomahawks. - -5. Sadlers' seat awls, which answer for moccasin awls. - -6. Some glovers' needles. - -7. Some iron combs. - -8. Some nests of camp kettles; brass is much preferred to iron, though -both are very useful to the Indians. - -Arrow-points should have been added. - - -TO MR. NICHOLSON. - - WASHINGTON, February 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I did not receive your letter of the 18th till this morning. I -am as yet in possession of no evidence against Adair, which could convict -him. General Wilkinson writes me that he would send the evidence against -him and Ogden by the officer bringing them, and that officer informed -General Dearborne (from Baltimore) that he was in possession of a large -packet from General Wilkinson to me, which he was ordered to deliver into -my hands only; and, on that, he was ordered to come on with his prisoners, -that they and the evidence against them might be delivered up to the court -here. If the evidence, however, be found conclusive, they can be arrested -again, if it shall be worth while. Their crimes are defeated, and whether -they shall be punished or not belongs to another department, and is not -the subject of even a wish on my part. Accept my friendly salutations, and -assurances of great respect and esteem. - - -TO DR. WISTAR. - - WASHINGTON, February 25, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a letter from Dr. Goforth on the subject of the -bones of the mammoth. Immediately on the receipt of this, as I found it -was in my power to accomplish the wishes of the society for the completion -of this skeleton with more certainty than through the channel proposed -in the letter, I set the thing into motion, so that it will be effected -without any expense to the society, or other trouble than to indicate -the particular bones wanting. Being acquainted with Mr. Ross, proprietor -of the big bone lick, I wrote to him for permission to search for such -particular bones as the society might desire, and I expect to receive it -in a few days. Captain Clarke (companion of Captain Lewis) who is now -here, agrees, as he passes through that country, to stop at the Lick, -employ laborers, and superintend the search at my expense, not that of -the society, and to send me the specific bones wanted, without further -trespassing on the deposit, about which Mr. Ross would be tender, and -particularly where he apprehended that the person employed would wish to -collect for himself. If therefore you will be so good as to send me a list -of the bones wanting (the one you formerly sent me having been forwarded -to Dr. Brown), the business shall be effected without encroaching at all -on the funds of the society, and it will be particularly gratifying to me -to have the opportunity of being of some use to them. But send me the list -if you please without any delay, as Captain Clarke returns in a few days, -and we should lose the opportunity. I send you a paper from Dr. Thornton -for the society. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. CHANDLER PRICE. - - WASHINGTON, February 28, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 24th was received this morning. The greatest favor -which can be done me is the communication of the opinions of judicious -men, of men who do not suffer their judgments to be biassed by either -interests or passions. Of this character, I know Mr. Morgan to be. I -return you the original of the letter of January 15th, having copied it -to a mark in the 4th page, which you will see. I retain, as I understand, -with your permission, the copies of those of January 22d and 27th, because -they are copies; and the original of December 31st, because it relates -wholly to public matters. They shall be sacredly reserved to myself, -and for my own information only. The fortification of New Orleans will -be taken up on a sufficient footing; but the other part of Mr. Morgan's -wish, an additional regular force, will not prevail. The spirit of -this country is totally adverse to a large military force. I have tried -for two sessions to prevail on the Legislature to let me plant thirty -thousand well chosen volunteers on donation lands on the west side of the -Mississippi, as a militia always at hand for the defence of New Orleans; -but I have not yet succeeded. The opinion grows, and will perhaps ripen -by the next session. A great security for that country is, that there is -a moral certainty that neither France nor England would meddle with that -country, while the present state of Europe continues, and Spain we fear -not. Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO THE KING OF HOLLAND. - - February 28, 1807. - -GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND,--Having received your letter of September last, -which notifies your accession to the throne of Holland, I tender you in -behalf of the United States my congratulations on this event. Connected -with that nation by the earliest ties of friendship, and maintaining -with them uninterrupted relations of peace and commerce, no event which -interests their welfare can be indifferent to us. It is therefore with -great pleasure I receive the assurances of your majesty that you will -continue to cherish these ancient relations; and we shall, on our part, -endeavor to strengthen your good will by a faithful observance of justice, -and by all the good offices which occasion shall permit. Distant as we -are from the powers of Europe, and devoted to pursuits which separate -us from their affairs, we still look with brotherly concern on whatever -affects those nations, and offer constant prayers for their welfare. With -a friendly solicitude for your Majesty's person, I pray God, that he may -always have you, great and good friend, in His holy keeping. Done, &c. - - -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. - - WASHINGTON, February 28, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of January the 20th was received in due time. But -such has been the constant pressure of business, that it has been out of -my power to answer it. Indeed, the subjects of it would be almost beyond -the extent of a letter, and as I hope to see you ere long at Monticello, -it can then be more effectually done verbally. Let me observe, however, -generally, that it is impossible for my friends ever to render me so -acceptable a favor, as by communicating to me, without reserve, facts -and opinions. I have none of that sort of self-love which winces at it; -indeed, both self-love and the desire to do what is best, strongly invite -unreserved communication. There is one subject which will not admit a -delay till I see you. Mr. T. M. Randolph is, I believe, determined to -retire from Congress, and it is strongly his wish, and that of all here, -that you should take his place. Never did the calls of patriotism more -loudly assail you than at this moment. After excepting the federalists, -who will be twenty-seven, and the little band of schismatics, who will be -three or four (all tongue), the residue of the House of Representatives -is as well disposed a body of men as I ever saw collected. But there is no -one whose talents and standing, taken together, have weight enough to give -him the lead. The consequence is, that there is no one who will undertake -to do the public business, and it remains undone. Were you here, the whole -would rally round you in an instant, and willingly co-operate in whatever -is for the public good. Nor would it require you to undertake drudgery -in the House. There are enough, able and willing to do that. A rallying -point is all that is wanting. Let me beseech you then to offer yourself. -You never will have it so much in your power again to render such eminent -service. - -Accept my affectionate salutations and high esteem. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 7, 1807. - -In the case of Mr. Bloodworth, our first duty is to save the public -from loss; the second, to aid the securities in saving themselves. They -have not asked a dismission, which would probably do them injury, but an -examination. I should think it equally safe for the public, and better for -the securities, to send them a dismission of the collector, to be used -or not at their discretion. With this in their hand, they could compel -him to convey his property as a security to them, and to receive deputies -of their appointment, who should apply all the future emoluments of the -collector, or a given part of them, towards making up the deficit. But -in such case, faithful reports should be made to you from time to time, -that you may see that this operation is honestly going on, and no new -danger arising to the public. These ideas are submitted merely for your -consideration, as I am ready to sign a dismission as above proposed, or -make a new appointment at once, whichever you think best. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO ROBERT BRENT, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, March 10, 1807. - -SIR,--I have received your letter of yesterday, asking the application of -a part of a late appropriation of Congress, to certain avenues and roads -in this place. - -The only appropriation ever before made by Congress to an object of -this nature, was "to the public buildings and the highways _between_ -them." This ground was deliberately taken, and I accordingly restrained -the application of the money to the avenue between the Capitol and the -Executive buildings, and the roads round the two squares. - -The last appropriation was in terms much more lax, to wit, "for avenues -and roads in the District of Columbia." This, indeed, would take in a -large field, but besides that we cannot suppose Congress intended to -tax the people of the United States at large, for all the avenues in -Washington and roads in Columbia; we know the fact to have been that -the expression was strongly objected to, and was saved merely from a -want of time to discuss, (the last day of the session,) and the fear of -losing the whole bill. But the sum appropriated (three thousand dollars) -shows they did not mean it for so large a field; for by the time the -Pennsylvania avenue, between the two houses, is widened, newly gravelled, -planted, brick tunnels instead of wood, the roads round the squares put -in order, and that in the south front of the war office dug down to its -proper level, there will be no more of the three thousand dollars left -than will be wanting for constant repairs. With this view of the just and -probable intention of the Legislature, I shall not think myself authorized -to take advantage of a lax expression, forced on by circumstances, to -carry the execution of the law into a region of expense which would merit -great consideration before they should embark in it. Accept my friendly -salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 20, 1807. - -I think with you it is better to leave the leasing the Salt Springs to -Governor Harrison, who will do it according to general rules; and I am -averse to giving contracts of any kind to members of the Legislature. On -the subject of Latimer's letter, I gave him a general answer, that all -indulgence permitted by the spirit of the law would be used. I am unable -to give any particular opinion, because the law not having been printed -yet, I cannot turn to it; but I am ready to approve any proposition you -think best. Indeed, I have but a little moment in the morning in which I -can either read, write, or think; being obliged to be shut up in a dark -room from early in the forenoon till night, with a periodical head-ache. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKY, TENNESSEE, OHIO, AND MISSISSIPPI. - - WASHINGTON, March 21, 1807. - -SIR,--Although the present state of things on the western side of the -Mississippi does not threaten any immediate collision with our neighbors -in that quarter, and it is our wish they should remain undisturbed until -an amicable adjustment may take place; yet as this does not depend on -ourselves alone, it has been thought prudent to be prepared to meet any -movements which may occur. The law of a former session of Congress, for -keeping a body of 100,000 militia in readiness for service at a moment's -warning, is still in force. But by an act of the last session, a copy of -which I now enclose, the Executive is authorized to accept the services of -such volunteers as shall offer themselves on the conditions of the act, -which may render a resort to the former act unnecessary. It is for the -execution of this act that I am now to solicit your zealous endeavors. The -persons who shall engage will not be called from their homes until some -aggression, committed or intended, shall render it necessary. When called -into action, it will not be for a lounging, but for an active, and perhaps -distant, service. I know the effect of this consideration in kindling that -ardor which prevails for this service, and I count on it for filling up -the numbers requisite without delay. To yourself, I am sure, it must be as -desirable as it is to me, to transfer this service from the great mass of -our militia to that portion of them, to whose habits and enterprise active -and distant service is most congenial. In using, therefore, your best -exertions towards accomplishing the object of this act, you will render to -your constituents, as well as to the nation, a most acceptable service. - -With respect to the organizing and officering those who shall be -engaged within your State, the act itself will be your guide; and as it -is desirable that we should be kept informed of the progress in this -business, I must pray you to report the same from time to time to the -Secretary at War, who will correspond with you on all the details arising -out of it. - -I salute you with great consideration and respect. - - -TO JAMES MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, March 21, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--A copy of the treaty with Great Britain came to Mr. Erskine's -hands on the last day of the session of Congress, which he immediately -communicated to us; and since that Mr. Purviance has arrived with -an original. On the subject of it you will receive a letter from the -Secretary of State, of about this date, and one more in detail hereafter. -I should not have written, but that I perceive uncommon efforts, and -with uncommon wickedness, are making by the federal papers to produce -mischief between myself, personally, and our negotiators; and also to -irritate the British government, by putting a thousand speeches into my -mouth, not one word of which I ever uttered. I have, therefore, thought -it safe to guard you, by stating the view which we have given out on the -subject of the treaty, in conversation and otherwise; for ours, as you -know, is a government which will not tolerate the being kept entirely in -the dark, and especially on a subject so interesting as this treaty. We -immediately stated in conversation, to the members of the Legislature and -others, that having, by a letter received in January, perceived that our -ministers might sign a treaty not providing satisfactorily against the -impressment of our seamen, we had, on the 3d of February, informed you, -that should such an one have been forwarded, it could not be ratified, -and recommending, therefore that you should resume negotiations for -inserting an article to that effect; that we should hold the treaty in -suspense until we could learn from you the result of our instructions, -which probably would not be till summer, and then decide on the question -of calling the Senate. We observed, too, that a written declaration of -the British commissioners, given in at the time of signature, would of -itself, unless withdrawn, prevent the acceptance of any treaty, because -its effect was to leave us bound by the treaty, and themselves totally -unbound. This is the statement we have given out, and nothing more of the -contents of the treaty has ever been made known. But depend on it, my dear -Sir, that it will be considered as a hard treaty when it is known. The -British commissioners appear to have screwed every article as far as it -would bear, to have taken everything, and yielded nothing. Take out the -eleventh article, and the evil of all the others so much overweighs the -good, that we should be glad to expunge the whole. And even the eleventh -article admits only that we may enjoy our right to the indirect colonial -trade, _during the present hostilities_. If peace is made this year, and -war resumed the next, the benefit of this stipulation is gone, and yet -we are bound for ten years, to pass no non-importation or non-intercourse -laws, nor take any other measures to restrain the unjust pretensions and -practices of the British. But on this you will hear from the Secretary of -State. If the treaty can not be put into acceptable form, then the next -best thing is to back out of the negotiation as well as we can, letting -that die away insensibly; but, in the meantime, agreeing informally, that -both parties shall act on the principles of the treaty, so as to preserve -that friendly understanding which we sincerely desire, until the one or -the other may be deposed to yield the points which divide us. This will -leave you to follow your desire of coming home, as soon as you see that -the amendment of the treaty is desperate. The power of continuing the -negotiations will pass over to Mr. Pinckney, who, by procrastinations, can -let it die away, and give us time, the most precious of all things to us. -The government of New Orleans is still without such a head as I wish. The -salary of five thousand dollars is too small; but I am assured the Orleans -legislature would make it adequate, would you accept it. It is the second -office in the United States in importance, and I am still in hopes you -will accept it. It is impossible to let you stay at home while the public -has so much need of talents. I am writing under a severe indisposition of -periodical headache, without scarcely command enough of my mind to know -what I write. As a part of this letter concerns Mr. Pinckney as well as -yourself, be so good as to communicate so much of it to him; and with -my best respects to him, to Mrs. Monroe and your daughter, be assured -yourself, in all cases, of my constant and affectionate friendship and -attachment. - - -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, March 24th, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--The two receipts of Poncin's have come safely to hand. The -account had been settled without difficulty. The federal papers appear -desirous of making mischief between us and England, by putting speeches -into my mouth which I never uttered. Perceiving, by a letter received -in January, that our commissioners were making up their mind to sign a -treaty which contained no provision against impressment, we immediately -instructed them not to do so; and if done, to consider the treaty as not -accepted, and to resume their negociations to supply an article against -impressment. We therefore hold the treaty in suspense, until we hear what -is done in consequence of our last instructions. Probably we shall not -hear till midsummer, and we reserve till that time the question of calling -the Senate. In the meantime, to show the continuance of a friendly spirit, -we continue the suspension of the non-importation act by proclamation. -Another cause for not accepting the treaty was a written declaration by -the British commissioner, at the time of signing, reserving a right, if -we did not oppose the French decree to their satisfaction, to retaliate -in their own way, however it might affect the treaty; so that, in fact, -we were to be bound, and they left free. I think, upon the whole, the -emperor cannot be dissatisfied at the present state of things between us -and England, and that he must rather be satisfied at our unhesitating -rejection of a proposition to make common cause against him, for such -in amount it was. Burr has indeed made a most inglorious exhibition of -his much over-rated talents. He is now on his way to Richmond for trial. -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of constant esteem and -respect. - - -TO ----. - - WASHINGTON, March 25th, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,-- * * * * * Burr is on his way to Richmond for trial. No man's -history proves better the value of honesty. With that, what might he -not have been! I expect you are at a loss to understand the situation -of the British treaty, on which the newspapers make so many speeches for -me which I never made. It is exactly this. By a letter received from our -negotiators in January, we found they were making up their minds to sign -a treaty containing no provision against the impressment of our seamen. -We instantly (February 3d) instructed them not to do so; and that if such -a treaty had been forwarded, it could not be ratified; that therefore -they must immediately resume the negociations to supply that defect, -as a _sine quâ non_. Such a treaty having come to hand, we of course -suspend it, until we know the result of the instructions of February 3d, -which probably will not be till midsummer. We reserve ourselves till -then to decide the question of calling the Senate. In the meantime, I -have, by proclamation continued the suspension of the non-importation -law, as a proof of the continuance of friendly dispositions. There was -another circumstance which would have prevented the acceptance of the -treaty. The British commissioners, at the time of signing, gave in a -written declaration, that until they knew what we meant to do in the -subject of the French decree, the king reserved to himself the right of -not ratifying, and of taking any measures retaliating on France which -he should deem proper, notwithstanding the treaty. This made the treaty -binding on us; while he was loose to regard it or not, and clearly -squinted at the expectation that we should join in resistance to France, -or they would not regard the treaty. We rejected this idea unhesitatingly. - -I expected to have paid a short visit to Monticello before this, but have -been detained by the illness of my son-in-law, Mr. Randolph, and now by -an attack of periodical headache on myself. This leaves me but an hour -and a half each morning capable of any business at all. A part of this I -have devoted to write you this letter, and to assure you of my constant -friendship and respect. - - -TO COLONEL G. MORGAN. - - WASHINGTON, March 26th, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favors of January 19th and 20th came to hand in due time, but -it was not in my power to acknowledge their receipt during the session -of Congress. General Gage's paper I have filed with that on Pensacola, -in the War Office, and Mr. Hutchins' map, in the Navy Office, where they -will be useful. I tender you my thanks for this contribution to the public -service. The bed of the Mississippi and the shoals on the coast change -so frequently, as to require frequent renewals of the surveys. Congress -have authorized a new survey of our whole coast, by an act of the last -session. Burr is on his way to Richmond for trial; and if the judges do -not discharge him before it is possible to collect the testimony from -Maine to New Orleans, there can be no doubt where his history will end. -To what degree punishments of his adherents shall be extended, will be -decided when we shall have collected all the evidence, and seen who were -cordially guilty. The federalists appear to make Burr's cause their own, -and to spare no efforts to screen his adherents. Their great mortification -is at the failure of his plans. Had a little success dawned on him, their -openly joining him might have produced some danger. As it is, I believe -the undertaking will not be without some good effects, as a wholesome -lesson to those who have more ardor than principle. I believe there is -reason to expect that Blennerhasset will also be sent by the judges of -Mississippi to Virginia. Yours was the very first intimation I had of this -plot, for which it is but justice to say you have deserved well of your -country. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem -and respect. - - -TO MR. COXE. - - WASHINGTON, March 27, 1807. - -SIR,--I received on the 24th of January a communication, which from an -endorsement in your hand, I knew to have come from you. Others had been -received at different periods before, which candor obliges me frankly -to say, had not been answered because some of the earliest of them had -been of a character with which I thought it my duty to be dissatisfied. -Observing, however, that you have continued to turn your attention -assiduously to the public interests, and to communicate to the government -your ideas, which have often been useful, I expunge from my mind the -umbrage which had been taken, and wish it no more to be recollected or -explained on either side. - -Your idea of providing as many arms as we have fighting men, is -undoubtedly a sound one. Its execution, however, depends on the -Legislature. Composed, indeed, of gentlemen of the best intentions, but -like all others collected in mass, requiring considerable time to receive -impressions, however useful, if new. Time and reflection will not fail in -the end to bring them to whatever is right. The session before the last I -proposed to them the classification of the militia, so that those in the -prime of life only, and unburthened with families, should ever be called -into distant service; and that every man should receive a stand of arms -the first year he entered the militia. This would have required 40,000 -stands a year, and in a few years would have armed the whole, besides -the stock in the public arsenals, which is a good one. Converts to the -measure are daily coming over, and it will prevail in time. The same thing -will happen as to the employing the surplus of our revenues to roads, -rivers, canals, education. The proposition for building lock-docks for -the preservation of our navy, has local rivalries to contend against. Till -these can be overruled or compromised, the measure can never be adopted. -Yet there ought never to be another ship built until we can provide some -method of preserving them through the long intervals of peace which I hope -are to be the lot of our country. I understand that, employing private as -well as the public manufactories, we can make about 40,000 stand of arms -a year. But they come so much dearer than the imported of equal quality, -that we shall import also. From the beginning of my administration, I have -discouraged the laying in stores of powder, but have recommended great -stores of sulphur and salt-petre. I confess, however, I do not apprehend -that the dislike which I know the European governments have to our form, -will combine them in any serious attempts against it. They have too -many jealousies of one another, to engage in distant wars for a matter -of opinion only. I verily believe that it will ever be in our power to -keep so even a stand between England and France, as to inspire a wish in -neither to throw us into the scale of his adversary. But if we can do this -for a dozen years only, we shall have little to fear from them. Accept my -salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO LEVETT HARRIS, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, March 28, 1807. - -SIR,--Your letters of August 10th and September 18th have been duly -received, and I have to thank you for the safe transmission of the four -volumes of the "Vocabulaires Comparés de Pallas," for which I am indebted, -through you, to the Minister of Commerce, Count Romanzoff. I must pray -you, in a particular manner, to express to his Excellency my sensibility -for this mark of his obliging attention, rendered the more impressive -from a high esteem for his personal character, and from the hope that an -interchange of personal esteem may contribute to strengthen the friendship -of the two nations, bound together by many similar interests. To this -I must add by anticipation my thanks for his work on the Commerce of -Russia, as well as to Count Potoski, for the two works from him, which you -mention to have been sent by Mr. A. Smith, and which, I doubt not, will -come safely to hand. Accept for yourself my salutations and assurances of -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 29, 1807. - -A doubt is entertained whether the Acts of Congress respecting claims -to lands in Orleans and Louisiana, and authorizing the commissioners -"to decide according to the laws and established usages and customs of -the French and Spanish governments, _upon all claims to lands within -their respective districts_," &c., meant to give that power as to _all -claims_, or to restrict it to those claims only which had been previously -recognized by Congress. - -Were it necessary for us to decide that question, I should be of opinion -that it meant _all claims_, because the words are general. "_All claims -to lands within their respective districts_," and there are no other words -restricting them to those claims only, previously recognized by Congress; -and because the intention of the Act was to quiet and satisfy all the -minor claimants, and reserve only the great and fraudulent speculations -for rigorous examination. - -But the Board of Commissioners, being a judiciary tribunal, I should think -it proper to leave them to the law itself, as their instructions, on the -meaning of which they are competent to decide, and, being on the spot, are -better informed of the nature of those claims than we are. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - March 29, 1807. - -Many officers of the army being involved in the offence of intending a -military enterprise against a nation at peace with the United States, -to remove the whole without trial, by the paramount authority of the -executive, would be a proceeding of unusual severity. Some line must -therefore be drawn to separate the more from the less guilty. The only -sound one which occurs to me is between those who believed the enterprise -was with the approbation of the government, open or secret, and those who -meant to proceed in defiance of the government. Concealment would be no -line at all, because all concealed it. Applying the line of _defiance_ -to the case of Lieutenant Meade, it does not appear by any testimony I -have seen, that he meant to proceed in defiance of the government, but, -on the contrary, that he was made to believe the government approved -of the expedition. If it be objected that he concealed a part of what -had taken place in his communications to the Secretary at War, yet if a -concealment of the whole would not furnish a proper line of distinction, -still less would the concealment of a part. This too would be a removal -for _prevarication_, not for _unauthorized enterprise_, and could not be -a proper ground for exercising the extraordinary power of removal by the -President. On the whole, I think Lieutenant Meade's is not a case for its -exercise. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. ROBERT PATTERSON. - - WASHINGTON, March 29, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your letter of the 25th, proposing the -appointment of an assistant-engraver to the Mint, at a salary of $600, and -that Mr. Reich should be the assistant. You are so exclusively competent -to decide on the want of such an officer, that I approve the proposition -in the faith of your opinion. With respect to the person to be appointed, -my knowledge of the superior talents of Mr. Reich concurs with your -recommendation in the propriety of appointing him. - -I should approve of your employing the Mint on small silver coins, rather -than on dollars and gold coins, as far as the consent of those who employ -it can be obtained. It would be much more valuable to the public to be -supplied with abundance of dimes and half dimes, which would stay among -us, than with dollars and eagles which leave us immediately. Indeed I -wish the law authorized the making two cent and three cent pieces of -silver, and golden dollars, which would all be large enough to handle, and -would be a great convenience to our own citizens. Accept my affectionate -salutations. - - -TO M. LE COMTE DIODATI. - - WASHINGTON, March 29, 1807. - -MY DEAR AND ANCIENT FRIEND,--Your letter of August the 29th reached me -on the 18th of February. It enclosed a duplicate of that written from -Brunswick five years before, but which I never received, or had notice of, -but by this duplicate. Be assured, my friend, that I was incapable of such -negligence towards you, as a failure to answer it would have implied. It -would illy have accorded with those sentiments of friendship I entertained -for you at Paris, and which neither time nor distance has lessened. I -often pass in review the many happy hours I spent with Madame Diodati -and yourself on the banks of the Seine, as well as at Paris, and I count -them among the most pleasing I enjoyed in France. Those were indeed days -of tranquillity and happiness. They had begun to cloud a little before I -left you; but I had no apprehension that the tempest, of which I saw the -beginning, was to spread over such an extent of space and time. I have -often thought of you with anxiety, and wished to know how you weathered -the storm, and into what port you had retired. The letters now received -give me the first information, and I sincerely felicitate you on your safe -and quiet retreat. Were I in Europe, _pax et panis_ would certainly be my -motto. Wars and contentions, indeed, fill the pages of history with more -matter. But more blest is that nation whose silent course of happiness -furnishes nothing for history to say. This is what I ambition for my own -country, and what it has fortunately enjoyed for now upwards of twenty -years, while Europe has been in constant volcanic eruption, I again, my -friend, repeat my joy that you have escaped the overwhelming torrent of -its lava. - -At the end of my present term, of which two years are yet to come, I -propose to retire from public life, and to close my days on my patrimony -of Monticello, in the bosom of my family. I have hitherto enjoyed uniform -health; but the weight of public business begins to be too heavy for me, -and I long for the enjoyments of rural life, among my books, my farms and -my family. Having performed my _quadragena stipendia_, I am entitled to -my discharge, and should be sorry, indeed, that others should be sooner -sensible than myself when I ought to ask it. I have, therefore, requested -my fellow citizens to think of a successor for me, to whom I shall deliver -the public concerns with greater joy than I received them. I have the -consolation too of having added nothing to my private fortune, during my -public service, and of retiring with hands as clean as they are empty. -Pardon me these egotisms, which, if ever excusable, are so when writing -to a friend to whom our concerns are not uninteresting. I shall always -be glad to hear of your health and happiness, and having been out of the -way of hearing of any of our cotemporaries of the _corps diplomatique_ -at Paris, any details of their subsequent history which you will favor me -with, will be thankfully received. I pray you to make my friendly respects -acceptable to Madame la Comtesse Diodati, to assure M. Tronchin of my -continued esteem, and to accept yourself my affectionate salutations, and -assurances of constant attachment and respect. - - -TO MR. BOWDOIN. - - WASHINGTON, April 2, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 10th of July last; but neither your letter -of October the 20th, nor that of November the 15th mentioning the receipt -of it, I fear it has miscarried. I therefore now enclose a duplicate. As -that was to go under cover of the Secretary of State's despatches by any -vessel going from our distant ports, I retained the polygraph therein -mentioned for a safer conveyance. None such has occurred till now, that -the United States armed brig the Wasp, on her way to the Mediterranean is -to touch at Falmouth, with despatches for our ministers at London and at -Brest, with others for yourself and General Armstrong. - -You heard in due time from London of the signature of a treaty there -between Great Britain and the United States. By a letter we received -in January from our ministers at London, we found they were making up -their minds to sign a treaty, in which no provision was made against the -impressment of our seamen, contenting themselves with a note received -in the course of their correspondence, from the British negotiators, -assuring them of the discretion with which impressments should be -conducted, which could be construed into a covenant only by inferences, -against which its omission in the treaty was a strong inference; and in -its terms totally unsatisfactory. By a letter of February the 3d, they -were immediately informed that no treaty, not containing a satisfactory -article on that head, would be ratified, and desiring them to resume the -negotiations on that point. The treaty having come to us actually in the -inadmissible shape apprehended, we, of course, hold it up until we know -the result of the instructions of February the 3d. I have but little -expectation that the British government will retire from their habitual -wrongs in the impressment of our seamen, and am certain, that without -that, we will never tie up our hands by treaty, from the right of passing -a non-importation or non-intercourse act, to make it her interest to -become just. This may bring on a war of commercial restrictions. To show, -however, the sincerity of our desire for conciliation, I have suspended -the non-importation act. This state of things should be understood at -Paris, and every effort used on your part to accommodate our differences -with Spain, under the auspices of France, with whom it is all important -that we should stand in terms of the strictest cordiality. In fact, we -are to depend on her and Russia for the establishment of neutral rights -by the treaty of peace, among which should be that of taking no persons -by a belligerent out of a neutral ship, unless they be the _soldiers_ of -an enemy. Never did a nation act towards another with more perfidy and -injustice than Spain has constantly practised against us: and if we have -kept our hands off of her till now, it has been purely out of respect to -France, and from the value we set on the friendship of France. We expect, -therefore, from the friendship of the Emperor, that he will either compel -Spain to do us justice, or abandon her to us. We ask but one month to be -in possession of the city of Mexico. - -No better proof of the good faith of the United States could have been -given, than the vigor with which we have acted, and the expense incurred, -in suppressing the enterprise meditated lately by Burr against Mexico. -Although at first, he proposed a separation of the western country, and -on that ground received encouragement and aid from Yrujo, according to the -usual spirit of his government towards us, yet he very early saw that the -fidelity of the western country was not to be shaken, and turned himself -wholly towards Mexico. And so popular is an enterprise on that country -in this, that we had only to lie still, and he would have had followers -enough to have been in the city of Mexico in six weeks. You have doubtless -seen my several messages to Congress, which give a faithful narrative of -that conspiracy. Burr himself, after being disarmed by our endeavors of -all his followers, escaped from the custody of the court of Mississippi, -but was taken near Fort Stoddart, making his way to Mobile, by some -country people, who brought him on as a prisoner to Richmond, where he -is now under a course for trial. Hitherto we have believed our law to -be, that suspicion on probable grounds was sufficient cause to commit a -person for trial, allowing time to collect witnesses till the trial. But -the judges here have decided, that conclusive evidence of guilt must be -ready in the moment of arrest, or they will discharge the malefactor. If -this is still insisted on, Burr will be discharged; because his crimes -having been sown from Maine, through the whole line of the western waters, -to New Orleans, we cannot bring the witnesses here under four months. The -fact is, that the federalists make Burr's cause their own, and exert their -whole influence to shield him from punishment, as they did the adherents -of Miranda. And it is unfortunate that federalism is still predominant -in our judiciary department, which is consequently in opposition to the -legislative and executive branches, and is able to baffle their measures -often. - -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO WILLIAM B. GILES. - - MONTICELLO, April 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 6th instant, on the subject of Burr's -offences, was received only four days ago. That there should be anxiety -and doubt in the public mind, in the present defective state of the proof, -is not wonderful; and this has been sedulously encouraged by the tricks of -the judges to force trials before it is possible to collect the evidence, -dispersed through a line of two thousand miles from Maine to Orleans. -The federalists, too, give all their aid, making Burr's cause their -own, mortified only that he did not separate the Union or overturn the -government, and proving, that had he had a little dawn of success, they -would have joined him to introduce his object, their favorite monarchy, -as they would any other enemy, foreign or domestic, who could rid them of -this hateful republic for any other government in exchange. - -The first ground of complaint was the supine inattention of the -administration to a treason stalking through the land in open day. The -present one, that they have crushed it before it was ripe for execution, -so that no overt acts can be produced. This last may be true; though I -believe it is not. Our information having been chiefly by way of letter, -we do not know of a certainty yet what will be proved. We have set on -foot an inquiry through the whole of the country which has been the -scene of these transactions, to be able to prove to the courts, if they -will give time, or to the public by way of communication to Congress, -what the real facts have been. For obtaining this, we are obliged to -appeal to the patriotism of particular persons in different places, of -whom we have requested to make the inquiry in their neighborhood, and on -such information as shall be voluntarily offered. Aided by no process -or facilities from the _federal_ courts, but frowned on by their new -born zeal for the liberty of those whom we would not permit to overthrow -the liberties of their country, we can expect no revealments from the -accomplices of the chief offender. Of treasonable intentions, the judges -have been obliged to confess there is probable appearance. What loophole -they will find in the case, when it comes to trial, we cannot foresee. -Eaton, Stoddart, Wilkinson, and two others whom I must not name, will -satisfy the world, if not the judges, of Burr's guilt. And I do suppose -the following overt acts will be proved. 1. The enlistment of men, in -a regular way. 2. The regular mounting of guard round Blennerhasset's -island when they expected Governor Tiffin's men to be on them, _modo -guerrino arraiati_. 3. The rendezvous of Burr with his men at the mouth -of Cumberland. 4. His letter to the acting Governor of Mississippi, -holding up the prospect of civil war. 5. His capitulation regularly signed -with the aids of the Governor, as between two independent and hostile -commanders. - -But a moment's calculation will show that this evidence cannot be -collected under four months, probably five, from the moment of deciding -when and where the trial shall be. I desired Mr. Rodney expressly to -inform the Chief Justice of this, inofficially. But Mr. Marshall says, -"More than five weeks have elapsed since the opinion of the Supreme Court -has declared the necessity of proving the overt acts, if they exist. Why -are they not proved?" In what terms of decency can we speak of this? As -if an express could go to Natchez, or the mouth of Cumberland, and return -in five weeks, to do which has never taken less than twelve. Again, "If, -in November or December last, a body of troops had been assembled on -the Ohio, it is impossible to suppose the affidavits establishing the -fact could not have been obtained by the last of March." But I ask the -judge where they should have been lodged? At Frankfort? at Cincinnati? at -Nashville? St. Louis? Natchez? New Orleans? These were the probable places -of apprehension and examination. It was not known at _Washington_ till -the 26th of March that Burr would escape from the Western tribunals, be -retaken and brought to an Eastern one; and in five days after, (neither -five months nor five weeks, as the judge calculated,) he says, it is -"impossible to suppose the affidavits could not have been obtained." -Where? At Richmond he certainly meant, or meant only to throw dust in the -eyes of his audience. But all the principles of law are to be perverted -which would bear on the favorite offenders who endeavor to overturn -this odious Republic. "I understand," says the judge, "_probable_ cause -of guilt to be a case made out by _proof_ furnishing good reason to -believe," &c. Speaking as a lawyer, he must mean legal proof, i. e., proof -on oath, at least. But this is confounding _probability_ and _proof_. -We had always before understood that where there was reasonable ground -to believe guilt, the offender must be put on his trial. That guilty -intentions were probable, the judge believed. And as to the overt acts, -were not the bundle of letters of information in Mr. Rodney's hands, the -letters and facts published in the local newspapers, Burr's flight, and -the universal belief or rumor of his guilt, probable ground for presuming -the facts of enlistment, military guard, rendezvous, threat of civil war, -or capitulation, so as to put him on trial? Is there a candid man in the -United States who does not believe some one, if not all, of these overt -acts to have taken place? - -If there ever had been an instance in this or the preceding -administrations, of federal judges so applying principles of law as to -condemn a federal or acquit a republican offender, I should have judged -them in the present case with more charity. All this, however, will work -well. The nation will judge both the offender and judges for themselves. -If a member of the executive or legislature does wrong, the day is never -far distant when the people will remove him. They will see then and amend -the error in our Constitution, which makes any branch independent of the -nation. They will see that one of the great co-ordinate branches of the -government, setting itself in opposition to the other two, and to the -common sense of the nation, proclaims impunity to that class of offenders -which endeavors to overturn the Constitution, and are themselves protected -in it by the Constitution itself; for impeachment is a farce which will -not be tried again. If their protection of Burr produces this amendment, -it will do more good than his condemnation would have done. Against Burr, -personally, I never had one hostile sentiment. I never indeed thought -him an honest, frank-dealing man, but considered him as a crooked gun, -or other perverted machine, whose aim or shot you could never be sure -of. Still, while he possessed the confidence of the nation, I thought -it my duty to respect in him their confidence, and to treat him as if -he deserved it; and if his punishment can be commuted now for an useful -amendment of the Constitution, I shall rejoice in it. My sheet being -full, I perceive it is high time to offer you my friendly salutations, and -assure you of my constant and affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, April 21st, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 13th came to hand only yesterday, and I now return -you the letters of Turreau and Woodward, and Mr. Gallatin's paper on -foreign seamen. I retain Monroe and Pinckney's letters, to give them a -more deliberate perusal than I can now before the departure of the post. -By the next they shall be returned. I should think it best to answer -Turreau at once, as he will ascribe delay to a supposed difficulty, and -will be sure to force an answer at last. I take the true principle to be, -that "for violations of jurisdiction, with the consent of the sovereign, -or his voluntary sufferance, indemnification is due; but that for others -he is bound only to use all _reasonable_ means to obtain indemnification -from the aggressor, which must be calculated on his circumstances, -and these endeavors _bonâ fide_ made; and failing, he is no further -responsible." It would be extraordinary indeed if we were to be answerable -for the conduct of belligerents through our whole coast, whether inhabited -or not. - -Will you be so good as to send a passport to Julian Y. Niemcewicz, an -American citizen, of New Jersey, going to Europe on his private affairs? -I have known him intimately for twenty years, the last twelve of which -he has resided in the United States, of which he has a certificate of -citizenship. He was the companion of Kosciusko. Be so good as to direct -it to him at Elizabethtown, and without delay, as he is on his departure. -Mr. Gallatin's estimate of the number of foreign seamen in our employ -renders it prudent, I think, to suspend all propositions respecting our -non-employment of them. As, on a consultation when we were all together, -we had made up our minds on every article of the British treaty, and this -of not employing their seamen was only mentioned for further inquiry and -consideration, we had better let the negociations go on, on the ground -then agreed on, and take time to consider this supplementary proposition. -Such an addition as this to a treaty already so bad would fill up the -measure of public condemnation. It would indeed be making bad worse. I am -more and more convinced that our best course is, to let the negotiation -take a friendly nap, and endeavor in the meantime to practice on such -of its principles as are mutually acceptable. Perhaps we may hereafter -barter the stipulation not to employ their seamen for some equivalent to -our flag, by way of convention; or perhaps the general treaty of peace -may do better for us, if we shall not, in the meantime, have done worse -for ourselves. At any rate, it will not be the worse for lying three weeks -longer. I salute you with sincere affection. - -P. S. Will you be so good as to have me furnished with a copy of Mr. -Gallatin's estimate of the number of foreign seamen? I think he overrates -the number of officers greatly. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - MONTICELLO, April 21, 1807. - -Some very unusual delay has happened to the post, as I received -yesterday only my letter from Philadelphia, as far back as April 9th, -and Washington, April 11th. Of course yours of the 13th and 16th were -then only received, and being overwhelmed with such an accumulated -mail, I must be short, as the post goes out in a few hours. I return -you Huston's, Findlay's, and Governor Harrison's letters. J. Smith's is -retained because it is full of nominations. I had received, a week ago, -from a member of the Pennsylvania legislature, a copy of their act for the -Western road. I immediately wrote to Mr. Moore that we should consider -the question whether the road should pass through Uniontown, as now -decided affirmatively, and I referred to the commissioner to reconsider -the question whether it should also pass through Brownsville, and to -decide it according to their own judgment. I desired him to undertake the -superintendence of the execution, to begin the work in time to lay out the -whole appropriation this summer, and to employ it in making effectually -good the most difficult parts. I approve of Governor Harrison's lease -to Taylor, and of the conveying the salt water by pipes to the fuel and -navigation, rather than the fuel and navigation to the Saline. I think -it our indispensable duty to remove immediately all intruders from the -lands, the timber of which will be wanting for the Salines, and will sign -any order you will be so good as to prepare for that purpose. You are -hereby authorized to announce to the collector of Savannah, his removal, -if you judge it for the public good. I recollect nothing of Bullock, -the attorney, and not having my papers here, I am not able to refresh my -memory concerning him. I expect to leave this, on my return to Washington, -about three weeks hence. Your estimate of the number of foreign seamen -in our employ, renders it prudent, in my opinion, to drop the idea of -any proposition not to employ them. As we had made up our minds on every -article of the British treaty, when consulting together, and this idea -was only an after thought referred for enquiry and consideration, we had -better take more time for it. Time strengthens my belief that no equal -treaty will be obtained from such a higher as Lord Auckland, or from -the present ministry, Fox being no longer with them, and that we shall -be better without any treaty than an unequal one. Perhaps we may engage -them to act on certain articles, including their note on impressment, by -a mutual understanding, under the pretext of further time to arrange a -general treaty. Perhaps, too, the general peace will, in the meantime, -establish for us better principles than we can obtain ourselves. - -I enclose a letter from Gideon Fitz. Affectionate salutes. - - -TO MR. NIEMCEWICZ. - - MONTICELLO, April 22, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received on the 20th your favor of the 10th instant, and -yesterday I wrote to desire the Secretary of State to forward your -passport to Elizabethtown. In the visit you propose to make to your -native country, I sincerely wish you may find its situation, and your -own interests in it, satisfactory. On what it has been, is, or shall be, -however, I shall say nothing. I consider Europe, at present, as a world -apart from us, about which it is improper for us even to form opinions, or -to indulge any wishes but the general one, that whatever is to take place -in it, may be for its happiness. For yourself, however, personally, I may -express with safety as well as truth, my great esteem and the interest I -feel for your welfare. From the same principles of caution, I do not write -to my friend Kosciusko. I know he is always doing what he thinks is right, -and he knows my prayers for his success in whatever he does. Assure him, -if you please, of my constant affection, and accept yourself my wishes for -a safe and pleasant voyage, with my friendly salutations and assurances of -great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, April 25, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 20th came to hand on the 23d, and I now return all -the papers it covered, to wit, Harris's, Maunce's, and General Smith's -letters, as also some papers respecting Burr's case, for circulation. -Under another cover is a letter from Governor Williams, confidential, and -for yourself alone, as yet. I expect we shall have to remove Meade. Under -still a different cover you will receive Monroe's and Pinckney's letters, -detained at the last post. I wrote you then on the subject of the British -treaty, which the more it is developed the worse it appears. Mr. Rodney -being supposed absent, I enclose you a letter from Mr. Reed, advising the -summoning Rufus Easton as a witness; but if he is at St. Louis, he cannot -be here by the 22d of May. You will observe that Governor Williams asks -immediate instructions what he shall do with Blennerhasset, Tyler, Floyd, -and Ralston. I do not know that we can do anything but direct General -Wilkinson to receive and send them to any place where the judge shall -decide they ought to be tried. I suppose Blennerhasset should come to -Richmond. On consulting with the other gentlemen, be so good as to write -to Williams immediately, as a letter will barely get there by the 4th -Monday of May. I enclose you a warrant for five thousand dollars for Mr. -Rodney, in the form advised by Mr. Gallatin. - -We have had three great rains within the last thirteen days. It is just -now clearing off after thirty-six hours of rain, with little intermission. -Yet it is thought not too much. I salute you with sincere affection. - - -TO MR. THOMAS MOORE. - - MONTICELLO, May 1,1807. - -SIR,--On the 14th of April I wrote to you, on the presumption that a law -respecting the western road had passed the Legislature of Pennsylvania, -in the form enclosed by Mr. Dorsey, and which I enclosed to you. I have -now received from the Governor an authentic copy of the law, which agrees -with that I forwarded to you. You will therefore be pleased to consider -the contents of that letter as founded in the certainty of the fact that -the law did pass in that form, although not certainly known at that time, -and proceed on it accordingly. I shall be in Washington on the 16th and -17th inst., should you have occasion for further communication with me. I -salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, May 1, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you Monroe's, Armstrong's, Harris's, and Anderson's -letters, and add a letter and act from Gov. McKean, to be filed in your -office. The proposition for separating the western country, mentioned -by Armstrong to have been made at Paris, is important. But what is the -declaration he speaks of? for none accompanies his letter, unless he means -Harry Grant's proposition. I wish our Ministers at Paris, London, and -Madrid, could find out Burr's propositions and agents there. I know few -of the characters of the new British administration. The few I know are -true Pittites, and anti-American. From them we have nothing to hope, but -that they will readily let us back out. Whether they can hold their places -will depend on the question whether the Irish propositions be popular -or unpopular in England. Dr. Sibley, in a letter to Gen. Dearborne, -corrects an error of fact in my message to Congress of December. He says -the Spaniards never had a single soldier at Bayou Pierre till after 1805. -Consequently it was not a keeping, but a taking of a military possession -of that post. I think Gen. Dearborne would do well to desire Sibley to -send us affidavits of that fact. - -Our weather continues extremely seasonable, and favorable for vegetation. -I salute you with sincere affection. - -P. S. The pamphlet and papers shall be returned by next post. - - -TO MR. OLIVER EVANS. - - MONTICELLO, May 2, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 18th came to hand two days ago. That the ingenuity -of an advocate, seeking for something to defend his client, should have -hazarded as an objection that it did not appear on the face of the patent -itself, that you had complied with the requisitions of the act authorizing -a patent for your invention, is not wonderful; but I do not expect that -such an objection can seriously embarrass the good sense of a judge. The -law requires, indeed, that certain acts shall be performed by the inventor -to authorize a monopoly of his invention, and, to secure their being done, -it has called in, and relied on, the agency of the Secretary of State, -the Attorney General, and President. When they are satisfied the acts -have been done, they are to execute a patent, granting to the inventor -the monopoly. But the law does not require that the patent itself should -bear the evidence that they should have been performed, any more than it -requires that in a judgment should be stated all the evidence on which it -is founded. The evidence of the acts on which the patent is founded, rests -with those whose duty it is to see that they are performed; in fact, it is -in the Secretary of State's office, where the interloper or inventor may -have recourse to it if wanting. If these high officers have really failed -to see that the acts were performed, or to preserve evidence of it, they -have broken their trust to the public, and are responsible to the public; -but their negligence cannot invalidate the inventor's right, who has been -guilty of no fault. On the contrary, the patent, which is a record, has -conveyed a right to him from the public, and that it was issued rightfully -ought to be believed on the signature of these high officers affixed -to the patent,--this being a solemn pledge on their part that the acts -had been performed. Would their assertion of the fact, in the patent -itself, pledge them more to the public? I do not think, then, that the -disinterested judgment of a court can find difficulty in this objection. -At any rate your right will be presumed valid, until they decide that -it is not. Their final decision alone can authorize your resort to any -remedial authority,--that is to say, to the Legislature, who alone can -provide a remedy. Certainly an inventor ought to be allowed a right to -the benefit of his invention for some certain time. It is equally certain -it ought not to be perpetual; for to embarrass society with monopolies -for every utensil existing, and in all the details of life, would be more -injurious to them than had the supposed inventors never existed; because -the natural understanding of its members would have suggested the same -things or others as good. How long the term should be is the difficult -question. Our Legislators have copied the English estimate of the term, -perhaps without sufficiently considering how much longer, in a country so -much more sparsely settled, it takes for an invention to become known, -and used to an extent profitable to the inventor. Nobody wishes more -than I do that ingenuity should receive a liberal encouragement: nobody -estimates higher the utility which society has derived from that displayed -by yourself; and I assure you with truth, that I shall always be ready -to manifest it by every service I can render you. To this assurance I add -that of my great respect and esteem, and my friendly salutations. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, May 5, 1807. - -I return you the pamphlet of the author of War in Disguise. Of its first -half, the topics and the treatment of them are very commonplace; but from -page 118 to 130 it is most interesting to all nations, and especially -to us. Convinced that a militia of all ages promiscuously are entirely -useless for distant service, and that we never shall be safe until we have -a selected corps for a year's distant service at least, the classification -of our militia is now the most essential thing the United States have to -do. Whether, on Bonaparte's plan of making a class for every year between -certain periods, or that recommended in my message, I do not know, but -I rather incline to his. The idea is not new, as, you may remember, we -adopted it once in Virginia during the revolution, but abandoned it too -soon. It is the real secret of Bonaparte's success. Could H. Smith put -better matter into his paper than the twelve pages above mentioned, and -will you suggest it to him? No effort should be spared to bring the public -mind to this great point. I salute you with sincere affection. - - -TO THE HONORABLE JOHN SMITH. - - MONTICELLO, May 7, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your two letters of March 27th and April 6th have been -received. Writing from this place, where I have not my papers to turn -to, I cannot even say whether I have received such as you ask copies of. -But I am sorry to answer any request of yours by saying that a compliance -would be a breach of trust. It is essential for the public interest that -I should receive all the information possible respecting either matters -or persons connected with the public. To induce people to give this -information, they must feel assured that when deposited with me it is -secret and sacred. Honest men might justifiably withhold information, -if they expected the communication would be made public, and commit them -to war with their neighbors and friends. This imposes the duty on me of -considering such information as mere suggestions for inquiry, and to put -me on my guard; and to injure no man by forming any opinion until the -suggestion be verified. Long experience in this school has by no means -strengthened the disposition to believe too easily. On the contrary, it -has begotten an incredulity which leaves no one's character in danger -from any hasty conclusion. I hope these considerations will satisfy you, -both as they respect you and myself, and that you will be assured I shall -always be better pleased with those cases which admit that compliance with -your wishes which is always pleasing to me. Accept my salutations, and -assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, May 8, 1807. - -I return you Monroe's letter of March 5th. As the explosion in the -British ministry took place about the 15th, I hope we shall be spared -the additional embarrassment of his convention. I enclose you a letter -of Michael Jones for circulation, and to rest with the Attorney General. -It contains new instances of Burr's enlistments. I received this from Mr. -Gallatin, so you can hand it to General Dearborne direct. - -I expect to leave this on the 13th, but there is a possible occurrence -which may prevent it till the 19th, which however is not probable. Accept -affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. HAY. - - WASHINGTON, May 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Dr. Bollman, on his arrival here in custody in January, -voluntarily offered to make communications to me, which he accordingly -did, Mr. Madison also being present. I previously and subsequently assured -him, (without, however, his having requested it,) that they should never -be used _against himself_. Mr. Madison on the same evening committed to -writing, by memory, what he had said; and I moreover asked of Bollman -to do it himself, which he did, and I now enclose it to you. The object -is, as he is to be a witness, that you may know how to examine him, and -draw everything from him. I wish the paper to be seen and known only to -yourself and the gentlemen who aid you, and to be returned to me. If -he should prevaricate, I should be willing you should go so far as to -ask him whether he did not say so and so to Mr. Madison and myself. In -order to let him see that his prevarications will be marked, Mr. Madison -will forward you a pardon for him, which we mean should be delivered -previously. It is suspected by some he does not intend to appear. If he -does not, I hope you will take effectual measures to have him immediately -taken into custody. Some other blank pardons are sent on to be filled -up at your discretion, if you should find a defect of evidence, and -believe that this would supply it, by avoiding to give them to the gross -offenders, unless it be visible that the principal will otherwise escape. -I send you an affidavit of importance received last night. If General -Wilkinson gets on in time, I expect he will bring Dunbaugh on with him. -At any rate it may be a ground for an arrest and commitment for treason. -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. DE LA COSTE. - - WASHINGTON, May 24, 1807. - -SIR,--I received, in due time, your favor of April 10th, enclosing a -scheme and subscription for the establishment of a museum of natural -history, at Williamsburgh, by private contributions. Nobody can desire -more ardently than myself, to concur in whatever may promote useful -science, and I view no science with more partiality than natural history. -But I have ever believed that in this, as in most other cases, abortive -attempts retard rather than promote this object. To be really useful -we must keep pace with the state of society, and not dishearten it by -attempts at what its population, means, or occupations will fail in -attempting. In the particular enterprises for museums, we have seen -the populous and wealthy cities of Boston and New York unable to found -or maintain such an institution. The feeble condition of that in each -of these places sufficiently proves this. In Philadelphia alone, has -this attempt succeeded to a good degree? It has been owing there to -a measure of zeal and perseverance in an individual rarely equalled; -to a population, crowded, wealthy, and more than usually addicted to -the pursuit of knowledge. And, with all this, the institution does not -maintain itself. The proprietor has been obliged to return to the practice -of his original profession to help it on. I know, indeed, that there -are many individuals in Williamsburg, and its vicinity, who have already -attained a high degree of science, and many zealously pursuing it. But -after viewing all circumstances there as favorably as the most sanguine -of us could wish, I cannot find in them a rational ground for expecting -success in an undertaking to which the other positions have been found -unequal. I sincerely wish I may be mistaken, and that the success which -your zeal I am sure will merit, may be equal to your wishes, as well -as ours. But, for the present, I would rather reserve myself till its -prospects can be more favorably estimated; because the aid we would be -disposed to give to a promising enterprise, would be very different to -one we might offer to a desperate one. Although less sanguine on this -particular subject, I do entire justice to the zeal for the promotion of -science, which has excited your effort, and shall see it with uncommon -pleasure surmounting the present difficulties, or engaged in other -pursuits which may reward it with better success. Be assured that no one -is more sincere in wishing it, and accept my salutations and assurances of -great respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. CLINTON. - - WASHINGTON, May 24, 1807. - -Th: Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Clinton, and his thanks for -the pamphlet sent him. He recollects the having read it at the time with -a due sense of his obligation to the author, whose name was surmised, -though not absolutely known, and a conviction that he had made the most -of his matter. The ground of defence might have been solidly aided by -the assurance (which is the absolute fact) that the whole story fathered -on Mazzei, was an unfounded falsehood. Dr. Linn, as aware of that, takes -care to quote it from a dead man, who is made to quote from one residing -in the remotest part of Europe. Equally false was Dr. Linn's other story -about Bishop Madison's lawn sleeves, as the Bishop can testify, for -certainly Th: J. never saw him in lawn sleeves. Had the Doctor ventured to -name time, place, and person, for his third lie, (the government without -religion) it is probable he might have been convicted on that also. But -these are slander and slanderers, whom Th: Jefferson has thought it best -to leave to the scourge of public opinion. He salutes Mr. Clinton with -esteem and respect. - - -TO GEORGE HAY, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, May 26, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--We are this moment informed by a person who left Richmond since -the 22d, that the prosecution of Burr had begun under very inauspicious -symptoms by the challenging and rejecting two members of the Grand Jury, -as far above all exception as any two persons in the United States. I -suppose our informant is inaccurate in his terms, and has mistaken an -objection by the criminal and voluntary retirement of the gentlemen with -the permission of the court, for a challenge and rejection, which, in the -case of a Grand Jury, is impossible. Be this as it may, and the result -before the formal tribunal, fair or false, it becomes our duty to provide -that full testimony shall be laid before the Legislature, and through -them the public. For this purpose, it is necessary that we be furnished -with the testimony of every person who shall be with you as a witness. -If the Grand Jury find a bill, the evidence given in court, taken as -verbatim as possible, will be what we desire. If there be no bill, and -consequently no examination before court, then I must beseech you to -have every man privately examined by way of affidavit, and to furnish me -with the whole testimony. In the former case, the person taking down the -testimony as orally delivered in court, should make oath that he believes -it to be substantially correct. In the latter case, the certificate of the -magistrate administering the oath, and signature of the party, will be -proper; and this should be done before they receive their compensation, -that they may not evade examination. Go into any expense necessary for -this purpose, and meet it from the funds provided by the Attorney General -for the other expenses. He is not here, or this request would have gone -from him directly. I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. HAY. - - WASHINGTON, May 28, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I have this moment received your letter of the 25th, and hasten -to answer it. If the grand jury do not find a bill against Burr, as there -will be no examination before a petty jury, Bollman's pardon need not in -that case to be delivered; but if a bill be found, and a trial had, his -evidence is deemed entirely essential, and in that case his pardon is to -be produced before he goes to the book. In my letter of the day before -yesterday, I enclosed you Bollman's written communication to me, and -observed you might go so far, if he prevaricated, as to ask him whether -he did not say so and so to Mr. Madison and myself. On further reflection -I think you may go farther, if he prevaricates grossly, and show the -paper to him, and ask if it is not his handwriting, and confront him by -its contents. I enclose you some other letters of Bollman to me on former -occasions, to prove by similitude of hand that the paper I enclosed on the -26th was of his handwriting. I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, May 29, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I have not written to you by Mr. Purviance, because he can give -you _vivâ voce_ all the details of our affairs here, with a minuteness -beyond the bounds of a letter, and because, indeed, I am not certain this -letter will find you in England. The sole object in writing it, is to add -another little commission to the one I had formerly troubled you with. It -is to procure for me "a machine for ascertaining the resistance of ploughs -or carriages, invented and sold by Winlaw, in Margaret street, Cavendish -Square." It will cost, I believe, four or five guineas, which shall be -replaced here instanter on your arrival. I had intended to have written -you to counteract the wicked efforts which the federal papers are making -to sow tares between you and me, as if I were lending a hand to measures -unfriendly to any views which our country might entertain respecting you. -But I have not done it, because I have before assured you that a sense -of duty, as well as of delicacy, would prevent me from ever expressing a -sentiment on the subject, and that I think you know me well enough to be -assured I shall conscientiously observe the line of conduct I profess. -I shall receive you on your return with the warm affection I have ever -entertained for you, and be gratified if I can in any way avail the public -of your services. God bless you and yours. - - -TO M. SILVESTRE, SECRETAIRE DE LA SOCIETE D'AGRICULTURE DE PARIS. - - WASHINGTON, May 29, 1807. - -SIR,--I have received, through the care of Gen. Armstrong, the medal of -gold by which the society of agriculture at Paris have been pleased to -mark their approbation of the form of a mould-board which I had proposed; -also the four first volumes of their memoirs, and the information that -they had honored me with the title of foreign associate to their society. -I receive with great thankfulness these testimonies of their favor, and -should be happy to merit them by greater services. Attached to agriculture -by inclination, as well as by a conviction that it is the most useful of -the occupations of man, my course of life has not permitted me to add -to its theories the lessons of practice. I fear, therefore, I shall be -to them but an unprofitable member, and shall have little to offer of -myself worthy their acceptance. Should the labors of others, however, -on this side the water, produce anything which may advance the objects -of their institution, I shall with great pleasure become the instrument -of its communication, and shall moreover execute with zeal any orders of -the society in this portion of the globe. I pray you to express to them -my sensibility for the distinctions they have been pleased to confer on -me, and to accept yourself the assurances of my high consideration and -respect. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - WASHINGTON, June 2, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--While Burr's case is depending before the court, I will -trouble you, from time to time, with what occurs to me. I observe that -the case of Marbury v. Madison has been cited, and I think it material -to stop at the threshold the citing that case as authority, and to have -it denied to be law. 1. Because the judges, in the outset, disclaimed -all cognizance of the case, although they then went on to say what would -have been their opinion, had they had cognizance of it. This, then, was -confessedly an extrajudicial opinion, and, as such, of no authority. 2. -Because, had it been judicially pronounced, it would have been against -law; for to a commission, a deed, a bond, _delivery_ is essential to -give validity. Until, therefore, the commission is delivered out of -the hands of the executive and his agents, it is not his deed. He may -withhold or cancel it at pleasure, as he might his private deed in the -same situation. The Constitution intended that the three great branches -of the government should be co-ordinate, and independent of each other. -As to acts, therefore, which are to be done by either, it has given no -control to another branch. A judge, I presume, cannot sit on a bench -without a commission, or a record of a commission; and the Constitution -having given to the judiciary branch no means of compelling the executive -either to _deliver_ a commission, or to make a record of it, shows it -did not intend to give the judiciary that control over the executive, -but that it should remain in the power of the latter to do it or not. -Where different branches have to act in their respective lines, finally -and without appeal, under any law, they may give to it different and -opposite constructions. Thus, in the case of William Smith, the House of -Representatives determined he was a citizen; and in the case of William -Duane, (precisely the same in every material circumstance,) the judges -determined he was no citizen. In the cases of Callendar and others, the -judges determined the sedition act was valid under the Constitution, -and exercised their regular powers of sentencing them to fine and -imprisonment. But the executive determined that the sedition act was -a nullity under the Constitution, and exercised his regular power of -prohibiting the execution of the sentence, or rather of executing the real -law, which protected the acts of the defendants. From these different -constructions of the same act by different branches, less mischief -arises than from giving to any one of them a control over the others. The -executive and Senate act on the construction, that until delivery from -the executive department, a commission is in their possession, and within -their rightful power; and in cases of commissions not revocable at will, -where, after the Senate's approbation and the President's signing and -sealing, new information of the unfitness of the person has come to hand -before the _delivery_ of the commission, new nominations have been made -and approved, and new commissions have issued. - -On this construction I have hitherto acted; on this I shall ever act, -and maintain it with the powers of the government, against any control -which may be attempted by the judges, in subversion of the independence -of the executive and Senate within their peculiar department. I presume, -therefore, that in a case where our decision is by the Constitution -the supreme one, and that which can be carried into effect, it is the -constitutionally authoritative one, and that that by the judges was -_coram non judice_, and unauthoritative, because it cannot be carried -into effect. I have long wished for a proper occasion to have the -gratuitous opinion in Marbury _v._ Madison brought before the public, and -denounced as not law; and I think the present a fortunate one, because -it occupies such a place in the public attention. I should be glad, -therefore, if, in noticing that case, you could take occasion to express -the determination of the executive, that the doctrines of that case were -given extrajudicially and against law, and that their reverse will be the -rule of action with the executive. If this opinion should not be your -own, I would wish it to be expressed merely as that of the executive. -If it is your own also, you would of course give to the arguments such a -development as a case, incidental only, might render proper. I salute you -with friendship and respect. - - -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. - - June 3, 1807. - -I gave you, some time ago, a project of a more equal tariff on wines than -that which now exists. But in that I yielded considerably to the faulty -classification of them in our law. I have now formed one with attention, -and according to the best information I possess, classing them more -rigorously. I am persuaded that were the duty on cheap wines put on the -same ratio with the dear, it would wonderfully enlarge the field of those -who use wine, to the expulsion of whiskey. The introduction of a very -cheap wine (St. George) into my neighborhood, within two years past, has -quadrupled in that time the number of those who keep wine, and will ere -long increase them tenfold. This would be a great gain to the treasury, -and to the sobriety of our country. I will here add my tariff, (_see -opposite page_,) wherein you will be able to choose any rate of duty you -please, and to decide whether it will not, on a fit occasion, be proper -for legislative attention. Affectionate salutations. - - ------------------------------------------+-------+---------+--------+------------- - | Cost | | |25 per cent., - | per | 15 | 20 | being the - |gallon.|pr. cent.|pr.cent.| average - | | | | of present - | | | | duties. - +-------+---------+--------+------------- - Tokay, Cape, Malmesey, Hock | 4 00 | 60 | 80 | 1 00 - | | | | - | | | | - Champagne, Burgundy, Claret,[1] Hermitage}| 2 75 | 41¼ | 55 | 68¾ - | | | | - | | | | - | | | | - London particular Madeira | 2 20 | 33 | 44 | 55 - All other Madeira | 1 80 | 27 | 36 | 45 - Pacharetti, Sherry | 1 50 | 22½ | 30 | 37½ - | | | | - [2]The wines of Medoc and Grave not} | | | | - before mentioned, those of Palus, } | 1 25 | 18¾ | 25 | 31¼ - Coterotie, Condrieu, Moselle } | | | | - | | | | - St. Lucar and all of Portugal | 80 | 12 | 16 | 20 - | | | | - Sicily, Teneriffe, Fayal, Malaga, St.} | 67 | 10 | 13 | 16¾ - George, and other western islands} | | | | - All other wines | | | | - | | | | - ------------------------------------------+-------+---------+--------+------------- - - ------------------------------------------+---------+--------- - | | - | 30 | 35 - |per cent.|per cent. - | | - | | - +---------+--------- - Tokay, Cape, Malmesey, Hock | 1 20 | 1 40 - | | - | | - Champagne, Burgundy, Claret,[1] Hermitage}| 82½ | 96¼ - | | - | | - | | - London particular Madeira | 66 | 77 - All other Madeira | 54 | 63 - Pacharetti, Sherry | 45 | 52½ - | | - [2]The wines of Medoc and Grave not} | | - before mentioned, those of Palus, } | 37½ | 43¾ - Coterotie, Condrieu, Moselle } | | - | | - St. Lucar and all of Portugal | 24 | 28 - | | - Sicily, Teneriffe, Fayal, Malaga, St.} | 20 | 23 - George, and other western islands} | | - All other wines | | - | | - ------------------------------------------+---------+--------- - - ------------------------------------------+----------------------------------------- - | - | present duty. per cent. - | - | - | - +----------------------------------------- - Tokay, Cape, Malmesey, Hock |{Tokay, 45 cents, which is 11¼ - |{Malmesey, 58 " " 14½ - |{Hock, 35 " " 25 - Champagne, Burgundy, Claret,[1] Hermitage}|{Champagne,} 45 " " 16½ - |{Burgundy, } - |{Claret, } 35 " " 12½ - |{Hermitage,} - London particular Madeira | 58 " " 26½ - All other Madeira | 50 " " 27½ - Pacharetti, Sherry |{Pacharetti, 23 " " 15 - |{Sherry, 40 " " 26½ - [2]The wines of Medoc and Grave not} | - before mentioned, those of Palus, } | 35 " " 28 - Coterotie, Condrieu, Moselle } | - | - St. Lucar and all of Portugal |{St. Lucar, 40 " " 50 - |{Other Spanish, 23 " " 28¾ - Sicily, Teneriffe, Fayal, Malaga, St.} |{Sicily, 23 " " 34 - George, and other western islands} |{Teneriffe, &c.,28 " " 41 - All other wines |{in bottles, 35} often 400 per ct. - |{{in casks, 23} - ------------------------------------------+----------------------------------------- - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1] The term Claret should be abolished, because unknown in the country - where it is made, and because indefinite here. The four crops should - be enumerated here instead of Claret, and all other wines to which - that appellation has been applied, should fall into the ad valorem - class. The four crops are Lafitte, Latour and Margaux, in Medoc, and - Hautbrion, in Grave. - - [2] Blanquefort, Oalon, Leoville, Cantenac, &c., are wines of Medoc. - Barsac, Sauterne, Beaume, Preignac, St. Bris, Carbonien, Langon, - Podensac, &c., are of Grave. All these are of the second order, - being next after the four crops. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - WASHINGTON, June 5, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 31st instant has been received, and I think -it will be fortunate if any circumstance should produce a discharge of -the present scanty grand jury, and a future summons of a fuller; though -the same views of protecting the offender may again reduce the number -to sixteen, in order to lessen the chance of getting twelve to concur. -It is understood, that wherever Burr met with subjects who did not -choose to embark in his projects, unless approved by their government, -he asserted that he had that approbation. Most of them took his word -for it, but it is said that with those who would not, the following -stratagem was practised. A forged letter, purporting to be from General -Dearborne, was made to express his approbation, and to say that I was -absent at Monticello, but that there was no doubt that, on my return, my -approbation of his enterprises would be given. This letter was spread open -on his table, so as to invite the eye of whoever entered his room, and he -contrived occasions of sending up into his room those whom he wished to -become witnesses of his acting under sanction. By this means he avoided -committing himself to any liability to prosecution for forgery, and gave -another proof of being a great man in little things, while he is really -small in great ones. I must add General Dearborne's declaration, that he -never wrote a letter to Burr in his life, except that when here, once in -a winter, he usually wrote him a billet of invitation to dine. The only -object of sending you the enclosed letters is to possess you of the fact, -that you may know how to pursue it, if any of your witnesses should know -anything of it. My intention in writing to you several times, has been -to convey facts or observations occurring in the absence of the Attorney -General, and not to make to the dreadful drudgery you are going through -the unnecessary addition of writing me letters in answer, which I beg -you to relieve yourself from, except when some necessity calls for it. I -salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. WEAVER. - - WASHINGTON, June 7, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favor of March 30th never reached my hands till May 16th. -The friendly views it expresses of my conduct in general give me great -satisfaction. For these testimonies of the approbation of my fellow -citizens, I know that I am indebted more to their indulgent dispositions -than to any peculiar claims of my own. For it can give no great claims -to any one to manage honestly and disinterestedly the concerns of others -trusted to him. Abundant examples of this are always under our eye. That I -should lay down my charge at a proper season, is as much a duty as to have -borne it faithfully. Being very sensible of bodily decays from advancing -years, I ought not to doubt their effect on the mental faculties. To do so -would evince either great self-love or little observation of what passes -under our eyes; and I shall be fortunate if I am the first to perceive and -to obey this admonition of nature. That there are in our country a great -number of characters entirely equal to the management of its affairs, -cannot be doubted. Many of them, indeed, have not had opportunities of -making themselves known to their fellow citizens; but many have had, -and the only difficulty will be to choose among them. These changes -are necessary, too, for the security of republican government. If some -period be not fixed, either by the Constitution or by practice, to the -services of the First Magistrate, his office, though nominally elective, -will, in fact, be for life; and that will soon degenerate into an -inheritance. Among the felicities which have attended my administration, -I am most thankful for having been able to procure coadjutors so able, -so disinterested, and so harmonious. Scarcely ever has a difference of -opinion appeared among us which has not, by candid consultation, been -amalgamated into something which all approved; and never one which in -the slightest degree affected our personal attachments. The proof we -have lately seen of the innate strength of our government, is one of -the most remarkable which history has recorded, and shows that we are a -people capable of self-government, and worthy of it. The moment that a -proclamation apprised our citizens that there were traitors among them, -and what was their object, they rose upon them wherever they lurked, and -crushed by their own strength what would have produced the march of armies -and civil war in any other country. The government which can wield the arm -of the people must be the strongest possible. I thank you for the interest -you are so kind as to express in my health and welfare, and return you the -same good wishes with my salutations, and assurance of respect. - - -TO DOCTOR HORATIO TURPIN. - - WASHINGTON, June 10, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June the 1st has been received. To a mind like -yours, capable in any question of abstracting it from its relation to -yourself, I may safely hazard explanations, which I have generally avoided -to others on questions of appointment. Bringing into office no desires of -making it subservient to the advancement of my own private interests, it -has been no sacrifice, by postponing them, to strengthen the confidence -of my fellow citizens. But I have not felt equal indifference towards -excluding merit from office, merely because it was related to me. However, -I have thought it my duty so to do, that my constituents may be satisfied, -that, in selecting persons for the management of their affairs, I am -influenced by neither personal nor family interests, and especially, that -the field of public office will not be perverted by me into a family -property. On this subject, I had the benefit of useful lessons from my -predecessors, had I needed them, marking what was to be imitated and what -avoided. But in truth, the nature of our government is lesson enough. -Its energy depending mainly on the confidence of the people in the chief -magistrate, makes it his duty to spare nothing which can strengthen him -with that confidence. - - * * * * * - -Accept assurances of my constant friendship and respect. - - -TO JOHN NORVELL. - - WASHINGTON, June 11, 1807. - -SIR,--Your letter of May the 9th has been duly received. The subject it -proposes would require time and space for even moderate development. My -occupations limit me to a very short notice of them. I think there does -not exist a good elementary work on the organization of society into civil -government: I mean a work which presents in one full and comprehensive -view the system of principles on which such an organization should be -founded, according to the rights of nature. For want of a single work -of that character, I should recommend Locke on Government, Sidney, -Priestley's Essay on the first Principles of Government, Chipman's -Principles of Government, and the Federalist. Adding, perhaps, Beccaria -on crimes and punishments, because of the demonstrative manner in which -he has treated that branch of the subject. If your views of political -inquiry go further, to the subjects of money and commerce, Smith's Wealth -of Nations is the best book to be read, unless Say's Political Economy -can be had, which treats the same subjects on the same principles, but in -a shorter compass and more lucid manner. But I believe this work has not -been translated into our language. - -History, in general, only informs us what bad government is. But as we -have employed some of the best materials of the British constitution in -the construction of our own government, a knowledge of British history -becomes useful to the American politician. There is, however, no general -history of that country which can be recommended. The elegant one of -Hume seems intended to disguise and discredit the good principles of the -government, and is so plausible and pleasing in its style and manner, as -to instil its errors and heresies insensibly into the minds of unwary -readers. Baxter has performed a good operation on it. He has taken the -text of Hume as his ground work, abridging it by the omission of some -details of little interest, and wherever he has found him endeavoring to -mislead, by either the suppression of a truth or by giving it a false -coloring, he has changed the text to what it should be, so that we may -properly call it Hume's history republicanised. He has moreover continued -the history (but indifferently) from where Hume left it, to the year -1800. The work is not popular in England, because it is republican; and -but a few copies have ever reached America. It is a single quarto volume. -Adding to this Ludlow's Memoirs, Mrs. M'Cauley's and Belknap's histories, -a sufficient view will be presented of the free principles of the English -constitution. - -To your request of my opinion of the manner in which a newspaper should -be conducted, so as to be most useful, I should answer, "by restraining -it to true facts and sound principles only." Yet I fear such a paper would -find few subscribers. It is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the -press could not more completely deprive the nation of its benefits, than -is done by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. Nothing can now be -believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself becomes suspicious by -being put into that polluted vehicle. The real extent of this state of -misinformation is known only to those who are in situations to confront -facts within their knowledge with the lies of the day. I really look with -commiseration over the great body of my fellow citizens, who, reading -newspapers, live and die in the belief, that they have known something of -what has been passing in the world in their time; whereas the accounts -they have read in newspapers are just as true a history of any other -period of the world as of the present, except that the real names of the -day are affixed to their fables. General facts may indeed be collected -from them, such as that Europe is now at war, that Bonaparte has been a -successful warrior, that he has subjected a great portion of Europe to -his will, &c., &c.; but no details can be relied on. I will add, that the -man who never looks into a newspaper is better informed than he who reads -them; inasmuch as he who knows nothing is nearer to truth than he whose -mind is filled with falsehoods and errors. He who reads nothing will still -learn the great facts, and the details are all false. - -Perhaps an editor might begin a reformation in some such way as this. -Divide his paper into four chapters, heading the 1st, Truths. 2d, -Probabilities. 3d, Possibilities. 4th, Lies. The first chapter would be -very short, as it would contain little more than authentic papers, and -information from such sources, as the editor would be willing to risk -his own reputation for their truth. The second would contain what, from -a mature consideration of all circumstances, his judgment should conclude -to be probably true. This, however, should rather contain too little than -too much. The third and fourth should be professedly for those readers -who would rather have lies for their money than the blank paper they would -occupy. - -Such an editor too, would have to set his face against the demoralizing -practice of feeding the public mind habitually on slander, and the -depravity of taste which this nauseous aliment induces. Defamation is -becoming a necessary of life; insomuch, that a dish of tea in the morning -or evening cannot be digested without this stimulant. Even those who do -not believe these abominations, still read them with complaisance to their -auditors, and instead of the abhorrence and indignation which should fill -a virtuous mind, betray a secret pleasure in the possibility that some may -believe them, though they do not themselves. It seems to escape them, that -it is not he who prints, but he who pays for printing a slander, who is -its real author. - -These thoughts on the subjects of your letter are hazarded at your -request. Repeated instances of the publication of what has not been -intended for the public eye, and the malignity with which political -enemies torture every sentence from me into meanings imagined by their -own wickedness only, justify my expressing a solicitude, that this hasty -communication may in nowise be permitted to find its way into the public -papers. Not fearing these political bull-dogs, I yet avoid putting myself -in the way of being baited by them, and do not wish to volunteer away that -portion of tranquillity, which a firm execution of my duties will permit -me to enjoy. - -I tender you my salutations, and best wishes, for your success. - - -TO WILLIAM SHORT. - - WASHINGTON, June 12, 1807. - -DEAR SIR, * * * * * - -The proposition in your letter of May the 16th, of adding an umpire to -our discordant negotiators at Paris, struck me favorably on reading it, -and reflection afterwards strengthened my first impressions. I made it -therefore a subject of consultation with my coadjutors, as is our usage. -For our government, although in theory subject to be directed by the -unadvised will of the President, is, and from its origin has been, a very -different thing in practice. The minor business in each department is done -by the Head of the department, on consultation with the President alone. -But all matters of importance or difficulty are submitted to all the -Heads of departments composing the cabinet; sometimes by the President's -consulting them separately and successively, as they happen to call on -him; but in the greatest cases, by calling them together, discussing the -subject maturely, and finally taking the vote, in which the President -counts himself but as one. So that in all important cases the executive -is, in fact, a directory, which certainly the President might control; but -of this there was never an example, either in the first or the present -administration. I have heard, indeed, that my predecessor sometimes -decided things against his council. * * * * * I adopted in the present -case the mode of separate consultation. The opinion of each member, taken -separately, was that the addition of a third negotiator was not at this -time advisable. For the present therefore, the question must rest. Mr. -Bowdoin, we know, is anxious to come home, and is detained only by the -delicacy of not deserting his post. In the existing temper between him and -his colleague, it would certainly be better that one of them should make -an opening for re-composing the commission more harmoniously. - -I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - WASHINGTON, June 12, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 9th is this moment received. Reserving -the necessary right of the President of the United States to decide, -independently of all other authority, what papers, coming to him as -President, the public interests permit to be communicated, and to whom, I -assure you of my readiness under that restriction, voluntarily to furnish -on all occasions, whatever the purposes of justice may require. But -the letter of General Wilkinson, of October the 21st, requested for the -defence of Colonel Burr, with every other paper relating to the charges -against him, which were in my possession when the Attorney General went -on to Richmond in March, I then delivered to him; and I have always taken -for granted he left the whole with you. If he did, and the bundle retains -the order in which I had arranged it, you will readily find the letter -desired, under the date of its receipt, which was November the 25th; but -lest the Attorney General should not have left those papers with you, I -this day write to him to forward this one by post. An uncertainty whether -he is at Philadelphia, Wilmington, or New Castle, may produce delay in his -receiving my letter, of which it is proper you should be apprized. But, as -I do not recollect the whole contents of that letter, I must beg leave to -devolve on you the exercise of that discretion which it would be my right -and duty to exercise, by withholding the communication of any parts of the -letter, which are not directly material for the purposes of justice. - -With this application, which is specific, a prompt compliance is -practicable. But when the request goes to "copies of the orders issued -in relation to Colonel Burr, to the officers at Orleans, Natchez, &c. -by the Secretaries of the War and Navy departments," it seems to cover -a correspondence of many months, with such a variety of officers, civil -and military, all over the United States, as would amount to the laying -open the whole executive books. I have desired the Secretary at War to -examine his official communications; and on a view of these, we may be -able to judge what can and ought to be done, towards a compliance with -the request. If the defendant alleges that there was any particular order, -which, as a cause, produced any particular act on his part, then he must -know what this order was, can specify it, and a prompt answer can be -given. If the _object_ had been specified, we might then have some guide -for our conjectures, as to what part of the executive records might be -useful to him; but, with a perfect willingness to do what is right, we are -without the indications which may enable us to do it. If the researches of -the Secretary at War should produce anything proper for communication, and -pertinent to any point we can conceive in the defence before the court, it -shall be forwarded to you. - -I salute you with respect and esteem. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - WASHINGTON, June 17, 1807. - -SIR,--In answering your letter of the 9th, which desired a communication -of one to me from General Wilkinson, specified by its date, I informed -you in mine of the 12th that I had delivered it, with all other papers -respecting the charges against Aaron Burr, to the Attorney General, -when he went to Richmond; that I had supposed he had left them in your -possession, but would immediately write to him, if he had not, to forward -that particular letter without delay. I wrote to him accordingly on the -same day, but having no answer, I know not whether he has forwarded the -letter. I stated in the same letter, that I had desired the Secretary at -War to examine his office, in order to comply with your further request, -to furnish copies of the orders which had been given respecting Aaron -Burr and his property; and in a subsequent letter of the same day, I -forwarded to you copies of two letters from the Secretary at War, which -appeared to be within the description expressed in your letter. The -order from the Secretary of the Navy, you said, you were in possession -of. The receipt of these papers had, I presume, so far anticipated, and -others this day forwarded will have substantially fulfilled the object -of a subpœna from the District Court of Richmond, requiring that those -officers and myself should attend the Court in Richmond, with the letter -of General Wilkinson, the answer to that letter, and the orders of the -departments of War and the Navy, therein generally described. No answer -to General Wilkinson's letter, other than a mere acknowledgment of its -receipt, in a letter written for a different purpose, was ever written by -myself or any other. To these communications of papers, I will add, that -if the defendant supposes there are any facts within the knowledge of the -Heads of departments, or of myself, which can be useful for his defence, -from a desire of doing anything our situation will permit in furtherance -of justice, we shall be ready to give him the benefit of it, by way of -deposition, through any persons whom the Court shall authorize to take our -testimony at this place. I know, indeed, that this cannot be done but by -consent of parties; and I therefore authorize you to give consent on the -part of the United States. Mr. Burr's consent will be given of course, if -he supposes the testimony useful. - -As to our personal attendance at Richmond, I am persuaded the Court -is sensible, that paramount duties to the nation at large control the -obligation of compliance with their summons in this case; as they would, -should we receive a similar one, to attend the trials of Blannerhassett -and others, in the Mississippi territory, those instituted at St. Louis -and other places on the western waters, or at any place, other than the -seat of government. To comply with such calls would leave the nation -without an executive branch, whose agency, nevertheless, is understood -to be so constantly necessary, that it is the sole branch which the -constitution requires to be always in function. It could not then mean -that it should be withdrawn from its station by any co-ordinate authority. - -With respect to papers, there is certainly a public and a private side to -our offices. To the former belong grants of land, patents for inventions, -certain commissions, proclamations, and other papers patent in their -nature. To the other belong mere executive proceedings. All nations have -found it necessary, that for the advantageous conduct of their affairs, -some of these proceedings, at least, should remain known to their -executive functionary only. He, of course, from the nature of the case, -must be the sole judge of which of them the public interests will permit -publication. Hence, under our Constitution, in requests of papers from the -legislative to the executive branch, an exception is carefully expressed, -as to those which he may deem the public welfare may require not to be -disclosed; as you will see in the enclosed resolution of the House of -Representatives, which produced the message of January 22d, respecting -this case. The respect mutually due between the constituted authorities, -in their official intercourse, as well as sincere dispositions to do -for every one what is just, will always insure from the executive, in -exercising the duty of discrimination confided to him, the same candor -and integrity to which the nation has in like manner trusted in the -disposal of its judiciary authorities. Considering you as the organ for -communicating these sentiments to the Court, I address them to you for -that purpose, and salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - WASHINGTON, June 19, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 17th was received last night. Three blank pardons -had been (as I expect) made up and forwarded by the mail of yesterday, -and I have desired three others to go by that of this evening. You ask -what is to be done if Bollman finally rejects his pardon, and the Judge -decides it to have no effect? Move to commit him immediately for treason -or misdemeanor, as you think the evidence will support; let the Court -decide where he shall be sent for trial; and on application, I will have -the marshall aided in his transportation, with the executive means. And -we think it proper, further, that when Burr shall have been convicted -of either treason or misdemeanor, you should immediately have committed -all those persons against whom you should find evidence sufficient, -whose agency has been so prominent as to mark them as proper objects of -punishment, and especially where their boldness has betrayed an inveteracy -of criminal disposition. As to obscure offenders and repenting ones, let -them lie for consideration. - -I enclose you the copy of a letter received last night, and giving -singular information. I have inquired into the character of Graybell. He -was an old revolutionary captain, is now a flour merchant in Baltimore, -of the most respectable character, and whose word would be taken as -implicitly as any man's for whatever he affirms. The letter writer, also, -is a man of entire respectability. I am well informed, that for more than -a twelvemonth it has been believed in Baltimore, generally, that Burr was -engaged in some criminal enterprise, and that Luther Martin knew all about -it. We think you should immediately despatch a subpœna for Graybell; and -while that is on the road, you will have time to consider in what form -you will use his testimony; _e. g._ shall Luther Martin be summoned as a -witness against Burr, and Graybell held ready to confront him? It may be -doubted whether we could examine a witness to discredit our own witness. -Besides, the lawyers say that they are privileged from being forced to -breaches of confidence, and that no others are. Shall we move to commit -Luther Martin, as _particeps criminis_ with Burr? Graybell will fix upon -him misprison of treason at least. And at any rate, his evidence will -put down this unprincipled and impudent federal bull-dog, and add another -proof that the most clamorous defenders of Burr are all his accomplices. -It will explain why Luther Martin flew so hastily to the "aid of his -honorable friend," abandoning his clients and their property during a -session of a principal court in Maryland, now filled, as I am told, with -the clamors and ruin of his clients. I believe we shall send on Latrobe as -a witness. He will prove that Aaron Burr endeavored to get him to engage -several thousand men, chiefly Irish emigrants, whom he had been in the -habit of employing in the works he directs, under pretence of a canal -opposite Louisville, or of the Washita, in which, had he succeeded, he -could with that force alone have carried everything before him, and would -not have been where he now is. He knows, too, of certain meetings of Burr, -Bollman, Yrujo, and one other whom we have never named yet, but have him -not the less in our view. - -I salute you with friendship and respect. - -P. S. Will you send us half a dozen blank subpœnas? - -Since writing the within I have had a conversation with Latrobe. He says -it was five hundred men he was desired to engage. The pretexts were, to -work on the Ohio canal, and be paid in Washita lands. Your witnesses will -some of them prove that Burr had no interest in the Ohio canal, and that -consequently this was a mere pretext to cover the real object from the men -themselves, and all others. Latrobe will set out in the stage of to-morrow -evening, and be with you Monday evening. - - -TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. - - WASHINGTON, June 19, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--In acknowledging the receipt of your favor of the 3d instant, -I avail myself of the occasion it offers of tendering to yourself, to -Mr. Lincoln and to your State, my sincere congratulations on the late -happy event of the election of a republican executive to preside over -its councils. The harmony it has introduced between the legislative and -executive branches, between the people and both of them, and between -all and the General Government, are so many steps towards securing that -union of action and effort in all its parts, without which no nation can -be happy or safe. The just respect with which all the States have ever -looked to Massachusetts, could leave none of them without anxiety, while -she was in a state of alienation from her family and friends. Your opinion -of the propriety and advantage of a more intimate correspondence between -the executives of the several States, and that of the Union, as a central -point, is precisely that which I have ever entertained; and on coming into -office I felt the advantages which would result from that harmony. I had -it even in contemplation, after the annual recommendation to Congress of -those measures called for by the times, which the Constitution had placed -under their power, to make communications in like manner to the executives -of the States, as to any parts of them to which the legislatures might -be alone competent. For many are the exercises of power reserved to -the States, wherein an uniformity of proceeding would be advantageous -to all. Such are quarantines, health laws, regulations of the press, -banking institutions, training militia, &c., &c. But you know what was -the state of the several governments when I came into office. That a great -proportion of them were federal, and would have been delighted with such -opportunities of proclaiming their contempt, and of opposing republican -men and measures. Opportunities so furnished and used by some of the State -Governments, would have produced an ill effect, and would have insured -the failure of the object of uniform proceeding. If it could be ventured -even now (Connecticut and Delaware being still hostile) it must be on -some greater occasion than is likely to arise within my time. I look -to it, therefore, as a course which will probably be to be left to the -consideration of my successor. - -I consider, with you, the federalists as completely vanquished, and never -more to take the field under their own banners. They will now reserve -themselves to profit by the schisms among republicans, and to earn favors -from minorities, whom they will enable to triumph over their more numerous -antagonists. So long as republican minorities barely accept their votes, -no great harm will be done; because it will only place in power one shade -of republicanism, instead of another. But when they purchase the votes -of the federalists, by giving them a participation of office, trust and -power, it is a proof that anti-monarchism is not their strongest passion. -I do not think that the republican minority in Pennsylvania has fallen -into this heresy, nor that there are in your State materials of which a -minority can be made who will fall into it. - -With respect to the tour my friends to the north have proposed that I -should make in that quarter, I have not made up a final opinion. The -course of life which General Washington had run, civil and military, -the services he had rendered, and the space he therefore occupied in the -affections of his fellow citizens, take from his examples the weight of -precedents for others, because no others can arrogate to themselves the -claims which he had on the public homage. To myself, therefore, it comes -as a new question, to be viewed under all the phases it may present. -I confess that I am not reconciled to the idea of a chief magistrate -parading himself through the several States, as an object of public -gaze, and in quest of an applause which, to be valuable, should be purely -voluntary. I had rather acquire silent good will by a faithful discharge -of my duties, than owe expressions of it to my putting myself in the way -of receiving them. Were I to make such a tour to Portsmouth or Portland, -I must do it to Savannah, perhaps to Orleans and Frankfort. As I have -never yet seen the time when the public business would have permitted me -to be so long in a situation in which I could not carry it on, so I have -no reason to expect that such a time will come while I remain in office. A -journey to Boston or Portsmouth, after I shall be a private citizen, would -much better harmonize with my feelings, as well as duties; and, founded -in curiosity, would give no claims to an extension of it. I should see -my friends too more at our mutual ease, and be left more exclusively to -their society. However, I end as I began, by declaring I have made up no -opinion on the subject, and that I reserve it as a question for future -consideration and advice. - -In the meantime, and at all times, I salute you with great respect and -esteem. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - WASHINGTON, June 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Latrobe now comes on as a witness against Burr. His -presence here is with great inconvenience dispensed with, as one hundred -and fifty workmen require his constant directions on various public works -of pressing importance. I hope you will permit him to come away as soon -as possible. How far his testimony will be important as to the prisoner, I -know not; but I am desirous that those meetings of Yrujo with Burr and his -principal accomplices, should come fully out, and judicially, as they will -establish the just complaints we have against his nation. - -I did not see till last night the opinion of the Judge on the _subpœna -duces tecum_ against the President. Considering the question there as -_coram non judice_, I did not read his argument with much attention. Yet I -saw readily enough, that, as is usual where an opinion is to be supported, -right or wrong, he dwells much on smaller objections, and passes over -those which are solid. Laying down the position generally, that all -persons owe obedience to subpœnas, he admits no exception unless it can be -produced in his law books. But if the Constitution enjoins on a particular -officer to be always engaged in a particular set of duties imposed on him, -does not this supersede the general law, subjecting him to minor duties -inconsistent with these? The Constitution enjoins his constant agency -in the concerns of six millions of people. Is the law paramount to this, -which calls on him on behalf of a single one? Let us apply the Judge's own -doctrine to the case of himself and his brethren. The sheriff of Henrico -summons him from the bench, to quell a riot somewhere in his county. The -federal judge is, by the general law, a part of the _posse_ of the State -sheriff. Would the Judge abandon major duties to perform lesser ones? -Again; the court of Orleans or Maine commands, by subpœnas, the attendance -of all the judges of the Supreme Court. Would they abandon their posts -as judges, and the interests of millions committed to them, to serve the -purposes of a single individual? The leading principle of our Constitution -is the independence of the Legislature, executive and judiciary of each -other, and none are more jealous of this than the judiciary. But would -the executive be independent of the judiciary, if he were subject to the -_commands_ of the latter, and to imprisonment for disobedience; if the -several courts could bandy him from pillar to post, keep him constantly -trudging from north to south and east to west, and withdraw him entirely -from his constitutional duties? The intention of the Constitution, that -each branch should be independent of the others, is further manifested by -the means it has furnished to each, to protect itself from enterprises -of force attempted on them by the others, and to none has it given more -effectual or diversified means than to the executive. Again; because -ministers can go into a court in London as witnesses, without interruption -to their executive duties, it is inferred that they would go to a court -one thousand or one thousand five hundred miles off, and that ours are -to be dragged from Maine to Orleans by every criminal who will swear that -their testimony "may be of use to him." The Judge says, "_it is apparent_ -that the President's duties as chief magistrate do not demand his whole -time, and are not unremitting." If he alludes to our annual retirement -from the seat of government, during the sickly season, he should be told -that such arrangements are made for carrying on the public business, at -and between the several stations we take, that it goes on as unremittingly -there, as if we were at the seat of government. I pass more hours in -public business at Monticello than I do here, every day; and it is much -more laborious, because all must be done in writing. Our stations being -known, all communications come to them regularly, as to fixed points. It -would be very different were we always on the road, or placed in the noisy -and crowded taverns where courts are held. Mr. Rodney is expected here -every hour, having been kept away by a sick child. - -I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR WISTAR. - - WASHINGTON, June 21, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I have a grandson, the son of Mr. Randolph, now about fifteen -years of age, in whose education I take a lively interest. * * * * * I am -not a friend to placing young men in populous cities, because they acquire -there habits and partialities which do not contribute to the happiness -of their after life. But there are particular branches of science, which -are not so advantageously taught anywhere else in the United States as -in Philadelphia. The garden at the Woodlands for Botany, Mr. Peale's -Museum for Natural History, your Medical school for Anatomy, and the able -professors in all of them, give advantages not to be found elsewhere. We -propose, therefore, to send him to Philadelphia to attend the schools -of Botany, Natural History, Anatomy, and perhaps Surgery; but not of -Medicine. And why not of Medicine, you will ask? Being led to the subject, -I will avail myself of the occasion to express my opinions on that -science, and the extent of my medical creed. But, to finish first with -respect to my grandson, I will state the favor I ask of you, and which is -the object of this letter. - - * * * * * - -This subject dismissed, I may now take up that which it led to, and -further tax your patience with unlearned views of medicine; which, as in -most cases, are, perhaps, the more confident in proportion as they are -less enlightened. - -We know, from what we see and feel, that the animal body is in its organs -and functions subject to derangement, inducing pain, and tending to its -destruction. In this disordered state, we observe nature providing for the -re-establishment of order, by exciting some salutary evacuation of the -morbific matter, or by some other operation which escapes our imperfect -senses and researches. She brings on a crisis, by stools, vomiting, sweat, -urine, expectoration, bleeding, &c., which, for the most part, ends in -the restoration of healthy action. Experience has taught us, also, that -there are certain substances, by which, applied to the living body, -internally or externally, we can at will produce these same evacuations, -and thus do, in a short time, what nature would do but slowly, and do -effectually, what perhaps she would not have strength to accomplish. -Where, then, we have seen a disease, characterized by specific signs -or phenomena, and relieved by a certain natural evacuation or process, -whenever that disease recurs under the same appearances, we may reasonably -count on producing a solution of it, by the use of such substances as we -have found produce the same evacuation or movement. Thus, fulness of the -stomach we can relieve by emetics; diseases of the bowels, by purgatives; -inflammatory cases, by bleeding; intermittents, by the Peruvian bark; -syphilis, by mercury; watchfulness, by opium; &c. So far, I bow to the -utility of medicine. It goes to the well-defined forms of disease, and -happily, to those the most frequent. But the disorders of the animal -body, and the symptoms indicating them, are as various as the elements -of which the body is composed. The combinations, too, of these symptoms -are so infinitely diversified, that many associations of them appear too -rarely to establish a definite disease; and to an unknown disease, there -cannot be a known remedy. Here then, the judicious, the moral, the humane -physician should stop. Having been so often a witness to the salutary -efforts which nature makes to re-establish the disordered functions, he -should rather trust to their action, than hazard the interruption of that, -and a greater derangement of the system, by conjectural experiments on a -machine so complicated and so unknown as the human body, and a subject -so sacred as human life. Or, if the appearance of doing something be -necessary to keep alive the hope and spirits of the patient, it should be -of the most innocent character. One of the most successful physicians I -have ever known, has assured me, that he used more bread pills, drops of -colored water, and powders of hickory ashes, than of all other medicines -put together. It was certainly a pious fraud. But the adventurous -physician goes on, and substitutes presumption for knowledge. From the -scanty field of what is known, he launches into the boundless region -of what is unknown. He establishes for his guide some fanciful theory -of corpuscular attraction, of chemical agency, of mechanical powers, of -stimuli, of irritability accumulated or exhausted, of depletion by the -lancet and repletion by mercury, or some other ingenious dream, which -lets him into all nature's secrets at short hand. On the principle which -he thus assumes, he forms his table of nosology, arrays his diseases into -families, and extends his curative treatment, by analogy, to all the cases -he has thus arbitrarily marshalled together. I have lived myself to see -the disciples of Hoffman, Boerhaave, Stahl, Cullen, Brown, succeed one -another like the shifting figures of a magic lantern, and their fancies, -like the dresses of the annual doll-babies from Paris, becoming, from -their novelty, the vogue of the day, and yielding to the next novelty -their ephemeral favor. The patient, treated on the fashionable theory, -sometimes gets well in spite of the medicine. The medicine therefore -restored him, and the young doctor receives new courage to proceed in -his bold experiments on the lives of his fellow creatures. I believe -we may safely affirm, that the inexperienced and presumptuous band of -medical tyros let loose upon the world, destroys more of human life in -one year, than all the Robinhoods, Cartouches, and Macheaths do in a -century. It is in this part of medicine that I wish to see a reform, an -abandonment of hypothesis for sober facts, the first degree of value set -on clinical observation, and the lowest on visionary theories. I would -wish the young practitioner, especially, to have deeply impressed on his -mind, the real limits of his art, and that when the state of his patient -gets beyond these, his office is to be a watchful, but quiet spectator -of the operations of nature, giving them fair play by a well-regulated -regimen, and by all the aid they can derive from the excitement of good -spirits and hope in the patient. I have no doubt, that some diseases not -yet understood may in time be transferred to the table of those known. -But, were I a physician, I would rather leave the transfer to the slow -hand of accident, than hasten it by guilty experiments on those who put -their lives into my hands. The only sure foundations of medicine are, -an intimate knowledge of the human body, and observation on the effects -of medicinal substances on that. The anatomical and clinical schools, -therefore, are those in which the young physician should be formed. If -he enters with innocence that of the theory of medicine, it is scarcely -possible he should come out untainted with error. His mind must be strong -indeed, if, rising above juvenile credulity, it can maintain a wise -infidelity against the authority of his instructors, and the bewitching -delusions of their theories. You see that I estimate justly that portion -of instruction which our medical students derive from your labors; and, -associating with it one of the chairs which my old and able friend, -Doctor Rush, so honorably fills, I consider them as the two fundamental -pillars of the edifice. Indeed, I have such an opinion of the talents -of the professors in the other branches which constitute the school of -medicine with you, as to hope and believe, that it is from this side of -the Atlantic, that Europe, which has taught us so many other things, will -at length be led into sound principles in this branch of science, the most -important of all others, being that to which we commit the care of health -and life. - -I dare say, that by this time, you are sufficiently sensible that old -heads as well as young, may sometimes be charged with ignorance and -presumption. The natural course of the human mind is certainly from -credulity to scepticism; and this is perhaps the most favorable apology -I can make for venturing so far out of my depth, and to one too, to whom -the strong as well as the weak points of this science are so familiar. But -having stumbled on the subject in my way, I wished to give a confession of -my faith to a friend; and the rather, as I had perhaps, at times, to him -as well as others, expressed my scepticism in medicine, without defining -its extent or foundation. At any rate, it has permitted me, for a moment, -to abstract myself from the dry and dreary waste of politics, into which -I have been impressed by the times on which I happened, and to indulge -in the rich fields of nature, where alone I should have served as a -volunteer, if left to my natural inclinations and partialities. - -I salute you at all times with affection and respect. - - -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. - - WASHINGTON, June 21, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received last night yours of the 16th, and sincerely -congratulate you on your safe arrival at Richmond, against the impudent -surmises and hopes of the band of conspirators, who, because they are as -yet permitted to walk abroad, and even to be in the character of witnesses -until such a measure of evidence shall be collected as will place them -securely at the bar of justice, attempt to cover their crimes under noise -and insolence. You have indeed had a fiery trial at New Orleans, but it -was soon apparent that the clamorous were only the criminal, endeavoring -to turn the public attention from themselves and their leader upon any -other object. - -Having delivered to the Attorney General all the papers I possessed, -respecting Burr and his accomplices, when he went to Richmond, I could -only write to him (without knowing whether he was at Philadelphia, -Wilmington, or Delaware) for your letter of October 21st, desired by the -court. If you have a copy of it, and choose to give it in, it will, I -think, have a good effect; for it was my intention, if I should receive -it from Mr. Rodney, not to communicate it without your consent, after I -learnt your arrival. Mr. Rodney will certainly either bring or send it -within the course of a day or two, and it will be instantly forwarded -to Mr. Hay. For the same reason, I cannot send the letter of J. P. D., -as you propose, to Mr. Hay. I do not recollect what name these initials -indicate, but the paper, whatever it is, must be in the hands of Mr. -Rodney. Not so as to your letter to Dayton; for as that could be of no use -in the prosecution, and was reserved to be forwarded or not, according to -circumstances, I retained it in my own hands, and now return it to you. -If you think Dayton's son should be summoned, it can only be done from -Richmond. We have no subpœnas here. Within about a month we shall leave -this to place ourselves in healthier stations. Before that I trust you -will be liberated from your present attendance. It would have been of -great importance to have had you here with the Secretary at War, because I -am very anxious to begin such works as will render Plaquemine impregnable, -and an insuperable barrier to the passage of any force up or down the -river. But the Secretary at War sets out on Wednesday, to meet with some -other persons at New York, and determine on the works necessary to be -undertaken to put that place _hors d'insulte_, and thence he will have -to proceed northwardly, I believe. I must ask you, at your leisure, to -state to me in writing what you think will answer our views at Plaquemine, -within the limits of expense which we can contemplate, and of which you -can form a pretty good idea. - -Your enemies have filled the public ear with slanders, and your mind with -trouble on that account. The establishment of their guilt will let the -world see what they ought to think of their clamors; it will dissipate the -doubts of those who doubted for want of knowledge, and will place you on -higher ground in the public estimate and public confidence. No one is more -sensible than myself of the injustice which has been aimed at you. Accept, -I pray you, my salutations, and assurances of respect and esteem. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. - - June 22, 1807. - -I suggest to you the following, as some of the ideas which might be -expressed by General Wilkinson, in answering Governor Saludo's letter. The -introductory and concluding sentiments will best flow from the General's -own feelings of the personal standing between him and Governor Saludo: - -"On the transfer of Louisiana by France to the United States, according -to its boundaries when possessed by France, the government of the United -States considered itself entitled as far west as the Rio Norte; but -understanding soon after that Spain, on the contrary, claimed eastwardly -to the river Sabine, it has carefully abstained from doing any act in -the intermediate country, which might disturb the existing state of -things, until these opposing claims should be explained and accommodated -amicably. But that the Red river and all its waters belonged to France, -that she made several settlements on that river, and held them as a part -of Louisiana until she delivered that country to Spain, and that Spain, -on the contrary, had never made a single settlement on the river, are -circumstances so well known, and so susceptible of proof, that it was -not supposed that Spain would seriously contest the facts, or the right -established by them. Hence our government took measures for exploring that -river, as it did that of the Missouri, by sending Mr. Freeman to proceed -from the mouth upwards, and Lieutenant Pike from the source downwards, -merely to acquire its geography, and so far enlarge the boundaries of -science. For the day must be very distant when it will be either the -interest or the wish of the United States to extend settlements into -the interior of that country. Lieutenant Pike's orders were accordingly -strictly confined to the waters of the Red river, and, from his known -observance of orders, I am persuaded that it must have been, as he himself -declares, by missing his way that he got on the waters of the Rio Norte, -instead of those of the Red river. That your Excellency should excuse -this involuntary error, and indeed misfortune, was expected from the -liberality of your character; and the kindnesses you have shown him are -an honorable example of those offices of good neighborhood on your part, -which it will be so agreeable to us to cultivate. Accept my thanks for -them, and be assured they shall on all occasions meet a like return. To -the same liberal sentiment Lieutenant Pike must appeal for the restoration -of his papers. You must have seen in them no trace of unfriendly views -towards your nation, no symptoms of any other design than of extending -geographical knowledge; and it is not in the nineteenth century, nor -through the agency of your Excellency, that science expects to encounter -obstacles. The field of knowledge is the common property of all mankind, -and any discoveries we can make in it will be for the benefit of yours and -of every other nation, as well as our own." - - -TO MR. HAY. - - WASHINGTON, June 23, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--In mine of the 12th I informed you I would write to the -Attorney General to send on the letter of General Wilkinson of October -21st, referred to in my message of January 22d. He accordingly sent -me a letter of that date, but I immediately saw that it was not the -one desired, because it had no relation to the facts stated under that -reference. I immediately, by letter, apprized him of this circumstance, -and being since returned to this place, he yesterday called on me with -the whole of the papers remaining in his possession, and he assured me -he had examined carefully the whole of them, and that the one referred -to in the message was not among them, nor did he know where it would be -found. These papers have been recurred to so often, on so many occasions, -and some of them delivered out for particular purposes, that we find -several missing, without being able to recollect what has been done with -them. Some of them were delivered to the Attorney of this district, to be -used on the occasions which arose in the District Court, and a part of -them were filed, as is said, in their office. The Attorney General will -examine their office to day, and has written to the District Attorney to -know whether he retained any of them. No researches shall be spared to -recover this letter, and if recovered, it shall immediately be sent on -to you. Compiling the message from a great mass of papers, and pressed -in time, the date of a particular paper may have been mistaken, but -we all perfectly remember the one referred to in the message, and that -its substance is there correctly stated. General Wilkinson probably has -copies of all the letters he wrote me, and having expressed a willingness -to furnish the one desired by the Court, the defendant can still have -the benefit of it. Or should he not have the particular one on which -that passage in the message is founded, I trust that his memory would -enable him to affirm that it is substantially correct. I salute you with -friendship and respect. - - -TO GEORGE BLAKE, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, June 24, 1807. - -SIR,--I enclose you a petition of John Partridge, which I perceive to have -been in your hands before, by a certificate endorsed on it. The petitioner -says the term of labor to which he was sentenced expired on the 14th -instant; that he is unable to pay the costs of prosecution, and therefore -prays to be discharged. But in such cases it is usual to substitute an -additional term of confinement equivalent to that portion of the sentence -which cannot be complied with. Pardons too for counterfeiting bank paper -are yielded with much less facility than others. However, in all cases -I have referred these petitions to the judges and prosecuting attorney, -who having heard all the circumstances of the case, are the best judges -whether any of them were of such a nature as ought to obtain for the -criminal a remission or abridgement of the punishment. I now enclose the -papers, and ask the favor of you to take the opinion of the judges on that -subject, and to favor me with your own, which will govern me in what I do, -and be my voucher for it. I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - WASHINGTON, June 25, 1807. 5.30 P. M. - -DEAR SIR,--I am sincerely sorry that I am obliged to ask your attendance -here without a moment's avoidable delay. The capture of the Chesapeake -by a British ship of war renders it necessary to have all our Council -together. I do not suppose it will detain you long from rejoining Mrs. -Dearborne. The mail is closing. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, June 25, 1807. 5.30 P. M. - -DEAR SIR,--I am sorry to be obliged to hasten your return to this place, -and pray that it maybe without a moment's avoidable delay. The capture of -the Chesapeake by a British ship of war renders it necessary to have all -our Council together. The mail is closing. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, June 29, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favor by express was safely received on Saturday night, and I -am thankful to you for the attention of which it is a proof. Considering -the General and State governments as co-operators in the same holy -concerns, the interest and happiness of our country, the interchange -of mutual aid is among the most pleasing of the exercises of our duty. -Captain Gordon, the second in command of the Chesapeake, has arrived -here with the details of that affair. Yet as the precaution you took of -securing us against the accident of wanting information, was entirely -proper, and the expense of the express justly a national one, I have -directed him to be paid here, so that he is enabled to refund any money -you may have advanced him. Mr. Gallatin and General Dearborne happening -to be absent, I have asked their immediate attendance here, and I expect -them this day. We shall then determine on the course which the exigency -and our constitutional powers call for. Whether the outrage is a proper -cause of war, belonging exclusively to Congress, it is our duty not to -commit them by doing anything which would be to be retracted. We may, -however, exercise the powers entrusted to us for preventing future insults -within our harbors, and claim firmly satisfaction for the past. This will -leave Congress free to decide whether war is the most efficacious mode -of redress in our case, or whether, having taught so many other useful -lessons to Europe, we may not add that of showing them that there are -peaceable means of repressing injustice, by making it the interest of -the aggressor to do what is just, and abstain from future wrong. It is -probable you will hear from us in the course of the week. I salute you -with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - July 4, 1807. - -If I understand the claim of the Creeks, it is that they shall have a -right of transit across our territories, but especially along our rivers -from the Spanish territories to their own, for goods _for their own use_, -without paying us a duty. I think they are in the right. This is exactly -what we are claiming of Spain, as to this very river, the Mobile. Our -doctrine is that different nations inhabiting the same river have all a -natural right to an innocent passage along it, just as individuals of the -same nation have of a river wholly within the territory of that nation. I -do not know whether our revenue law, justly construed, opposes this; but -if it does not, we ought to take the case into consideration, and do what -is right. It is here that the manner in which this right has been asserted -by Captain Isaac, is not agreeable. But can we blame it? and ought -not those who are in the wrong to put themselves in the right, without -listening to false pride? - -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - WASHINGTON, July 6, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I congratulate you on your safe arrival with Miss Clinton -at New York, and especially on your escape from British violence. This -aggression is of a character so distinct from that on the Chesapeake, and -of so aggravated a nature, that I consider it as a very material one to -be presented with that to the British Government. I pray you, therefore, -to write me a letter, stating the transaction, and in such a form as that -it may go to that Government. At the same time, I must request you to -instruct Mr. Gelston, from me, to take the affidavits of the Captain of -the revenue cutter, and of such other persons as you shall direct, stating -the same affair, and to be forwarded, in like manner, to our Minister in -London. - -You will have seen by the proclamation, the measures adopted. We act on -these principles, 1. That the usage of nations requires that we shall -give the offender an opportunity of making reparation and avoiding war. -2. That we should give time to our merchants to get in their property and -vessels and our seamen now afloat. And 3. That the power of declaring war -being with the Legislature, the executive should do nothing, necessarily -committing them to decide for war in preference of non-intercourse, which -will be preferred by a great many. They will be called in time to receive -the answer from Great Britain, unless new occurrences should render it -necessary to call them sooner. - -I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO COLONEL TATHAM. - - WASHINGTON, July 6, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 1st instant has been received, and I thank you for -the communication. Considering the mass of false reports in circulation, -and the importance of being truly informed of the proceedings of the -British armed vessels in the Chesapeake and its vicinities, I should -be very glad, as you are on the spot, provided with a proper vessel and -men, if you could continue watching their motions constantly, and giving -me information of them. In that case it would be necessary you should -journalize everything respecting them which should fall within your -observation, and enclose daily to me a copy of the observations of the -day, forwarding them to the post-office of Norfolk, by every opportunity -occurring. Your allowance should be exactly on the same footing as when -you were surveying the coast, and for current expenses you may draw on -Mr. Bedinger, Navy Agent, at Norfolk, only accompanying each draught with -a letter explaining generally the purpose of it, which is a constant and -indispensable rule in all our departments. It will be necessary for me to -ask the continuance of this service from you only until I can ascertain -the course these officers mean to pursue. - -I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, July 7, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you copies of two letters sent by express from -Captain Decatur. By these you will perceive that the British commanders -have their foot on the threshold of war. They have begun the blockade of -Norfolk; have sounded the passage to the town, which appears practicable -for three of their vessels, and menace an attack on the Chesapeake and -Cybele. These, with four gun-boats, form the present defence, and there -are four more gun-boats in Norfolk nearly ready. The four gun-boats at -Hampton are hauled up, and in danger, four in Mopjack bay are on the -stocks. Blows may be hourly possible. In this state of things I am sure -your own feelings will anticipate the public judgment, that your presence -here cannot be dispensed with. There is nobody here who can supply your -knowledge of the resources for land co-operation, and the means for -bringing them into activity. Still, I would wish you would stay long -enough at New York to settle with the V. P. and Colonel Williams, the plan -of defence for that place; and I am in hopes you will also see Fulton's -experiments tried, and see how far his means may enter into your plan. But -as soon as that is done, should matters remain in their present critical -state, I think the public interest and safety would suffer by your absence -from us. Indeed, if the present state of things continues, I begin to fear -we shall not be justifiable in separating this autumn, and that even an -earlier meeting of Congress than we had contemplated, may be requisite. I -salute you affectionately. - - -TO THE MASTERS AND OTHER OFFICERS SAILING TO AND FROM THE PORTS OF NORFOLK -AND PORTSMOUTH. - - WASHINGTON, July 8, 1807. - -The tender of your services for the erection and reparation of Fort -Norfolk and works on Craney Island, and for manning the gun-boats and -other vessels for the waters of Elizabeth and James rivers, are received -with great satisfaction. They are the more important, in proportion as -we have much to do in the least time possible. Knowing their peculiar -value for manning and managing the gun-boats and other vessels, it is in -that direction I am in hopes they will have been applied, and that the -necessary aid for erecting or repairing works on the land will have been -found in the zeal of other citizens, less qualified to be useful in the -employments on the water. I return, for your country, the thanks you so -justly deserve. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 8, 1807. - -SIR,--You will have received from the Secretary at War a letter, -requesting that the quota of the State of Virginia of 100,000 militia -be immediately organized and put in readiness for service at the -shortest warning, but that they be not actually called out until further -requisition. The menacing attitudes which the British ships of war have -taken in Hampton Road, the actual blockade of Norfolk, and their having -sounded the entrance, as if with a view to pass up to the city, render it -necessary that we should be as well prepared there as circumstances will -permit. The Secretary at War being gone to New York to arrange a plan of -defence for that city, it devolves on me to request that, according to the -applications you may receive from the officers charged with the protection -of the place, and the information which you are more at hand to obtain -than we are here, you will order such portions of the militia as you shall -think necessary and most convenient to enter immediately on duty, for the -defence of the place and protection of the country, at the expense of the -United States. We have, moreover, four gun-boats hauled up at Hampton, and -four others on the stocks in Matthews county, under the care of Commodore -Samuel Barron, which we consider as in danger. I must request you also -to order such aids of militia, on the application of that officer, as you -shall think adequate to their safety. Any arms which it may be necessary -to furnish to the militia for the present objects, if not identically -restored to the State, shall be returned in kind or in value by the United -States. I have thought I could not more effectually provide for the safety -of the places menaced, than by committing it to your hands, as you are -nearer the scene of action, have the necessary powers over the militia, -can receive information, and give aid so much more promptly than can be -done from this place. I will ask communications from time to time of your -proceedings under this charge. I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN J. SAUNDERS, FORT NELSON. - - WASHINGTON, July 8, 1807. - -SIR,--The Secretary at War having proceeded to New York to make -arrangements for the defence of that place, your letter to him of July 4th -has been put into my hands. I see with satisfaction the promptitude with -which you have proceeded in mounting the guns of your fort, and I will -count on your continuing your utmost exertions for putting yourself in -the best condition of defence possible. With respect to the instructions -you ask for, you will consider the proclamation of July 2d as your general -instructions, but especially you are to contribute all the means in your -power towards the defence of the country, its citizens, and property, -against any aggressions which may be attempted by the British armed -vessels or any other armed force. I salute you with respect. - - -TO GENERAL MATTHEWS. - - WASHINGTON, July 8, 1807. - -SIR,--The Secretary at War having gone on to New York for the purpose of -having that place put into a state of defence, your letter of July 4th -to him has been put into my hands. I see with satisfaction that in an -emergency too sudden to have been provided for by orders from hence, you -have, under the guidance of your own judgment and patriotism, taken the -measures within your power towards supporting the rights of your country. -I will pray you to consider the proclamation of July 2d as laying down -the rule of action for all our citizens, in their several authorities and -stations; but that it is further desired of you to employ the means under -your command, for defence of the country, its citizens, and property, -against all aggressions attempted by the British armed vessels or other -force. The Governor of Virginia being in a situation to act with more -promptitude on any emergency which may arise, so far as respects the -militia of the State, I have authorized and requested him to order into -service such portions of the militia as he shall think necessary, on -application from any of the persons charged with the defence of Norfolk -or other places menaced. With him I recommend to you to communicate as -to the militia to be employed, approving most myself whatever shall be -most effectual for repelling aggression on our peace, and maintaining -the authority of the laws. Accept my salutations, and assurances of great -respect. - - -TO THE HONORABLE THOMAS COOPER. - - WASHINGTON, July 9, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June 23d is received. I had not before learned -that a life of Dr. Priestley had been published, or I should certainly -have procured it; for no man living had a more affectionate respect -for him. In religion, in politics, in physics, no man has rendered more -service. - -I had always expected that when the republicans should have put down -all things under their feet, they would schismatize among themselves. I -always expected, too, that whatever names the parties might bear, the real -division would be into moderate and ardent republicanism. In this division -there is no great evil,--not even if the minority obtain the ascendency -by the accession of federal votes to their candidate; because this gives -us one shade only, instead of another, of republicanism. It is to be -considered as apostasy only when they purchase the votes of federalists, -with a participation in honor and power. The gross insult lately received -from the English has forced the latter into a momentary coalition with the -mass of republicans; but the moment we begin to act in the very line they -have joined in approving, all will be wrong, and every act the reverse of -what it should have been. Still, it is better to admit their coalescence, -and leave to themselves their short-lived existence. Both reason and the -usage of nations required we should give Great Britain an opportunity -of disavowing and repairing the insult of their officers. It gives us at -the same time an opportunity of getting home our vessels, our property, -and our seamen,--the only means of carrying on the kind of war we should -attempt. The only difference, I believe, between your opinion and mine, as -to the protection of commerce, is the forcing the nation to take the best -road, and the letting them take the worse, if such is their will. I salute -you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, July 9, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Considering that gun-boats will enter very materially into the -system of defence for New York, I have thought that Commodore Rogers, -(who is proceeding to that place on other business,) from his peculiar -acquaintance with their operation and effect, might be useful as an -associate in your examinations of the place, and the determinations to -be formed. His opinions on that part of the subject will add weight -to whatever shall be concluded. I have therefore desired him to take -a part with yourself, the Vice-President, and Colonel Williams, in the -examinations and consultations. - -I have just received a deputation from the Alexandrians, who are under -uneasiness for their own unprotected situation, and asking the loan of -a large number of muskets and cannon. I have convinced them that a very -small force at Digges' Point will defend them more effectually than a -very great one at their city, and that on your return we will have the -place examined, a battery established, and have small arms in readiness -to be given out to them in the moment they shall be wanted to support the -battery. Indeed I think a position to be taken there is indispensable -for the safety of the Navy Yard and its contents: say a battery and -block-house. Who can we get to examine the place, and give a proper -plan? This we must determine on your return. Nothing new from Norfolk. -Mr. Erskine has written pressingly to Commodore Douglass. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - July 10, 1807. - -Something now occurs almost every day on which it is desirable to have the -opinions of the heads of departments, yet to have a formal meeting every -day would consume so much of their time as to seriously obstruct their -regular business. I have proposed to them, as most convenient for them, -and wasting less of their time, to call on me at any moment of the day -which suits their separate convenience, when, besides any other business -they may have to do, I can learn their opinions separately on any matter -which has occurred, also communicate the information received daily. -Perhaps you could find it more convenient, sometimes, to make your call -at the hour of dinner, instead of going so much further to dine alone. -You will always find a plate and a sincere welcome. In this way, that is, -successively, I have to-day consulted the other gentlemen on the question -whether letters of Marque were to be considered as written within our -interdict. We are unanimously of opinion they are not. We consider them -as essentially _merchant vessels_; that commerce is their main object, and -arms merely incidental and defensive. Affectionate salutations - - -TO MR. BOWDOIN. - - WASHINGTON, July 10, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 10th of July, 1806, but supposing, from -your not acknowledging the receipt of the letter, that it had miscarried, -I sent a duplicate with my subsequent one of April the 2d. These having -gone by the Wasp, you will doubtless have received them. Since that, yours -of May the 1st has come to hand. You will see by the despatches from the -department of State, earned by the armed vessel the Revenge, into what -a critical state our peace with Great Britain is suddenly brought, by -their armed vessels in our waters. Four vessels of war (three of them two -deckers) closely blockade Norfolk at this instant. Of the authority under -which this aggression is committed, their minister here is unapprized. -You will see by the proclamation of July the 2d, that (while we are -not omitting such measures of force as are immediately necessary) we -propose to give Great Britain an opportunity of disavowal and reparation, -and to leave the question of war, non-intercourse, or other measures, -uncommitted, to the Legislature. This country has never been in such -a state of excitement since the battle of Lexington. In this state of -things, cordial friendship with France, and peace at least with Spain, -become more interesting. You know the circumstances respecting this last -power, which have rendered it ineligible that you should have proceeded -heretofore to your destination. But this obstacle is now removed by their -recall of Yrujo, and appointment of another minister, and in the meantime, -of a chargé des affaires, who has been received. The way now being open -for taking your station at Madrid, it is certainly our wish you should -do so, and that this may be more agreeable to you than your return home, -as is solicited in yours of May the 1st. It is with real unwillingness we -should relinquish the benefit of your services. Nevertheless, if your mind -is decidedly bent on that, we shall regret, but not oppose your return. -The choice, therefore, remains with yourself. In the meantime, your place -in the joint commission being vacated by either event, we shall take -the measures rendered necessary by that. We have seen, with real grief, -the misunderstanding which has taken place between yourself and General -Armstrong. We are neither qualified nor disposed to form an opinion -between you. We regret the pain which must have been felt by persons, both -of whom hold so high a place in our esteem, and we have not been without -fear that the public interest might suffer by it. It has seemed, however, -that the state of Europe has been such as to admit little to be done, in -matters so distant from them. - -The present alarm has had the effect of suspending our foreign commerce. -No merchant ventures to send out a single vessel; and I think it probable -this will continue very much the case till we get an answer from England. -Our crops are uncommonly plentiful. That of small grain is now secured -south of this, and the harvest is advancing here. - -Accept my salutations, and assurances of affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN BEATTY, FOR HIMSELF, THE OTHER OFFICERS AND PRIVATES OF THE -LIGHT INFANTRY COMPANY OF GEORGETOWN. - - WASHINGTON, July 11, 1807. - -SIR,--I have received your letter of yesterday, mentioning that you had, -on the 4th of July, made a tender of the services of the Light Infantry -Company of Georgetown. The circumstances of the day must apologize for its -having escaped my recollection. This tender of service in support of the -rights of our country merits and meets the highest praise; and whenever -the moment arrives in which these rights must appeal to the public arm for -support, the spirit from which your offer flows, that which animates our -nation, will be their sufficient safeguard. - -To the Legislature will be rendered a faithful account of the events which -have so justly excited the sensibilities of our country, of the measures -taken to obtain reparation, and of their result; and to their wisdom will -belong the course to be ultimately pursued. - -In the meantime it is our duty to pursue that prescribed by the existing -laws, towards which, should your services be requisite, this offer of them -will be remembered. - -I tender for your country the thanks so justly due to yourself, the other -officers and privates of the company. - - -TO MR. BIDWELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 11, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of June 27th has been duly received, and although -wishing your happiness always, I cannot be altogether unpleased with a -transfer of your services to a department more pleasing to yourself, -yet I cannot but lament your loss in Congress. You know that talents -cannot be more useful anywhere than there; and the times seem to portend -that we may have occasion there for all we possess. You have long ago -learnt the atrocious acts committed by the British armed vessels in the -Chesapeake and its neighborhood. They cannot be easily accommodated, -although it is believed that they cannot be justified by orders from their -government. We have acted on these principles; 1, to give that government -an opportunity to disavow and make reparation; 2, to give ourselves time -to get in the vessels, property and seamen, now spread over the ocean; 3, -to do no act which might compromit Congress in their choice between war, -non-intercourse, or any other measure. We shall probably call them some -time in October, having regard to the return of the healthy season, and to -the receipt of an answer from Great Britain, before which they could only -act in the dark. In the meantime we shall make all the preparations which -time will permit, so as to be ready for any alternative. - -The officers of the British ships, in a conference with a gentleman -sent to them by the Mayor of Norfolk, have solemnly protested they -mean no further proceeding without further orders. But the question is -whether they will obey the proclamation? If they do not, acts of force -will probably ensue; still these may lead to nothing further, if their -government is just. I salute you with great affection. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, July 13, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 7th; since that we learn that the Bellone -and Leopard remaining in Hampton Road, the other two vessels have returned -to the Capes of Chesapeake, where they have been reinforced by another -frigate and a sloop of war, we know not from whence. This induces us to -suppose they do not mean an immediate attack on Norfolk, but to retain -their present position till further orders from their Admiral. I am -inclined to think that the body of militia now in the field in Virginia -would need to be regulated according to these views. They are in great -want of artillery, the State possessing none. Their subsistence also, -and other necessary expenses, require immediate attention from us, the -finances of the State not being at all in a condition to meet these cases. -We have some applications for the loan of field-pieces. The transportation -of heavy cannon to Norfolk and Hampton, is rendered difficult by the -blockade of those ports. These things are of necessity reserved for your -direction on your return, as nobody here is qualified to act in them. -It gives me sincere concern that events should thus have thwarted your -wishes. Should the Bellone and Leopard retire, and a disposition be shown -by the British commanders to restore things to a state of peace until they -hear from their government, we may go into summer quarters without injury -to the public safety, having previously made all necessary arrangements. -But if the present hostile conduct is pursued, I fear we shall be obliged -to keep together, or at least within consulting distance. I salute you -with sincere affection and respect. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - WASHINGTON, July 14, 1807. - -MY DEAR SIR,--I received last night your letter of May 6th, and a vessel -being just now sailing from Baltimore, affords me an opportunity of -hastily acknowledging it. Your exhortation to make a provision of arms is -undoubtedly wise, and we have not been inattentive to it. Our internal -resources for cannon are great, and those for small arms considerable, -and in full employment. We shall not suffer from that want, should we -have war; and of the possibility of that you will judge by the enclosed -proclamation, and by what you know of the character of the English -government. Never since the battle of Lexington have I seen this country -in such a state of exasperation as at present, and even that did not -produce such unanimity. The federalists themselves coalesce with us as -to the object, though they will return to their trade of censuring every -measure taken to obtain it. "Reparation for the past, and security for -the future," is our motto; but whether they will yield it freely, or -will require resort to non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. We -prepare for the last. We have actually 2,000 men in the field, employed -chiefly in covering the exposed coast, and cutting off all supply to -the British vessels. We think our gun-boats at New York, (thirty-two,) -with heavy batteries along shore, and bombs, will put that city _hors de -insulte_. If you could procure, and send me a good description and drawing -of one of your Prames, you would do me a most acceptable service. I -suppose them to be in fact a floating battery, rendered very manageable by -oars. - -Burr's conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious of which history -will ever furnish an example. He had combined the objects of separating -the western States from us, of adding Mexico to them, and of placing -himself at their head. But he who could expect to effect such objects -by the aid of American citizens, must be perfectly ripe for Bedlam. Yet -although there is not a man in the United States who is not satisfied of -the depth of his guilt, such are the jealous provisions of our laws in -favor of the accused, and against the accuser, that I question if he can -be convicted. Out of the forty-eight jurors who are to be summoned, he has -a right to choose the twelve who are to try him, and if any one of the -twelve refuses to concur in finding him guilty, he escapes. This affair -has been a great confirmation in my mind of the innate strength of the -form of our government. He had probably induced near a thousand men to -engage with him, by making them believe the government connived at it. A -proclamation alone, by undeceiving them, so completely disarmed him, that -he had not above thirty men left, ready to go all lengths with him. The -first enterprise was to have been the seizure of New Orleans, which he -supposed would powerfully bridle the country above, and place him at the -door of Mexico. It has given me infinite satisfaction that not a single -native Creole of Louisiana, and but one American, settled there before -the delivery of the country to us, were in his interest. His partisans -there were made up of fugitives from justice, or from their debts, who had -flocked there from other parts of the United States, after the delivery -of the country, and of adventurers and speculators of all descriptions. -I thank you for the volume of Memoirs you have sent me, and I will -immediately deliver that for the Phil. Society. I feel a great interest in -the publication of Turfot's works, but quite as much in your return here. -Your Eleutherian son is very valuable to us, and will daily become more -so. I hope there will be a reaction of good offices on him. We have heard -of a great improvement in France of the furnace for heating cannon-balls, -but we can get no description of it. - -I salute you with sincere affection, and add assurances of the highest -respect. - - -TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. - - WASHINGTON, July 14, 1807. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,--I received last night your letters of February the -20th and April 29th, and a vessel just sailing from Baltimore enables me -hastily to acknowledge them; to assure you of the welcome with which I -receive whatever comes from you, and the continuance of my affectionate -esteem for yourself and family. I learn with much concern, indeed, the -state of Madame de La Fayette's health. I hope I have the pleasure yet to -come of learning its entire re-establishment. She is too young not to give -great confidence to that hope. - -Measuring happiness by the American scale, and sincerely wishing that -of yourself and family, we had been anxious to see them established this -side of the great water. But I am not certain that any equivalent can be -found for the loss of that species of society, to which our habits have -been formed from infancy. Certainly, had you been, as I wished, at the -head of the government of Orleans, Burr would never have given me one -moment's uneasiness. His conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious -of which history will ever furnish an example. He meant to separate the -western States from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their -head, establish what he would deem an energetic government, and thus -provide an example and an instrument for the subversion of our freedom. -The man who could expect to effect this, with American materials, must be -a fit subject for Bedlam. The seriousness of the crime, however, demands -more serious punishment. Yet, although there is not a man in the United -States who doubts his guilt, such are the jealous provisions of our laws -in favor of the accused against the accuser, that I question if he is -convicted. Out of forty-eight jurors to be summoned, he is to select the -twelve who are to try him, and if there be any one who will not concur -in finding him guilty, he is discharged of course. I am sorry to tell -you that Bollman was Burr's right hand man in all his guilty schemes. On -being brought to prison here, he communicated to Mr. Madison and myself -the whole of the plans, always, however, apologetically for Burr, as far -as they would bear. But his subsequent tergiversations have proved him -conspicuously base. I gave him a pardon, however, which covers him from -everything but infamy. I was the more astonished at his engaging in this -business, from the peculiar motives he should have felt for fidelity. When -I came into the government, I sought him out on account of the services -he had rendered you, cherished him, offered him two different appointments -of value, which, after keeping them long under consideration, he declined -for commercial views, and would have given him anything for which he -was fit. Be assured he is unworthy of ever occupying again the care of -any honest man. Nothing has ever so strongly proved the innate force of -our form of government, as this conspiracy. Burr had probably engaged -one thousand men to follow his fortunes, without letting them know his -projects, otherwise than by assuring them the government approved of them. -The moment a proclamation was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself -left with about thirty desperadoes only. The people rose in mass wherever -he was, or was suspected to be, and by their own energy the thing was -crushed in one instant, without its having been necessary to employ a man -of the military but to take care of their respective stations. His first -enterprise was to have been to seize New Orleans, which he supposed would -powerfully bridle the upper country, and place him at the door of Mexico. -It is with pleasure I inform you that not a single native Creole, and but -one American of those settled there before we received the place, took -any part with him. His partisans were the new emigrants from the United -States and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or debt, and adventurers and -speculators of all descriptions. - -I enclose you a proclamation, which will show you the critical footing -on which we stand at present with England. Never, since the battle of -Lexington, have I seen this country in such a state of exasperation as at -present. And even that did not produce such unanimity. The federalists -themselves coalesce with us as to the object, although they will return -to their old trade of condemning every step we take towards obtaining -it. "Reparation for the past, and security for the future," is our -motto. Whether these will be yielded freely, or will require resort to -non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. We have actually near two -thousand men in the field, covering the exposed parts of the coast, and -cutting off supplies from the British vessels. - -I am afraid I have been very unsuccessful in my endeavors to serve Madame -de Tessé in her taste for planting. A box of seeds, &c., which I sent -her in the close of 1805, was carried with the vessel into England, and -discharged so late that I fear she lost their benefit for that season. -Another box, which I prepared in the autumn of 1806, has, I fear, been -equally delayed from other accidents. However, I will persevere in my -endeavors. - -Present me respectfully to her, M. de Tessé, Madam de La Fayette and your -family, and accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant -esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 16, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 10th has been received, and I note what -is said on the provision which ought to be made by us, for the militia -in the field. An arrangement by the Secretary at War to meet certain -other persons at New York, to concert a plan of defence for that city, -has occasioned necessarily his temporary absence from this place, and -there is no person sufficiently informed to take the necessary measures -until his return, which will be on Tuesday or Wednesday next. I hope -no great inconvenience may be experienced if it lies till then. It has -been suggested to me that if the British vessels should be disposed to -leave our waters, they might not be able to do it without some supplies, -especially of water; and it is asked whether supplies to carry them away -may be admitted? It has been answered that, on their giving assurance of -immediate departure from our waters, they may have the supplies necessary -to carry them to Halifax or the West Indies. I must pray you to instruct -Gen. Matthews to permit it, if he be applied to. But it is best that -nothing be said on this subject until an application is actually made by -them. Their retirement would prevent the necessity of a resort to force, -and give us time to get in our ships, our property, and our seamen, now -under the grasp of our adversary; probably not less than 20,000 of the -latter are now exposed on the ocean, whose loss would cripple us in the -outset more than the loss of several battles. However pleasing the ardor -of our countrymen, as a pledge of their support, if war is to ensue, as is -very possible, we, to whom they trust for conducting their affairs to the -best advantage, should take care that it be not precipitated, while every -day is restoring to us our best means for carrying it on. I salute you -with friendship and respect. - - -TO MADAME DE STAEL DE HOLSTEIN. - - WASHINGTON, July 16, 1807. - -I have received, madam, the letter which you have done me the favor to -write from Paris on the 24th of April, and M. le Ray de Chaumont informs -me that the book you were so kind as to confide to him, not having reached -Nantes when he sailed, will come by the first vessel from that port to -this country. I shall read with great pleasure whatever comes from your -pen, having known its powers when I was in a situation to judge, nearer at -hand, the talents which directed it. - -Since then, madam, wonderful are the scenes which have passed! Whether -for the happiness of posterity, must be left to their judgment. Even of -their effect on those now living, we, at this distance, undertake not to -decide. Unmeddling with the affairs of other nations, we presume not to -prescribe or censure their course. Happy, could we be permitted to pursue -our own in peace, and to employ all our means in improving the condition -of our citizens. Whether this will be permitted, is more doubtful now than -at any preceding time. We have borne patiently a great deal of wrong, on -the consideration that if nations go to war for every degree of injury, -there would never be peace on earth. But when patience has begotten false -estimates of its motives, when wrongs are pressed because it is believed -they will be borne, resistance becomes morality. - -The grandson of Mr. Neckar cannot fail of a hearty welcome in a country -which so much respected him. To myself, who loved the virtues and honored -the great talents of the grandfather, the attentions I received in his -natal house, and particular esteem for yourself, are additional titles -to whatever service I can render him. In our cities he will find distant -imitations of the cities of Europe. But if he wishes to know the nation, -its occupations, manners, and principles, they reside not in the cities; -he must travel through the country, accept the hospitalities of the -country gentlemen, and visit with them the school of the people. One year -after the present will complete for me the _quadragena stipendia_, and -will place me among those to whose hospitality I recommend the attentions -of your son. He will find a sincere welcome at Monticello, where I shall -then be in the bosom of my family, occupied with my books and my farms, -and enjoying, under the government of a successor, the freedom and -tranquillity I have endeavored to secure for others. - -Accept the homage of my respectful salutations, and assurances of great -esteem and consideration. - - -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. - - WASHINGTON, July 17, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I take the liberty of enclosing to your care some letters to -friends who, whether they are in Paris or not I do not know. If they are -not, I will pray you to procure them a safe delivery. - -You will receive, through the department of State, information of the -critical situation in which we are with England. An outrage not to be -borne has obliged us to fly to arms, and has produced such a state of -exasperation, and that so unanimous, as never has been seen in this -country since the battle of Lexington. We have between two and three -thousand men on the shores of the Chesapeake, patrolling them for the -protection of the country, and for preventing supplies of any kind being -furnished to the British; and the moment our gun-boats are ready we shall -endeavor by force to expel them from our waters. We now send a vessel -to call upon the British government for reparation for the past outrage, -and security for the future, nor will anything be deemed security but a -renunciation of the practice of taking persons out of our vessels, under -the pretence of their being English. Congress will be called some time in -October, by which time we may have an answer from England. In the meantime -we are preparing for a state of things which will take that course, -which either the pride or the justice of England shall give it. This will -occasion a modification of your instructions, as you will learn from the -Secretary of State. England will immediately seize on the Floridas as a -point d'appui to annoy us. What are we to do in that case? I think she -will find that there is no nation on the globe which can gall her so much -as we can. I salute you with great affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, July 17, 1807. - -MY DEAR SIR,--I have this moment received certain information that the -British vessels have retired from Hampton Road. Whether they will only -join their companions in the bay, and remain there or go off, is yet to -be seen. It gives me real pain to believe that circumstances still require -your presence here. I have had a consultation this day with our colleagues -on that subject, and we have all but one opinion on that point. Indeed, -if I regarded yourself alone, I should deem it necessary to satisfy -public opinion, that you should not be out of place at such a moment. -The arrangements for the militia, now much called for, can be properly -made only by yourself. Several other details are also at a stand. I shall -therefore hope to see you in a very few days. An important question will -be to be decided on the arrival of Decatur here, about this day se'nnight, -whether, as the retirement of the British ships from Hampton Road enables -us to get our sixteen gun-boats together, we shall authorize them to use -actual force against the British vessels. Present to Mrs. Dearborne, and -accept yourself, my affectionate and respectful salutations. - - -TO JOHN PAGE. - - WASHINGTON, July 17, 1807. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,--Yours of the 11th is received. In appointments to public -offices of mere profit, I have ever considered faithful service in either -our first or second revolution as giving preference of claim, and that -appointments on that principle would gratify the public, and strengthen -that confidence so necessary to enable the executive to direct the -whole public force to the best advantage of the nation. Of Mr. Bolling -Robertson's talents and integrity I have long been apprized, and would -gladly use them where talents and integrity are wanting. I had thought -of him for the vacant place of secretary of the Orleans territory, but -supposing the salary of two thousand dollars not more than he makes by -his profession, and while remaining with his friends, I have, in despair, -not proposed it to him. If he would accept it, I should name him instantly -with the greatest satisfaction. Perhaps you could inform me on this point. - -With respect to Major Gibbons, I do indeed recollect, that in some casual -conversation, it was said, that the most conspicuous accomplices of Burr -were at home at his house; but it made so little impression on me, that -neither the occasion nor the person is now recollected. On this subject, -I have often expressed the principles on which I act, with a wish they -might be understood by the federalists in office. I have never removed -a man merely because he was a federalist: I have never wished them to -give a vote at an election, but according to their own wishes. But as -no government could discharge its duties to the best advantage of its -citizens, if its agents were in a regular course of thwarting instead of -executing all its measures, and were employing the patronage and influence -of their offices against the government and its measures, I have only -requested they would be quiet, and they should be safe; that if their -conscience urges them to take an active and zealous part in opposition, -it ought also to urge them to retire from a post which they could not -conscientiously conduct with fidelity to the trust reposed in them; and -on failure to retire, I have removed them; that is to say, those who -maintained an active and zealous opposition to the government. Nothing -which I have yet heard of Major Gibbons places him in danger from these -principles. - -I am much pleased with the ardor displayed by our countrymen on the late -British outrage. It gives us the more confidence of support in the demand -of _reparation_ for the past, and _security_ for the future, that is to -say, an end of impressments. If motives of either justice or interest -should produce this from Great Britain, it will save a war; but if they -are refused, we shall have gained time for getting in our ships and -property, and at least twenty thousand seamen now afloat on the ocean, -and who may man two hundred and fifty privateers. The loss of these to us -would be worth to Great Britain many victories of the Nile and Trafalgar. -The meantime may also be importantly employed in preparations to enable us -to give quick and deep blows. - -Present to Mrs. Page, and receive yourself my affectionate and respectful -salutations. - - -TO BENJAMIN MORGAN, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, July 18, 1807. - -SIR,--We learn through the channel of the newspapers that Governor -Claiborne having engaged in a duel, has been dangerously wounded, and the -Secretary having resigned his office, the territory will in that event -be left without any executive head. It is not in my power immediately to -make provision for this unfortunate and extraordinary state to which the -territory may thus have been reduced, otherwise than by beseeching you to -undertake the office of Secretary for a short time, until I can fill up -the appointment. I well know that immersed in other business, as you are, -this will greatly embarrass you; but I will not desire you to do anything -more than absolute necessity shall require, and even from that you shall -be shortly relieved by the appointment of a successor. This request is -made in the event of Governor Claiborne's wound having proved mortal. If -he is alive, the commission need not be used. I shall be anxious to hear -from you. In the meantime accept my friendly and respectful salutations. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 19, 1807. - -SIR,--Your letter of the 15th was received yesterday, and the opinion you -have given to General Matthews against allowing any intercourse between -the British Consul and the ships of his nation remaining in our waters, -in defiance of our authority, is entirely approved. Certainly while they -are conducting themselves as enemies _de facto_, intercourse should be -permitted only as between enemies, by flags under the permission of the -commanding officers, and with their passports. My letter of the 16th -mentioned a case in which a communication from the British officers should -be received if offered. A day or two ago, we permitted a parent to go on -board the Bellone with letters from the British minister, to demand a son -impressed; and others equally necessary will occur, but they should be -under the permission of some officer having command in the vicinity. - -With respect to the disbanding some portion of the troops, although I -consider Norfolk as rendered safe by the batteries, the two frigates, -the eight gun-boats present, and nine others and a bomb-vessel which will -be there immediately, and consequently that a considerable proportion of -the militia may be spared, yet I will pray you to let that question lie a -few days, as in the course of this week we shall be better able to decide -it. I am anxious for their discharge the first moment it can be done with -safety, because I know the dangers to which their health will be exposed -in that quarter in the season now commencing. By a letter of the 14th -from Col. Tatham, stationed at the vicinities of Lynhaven Bay to give us -daily information of what passes, I learn that the British officers and -men often go ashore there, that on the day preceding, 100 had been at the -pleasure-house in quest of fresh provisions and water, that negroes had -begun to go off to them. As long as they remain there, we shall find it -necessary to keep patroles of militia in the neighborhood sufficiently -strong to prevent them from taking or receiving supplies. I presume it -would be thought best to assign the tour for the three months to come, to -those particular corps who being habituated to the climate of that part -of the country, will be least likely to suffer in their health; at the end -of which time others from other parts of the country may relieve them, if -still necessary. In the meantime our gun-boats may all be in readiness, -and some preparations may be made on the shore, which may render their -remaining with us not eligible to themselves. These things are suggested -merely for consideration for the present, as by the close of the week -I shall be able to advise you of the measures ultimately decided on. I -salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO WILLIAM DUANE. - - WASHINGTON, July 20, 1807. - -SIR,--Although I cannot always acknowledge the receipt of communications, -yet I merit their continuance by making all the use of them of which -they are susceptible. Some of your suggestions had occurred, and others -will be considered. The time is coming when our friends must enable us -to hear everything, and expect us to say nothing; when we shall need all -their confidence that everything is doing which can be done, and when -our greatest praise shall be, that we _appear_ to be doing nothing. The -law for detaching one hundred thousand militia, and the appropriation -for it, and that for fortifications, enable us to do everything for -land service, as well as if Congress were here; and as to naval matters, -their opinion is known. The course we have pursued, has gained for our -merchants a precious interval to call in their property and our seamen, -and the postponing the summons of Congress will aid in avoiding to give -too quick an alarm to the adversary. They will be called, however, in good -time. Although we demand of England what is merely of right, reparation -for the past, security for the future, yet as their pride will possibly, -nay probably, prevent their yielding them to the extent we shall require, -my opinion is, that the public mind, which I believe is made up for war, -should maintain itself at that point. They have often enough, God knows, -given us cause of war before; but it has been on points which would not -have united the nation. But now they have touched a chord which vibrates -in every heart. Now then is the time to settle the old and the new. - -I have often wished for an occasion of saying a word to you on the subject -of the Emperor of Russia, of whose character and value to us, I suspect -you are not apprized correctly. A more virtuous man, I believe, does -not exist, nor one who is more enthusiastically devoted to better the -condition of mankind. He will probably, one day, fall a victim to it, -as a monarch of that principle does not suit a Russian noblesse. He is -not of the very first order of understanding, but he is of a high one. -He has taken a peculiar affection to this country and its government, -of which he has given me public as well as personal proofs. Our nation -being, like his, habitually neutral, our interests as to neutral rights, -and our sentiments agree. And whenever conferences for peace shall take -place, we are assured of a friend in him. In fact, although in questions -of restitution he will be with England, in those of neutral rights he will -be with Bonaparte and with every other power in the world, except England; -and I do presume that England will never have peace until she subscribes -to a just code of marine law. I have gone into this subject, because I -am confident that Russia (while her present monarch lives) is the most -cordially friendly to us of any power on earth, will go furthest to serve -us, and is most worthy of conciliation. And although the source of this -information must be a matter of confidence with you, yet it is desirable -that the sentiments should become those of the nation. I salute you with -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GAINES. - - WASHINGTON, July 23, 1807. - -Thomas Jefferson has re-examined the complaints in the memorial from -Tombigbee, and Mr. Gaines' explanation. The complaints are: - -1. That Mr. Gaines stopped a vessel having a legal permit. - -2. That he arrested Col. Burr militarily. - -3. That Mr. Small gave evidence against Col. Burr. - -4. That he, Mr. Small, refused a passport to a Mr. Feu. - -5. That he levies duties on Indian goods. - -6. That the people of that settlement have not the free use of the Mobile. - -2. That the arrest of Col. Burr was military has been disproved; but had -it been so, every honest man and good citizen is bound, by any means in -his power, to arrest the author of projects so daring and dangerous. - -3. This complaint, as well as the preceding one, would imply a partiality -for Col. Burr, of which he hopes the petitioners were not guilty. - -5. The levy of duty on Indian goods is required by the laws of Congress. - -6. There has been a constant hope of obtaining the navigation by -negotiation, and no endeavors has been spared. Congress has not thought it -expedient as yet to plunge the nation into a war against Spain and France, -or to obtain an exemption from the duty levied on the use of that river. - -1. On the subject of the first complaint, Mr. Gaines was giving a verbal -explanation, which Thomas Jefferson asks the favor of him to repeat. - -4. On this subject, also, he asks any information Mr. Gaines can give; -for though it is a matter of discretion, it should be exercised without -partiality or passion. He salutes Mr. Gaines with esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 24, 1807. - -SIR,--Yours of the 20th has been duly received. The relation in which -we stand with the British naval force within our waters is so new, that -differences of opinion are not to be wondered at respecting the captives, -who are the subject of your letter. Are they insurgents against the -authority of the laws? Are they public enemies, acting under the orders of -their sovereign? or will it be more correct to take their character from -the act of Congress for the preservation of peace in our harbors, which -authorizes a qualified war against persons of their demeanor, defining its -objects, and limiting its extent? Considering this act as constituting -the state of things between us and them, the captives may certainly be -held as prisoners of war. If we restore them it will be an act of favor, -and not of any right they can urge. Whether Great Britain will give us -that reparation for the past and security for the future, which we have -categorically demanded, cannot as yet be foreseen; but we have believed -we should afford an opportunity of doing it, as well from justice and the -usage of nations, as a respect to the opinion of an impartial world, whose -approbation and esteem are always of value. This measure was requisite, -also, to produce unanimity among ourselves; for however those nearest -the scenes of aggression and irritation may have been kindled into a -desire for war at short hand, the more distant parts of the Union have -generally rallied to the point of previous demand of satisfaction and -war, if denied. It was necessary, too, for our own interests afloat on -the ocean, and under the grasp of our adversary; and, added to all this, -Great Britain was ready armed and on our lines, while we were taken by -surprise, in all the confidence of a state of peace, and needing time to -get our means into activity. These considerations render it still useful -that we should avoid every act which may precipitate immediate and general -war, or in any way shorten the interval so necessary for our own purposes; -and they render it advisable that the captives, in the present instance, -should be permitted to return, with their boat, arms, &c., to their ships. -Whether we shall do this a second, a third, or a fourth time, must still -depend on circumstances. But it is by no means intended to retire from -the ground taken in the proclamation. That is to be strictly adhered to. -And we wish the military to understand that while, for special reasons, -we restore the captives in this first instance, we applaud the vigilance -and activity which, by taking them, have frustrated the object of their -enterprise, and urge a continuance of them, to intercept all intercourse -with the vessels, their officers and crews, and to prevent them from -taking or receiving supplies of any kind; and for this purpose, should the -use of force be necessary, they are unequivocally to understand that force -is to be employed without reserve or hesitation. I salute you with great -esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 27, 1807. - -SIR,--The Secretary at War having returned from New York, we have -immediately taken up the question respecting the discharge of the militia, -which was the subject of your two last letters, and which I had wished -might remain undecided a few days. From what we have learnt of the conduct -of the British squadron in the Chesapeake, since they have retired from -Hampton Roads, we suppose that, until orders from England, they do not -contemplate any further acts of hostility, other than those they are -daily exercising, by remaining in our waters in defiance of the national -authority, and bringing to vessels within our jurisdiction. Were they even -disposed to make an attempt on Norfolk, it is believed to be sufficiently -secured by the two frigates Cybele and Chesapeake, by the twelve gun-boats -now there, and four more from Matthews county expected,--by the works -of Fort Nelson; to all of which we would wish a company of artillery, of -the militia of the place, to be retained and trained, putting into their -hands the guns used at Fort Norfolk and Cape Henry, to cut off from these -vessels all supplies, according to the injunctions of the proclamation, -and to give immediate notice to Norfolk should any symptoms of danger -appear,--to oppose which the militia of the borough and the neighboring -counties should be warned to be in constant readiness to march at a -moment's warning. Considering these provisions as quite sufficient for the -safety of Norfolk, we are of opinion that it will be better immediately -to discharge the body of militia now in service, both on that and the -other side of James river. This is rendered expedient, not only that we -may husband from the beginning those resources which will probably be -put to a long trial, but from a regard to the health of those in service, -which cannot fail to be greatly endangered during the sickly season now -commencing, and the discouragement, which would thence arise, to that -ardor of public spirit now prevailing. As to the details necessary on -winding up this service, the Secretary at War will write fully, as he -will, also, relative to the force retained in service, and whatever may -hereafter concern them or their operations, which he possesses so much -more familiarly than I do, and have been gone into by myself immediately, -only on account of his absence on another service. - -The diseases of the season incident to most situations on the tide-waters, -now beginning to show themselves here, and to threaten some of our -members, together with the probability of a uniform course of things in -the Chesapeake, induce us to prepare for leaving this place during the -two sickly months, as well for the purposes of health as to bestow some -little attention to our private affairs, which is necessary at some time -of every year. Our respective stations will be fixed and known, so that -everything will find us at them, with the same certainty as if we were -here; and such measures of intercourse will be established as that the -public business will be carried on at them, with all the regularity and -dispatch necessary. The present arrangements of the post office admit an -interchange of letters between Richmond and Monticello twice a week, if -necessary, and I propose that a third shall be established during the two -ensuing months, of which you shall be informed. My present expectation -is to leave this place for Monticello, about the close of this or the -beginning of the next week. The Secretary at War will continue in this -neighborhood until we shall further see that the course of things in the -Chesapeake will admit of his taking some respite. I salute you with great -esteem and respect. - - -TO COLONEL TATHAM. - - WASHINGTON, July 28, 1807. - -SIR,--Your several letters from the 10th to the 23d, inclusive, have been -duly received, and have served to regulate our belief of the state of -things in Lynhaven, amidst the variety of uncertain reports which were -afloat. In mine of the 6th, I mentioned that it would be necessary for -me to ask the continuance of this service from you only until I could -ascertain the course the squadron of Commodore Douglass meant to pursue. -We are now tolerably satisfied as to that course. From everything we -have seen, we conclude that it is not their intention to go into a state -of general war, or to commit further hostilities than remaining in our -waters in defiance, and bring-to vessels within them, until they get -their orders from England. We have therefore determined to keep up only a -troop of cavalry for patrolling the coast opposite them, and preventing -their getting supplies, and the naval and artillery force, now in -Norfolk, for its defence. In this state of things, and in consideration -of the unhealthy season now approaching at this as other places on the -tide-waters, and which we have always retired from about this time, the -members of the administration, as well as myself, shall leave this place -in three or four days, not to return till the sickly term is over, unless -something extraordinary should re-assemble us. It is therefore unnecessary -for me to ask any longer the continuance of your labors. You will be so -good as to make the proper disposition of whatever articles you may have -found it necessary to procure on public account, to make up the accounts -for your services according to the principles stated in my letter of the -6th, and to send them either to myself for the Navy department, or to -the head of that department directly. They would find me at Monticello. -With my thanks for the diligence with which you have executed this trust, -accept my salutations and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO GENERAL SMITH. - - WASHINGTON, July 30, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I kept up your letter of the 23d till the return of General -Dearborne enabled us to give to the question of lending arms, a serious -consideration. We find that both law and expediency draw a line for -our guide. In general, our magazines are open for troops, militia, or -others, when they take the field for actual service. Besides this, a law -has expressly permitted loans for training volunteers who have engaged -themselves for immediate service. The inference is, that we are not to -lend to any others. And indeed, were we to lend for training the militia, -our whole stock would not suffice, and not an arm would be left for real -service. You are sensible, I am sure, that however desirous we might be of -gratifying the particular request you have made, yet as what we do for one -we must do for another, we could not afterwords stop. - -Of the measures suggested in your preceding letter, one only did not -exactly meet our ideas. We thought it better not to convene Congress -till the 26th of October. Within a fortnight after that we may expect our -vessel with the answer of England. Until that arrives there would be no -ground sufficiently certain for Congress to act on. In the meanwhile we -are making every preparation which could be made were they in session. -The detachment act and its appropriation authorizes this. Congress -could not declare war without a demand of satisfaction, nor should they -lay an embargo while we have so much under the grasp of our adversary. -They might, indeed, authorize the building more gun-boats; but having -so lately negatived that proposition, it would not be respectful in me -even to suggest it again, much less to make it the ground of convening -them. If they should change their minds, and authorize the building more, -(and indeed I think two hundred more, at least, are necessary, in aid of -other works, to secure our harbors,) the winter will suffice for building -them, and the winter will also enable us to do much towards batteries and -fortifications, if the appropriation be made early. We find that we cannot -man our gun-boats now at Norfolk. I think it will be necessary to erect -our sea-faring men into a naval militia, and subject them to tours of duty -in whatever port they may be. - -We have been for some time under dread from the bilious season, -now commencing. Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin have had symptoms of -indisposition. We have nearly everything so arranged as that we can carry -on the public affairs at our separate stations. I shall therefore leave -this on the 1st of August, for that and the ensuing month. We shall avoid, -as far as we honorably can, every act which would precipitate general -hostilities, and shorten the interval so necessary for our merchants -to get in their property and our seamen. Accept my salutations, and -assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE MASTERS OF VESSELS IN THE PORT OF CHARLESTON, S. C. - - WASHINGTON, July 30, 1807. - -The offer of your professional services in any way most useful to your -country, merits and meets the highest praise. Should the outrages lately -committed by the agents of a foreign power, in the Chesapeake and its -neighborhood, extend themselves to your port, your services will be -valuable towards its security; and if a general appeal is to be made to -the public arm for the support of our rights, the spirit from which your -offer flows, that which animates our nation, will, I trust, be their -sufficient safeguard. - -I tender for your country the thanks you so justly deserve. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, July 31, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I shall to-morrow set out for Monticello. Considering the -critical state of things, it has been thought better, during my stay -there, to establish a _daily_ conveyance of a mail from Fredericksburg to -Monticello. This enables me to hear both from the north and south every -day. Should you have occasion then to communicate with me, your letters -can come to me daily by being put into the Fredericksburg mail, every day -except that on which the mail stage leaves Richmond for Milton, by which -letters of that day will come to me directly. - -The course which things are likely to hold for some time has induced me to -discontinue the establishment at Lynhaven for obtaining daily information -of the movements of the squadron in that neighborhood. But still as it -is expected that a troop of cavalry will patrole that coast constantly, -I think it would be advisable if your Excellency would be so good as to -instruct the commanding officer of the troop to inform you daily of the -occurrences of the day, sending off his letter in time to get to Norfolk -before the post hour. This letter, after perusal for your own information, -I would ask the favor of you to forward by the post of the day, under -cover to me. I think a post comes one day from Norfolk by the way of -Petersburg, and the next by the way of Hampton. If so, the letters may -come every day. I salute you with great and sincere esteem and respect. - - -TO COLONEL JOHN TAYLOR. - - WASHINGTON, August 1, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received two days ago your letter recommendatory of Mr. -Woodford. I knew his father well, and can readily believe that his merits -are descended on the son, and especially after what you say of him. If we -could always have as good grounds to go upon, it would greatly relieve the -terrible business of nominations. But lest you should not have attended to -it, I have taken up my pen in the moment of setting out for Monticello, -to remind you that whether we receive the militia or volunteers from the -States, the appointment of officers will be with them. There therefore -should be Mr. Woodford's application. Should we have war with England, -regular troops will be necessary; and though in the first moments of the -outrage on the Chesapeake I did not suppose it was by authority from their -government, I now more and more suspect it, and of course, that they will -not give the reparation for the past and security for the future, which -alone may prevent war. The new depredations committing on us, with this -attack on the Chesapeake, and their calling on Portugal to declare on -the one side or the other, if true, prove they have coolly calculated it -will be to their benefit to have everything on the ocean fair prize, and -to support their navy by plundering all mankind. This is the doctrine of -"war in disguise," and I expect they are going to adopt it. It is really -mortifying that we should be forced to wish success to Bonaparte, and -to look to his victories as our salvation. We expect the return of the -Revenge the second week in November, with their answer, or no answer, -which will enable Congress to take their course. In the meantime, we will -have everything as ready as possible for any course they may prefer. I -salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, August 7, 1807. - -I dare say that Purcell's map must be of value, and it would be well if -his representatives would publish it, but whether worth your purchase, and -at what price, General Wilkinson might perhaps satisfy you. I shall write -to Marentille that if you think it worth while to give him fifty thousand -dollars for his project, you will inform him. In the contrary case, it -may be put away in your pigeon hole of projects. Governor Cabell, after -informing me of the orders for the discharge of the militia, except a -company of artillery, and one of cavalry, as we directed, adds: "I have, -however, in pursuance of the advice of council, done what your letter -did not expressly authorize. But when I state to you the reasons which -influenced the measure, I hope you will approve it. You relied entirely on -the troop of horse for cutting off the supplies. But we have received the -most satisfactory information of the insufficiency of cavalry to perform -that service, in consequence of the particular nature of the country in -which they have to act. It is covered with sandbanks and hills, which, -in many places (where supplies are most easily procured), render cavalry -incapable of action. So severe has this service been, that it has already -almost knocked up as fine a battalion of cavalry as any in the United -States, perhaps as any in the world. Influenced by these considerations, -which we believe had not presented themselves to your mind, because you -had not received the necessary information as to facts, the executive have -called into service a company of infantry from the county of Princess -Anne, to co-operate with the cavalry in cutting off the supplies. Since -giving these orders, I understand that General Mathews has anticipated -us by calling into actual service the very force we contemplated." Our -object was certainly to prevent supplies, and if the means we thought of -are not adequate, we should, had we known all circumstances, have provided -what would have been effectual; for I think the point of honor requires -we should enforce the proclamation in those points in which we have -force sufficient. I shall await your opinion, however, before I answer -the Governor's letter. Information as late as August 3d, shows that the -squadron was quiet in and near the Bay, and General Thomas Hardy, to whom -Tazewell delivered the five men, declared to him that his objection to -intercourse by flag, was that the two nations were not in a state of war, -which alone required it. He said he expected Barclay, or General Robert -Lowrie, in a week to take the command. I salute you with sincere affection -and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, August 7, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters of July 31st and August 5th were received -yesterday. The ground taken in conformity with the Act of Congress, of -considering as public enemies British armed vessels in or entering our -waters, gives us the benefit of a system of rules, sanctioned by the -practice of nations in a state of war, and consequently enabling us -with certainty and satisfaction to solve the different cases which may -occur in the present state of things. With these rules most officers are -acquainted, and especially those old enough to have borne a part in the -revolutionary war. - -1. As to the enemy within our waters, intercourse, according to the -usages of war, can only be by flag; and the ceremonies respecting that are -usually a matter of arrangement between the adverse officers commanding in -the neighborhood of each other. If no arrangement is agreed on, still the -right of sending a flag is inherent in each party, whose discretion will -direct him to address it to the proper adverse authority; as otherwise -it would be subject to delay or rejection. Letters addressed by flag -to persons in authority with the adverse power, may be sent sealed, and -should be delivered. But, if to others, or to their own friends happening -to be within the limits of the adversary, they must be open. If innocent -in the judgment of the receiving officer, courtesy requires their -delivery; if otherwise, they may be destroyed or returned by him; but in -a case of only suspended amity, as ours, they should be returned. Letters -sent from the interdicted vessels to their consul in Norfolk must be open; -and the propriety of delivering them judged of by our officer, tempering -his judgment however with liberality and urbanity. Those to their minister -plenipotentiary here, sealed or unsealed, should be sent to the Secretary -of State without any delay. As to the demand of fugitive slaves, it was -the custom during the late war, for the owner to apply to our commander -for a flag, and to go himself with that, to exhibit his claim and receive -the fugitive. And with respect to Americans detained on board their ships, -the application should be still, as heretofore, made through the Secretary -of State, to whose proper documents are to be furnished. But without -waiting for his application, the British officer, knowing them to be -Americans and freemen, cannot but feel it a duty to restore them to their -liberty on their own demand. - -2. As to the residue of the British nation, with whom we are as yet in -peace, their persons and vessels, unarmed, are free to come into our -country without question or molestation. And even armed vessels, in -distress, or charged, under due authority, with despatches addressed to -the government of the United States, or its authorized agents, are, by -a proviso in the proclamation, to be received. This exception was meant -to cover the British packets coming to New York, which are generally -armed, as well as to keep open, through other channels, the communication -between the governments. Such a vessel as the Columbine needs no flag, -because she is not included in the interdict. Her repairs and supplies -are to be regulated by the collector of the port, who may permit them -liberally (if no abuse be justly suspected) so far as wanted to carry her -back to the port from whence she came. The articles of intercourse, stay -and departure, are to be specially superintended by such person as the -government shall authorize and instruct. - -I have thus far, in compliance with your request, stated the practice -of nations so generally as to meet the cases which may arise in the -neighborhood of Norfolk. In doing this, I may, in some cases, have -mistaken the practice. Where I have done so, I mean that my opinion shall -be subject to correction from that practice. On determining that the -militia should be disbanded, except so small a portion as would require -only a major to command, we concluded that so long as Captain Decatur -should remain in his present station, he should be the officer to receive, -authorize and regulate intercourse by flag, with the British squadron in -the Chesapeake. He has accordingly, I expect, received instructions to -that effect, from the Secretary of the Navy, and I shall communicate to -him a copy of this letter to assist him in that duty. - -The Secretary at War, I presume, has written to you on the appointment of -a Major to command the militia retained. In your selection of the officer, -I have no doubt you will be sensible of the importance of naming one of -intelligence and activity, as on him we are to rely for daily information -from that interesting quarter. - -I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR LEWIS. - - MONTICELLO, August 8, 1807. - -SIR,--I have just now received from the Secretary at War, a letter to -him from the Secretary of the territory of Louisiana, requesting him -to tender to the President of the United States the services of the -members of the Military School of the Mine à Burton, as a volunteer -corps, under the late act of Congress authorizing the acceptance of -the services of volunteer corps. As you are now proceeding to take upon -you the government of that territory, I pray you to be the bearer of my -thanks to them for this offer, and to add the pleasure it gives me to -receive further their assurances that they will cordially co-operate in -the restoration of that harmony in the territory, so essential to its -happiness, and so much desired by me. They, as well as all the other -inhabitants of the territory, may rest satisfied that all the authorities -of the general government entertain towards them the most liberal and -paternal dispositions, and wish nothing more ardently than to do for their -happiness whatever these dispositions may dictate. Want of information, or -misinformation, may defeat their first efforts towards this object, but as -they advance in obtaining more correct knowledge of their situation, they -will be able to establish for them in the end such regulations as will -secure their religious, political and civil rights. - -As the direction of the militia will be in your hands, I must request you -to exercise for me the powers given by the act above mentioned, respecting -volunteers, and to arrange them to the best advantage for the prompt -and effectual defence of the territory. I salute you with friendship and -respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of yesterday was received in the course of the day. Our -post-rider has not yet got to be punctual, arriving here from two to four -hours later than he should do, that is to say from 3 to 5 o'clock instead -of 1. I mean to propose to him that being rigorously punctual in his -arrival, I will always discharge him the moment he arrives, instead of -keeping him till 7 o'clock as the postmaster proposes, taking for myself -the forenoon of the succeeding day to answer every mail. I do not exactly -recollect who of the heads of departments were present, (but I think every -one except Mr. Gallatin,) when, conversing on the bungling conduct of our -officers with respect to Erskine's letters, and the more bungling conduct -to be expected when the command should devolve on a militia major, Mr. -Smith proposed that the whole regulation of flags should be confided to -Decatur, which appeared to obtain the immediate assent of all. However, -the remedy is easy, and perhaps more proper on the whole. That is, to -let the commanding officer by land, as well as the one by water, have -equal authority to send and receive flags. I will write accordingly to -Governor Cabell. This is the safer, as I believe T. Newton (of Congress) -is the Major. General Dearborne has sent me a plan of a war establishment -for fifteen thousand regulars for garrisons, and instead of fifteen -thousand others, as a disposable force, to substitute thirty-two thousand -twelve-month volunteers, to be exercised and paid three months in the -year, and consequently the costing no more than eight thousand permanent, -giving us the benefit of thirty-two thousand for any expedition, who would -be themselves nearly equal to regulars, but could on occasion be put into -the garrisons and the regulars employed in the expedition _primâ facie_. I -like it well. I salute you affectionately. - -P. S. The record of the blank commission for Marshal of North Carolina, -sent to Governor Alexander, must be filled up with the name of John S. -West, the former Marshal, who has agreed to continue. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday yours of the 7th, with the proposition -for substituting thirty-two thousand twelve-month volunteers instead of -fifteen thousand regulars as a disposable force, and I like the idea much. -It will of course be a subject of consideration when we all meet again, -but I repeat that I like it greatly. - -On some occasion, a little before I left Washington, when we were together -(all, I think, except Mr. Gallatin, but I am not quite so sure as to -yourself as the others), conversing on the bungling business which had -been made by the officers commanding at Norfolk, with Erskine's letters, -and the more bungling conduct to be expected when the command should -devolve on a militia major, Mr. Smith proposed that the whole business of -flags should be committed to Decatur. This appeared to obtain at once the -general approbation. Thinking it so settled, on lately receiving a letter -from Governor Cabell, asking full and explicit instructions as to the mode -of intercourse, I endeavored to lay down the general rules of intercourse -by flag, as well digested as I could to meet all cases, but concluded -by informing him that that whole business was committed to Decatur. Mr. -Madison now informs me that either not recollecting or not understanding -this to have been the arrangement, instructions have been given to the -officer commanding by land, relative to intercourse, which may produce -collision. The remedy I think is easy, and will on the whole place the -matter on more proper ground. That is, to give to the commanding officers -by land as well as sea, equal authority to send and receive flags. This -is the safer, as I see by the papers that Mr. Newton (of Congress) is the -Major. I shall accordingly write to Governor Cabell to-day to correct the -error, and to inform him that the two commanders stand on an equal footing -in the direction of flags. - -I wrote you yesterday as to the additional company of infantry employed, -and shall await your opinion before I say anything on it to the Governor. -I salute you affectionately. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--In my letter of the 7th I informed you that on consultation -at Washington, it had been concluded best to commit the whole business -of flags to Captain Decatur. I now find that I had not recollected our -conclusion correctly, and that it had been understood that the commanding -officers by land and water, should have equal authority to license the -sending and receiving flags; which is not only proper, but the more -satisfactory, as I learn by the papers that Mr. Newton, of Congress, is -the commanding Major. Will you be so good as to have him furnished with a -copy of my letter, (with a correction of the error,) that he and Captain -Decatur may govern themselves by the same rules. I salute you with great -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. THORNWICK CHASE. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1807. - -SIR,--On receiving tenders of service from various military corps, -I have usually addressed the answer to the officer commanding them. -Observing in the address of the Master Mariners of Baltimore of July -16th, that being probably unorganized, no commanding officer was named, -I considered the first person on the list of subscribers as a kind of -foreman, and therefore addressed my answer to him. I now, with pleasure, -correct, on reflection, that error, by enclosing a duplicate of the -answer to yourself, as the chairman whom they had chosen as the channel -of communication, having nothing more at heart than to prove my respect -for yourself and the Master Mariners of Baltimore. Accept for yourself and -them the assurances of my high consideration. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Soon after my arrival here I received a letter from Governor -Cabell, requesting me to give such instructions for regulating the -intercourse with the British squadron as might enable the officers to act -correctly. I accordingly undertook to digest the rules of practice, as -to flags, as well as I could, and so as to meet all cases, in a letter to -the Governor, a copy of which I now enclose you. Soon after sending it, I -learnt from Mr. Madison that the arrangement at Washington had not been -known or understood to exclude the officer commanding on shore from the -right of communicating by flag, and that some particular orders from the -War office, respecting Mr. Erskine's letter, might produce a collision. I -have therefore written to Governor Cabell, making the correction stated -at the foot of the enclosed letter, which is the safer. As Mr. Newton -(of Congress) is the Major Commandant ashore, you will see by the letter -that I meant to send a copy of it to Captain Decatur, but have thought it -more proper to send it you, with a request to forward it, or a copy, to -him. Mr. Newton receiving also a copy, they will be enabled to act by one -uniform rule. I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 11, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--In mine of the day before yesterday, I informed you that to -comply with a request of Governor Cabell, I had undertaken to lay down -rules of intercourse with the British vessels, at first intended for -Captain Decatur only, but afterwards extended with equal power to the -officer commanding by land, so that each should have equal power to send -and receive flags. I now send you a copy of that letter. Since that I have -received from the Governor a letter, pointing out difficulties occurring -in the execution of the Volunteer act, from the restriction of issuing -commissions until the companies be actually raised, the brigades, &c., -organized. Another difficulty, not mentioned in the letter, embarrassed -him, with respect to accepting more than the quota of each district. I -learnt, through a direct channel, that he was so seriously impressed with -these legal obstacles, that no commissions were likely to be issued, and -then, certainly, that few volunteers would be raised. In answering his -letter, therefore, I have dwelt more on these points than might otherwise -have seemed necessary. I enclose the letter for your consideration, that -if you find no error in it material enough to require a return of it for -correction, you will be so good as to seal and forward it to him without -delay. But if you think anything material in it should be corrected before -it is sent, I will pray you to suggest the alteration, and return me the -letter. I salute you affectionately. - -P. S. Be pleased to return the Governor's letter to me. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, August 11, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 7th is received. It asks my opinion on -several points of law arising out of the act of Congress for accepting -thirty thousand volunteers. Although your own opinion, and those of some -of your counsellors, more recent in the habit of legal investigation, -would be a safer guide for you than mine, unassisted by my ordinary and -able associates, yet I shall frankly venture my individual thoughts on the -subject, and participate with you in any risks of disapprobation to which -an honest desire of furthering the public good may expose us. - -In the construction of a law, even in judiciary cases of _meum et tuum_, -where the opposite parties have a right and counter-right in the very -words of the law, the Judge considers the intention of the law-giver as -his true guide, and gives to all the parts and expressions of the law, -that meaning which will effect, instead of defeating, its intention. -But in laws merely executive, where no private right stands in the way, -and the public object is the interest of all, a much freer scope of -construction, in favor of the intention of the law, ought to be taken, and -ingenuity ever should be exercised in devising constructions, which may -save to the public the benefit of the law. Its intention is the important -thing: the means of attaining it quite subordinate. It often happens -that, the Legislature prescribing details of execution, some circumstance -arises, unforeseen or unattended to by them, which would totally frustrate -their intention, were their details scrupulously adhered to, and deemed -exclusive of all others. But constructions must not be favored which go -to defeat instead of furthering the principal object of their law, and -to sacrifice the end to the means. It being as evidently their intention -that the end shall be attained as that it should be effected by any given -means, if both cannot be observed, we are equally free to deviate from the -one as the other, and more rational in postponing the means to the end. -In the present case, the object of the act of Congress was to relieve the -militia at large from the necessity of leaving their farms and families, -to encounter a service very repugnant to their habits, and to permit -that service to be assumed by others ardently desiring it. Both parties, -therefore, (and they comprehend the whole nation,) would willingly waive -any verbal difficulties, or circumstances of detail, which might thwart -their mutual desires, and would approve all those views of the subject -which facilitate the attainment of their wishes. - -It is further to be considered that the Constitution gives the executive -a general power to carry the laws into execution. If the present law -had enacted that the service of thirty thousand volunteers should be -accepted, without saying anything of the means, those means would, by -the Constitution, have resulted to the discretion of the executive. -So if means specified by an act are impracticable, the constitutional -power remains, and supplies them. Often the means provided specially -are affirmative merely, and, with the constitutional powers, stand well -together; so that either may be used, or the one supplementary to the -other. This aptitude of means to the end of a law is essentially necessary -for those which are executive; otherwise the objection that our government -is an impracticable one, would really be verified. - -With this general view of our duty as executive officers, I proceed to the -questions proposed by you. - -1st. Does not the act of Congress contemplate the association of companies -to be formed before commissions can be issued to the Captains, &c.? - -2d. Can battalion or field-officers be appointed by either the State or -Congressional laws, but to battalions or regiments actually existing? - -3d. The organization of the companies into battalions and regiments -belonging to the President, can the Governor of the State issue -commissions to these officers before that organization is made and -announced to him? - -4th. Ought not the volunteers tendering their services, under the act -of February 24th, 1807, to be accepted by the President before the -commissions can issue? - -Had we no other executive powers but those given in this act, the first, -second, and third questions would present considerable difficulties, -inasmuch as the act of Congress does appear, as you understand it, to -contemplate that the companies are to be associated, and the battalions, -squadrons, regiments, brigades, and divisions organized, before -commissions are to issue. And were we to stop here the law might stop -also; because I verily believe that it will be the zeal and activity -alone of those destined for commands, which will give form and body to -the floating ardor of our countrymen to enter into this service, and bring -their wills to a point of union and effect. We know from experience that -individuals having the same desires are rarely brought into an association -of them, unless urged by some one assuming an agency, and that in military -associations the person of the officer is a material inducement. Whether -our constitutional powers to carry the laws into execution, would not -authorize the issuing a previous commission (as they would, had nothing -been said about commissions in the law), is a question not necessary -now to be decided; because they certainly allow us to do what will be -equally effectual. We may issue instructions or warrants to the persons -destined to be captains, &c., authorizing them to superintend the -association of the companies, and to perform the functions of a captain -&c., until commissions may be regularly issued, when such a commission -will be given to the bearer, or a warrant authorizing the bearer to -superintend the organization of the companies associated in a particular -district, into battalions, squadrons, &c., and otherwise to perform the -functions of a colonel &c., until a commission may regularly issue, when -such a commission will be given to the bearer. This is certainly within -the constitutional powers of the executive, and with such a warrant, I -believe, the person bearing it would act with the same effect as if he had -the commission. - -As to the fourth question, the execution of this law having been -transferred to the State executives, I did consider all the powers -necessary for its execution as delegated from the President to them. -Of this I have been so much persuaded that, to companies offering their -services under this law, I have answered that the power of acceptance was -in the Governor, and have desired them to renew their offer to him. If -the delegation of this power should be expressly made, it is hereby fully -delegated. - -To the preceding I will add one other observation. As we might still -be disappointed in obtaining the whole number of 11,563, were they -apportioned among the several districts, and each restrained to its -precise apportionment (which some might fail to raise), I think it would -better secure the complete object of the law to accept all proper offers, -that the excess of some districts may supply the deficiencies of others. -When the acceptances are all brought together, the surplus, if any, will -be known, and, if not wanted by the United States, may be rejected; and -in doing this, such principles of selection may be adopted as, without -any imputation of partiality, may secure to us the best offers. For -example, first, we may give a preference to all those who will agree to -become regulars, if desired. This is so obviously for the public advantage -that no one could object to it. Second, we may give a preference to -twelve-month volunteers over those for six months; and other circumstances -of selection will of course arise from the face of the offers, such as -distribution, geographical position, proportion of cavalry, riflemen, &c. - -I have thus, without reserve, expressed my ideas on the several doubts -stated in your letters, and I submit them to your consideration. They -will need it the more, as the season and other circumstances occasioning -the members of the administration to be in a state of separation at this -moment, they go without the stamp of their aid and approbation. It is our -consolation and encouragement that we are serving a just public, who will -be indulgent to any error committed honestly, and relating merely to the -means of carrying into effect what they have manifestly willed to be a -law. - -I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you all the papers received in yours of the 9th, -except Morrison's letter on the subject of Alston, which, although -expressed to be confidential, I send to Mr. Hay under that injunction, -merely for his information, should there be other bearings on the same -point. In my conscience, I have no doubt as to his participation. To -your papers I add some others, particularly respecting the defence of -St. Mary's and Beaufort, that you may take them into consideration as a -part of the general subject of defence. I sincerely wish this business -of levying duty on Creek goods could be stopped. We have no right to make -them contribute to the support of our government. The conduct of Captain -Isaac is nettling. But what can we do while we are in the wrong? I wonder -we hear nothing from Hawkins on the subject. I wish Governor Harrison -may be able to have the murder of the Kaskaskian by the Kickapoo settled -in the Indian way. I think it would not be amiss for him to bring over -Decoigne secretly by a douceur, by which he is easily influenced. I think, -too, that if the apprehension of the murderer, Rea, could be effected by -our making up Harrison's reward of three hundred dollars to one thousand, -it would be well laid out. Both the Indians and our own people want some -example of punishment for the murder of an Indian. With respect to the -prophet, if those who are in danger from him would settle it in their -own way, it would be their affair. But we should do nothing towards it. -That kind of policy is not in the character of our government, and still -less of the paternal spirit we wish to show towards that people. But -could not Harrison gain over the prophet, who no doubt is a scoundrel, -and only needs his price? The best conduct we can pursue to countervail -these movements among the Indians, is to confirm our friends by redoubled -acts of justice and favor, and to endeavor to draw over the individuals -indisposed towards us. The operations we contemplate, should there be -occasion for them, would have an imposing effect on their minds, and, if -successful, will indeed put them entirely in our power; if no occasion -arises for carrying these operations into effect, then we shall have -time enough to get the Indian mind to rights. I think it an unlucky time -for Governor Hull to press the purchase of their lands, and hope he will -not press it. That is the only point on which the Indians feel very sore -towards us. If we have war, those lands cannot now be settled; if peace, -any future movement will be more favorable. - -I really believe that matters in the Chesapeake will remain quiet until -further orders from England, and that so soon as you have set all works -of preparation into motion, your visit to your family and affairs may be -safely made. Be so good as to inform me how I am to address letters which -I wish to go to yourself personally during your absence. - -Wishing you a happy meeting with your friends, I salute you with affection -and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 16, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday your two letters without date, on the -subjects now to be answered. I do not see any objection to the appointment -of Mr. Cocke, as agent at Martinique. That of a consul at Mogadore is -on more difficult ground. A consul in Barbary is a diplomatic character; -although the title does not imply that. He receives a salary fixed by the -Legislature; being independent of Simpson, we should have two ministers to -the same sovereign. I should therefore think it better to leave the port -of Mogadore to an agent of Simpson's appointment, and under his control. - -If anything Thrasonic and foolish from Spain could add to my contempt -of that government, it would be the demand of satisfaction now made by -Foronda. However, respect to ourselves requires that the answer should be -decent, and I think it fortunate that this opportunity is given to make a -strong declaration of facts, to wit, how far our knowledge of Miranda's -objects went, what measures we took to prevent anything further, the -negligence of the Spanish agents to give us earlier notice, the measures -we took for punishing those guilty, and our quiet abandonment of those -taken by the Spaniards. But I would not say a word in recrimination as -to the western intrigues of Spain. I think that is the snare intended -by this protest, to make it a set-off for the other. As soon as we have -all the proofs of the western intrigues, let us make a remonstrance and -demand of satisfaction, and, if Congress approves, we may in the same -instant make reprisals on the Floridas, until satisfaction for that -and for spoliations, and until a settlement of boundary. I had rather -have war against Spain than not, if we go to war against England. Our -southern defensive force can take the Floridas, volunteers for a Mexican -army will flock to our standard, and rich pabulum will be offered to our -privateers in the plunder of their commerce and coasts. Probably Cuba -would add itself to our confederation. The paper in answer to Florida -should, I think, be drawn with a view to its being laid before Congress, -and published to the world as our justification against the imputation of -participation in Miranda's projects. - - -TO COLONEL FULTON. - - MONTICELLO, August 16, 1807. - -SIR,--Your letter of July 28th, came to hand just as I was about leaving -Washington, and it has not been sooner in my power to acknowledge it. I -consider your torpedoes as very valuable means of the defence of harbors, -and have no doubt that we should adopt them to a considerable degree. -Not that I go the whole length (as I believe you do) of considering them -as solely to be relied on. Neither a nation nor those entrusted with -its affairs, could be justifiable, however sanguine its expectations, -in trusting solely to an engine not yet sufficiently tried, under all -the circumstances which may occur, and against which we know not as yet -what means of parrying may be devised. If, indeed, the mode of attaching -them to the cable of a ship be the only one proposed, modes of prevention -cannot be difficult. But I have ever looked to the submarine boat as most -to be depended on for attaching them, and though I see no mention of it -in your letter, or your publications, I am in hopes it is not abandoned -as impracticable. I should wish to see a corps of young men trained to -this service. It would belong to the engineers if at hand, but being -nautical, I suppose we must have a corps of naval engineers, to practise -and use them. I do not know whether we have authority to put any part of -our existing naval establishment in a course of training, but it shall -be the subject of a consultation with the Secretary of the Navy. General -Dearborne has informed you of the urgency of our want of you at New -Orleans for the locks there. - -I salute you with great respect and esteem. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, August 17, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favors of the 11th, 12th, and 14th were received -yesterday, being the first day for some days past that the obstruction of -the water-courses has permitted the post to come through. I now return you -the letters of General Matthews and Captain Hardy; I enclose you also two -offers of volunteers from Montgomery and Fauquier counties, because they -are expressly made under the late act of Congress. I have received a great -number of tenders of service at a moment's warning, which, appearing to me -to have relation merely to the repelling invasion in the quarter lately -violated, and not to intend an absolute engagement for twelve months, -I have only accepted generally and vaguely, without relation to the -Volunteer Act. - -Your letter mentioning the calling into service near the Capes, a company -of Infantry, I enclosed to the Secretary at War for his information and -opinion, and received his answer yesterday. Your observations satisfy -him that Infantry alone can be effectual in that station, and induce him -to think that the company of Infantry should be a substitute for that of -Cavalry, and that the latter should be discharged. To the weight of his -opinion and advice, as the head of the department, is added the apparent -fact that the British squadron means to be quiet till orders from England, -an intention much strengthened by the complexion of Captain Hardy's -letter now returned. The duty therefore of husbanding our resources for -the moment of real want, requires that I should approve his opinion, and -recommend the discharge of the troop of Cavalry. The company of Infantry -will be as vigilant as they can to cut off supplies from the squadron, -according to the proclamation; and it is proper that a daily express -from the station of the company to the Norfolk Post Office should be -established under your Excellency's direction. I salute you with great -esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 18, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 14th and 15th were received yesterday. The -former is now returned. I shall, in answer to Mr. Nicholas, say that we -cannot lend arms but to volunteers training for immediate service, and -that as to a deposit in his neighborhood, we shall in due time take up -that subject generally, when just attention will be paid to that section -of our country. Our separation at this time having been agreed on, I -supposed it equally settled as to yourself that you also would take a -recess as soon as the affairs of your office would permit; and that no -further approbation on my part could be wanting. However, if it were, I -hope you considered my letter of the 12th as expressing it fully, so as -not to permit yourself to be detained for anything further. Wishing you -a pleasant journey and happy meeting with your family, I salute you with -affection. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 18, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you the papers received yesterday. Mr. Erskine -complains of a want of communication between the British armed vessels -_in the_ Chesapeake, or _off_ the coast. If, by _off_ the coast, he means -those which, being generally in our waters, go occasionally out of them -to cruize or to acquire a title to communicate with their consul, it is -too poor an evasion for him to expect us to be the dupes of. If vessels -_off_ the coast, and having never violated the proclamation, wish to -communicate with their consul, they may send in by any vessel, without a -flag. He gives a proof of their readiness to restore deserters, from an -instance of the Chichester lying along-side a wharf at Norfolk. It would -have been as applicable if Captain Stopfield and his men had been in a -tavern at Norfolk. All this, too, a British sergeant _is ready_ to swear -to; and further, that he saw British deserters enlisted in their British -uniform, by our officer. As this fact is probably false, and can easily -be inquired into, names being given, and as the story of the Chichester -can be ascertained by Captain Saunders, suppose you send a copy of the -paper to the Secretary of the Navy, and recommend to him having an inquiry -made. We ought gladly to procure evidence to hang the privates, if no -objection or difficulty occur from the place of trial. If the Driver -is the scene of trial, where is she? if in our waters, we can have no -communication with her, if out of them, it may be inconvenient to send the -witnesses. Although there is neither candor nor dignity in soliciting the -victualling the Columbine for four months for a voyage of ten days, yet I -think you had better give the permission. It is not by these huckstering -manœuvres that the great national question is to be settled. I salute you -affectionately. - - -TO JOHN NICHOLAS. - - MONTICELLO, August 18, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 2d did not reach me till yesterday. That -from General Hall, communicating the patriotic resolutions of the -county of Ontario, was received the day before. Considering war as one -of the alternatives which Congress may adopt on the failure of proper -satisfaction for the outrages committed on us by Great Britain, I have -thought it my duty to put into train every preparation for that which the -executive powers, and the interval left for their exercise, will admit of. - -Whenever militia take the field of actual service, the deficiencies of -their arms are of course supplied from the public magazines, and the law -also permits us to lend arms to _volunteers_ engaged, and training for -immediate service. In no case is the loan of arms to militia, remaining at -home, permitted or practiced. - -The establishment of deposits of arms, to be resorted to when occasion -presses, is within the executive direction. A distribution of these -deposits, wherever there may be occasion, and in proportion to the -probable occasion, either defensive or offensive is one of the branches -of preparation which circumstances call on us to make. It will be done in -due time; and although nothing specific can now be said, yet I may safely -assure you, that whenever we proceed to settle the general arrangement, -the section of country which is the subject of your letter, shall receive -a just portion of our attention and provisions. - -I learn with particular satisfaction that volunteers will be readily -engaged on that part of our frontier. It is a quarter in which they will -be particularly useful. I presume that, in consequence of the call on the -several States, the Governor will have put the engagement of volunteers -into such a course as will avail us of the favorable disposition which -prevails towards that service. I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - August 19, 1807. - -I suppose Mr. Gamble should be told that his opinion in favor of the -appointment of a Consul General for the Danish islands being founded on -the supposition of a war with England, the executive cannot at present act -on that ground. It would seem indeed, that in the event of war, our agent -or agents in those islands would be very important persons, and should -therefore be chosen with care. I presume it would become the best office -in the gift of the United States. - -It will be very difficult to answer Mr. Erskine's demand respecting the -water casks in the tone proper for such a demand. I have heard of one -who, having broke his cane over the head of another, demanded payment -for his cane. This demand might well enough have made part of an offer -to pay the damages done to the Chesapeake, and to deliver up the authors -of the murders committed on board her. I return you the papers received -yesterday. The Governor has enclosed me a letter from General Mathews of -August 13th, mentioning the recent arrival of a ship in the Chesapeake, -bearing the flag of a Vice-Admiral; from whence he concludes that Barclay -is arrived. I salute you affectionately. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, August 19, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you the papers received in your letter of the 16th. -The Secretary of State communicated to me yesterday a letter from Mr. -Erskine, containing assurances from Governor Thomas Hardy, that he should -carefully abstain from acts of violence unless he received orders from his -superiors. Although Barclay's character does not give the same confidence, -yet I see no reason to doubt that matters will continue, in the -Chesapeake, in their present train until they receive orders from their -government. - -I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, August 19, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters of August 11th, 12th, 13th, had been before -acknowledged, and in mine of this morning I acknowledged yours of the -16th, and returned the papers enclosed in it. Since writing that, I have -received another letter of yours of August 11th, which, by an error of the -Post Office, had been sent to a wrong office. I now enclose the papers -received in that. They call but for one observation, which is, that the -mode of communication by flag, as before directed, must be adhered to. -Although credit and indulgence is due to the liberality of Governor T. -Hardy, yet armed vessels remaining within our jurisdiction in defiance -of the authority of the laws, must be viewed either as rebels, or public -enemies. The latter character, it is most expedient to ascribe to them; -the laws of intercourse with persons of that description are fixed and -known. If we relinquish them we shall have a new code to settle with those -individual offenders, with whom self respect forbids any intercourse but -merely for purposes of humanity. A letter which I wrote to the Secretary -of State on the 17th, expressed my opinion that we should not higgle with -the Columbine as to the quantity of supplies, but let her have what she -wants. - -These small distresses contribute nothing to the bringing an enemy to -reason. It should not be till an abuse of this liberality has taken place, -that we should be rigorous in the quantum of supplies. I salute you with -great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, August 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Appleton, the writer of the enclosed letter, was well known -to me at Paris, but not as a man of business. He was young, handsome, and -devoted to pleasant pursuits. He is now probably forty-five, and has since -been in business, but with what qualifications or success I know not. He -was our consul at Calais, his brother is our consul at Leghorn, and his -father is (if living) a respectable merchant at Boston. All this leaves -still room for inquiry whether he is fit for your agent. While on the -subject, if you should be on the look-out, it may be worth your while to -inquire after a Colonel Dowse, (of the same town with Fisher Ames.) He is -a scientific navigator, has made voyages to the East Indies, is a sensible -and most upright man, a little too much wrapt up in religious reveries. He -has been most firm in his republicanism through all the storms and trials -which those sentiments have been exposed to in that State. I write all -this from my own knowledge of him; but I do not know he would accept the -place and quit the retirement in which he has now been several years. - -I enclose you the copy of a letter I wrote Mr. Fulton. I wait his answer -as to the submarine boat, before I make you the proposition in form. -The very name of a corps of submarine engineers would be a defence. Mr. -Nicholas and his family left this neighborhood in health the day I arrived -in it. We do not give up the hope of seeing Mrs. Smith and yourself here. -I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, August 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--On the death of Imlay, loan officer of Connecticut, Jonathan -Bull (Judge Bull) is well recommended as his successor by a number of -republicans, and by Mr. Wolcott, in a special letter. A Ralph Pomeroy, of -Hartford, solicits it for himself, but sends no recommendations. Those of -Bull would leave me with little doubt of the propriety of his nomination; -but as you can so conveniently make inquiry respecting him, I will pray -you to do it, and to communicate the result to me with as little delay as -convenient, in order to preclude other solicitations. - -All my information from the Capes of Chesapeake, confirms the opinion that -the present quiet train of things there is to be continued till further -orders. The interdicted officers are extremely averse to our mode of -communication by flag. But being considered as enemies rather than rebels, -while here in defiance, no other communication will be allowed. Burr's -trial goes on to the astonishment of all, as to the manner of conducting -it. I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, August 20, 1807. - -Your letter to Dayton I think perfectly right, unless, perhaps, the -expression of personal sympathy in the first page might be misconstrued, -and, coupled with the circumstance that we had not yet instituted a -prosecution against him, although possessed of evidence. Poor Yznardi -seems to have been worked up into distraction by the persecutions of -Meade. I enclose you a letter I have received from him. Also one from -Warden, attested by Armstrong, by which you will see that the feuds there -are not subsiding. - -By yesterday's, or this day's mails, you will have received the -information that Bonaparte has annihilated the allied armies. The result -will doubtless be peace on the continent, an army despatched through -Persia to India, and the main army brought back to their former position -on the channel. This will oblige England to withdraw everything home, and -leave us an open field. An account, apparently worthy of credit, in the -Albany paper, is, that the British are withdrawing all their cannon and -magazines from Upper Canada to Quebec, considering the former not tenable, -and the latter their only fast-hold. - -I salute you with sincere affection. - -P. S. I had forgotten to express my opinion that deserters ought never -to be enlisted; but I think you may go further and say to Erskine, that -if ever such a practise has prevailed, it has been without the knowledge -of the Government, and would have been forbidden, if known, and if any -examples of it have existed, (which is doubted,) they must have been few, -or they would have become known. The case presented from the Chichester, -if true, does not prove the contrary, as the persons there said to have -been enlisted are believed to have been American citizens, who, whether -impressed or enlisted into the British service, were equally right in -returning to the duties they owed to their own country. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Colonel Newton's inquiries are easily solved, I think, by -application of the principles we have assumed. 1. The _interdicted_ -ships are _enemies_. Should they be forced, by stress of weather, to run -up into safer harbors, we are to act towards them as we would towards -enemies in regular war, in like case. Permit no intercourse, no supplies; -and if they land, kill or capture them as enemies. If they lie still, -Decatur has orders not to attack them without stating the case to me, -and awaiting instructions. But if they attempt to enter Elizabeth river, -he is to attack them without waiting for instructions. 2. Other armed -vessels, putting in from sea in distress, are _friends_. They must report -themselves to the collector, he assigns them their station, and regulates -their repairs, supplies, intercourse and stay. Not needing flags, they -are under the direction of the collector alone, who should be reasonably -liberal as to their repairs and supplies, furnishing them for a voyage to -any of their American ports; but I think with him their crews should be -kept on board, and that they should not enter Elizabeth river. - -I remember Mr. Gallatin expressed an opinion that our negotiations with -England should not be laid before Congress at their meeting, but reserved -to be communicated all together with the answer they should send us, -whenever received. I am not of this opinion. I think, on the meeting of -Congress, we should lay before them everything that has passed to that -day, and place them on the same ground of information we are on ourselves. -They will then have time to bring their minds to the same state of things -with ours, and when the answer arrives, we shall all view it from the -same position. I think, therefore, you should order the whole of the -negotiation to be prepared in two copies. I salute you affectionately. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - MONTICELLO, August 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday your favor of the 11th. An error of the -post office had occasioned the delay. Before an impartial jury, Burr's -conduct would convict himself, were not one word of testimony to be -offered against him. But to what a state will our law be reduced by party -feelings in those who administer it? Why do not Blannerhassett, Dayton, -&c., demand private and comfortable lodgings? In a country where an equal -application of law to every condition of man is fundamental, how could -it be denied to them? How can it ever be denied to the most degraded -malefactor? The enclosed letter of James Morrison, covering a copy of -one from Alston to Blannerhassett, came to hand yesterday. I enclose -them, because it is proper all these papers should be in one deposit, -and because you should know the case and all its bearings, that you may -understand whatever turns up in the cause. Whether the opinion of the -letter writer is sound, may be doubted. For, however these, and other -circumstances which have come to us, may induce us to believe that the -bouncing letter he published, and the insolent one he wrote to me, were -intended as blinds, yet they are not sufficient for legal conviction. -Blannerhassett and his wife could possibly tell us enough. I commiserate -the suffering you have to go through in such a season, and salute you with -great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 28, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I had had the letter of Mr. Jouett of July 6th from -Chicago, and that from Governor Hull, of July 14th, from Detroit, under -consideration some days, when the day before yesterday I received that of -the Governor of July 25th. - -While it appeared that the workings among the Indians of that neighborhood -proceeded from their prophet chiefly, and that his endeavors were directed -to the restoring them to their ancient mode of life, to the feeding -and clothing themselves with the produce of the chase, and refusing all -those articles of meat, drink, and clothing, which they can only obtain -from the whites, and are now rendered necessary by habit, I thought it a -transient enthusiasm, which, if let alone, would evaporate innocently of -itself; although visibly tinctured with a partiality against the United -States. But the letters and documents now enclosed give to the state of -things there a more serious aspect; and the visit of the Governor of Upper -Canada, and assembling of the Indians by him, indicate the object to which -these movements are to point. I think, therefore, we can no longer leave -them to their own course, but that we should immediately prepare for war -in that quarter, and at the same time redouble our efforts for peace. - -I propose, therefore, that the Governors of Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana, -be instructed immediately to have designated, according to law, such -proportions of their militia as you shall think advisable, to be ready for -service at a moment's warning, recommending to them to prefer volunteers -as far as they can be obtained, and of that description fitted for Indian -service. - -That sufficient stores of arms, ammunition and provision, be deposited -in convenient places for any expedition which it may be necessary -to undertake in that quarter, and for the defence of the posts and -settlements there; and that the object of these preparations be openly -declared, as well to let the Indians understand the danger they are -bringing on themselves, as to lull the suspicion of any other object. - -That at the same time, and while these preparations for war are openly -going on, Governors Hull and Harrison be instructed to have interviews by -themselves or well-chosen agents, with the chiefs of the several tribes in -that quarter, to recall to their minds the paternal policy pursued towards -them by the United States, and still meant to be pursued. That we never -wished to do them an injury, but on the contrary, to give them all the -assistance in our power towards improving their condition, and enabling -them to support themselves and their families; that a misunderstanding -having arisen between the United States and the English, war may possibly -ensue. That in this war it is our wish the Indians should be quiet -spectators, not wasting their blood in quarrels which do not concern them; -that we are strong enough to fight our own battles, and therefore ask -no help; and if the English should ask theirs, it should convince them -that it proceeds from a sense of their own weakness which would not augur -success in the end; that at the same time, as we have learnt that some -tribes are already expressing intentions hostile to the United States, we -think it proper to apprize them of the ground on which they now stand; for -which purpose we make to them this solemn declaration of our unalterable -determination, that we wish them to live in peace with all nations as -well as with us, and we have no intention ever to strike them or to do -them an injury of any sort, unless first attacked or threatened; but that -learning that some of them meditate war on us, we too are preparing for -war against those, and those only who shall seek it; and that if ever we -are constrained to lift the hatchet against any tribe, we will never lay -it down till that tribe is exterminated, or driven beyond the Mississippi. -Adjuring them, therefore, if they wish to remain on the land which covers -the bones of their fathers, to keep the peace with a people who ask their -friendship without needing it, who wish to avoid war without fearing it. -In war, they will kill some of us; we shall destroy all of them. Let them -then continue quiet at home, take care of their women and children, and -remove from among them the agents of any nation persuading them to war, -and let them declare to us explicitly and categorically that they will do -this: in which case, they will have nothing to fear from the preparations -we are now unwillingly making to secure our own safety? - -These ideas may form the substance of speeches to be made to them, only -varying therein according to the particular circumstances and dispositions -of particular tribes; softening them to some, and strengthening them as -to others. I presume, too, that such presents as would show a friendly -liberality should at the same time be made to those who unequivocally -manifest intentions to remain friends; and as to those who indicate -contrary intentions, the preparations made should immediately look towards -them; and it will be a subject for consideration whether, on satisfactory -evidence that any tribe means to strike us, we shall not anticipate by -giving them the first blow, before matters between us and England are -so far advanced as that their troops or subjects should dare to join the -Indians against us. It will make a powerful impression on the Indians, if -those who spur them on to war, see them destroyed without yielding them -any aid. To decide on this, the Governors of Michigan and Indiana should -give us weekly information, and the Postmaster General should immediately -put the line of posts to Detroit into the most rapid motion. Attention, -too, is requisite to the safety of the post at Michillimacinac. - -I send this letter open to the Secretary of State, with a desire that, -with the documents, it may be forwarded to the Secretary of the Navy, -at Baltimore, the Attorney General, at Wilmington, the Secretary of the -Treasury, at New York, and finally to yourself; that it may be considered -only as the origination of a proposition to which I wish each of them to -propose such amendments as their judgment shall approve, to be addressed -to yourself; and that from all our opinions you will make up a general -one, and act on it without waiting to refer it back to me. - -I salute you with great affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 30, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--There can be no doubt that Fronda's claim for the money -advanced to Lieutenant Pike should be repaid, and while his application -to yourself is the proper one, we must attend to the moneys being drawn -from the proper fund, which is that of the war department. I presume, -therefore, it will be necessary for you to apply to General Dearborne to -furnish the money. Will it not be proper to rebut Fronda's charge of this -government sending a spy to Santa Fé, by saying that this government has -never employed a spy in any case, and that Pike's mission was to ascend -the Arkansas and descend the Red river for the purpose of ascertaining -their geography; that, as far as we are yet informed, he entered the -waters of the North river, believing them to be those of the Red river; -and that, however certain we are of a right extending to the North river, -and participating of its navigation with Spain, yet Pike's voyage was -not intended as an exercise of that right, which we notice here, merely -because he had chosen to deny it; a question to be settled in another way. - -From the present state of the tranquillity in the Chesapeake, and the -probability of its continuance, I begin to think the daily mail may soon -be discontinued, and an extra mail once a week substituted, to leave -Fredericksburg Sunday morning, and Milton Wednesday morning. This will -give us two mails a week. I should propose this change for September 9th, -which is the day I set out for Bedford, and will exactly close one month -of daily mail. What do you think of it? Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 31, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Madison will have written to you on the subject of a demand -of $1,000 furnished to Lieut Pike, to be repaid to Fronda, which of course -must come out of the military fund. - -I enclose you an application from Mr. Graham for a commission in the army -for a Mr. Lithgow, relation of Mr. Henderson, who solicits it, and who, I -think, has a just claim for the gratification. - -I enclose you also a letter from Captain Brent to Mr. Coles on the subject -of their commissions. They presented to me a list of names engaged, -and of the officers they had chosen. I do not remember the words of my -answer; but the idea meant to be expressed was only that the officers -should be commissioned. I had no idea of fixing a date for them before -they should have raised what could be accepted as a troop. They seem to -have understood the date of my acceptance as the proper date of their -commissions. I told Mr. Coles I would consult you; and that my own idea -was to inquire what was the smallest number ever admitted as a troop or -company, and let their commissions have the date of the day on which they -had engaged that number. This may be the subject of conversation when we -meet. - -I send you a paper on the defence of the mouth of the Chesapeake. We never -expect from the writer a detailed, well-digested and practicable plan; -but good ideas and susceptible of improvement sometimes escape from him. -The first question is, whether works on the shore of Lynhaven may not be -constructed for dislodging an enemy from that bay by throwing bombs? and -whether they can lie there in safety out of the reach of bombs? There -is no other place where they can lie in safety so near the Capes, not -to be in danger of being intercepted by gun-boats, and attacked with the -advantage of weather. 2d. May not artificial harbors be made on the middle -grounds and Horseshoe for the reception of gun boats, with cavaliers for -the discharge of bombs? and will not these two points and Lynhaven thus -command all the mouth of the bay? To answer these questions will require -an accurate survey of the whole field, which, if we have not, we should -direct to be made. It is an important fact that the middle grounds have -been seen bare; and that both these and the Horseshoe are always shoal. -Cannot cassoons filled with stone, and of the shape of truncated wedges, -be sunk there in close order so as to enclose a harbor for gun-boats, of -such a height as that the sea shall not go over it in the highest tides, -and of base proportioned to the height and sufficient to resist the force -of the water? The nearest stone is up James river above the Hundred, and -up York river above West Point, from whence however it can be brought -in ships of size. At New York, they calculate on depositing their stone -for from 4 to 5 cents the cubic foot. If it costs the double here, the -amount would not be disproportioned to the object, if we consider what a -vast extent of coast on the Chesapeake and its waters will otherwise be -depredated or secured by works and troops in detail. I throw out these -thoughts now that they may be under your consideration, while making up -the general statement of defensive works for the sea coast. Present my -respects to Mrs. Dearborne, and accept my affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 1, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I think with you we had better send to Algiers some of the -losing articles in order to secure peace there while it is uncertain -elsewhere. While war with England is probable, everything leading to -it with every other nation should be avoided, except with Spain. As to -her, I think it the precise moment when we should declare to the French -government that we will instantly seize on the Floridas as reprisal for -the spoliations denied us, and, that if by a given day they are paid to -us, we will restore all east of the Perdido, and hold the rest subject to -amicable discussion. Otherwise, we will hold them forever as compensation -for the spoliations. This to be a subject of consideration when we -assemble. - -One reason for suggesting the discontinuance of the daily post was, that -it is not kept up by contract, but at the expense of the United States. -But the principal reason was to avoid giving ground for clamor. The -general idea is, that those who receive annual compensations should be -constantly at their posts. Our constituents might not in the first moment -consider 1st, that we all have property to take care of, which we cannot -abandon for temporary salaries; 2d, that we have health to take care of, -which at this season cannot be preserved at Washington; 3d, that while -at our separate homes our public duties are fully executed, and at much -greater personal labor than while we are together when a short conference -saves a long letter. I am aware that in the present crisis some incident -might turn up where a day's delay might infinitely overweigh a month's -expense of the daily post. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. COOPER. - - MONTICELLO, September 1, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 9th is received, and with it the copy of -Dr. Priestley's Memoirs, for which I return you many thanks. I shall read -them with great pleasure, as I revered the character of no man living more -than his. With another part of your letter I am sensibly affected. I have -not here my correspondence with Governor McKean to turn to, but I have -no reason to doubt that the particular letter referred to may have been -silent on the subject of your appointment as stated. The facts are these: -The opinion I have ever entertained, and still entertain as strongly as -ever, of your abilities and integrity, was such as made it my wish, from -the moment I came to the administration, that you should be employed in -some public way. On a review, however, of all circumstances, it appeared -to me that the State of Pennsylvania had occasions for your service, -which would be more acceptable than any others to yourself because they -would leave you in the enjoyment of the society of Dr. Priestley, to which -your attachment was known. I therefore expressed my solicitude respecting -you to Governor McKean, whose desires to serve yourself and the public -by employing you I knew to be great, and of course that you were an -object of mutual concern, and I received his information of having found -employment for your talents with the sincerest pleasure. But pressed as -I am perpetually by an overflow of business, and adopting from necessity -the rule of never answering any letter, or part of a letter, which can -do without answer, in replying to his which related to other subjects, I -probably said nothing on that, because my former letter had sufficiently -manifested how pleasing the circumstance must be to me, and my time and -practice did not permit me to be repeating things already said. This is a -candid statement of that incident, and I hope you will see in it a silence -accounted for on grounds far different from that of a continuance of my -estimation and good wishes, which have experienced no change. With respect -to the schism among the republicans in your State, I have ever declared -to both parties that I consider the general government as bound to take -no part in it, and I have carefully kept both my judgment, my affections, -and my conduct, clear of all bias to either. It is true, as you have -heard, that a distance has taken place between Mr. Clay and myself. The -cause I never could learn nor imagine. I had always known him to be an -able man, and I believed him an honest one. I had looked to his coming -into Congress with an entire belief that he would be cordial with the -administration, and even before that I had always had him in my mind for -a high and important vacancy which had been from time to time expected, -but is only now about to take place. I feel his loss therefore with -real concern, but it is irremediable from the necessity of harmony and -cordiality between those who are to manage together the public concerns. -Not only his withdrawing from the usual civilities of intercourse with me, -(which even the federalists with two or three exceptions keep up,) but -his open hostility in Congress to the administration, leave no doubt of -the state of his mind as a fact, although the cause be unknown. Be so good -as to communicate my respects to Mr. Priestley, and to accept yourself my -friendly salutations, and assurances of unaltered esteem. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, September 2, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--My letter of August 28th, on the dispositions of the Indians, -was to go the rounds of all our brethren, and to be finally sent to you -with their separate opinions. I think it probable, therefore, that the -enclosed extract of a letter from a priest at Detroit to Bishop Carroll, -may reach you as soon, or sooner, than that. I therefore forward it, -because it throws rather a different light on the dispositions of the -Indians from that given by Hull and Dunham. I do not think, however, -that it ought to slacken our operations, because those proposed are all -precautionary. But it ought absolutely to stop our negotiations for land -otherwise the Indians will think that these preparations are meant to -intimidate them into a sale of their lands, an idea which would be most -pernicious, and would poison all our professions of friendship to them. -The immediate acquisition of the land is of less consequence to us than -their friendship and a thorough confidence in our justice. We had better -let the purchase lie till they are in better temper. I salute you with -affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, September 3. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters of August 23d, 27th, 29th, and 30th, have all been -received; the two last came yesterday. I observe that the merchants of New -York and Philadelphia think that notice of our present crisis with England -should be sent to the Straits of Sunda by a public ship, but that such a -vessel going to Calcutta, or into the Bay of Bengal, would give injurious -alarm; while those of Baltimore think such a vessel going to the Straits -of Sunda would have the same effect. Your proposition, very happily in -my opinion, avoids the objections of all parties; will do what some think -useful and none think injurious. I therefore approve of it. To wit, that -by some of the private vessels now going, instruction from the department -of State be sent to our Consul at the Isle of France, to take proper -measures to advise all our returning vessels, as far as he can, to be on -their guard against the English, and that we now appoint and send a Consul -to Batavia, to give the same notice to our vessels returning through the -Straits of Sunda. For this purpose I sign a blank sheet of paper, over -which signature the Secretary of State will have a consular commission -written, leaving a blank for the name to be filled up by yourself with the -name of such discreet and proper person as shall be willing to go. If he -does not mean to reside there as Consul, we must bear his expenses out and -in, and compensate his time. I presume you will receive this commission, -and the papers you sent me through the Secretary of State, on the 8th. - -I approve of the orders you gave for intercepting the pirates, and that -they were given as the occasion required, without waiting to consult -me, which would have defeated the object. I am very glad indeed that -the piratical vessel and some of the crew have been taken, and hope the -whole will be taken; and that this has been done by the militia. It will -contribute to show the expediency of an organized naval militia. - -I send you the extract of a letter I lately wrote to General Dearborne -on the defence of the Chesapeake. Your situation will better enable you -to make inquiries into the practicability of the plan than he can. If -practicable, it is all-important. - -I do not see the probability of receiving from Great Britain reparation -for the wrong committed on the Chesapeake, and future security for our -seamen, in the same favorable light with Mr. Gallatin and yourself. -If indeed the consequence of the battle of Friedland can be to exclude -her from the Baltic, she may temporize with us. But if peace among the -_continental_ powers of Europe should leave her free in her intercourse -with the powers who will then be _neutral_, the present ministry, perhaps -no ministry which can now be formed, will not in my opinion give us the -necessary assurance respecting our flag. In that case, it must bring on a -war soon, and if so, it can never be in a better time for us. I look to -this, therefore, as most probably now to take place, although I do most -sincerely wish that a just and sufficient security may be given us, and -such an interruption of our property avoided. I salute you with affection -and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 3, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Smith's letter of August 29th and the papers it enclosed, -and which are now re-enclosed, will explain to you the necessity of my -confirming his proposition as to the means of apprizing our East India -commerce of their danger, without waiting for further opinions on the -subject. You will see that it throws on you the immediate burden of -giving the necessary instructions with as little delay as possible, lest -the occasion by the vessels now sailing should be lost. Be so good as to -return me his two letters, and to seal and forward on to him mine, and the -other papers. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 3, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--After writing to Mr. Smith my letter of yesterday, by the post -of that day, I received one from him now enclosed, and covering a letter -from Mr. Crownenshield on the subject of notifying our East India trade. -To this I have written the answer herein, which I have left open for -your perusal, with Crownenshield's letter, praying that you will seal and -forward them immediately, with any considerations of your own, addressed -to Mr. Smith, which may aid him in the decision I refer to him. I do not -give to the newspaper and parliamentary scraps the same importance you do. -I think they all refer to the convention of limits sent us in the form of -a project, brought forward only as a sop of the moment for Parliament and -the public. Nothing but an exclusion of Great Britain from the Baltic will -dispose her to peace with us, and to defer her policy of subsisting her -navy by the general plunder of nations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - WASHINGTON, September 4, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I had written to you yesterday on the subject of notifying -our East India trade, in answer to yours of the 29th of August, and -approving your proposition of giving the notice to our trade beyond the -Straits of Sunda, by a consul specially sent to Batavia, and to that on -this side by our consul at the Isle of France. Since writing that letter, -I have received yours of the 31st, covering Mr. Crownenshield's. This -letter shows a great and intimate knowledge of the subject, and points -out so many various circumstances which may require a variation in the -course to be pursued, that it confirms me in the opinion that it must be -confided to the discretion of a well-chosen agent, governing himself by -circumstances as they may occur. I think it possible, however, from Mr. -Crownenshield's letter, that we may not have done the best in our power -for notifying Madras, and the other ports in the bay of Bengal. I refer -it to yourself, therefore, to decide on the advice you can so readily -get at Baltimore, whether we should not despatch a third person, with -instructions to procure himself a passage in any private vessel which -may be going from this country to any port in the bay of Bengal, or to -any other port from which he can probably get a passage to some port in -the bay of Bengal, and from whence he can notify the other ports in the -same bay, either by personally visiting them or by writing. Such a person -should carry with him your commission as an agent of the navy, to obtain -credence by secretly exhibiting that to those he should notify. I return -you Mr. Crownenshield's and Mr. Gallatin's letters. I shall be absent -from this place from the 9th to the 16th inst. Mr. Madison will be with -me to-morrow, on a visit of some days. I salute you with affection and -respect. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - MONTICELLO, September 4, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 1st came to hand yesterday. The event has been -* * * * * that is to say, not only to clear Burr, but to prevent the -evidence from ever going before the world. But this latter case must not -take place. It is now, therefore, more than ever indispensable, that not -a single witness be paid or permitted to depart until his testimony has -been committed to writing, either as delivered in court, or as taken by -yourself in the presence of any of Burr's counsel, who may choose to -attend to cross-examine. These whole proceedings will be laid before -Congress, that they may decide, whether the defect has been in the -evidence of guilt, or in the law, or in the application of the law, and -that they may provide the proper remedy for the past and the future. -I must pray you also to have an authentic copy of the record made out -(without saying for what) and to send it to me; if the Judge's opinions -make out a part of it, then I must ask a copy of them, either under his -hand, if he delivers one signed, or duly proved by affidavit. - -The criminal is preserved to become the rallying point of all the -disaffected and the worthless of the United States, and to be the pivot -on which all the intrigues and the conspiracies which foreign governments -may wish to disturb us with, are to turn. If he is convicted of the -misdemeanor, the Judge must in decency give us respite by some short -confinement of him; but we must expect it to be very short. Be assured -yourself, and communicate the same assurance to your colleagues, that -your and their zeal and abilities have been displayed in this affair to my -entire satisfaction and your own honor. - -I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, September 6, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you the letters of Mr. Granger and Mr. J. Nicholas, -by the latter of which you will see that an Indian rupture in the -neighborhood of Detroit becomes more probable, if it has not already taken -place. I see in it no cause for changing the opinion given in mine of -August 28, but on the contrary, strong reason for hastening the measures -therein recommended. We must make ever memorable examples of the tribe or -tribes which shall have taken up the hatchet. - -I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THOMAS PAINE. - - MONTICELLO, September 6, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received last night your favor of August 29, and with -it a model of a contrivance for making one gun-boat do nearly double -execution. It has all the ingenuity and simplicity which generally mark -your inventions. I am not nautical enough to judge whether two guns may -be too heavy for the bow of a gun-boat, or whether any other objection -will countervail the advantage it offers, and which I see visibly enough. -I send it this day to the Secretary of the Navy, within whose department -it lies to try and to judge it. Believing, myself, that gun-boats are the -only _water_ defence which can be useful to us, and protect us from the -ruinous folly of a navy, I am pleased with everything which promises to -improve them. - -The battle of Friedland, armistice with Russia, conquest of Prussia, will -be working on the British stomach when they will receive information of -the outrage they have committed on us. Yet, having entered on the policy -proposed by their champion "war in disguise," of making the property of -all nations lawful plunder to support a navy which their own resources -cannot support, I doubt if they will readily relinquish it. That war -with us had been predetermined may be fairly inferred from the diction -of Berkley's order, the Jesuitism of which proves it ministerial from -its being so timed as to find us in the midst of Burr's rebellion as they -expected, from the contemporaneousness of the Indian excitements, and of -the wide and sudden spread of their maritime spoliations. I salute you -with great esteem and respect. - - -TO GEORGE HAY, ESQ., ATTORNEY FOR THE U. S., BEFORE THE DISTRICT OF -VIRGINIA. - - MONTICELLO, September 7, 1807. - -SIR,--Understanding that it is thought important that a letter of November -12, 1806, from General Wilkinson to myself, should be produced in evidence -on the charges against Burr, depending in the District Court now sitting -in Richmond, I send you a copy of it, omitting only certain passages, the -nature of which is explained in the certificate subjoined to the letter. -As the Attorney for the United States, be pleased to submit the copy and -certificate to the uses of the Court. I salute you with great esteem and -respect. - -P. S. On re-examination of a letter of November 12, 1806, from General -Wilkinson to myself, (which having been for a considerable time out of my -possession, and now returned to me,) I find in it some passages entirely -confidential, given for my information in the discharge of my executive -functions, and which my duties and the public interest forbid me to make -public. I have therefore given above a correct copy of all those parts -which I ought to permit to be made public. Those not communicated are in -nowise material for the purposes of justice on the charges of treason or -misdemeanor depending against Aaron Burr; they are on subjects irrelevant -to any issues which can arise out of those charges, and could contribute -nothing towards his acquittal or conviction. The papers mentioned in -the 1st and 3d paragraphs, as enclosed in the letters, being separated -therefrom, and not in my possession, I am unable, from memory, to say what -they were. I presume they are in the hands of the attorney for the United -States. Given under my hand this 7th day of September, 1807. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, September 7, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I now return you Major Newton's letters. The intention of the -squadron in the bay is so manifestly pacific, that your instructions to -him are perfectly proper, not to molest their boats merely for approaching -the shore. While they are giving up slaves and citizen seamen, and -attempting nothing ashore, it would not be well to stop this by any -new restriction. If they come ashore indeed, they must be captured, or -destroyed if they cannot be captured, because we mean to enforce the -proclamation rigorously in preventing supplies. So the instructions -already given as to intercourse by flag, as to sealed and unsealed -letters, must be strictly adhered to. It is so material that the seaport -towns should have artillery militia duly trained, that I think you have -done well to permit Captain Nestell's company to have powder and ball to -exercise. With respect to gun-carriages, furnaces and clothes, I am so -little familiar with the details of the War department that I must beg -those subjects to lie till the return of the Secretary at War, which will -be in three weeks. Proposing to be absent from this place from the 9th to -the 16th instant, our daily post will be suspended during that interval. I -salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO GEORGE HAY. - - MONTICELLO, September 7, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received, late last night, your favor of the day before, -and now re-enclose you the subpœna. As I do not believe that the district -courts have a power of _commanding_ the executive government to abandon -superior duties and attend on them, at whatever distance, I am unwilling, -by any notice of the subpœna, to set a precedent which might sanction a -proceeding so preposterous. I enclose you, therefore, a letter, public and -for the court, covering substantially all they ought to desire. If the -papers which were enclosed in Wilkinson's letter may, in your judgment, -be communicated without injury, you will be pleased to communicate them. I -return you the original letter. - -I am happy in having the benefit of Mr. Madison's counsel on this -occasion, he happening to be now with me. We are both strongly of opinion, -that the prosecution against Burr for misdemeanor should proceed at -Richmond. If defeated, it will heap coals of fire on the head of the -Judge; if successful, it will give time to see whether a prosecution for -treason against him can be instituted in any, and what other court. But we -incline to think, it may be best to send Blennerhasset and Smith (Israel) -to Kentucky, to be tried both for the treason and misdemeanor. The trial -of Dayton for misdemeanor may as well go on at Richmond. - -I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, September 8, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Madison, who is with me, suggests the expediency of -immediately taking up the case of Captain Porter, against whom you know -Mr. Erskine lodged a very serious complaint, for an act of violence -committed on a British seaman in the Mediterranean. While Mr. Erskine -was reminded of the mass of complaints we had against his government -for similar violences, he was assured that contending against such -irregularities ourselves, and requiring satisfaction for them, we did -not mean to follow the example, and that on Captain Porter's return, it -should be properly inquired into. The sooner this is done the better; -because if Great Britain settles with us satisfactorily all our subsisting -differences, and should require in return, (to have an appearance of -reciprocity of wrong as well as redress,) a marked condemnation of -Captain Porter, it would be embarrassing were that the only obstacle -to a peaceable settlement, and the more so as we cannot but disavow his -act. On the contrary, if we immediately look into it, we shall be more at -liberty to be moderate in the censure of it, on the very ground of British -example; and the case being once passed upon, we can more easily avoid -the passing on it a second time, as against a settled principle. It is -therefore to put it in our power to let Captain Porter off as easily as -possible, as a valuable officer whom we all wish to favor, that I suggest -to you the earliest attention to the inquiry, and the promptest settlement -of it. I set out to-morrow on a journey of 100 miles, and shall be absent -eight or nine days. I salute you affectionately. - - -TO MR. CRAWFORD. - - MONTICELLO, September 8, 1807. - -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Crawford, and his -thanks for his Observations on Quarantines, which he has read with great -pleasure. Not himself a friend to quarantines, nor having confidence -in their efficacy, even if they are necessary, he sees with pleasure -every effort to lessen their credit. But the theory which derives all -infection, and ascribes to unseen animals the effects hitherto believed to -be produced by it, is as yet too new and unreceived to justify the public -servants in resting thereon the public health, until time and further -investigation shall have sanctioned it by a more general confidence. He -salutes Mr. Crawford with great respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, September 8, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 2d is received, and I have this day directed -commissions for Bull, Hubbell, and for Benajah Nicholls of North Carolina, -as Surveyor of the port of Windsor, v. Simeon Turner, resigned. This last -is on the recommendation of Alston. - -You know that the merchants of New York and Philadelphia were of opinion -that a public vessel sent into the Bay of Bengal to notify our trade -there, would in fact increase the danger of our vessels. The most -intelligent merchants of Baltimore, consulted by Mr. Smith, were of -the same opinion as to the Straits of Sunda. It was therefore concluded -between Mr. Smith, Mr. Madison, and myself, (time not admitting further -consultation,) that it would be best to make a Consul for Batavia, -(there being none,) and send him to his post by a private vessel, with -instructions to take the best measures he could for notifying all our -trade beyond the Straits, to instruct our Consul at the Isle of France to -do the same to all on this side, and moreover to send a special agent by -any private conveyance to be obtained, to go from port to port in the Bay -of Bengal, to give private notice to the vessels there. As several vessels -were on their departure for those seas from Philadelphia and Baltimore, -it is trusted that this arrangement will effect all the good proposed, -and avoid all the evil apprehended at the different places which were -consulted. - -I set out to-morrow to Bedford, and shall be absent eight days. I shall -leave this on the 30th, and be in Washington the 3d of October, ready for -our meeting on the 5th. I salute you affectionately. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, September 18, 1807. - -SIR,--On my return to this place yesterday I found your favor of the 15th, -and now return the papers it covered. I am glad to see the temperate -complexion of Lowrie's correspondence. I presume the intelligence -from England since the arrival there of the information respecting the -Chesapeake, will produce a moderate deportment in their officers. Your -instructions to Major Newton on the opening of letters, are perfectly -consonant with the rules laid down. With respect to the mode of furnishing -the troops with provisions through any other channel than that of -the public contractor, I am unable to say anything, being not at all -acquainted with the arrangements of the war department on that subject. -I enclose you a letter I have received from a Mr. Belcher, of Gloster, -giving reason to believe there have been some contraventions of the -Proclamation there which ought to be punished if they can be detected. I -salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, September 18, 1807. - -I returned here yesterday afternoon and found, as I might expect, an -immense mass of business. With the papers received from you, I enclose you -some others which will need no explanation. I am desired by the Secretary -of the Navy to say what must be the conduct of Commodore Rodgers, at -New York, on the late or any similar entry of that harbor by the British -armed vessels. I refer him to the orders to Decatur as to what he was to -do if the vessels in the Chesapeake. 1. Remain quiet in the Bay. 2. Come -to Hampton road. 3. Enter Elizabeth river, and recommend an application -of the same rules to New York, accommodated to the localities of the -place. Should the British government give us reparation of the past, -and security for the future, yet the continuance of their vessels in our -harbors in defiance constitutes a new injury, which will not be included -in any settlement with our ministers, and will furnish good ground -for declaring their future exclusion from our waters, in addition with -the other reasonable ground before existing. Our Indian affairs in the -northwest on the Missouri, and at the Natchitoches, wear a very unpleasant -aspect. As to the first all I think is done which is necessary. But for -this and other causes, I am anxious to be again assembled. I have a letter -from Connecticut. The prosecution there will be dismissed this term on -the ground that the case is not cognisable by the courts of the United -States. Perhaps you can intimate this where it will give tranquillity. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, September 18, 1807 - -DEAR SIR,--On my return yesterday I found yours of the 10th, and now -re-enclose you Commodore Rodgers' letter. You remember that the orders to -Decatur were to leave the British ships unmolested so long as they laid -quiet in the Bay; but if they should attempt to enter Elizabeth river -to attack them with all his force. The spirit of these orders should, I -think, be applied to New York. So long as the British vessels merely enter -the Hook, or remain quiet there, I would not precipitate hostilities. I do -not sufficiently know the geography of the harbor to draw the line which -they should not pass. Perhaps the narrows, perhaps some other place which -yourself or Commodore Rogers can fix with the aid of the advice he can get -in New York. But a line should be drawn which if they attempt to pass, he -should attack them with all his force. Perhaps he would do well to have -his boats ordinarily a little without the line to let them see they are -not to approach it; but whether he can lay there in safety, _ordinarily_, -he must judge. But if the British vessels continue at the Hook, great -attention should be paid to prevent their receiving supplies or their -landing, or having any intercourse with the shore or other vessels. I -left Mr. Nicholas's yesterday morning: he is indisposed with his annual -influenza. Mrs. Nicholas is well. I shall be at Washington on the 3d -proximo. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO ROBERT BRENT, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 19, 1807. - -SIR,--I have just received your favor of the 8th, informing me that the -Board of Trustees for the public school in Washington had unanimously -re-appointed me their President. I pray you to present to them my thanks -for the mark of their confidence, with assurances that I shall at all -times be ready to render to the Institution any services which shall be in -my power. Accept yourself my salutations, and assurances of great respect -and esteem. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - September 20, 1807. - -I return all the papers received in yours of the 18th and 19th, except -one soliciting office, Judge Woodward's letters, to be communicated to -the Secretary of War. Should not Claiborne be instructed to say at once to -Governor Folch, that as we never did prohibit any articles (except slaves) -from being carried up the Mississippi to Baton Rouge, so we do not mean to -prohibit them, and that we only ask a perfect and equal reciprocity to be -observed on the rivers which pass through the territories of both nations. -Must we not denounce to Congress the Spanish decree as well as the British -regulation pretending to be the countervail of the French? One of our -first consultations, on meeting, must be on the question whether we shall -not order all the militia and volunteers destined for the Canadas to be -embodied on the 26th of October, and to march immediately to such points -on the way to their destination as shall be pointed out, there to await -the decision of Congress? I approve of the letter to Erskine. In answering -his last, should he not be reminded how strange it is he should consider -as a hostility our refusing to receive but under a flag, persons from -vessels remaining and acting in our waters in defiance of the authority -of the country? The post-rider of the day before yesterday has behaved -much amiss in not calling on you. When I found your mail in the valise and -that they had not called on you, I replaced the mail in it and expressly -directed him to return by you. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. HAY. - - MONTICELLO, September 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--General Wilkinson has asked permission to make use, in the -statement of Burr's affair which he is about to publish, of the documents -placed in your hands by Mr. Rodney. To this, consent is freely given with -one reservation. Some of these papers are expressed to be confidential. -Others containing censures on particular individuals, are such as I always -deem confidential, and therefore cannot communicate, but for regularly -official purposes, without a breach of trust. I must therefore ask the -exercise of your discretion in selecting all of this character, and of -giving to the General the free use of the others. It will be necessary -that the whole be returned to the Attorney General by the first week in -the next month, as a selection will be made from them to make part of the -whole evidence in the case, which I shall have printed and communicated to -Congress. I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. - - MONTICELLO, September 20, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received your favors of the 13th and 15th on my return to -this place on the 17th, and such was the mass of business accumulated in -my absence, that I have not till now been able to take up your letters. -You are certainly free to make use of any of the papers we put into -Mr. Hay's hands, with a single reservation: to wit, some of them are -expressed to be confidential, and others are of that kind which I always -consider as confidential, conveying censure on particular individuals, and -therefore never communicate them beyond the immediate executive circle. I -accordingly write to this effect to Mr. Hay. The scenes which have been -acted at Richmond are such as have never before been exhibited in any -country where all regard to public character has not yet been thrown off. -They are equivalent to a proclamation of impunity to every traitorous -combination which may be formed to destroy the Union; and they preserve a -head for all such combinations as may be formed within, and a centre for -all the intrigues and machinations which foreign governments may nourish -to disturb us. However, they will produce an amendment to the Constitution -which, keeping the judges independent of the Executive, will not leave -them so, of the nation. - -I shall leave this place on the 30th for Washington. It is with pleasure -that I perceive from all the expressions of public sentiment, that the -virulence of those whose treasons you have defeated only place you on -higher ground in the opinion of the nation. I salute you with great esteem -and respect. - - -TO MR. COXE. - - MONTICELLO, September 21, 1807. - -SIR,--I have read with great satisfaction your observations on the -principles for equalizing the power of the different nations on the -sea, and think them perfectly sound. Certainly it will be better to -produce a balance on that element, by reducing the means of its great -monopolizer, than by endeavoring to raise our own to an equality with -theirs. I have ever wished that all nations would adopt a navigation law -against those who have one, which perhaps would be better than against all -indiscriminately, and while in France I proposed it there. Probably that -country is now ripe for it. I see no reason why your paper should not be -published, as it would have effect towards bringing the public mind to -proper principles. I do not know whether you kept a copy; if you did not, -I will return it. Otherwise I retain it for the perusal of my coadjutors, -and perhaps to suggest the measure abroad. I salute you with great esteem -and respect. - - -TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL. - - WASHINGTON, October 8, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,-- * * * * * The approaching convention of Congress would render -your assistance here desirable. Besides the varieties of general matter -we have to lay before them, on which we should be glad of your aid and -counsel, there are two subjects of magnitude in which your agency will be -peculiarly necessary. 1st. The selection and digestion of the documents -respecting Burr's treason, which must be laid before Congress in two -copies, (or perhaps printed, which would take ten days.) 2d. A statement -of the conduct of Great Britain towards this country, so far as respects -the violations of the Maritime Law of nations. Here it would be necessary -to state each distinct principle violated, and to quote the cases of -violation, and to conclude with a view of her vice-admiralty courts, their -venality and rascality, in order to show that however for conveniences, -(and not of right) the court of the captor is admitted to exercise the -jurisdiction, yet that in so palpable an abuse of that trust, some remedy -must be applied. Everything we see and hear leads in my opinion to war; -we have therefore much to consult and determine on, preparatory to that -event. I salute you with affectionate respect. - - -TO MR. PAINE. - - WASHINGTON, October 9, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your second letter on the subject of gun-boats, came to hand -just before my departure from Monticello. In the meantime, the inquiry -into the proposition had been referred, agreeably to our usage, or to -reason, to the practical persons of the department to which it belonged, -deemed most skilful. On my arrival here, I found the answers of the -persons to whom it was referred, the substance of which I now enclose -you. I am not a judge of their solidity, but I presume they are founded, -and the rather as they are from officers entirely favorable to the use of -gun-boats. - -We have as yet no knowledge of the arrival of the Revenge in England, -but we may daily expect to hear of it; and as we expected she would be -detained there and in France about a month, it will be a month hence -before we can expect her back here. In the meantime, all the little -circumstances coming to our knowledge are unfavorable to our wishes for -peace. If they would but settle the question of impressment from our -bottoms, I should be well contented to drop all attempts at a treaty. The -other rights of neutral powers will be taken care of by Bonaparte and -Alexander; and for commercial arrangements we can sufficiently provide -by legislative regulations. But as the practice of impressment has taken -place only against us, we shall be left to settle that for ourselves; -and to do this we shall never again have so favorable a conjuncture of -circumstances. Accept my friendly salutations and assurances of great -esteem and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, October 12, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I now return you several of Major Newton's letters, some of -which have been kept awhile for consideration. It is determined that -there shall be no relaxation in the conditions of the proclamations, or -any change in the rules of intercourse by flag. If the British officers -set the example of refusing to receive a flag, let ours then follow it -by never sending or receiving another. The interval cannot now be long in -which matters will remain at their present point. I salute you with great -friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, October 14, 1807 - -I think the proper instructions for Mr. Christie's revenue cutter may -be drawn from those given to Captain Decatur. The authority of the -proclamation is to be maintained, no supplies to be permitted to be -carried to the British vessels, nor their vessels permitted to land. For -these purposes force, and to any extent, is to be applied, if necessary, -but not unless necessary, nor, considering how short a time the present -state of things has to continue, would I recommend any extraordinary -vigilance or great industry in seeking even just occasions for collision. -It will suffice to do what is right when the occasion comes into their -way. I cannot doubt the expediency of getting the instruments recommended -by Mr. Patterson, and of the best kind, _if they can be got in England_, -because I almost know they cannot be made _in any other country_ equally -good, and I should be quite averse to getting those which should not be -perfect. - -May we not at once appoint the republican candidate for the collectorship -of Snow-hill? Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, October 17, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I forwarded to Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Navy, an extract -of so much of my letter to you of August 31st, as suggested the idea of -artificial harbors for gun-boats, on the horse-shoe and middle grounds, -with a view to his having their formation examined, to know if they -would support works, and their distance ascertained, to know what would -be their effect. The objects were, 1, to provide an asylum on the shoals -for gun-boats against weather and ships of war, and 2, to prevent ships -lying within the capes. I enclose you the opinion of Captain Porter, -according to which, without thinking of attempting works so difficult and -doubtful, both ends will be answered by a work at Lynhaven river, where -the shoals are extensive enough to keep off ships of war, and the river -sufficiently capacious to receive all the gun-boats. He thinks a work at -Point Comfort might also be useful. I send you his draught, which, being -merely an enlargement from More's map on a very minute scale, is not to -be much depended on; and considering the extent of country that point is -to defend, I recommend it to your consideration, as one of our important -objects. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. - - WASHINGTON, October 18, 1807. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 8th inst., covering, at -the request of the general court of Massachusetts, a memorial to the -Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, on behalf of -Benjamin Hichborn and others, with a desire that I would communicate and -recommend the same to both Houses of Congress. I should avail myself with -particular pleasure of every occasion of doing what would be acceptable -to the legislative and executive authorities of Massachusetts, and -which should be within the limits of my functions. The Executive of the -Union is, indeed, by the Constitution, made the channel of communication -between _foreign_ powers and the United States. But citizens, whether -individually, or in bodies corporate, or associated, have a right to -apply directly to any department of their government, whether legislative, -executive, or judiciary, the exercise of whose powers they have a right -to claim; and neither of these can regularly offer its intervention in a -case belonging to the other. The communication and recommendation by me -to Congress of the memorial you have been pleased to enclose me, would -be an innovation, not authorized by the practice of our government, and -therefore the less likely to add to its weight or effect. Thus restrained -from serving you in the exact way desired, I have thought I could not -better do it than by a prompt return of the papers, that no time might -be lost in transmitting them through the accustomary channels of your -Senators and Representatives in Congress; and I avail myself of the -occasion of assuring you of my very high respect and consideration. - - -TO DOCTOR BARTON. - - WASHINGTON, October 18, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I received last night a diploma from the Linnæan Society of -Philadelphia, doing me the honor of associating me to their body. I pray -you to do me the favor of assuring the society of my sensibility for -this mark of their notice, and of my thanks. Sincerely associated with -the friends of science, in spirit and inclination, I regret the constant -occupations of a different kind, which put out of my power the proper -co-operations with them, had I otherwise the talents for them. I shall -gladly embrace any occasion which can be offered of being useful to the -society, as a mark of my acknowledgments for their favors, with my thanks -for the copy of your discourse, enclosed at the same time. I pray you -to receive my friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and -esteem. - - -TO JAMES GAMBLE, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, October 21, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 17th has been duly received. I have long seen, -and with very great regret, the schisms which have taken place among the -republicans, and principally those of Pennsylvania and New York. As far as -I have been able to judge, they have not been produced by any difference -of political principle,--at least, any important difference, but by a -difference of opinion as to persons. I determined from the first moment -to take no part in them, and that the government should know nothing of -any such differences. Accordingly, it has never been attended to in any -appointment, or refusal of appointment. General Shee's personal merit, -universally acknowledged, was the cause of his appointment as Indian -Superintendent, and a subsequent discovery that his removal to this -place (the indispensable residence of that officer), would be peculiarly -unpleasant to him suggested his translation to another office, to solve -the double difficulty. Rarely reading the controversial pieces between -the different sections of republicans, I have not seen the piece in the -Aurora, to which you allude; but I may with truth assure you, that no -fact has come to my knowledge which has ever induced any doubt of your -continued attachment to the true principles of republican government. I -am thankful for the favorable sentiments you are so kind as to express -towards me personally, and trust that an uniform pursuit of the principles -and conduct which have procured, will continue to me an approbation, which -I highly value. - -I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, October 25, 1807. - -SIR,--Your letters of the 21st and 22d are received, and I now return -Captain Read's of the 18th. We conclude it unnecessary to call for another -corps of militia, to relieve that now in service at Lynhaven. General -Dearborn will write, and give the necessary directions for discharging, -paying, &c. I suspect the departure of the British armed vessels from our -waters, is in consequence of orders from their government to respect the -proclamation. If Congress should approve our ideas of defensive works for -the several harbors of the United States, there will be a regular fort at -the mouth of Lynhaven river, to protect such a number of gun-boats to be -stationed there as will, in case of war, render it too dangerous to any -armed vessel to enter the bay; and thus to protect the bay and all its -waters at its mouth. I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, October 27, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I have reflected on the case of the embodying of the militia -in Ohio, and think the respect we owe to the State may overweigh the -disapprobation so justly due to the conduct of their Governor pro tem. -They certainly had great merit, and have acquired a very general favor -through the Union, for the early and vigorous blows by which they crushed -the insurrection of Burr. We have now again to appeal to their patriotism -and public spirit in the same case; and should there be war, they are -our bulwark in the most prominent point of assault from the Indians. -Their good will and affection, therefore, should be conciliated by -all justifiable means. If we suffer the question of paying the militia -embodied to be thrown on their Legislature, it will excite acrimonious -debate in that body, and they will spread the same dissatisfaction among -their constituents, and finally it will be forced back on us through -Congress. Would it not, therefore, be better to say to Mr. Kirker, that -the general government is fully aware that emergencies which appertain to -them will sometimes arise so suddenly as not to give time for consulting -them, before the State must get into action; that the expenses in -such cases, incurred on reasonable grounds, will be met by the general -government; and that in the present case, although it appears there was -no real ground for embodying the militia, and that more certain measures -for ascertaining the truth should have been taken before embodying them, -yet an unwillingness to damp the public spirit of your countrymen, and -the justice due to the individuals who came forward in defence of their -country, and who could not know the grounds on which they were called, -have determined us to consider the call as justifiable, and to defray -the expenses. This is submitted to you for consideration. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - October 28, 1807. - -I think there is nothing in the former regulations of the Salines which -hindered merchants or others of the country round about, far or near, -from purchasing salt at the Salines, at the stated price, and carrying -and vending it elsewhere at their own price; and it was naturally to be -expected that competition would in this way reduce it to a proper price -wherever sold. If this had taken place, it would have been desirable -that the lessees should not have engaged in it, because as the price at a -distance must add some profit to the transportation and first cost, this -profit might have induced the lessees to sell reluctantly on the spot. As -the merchants, however, have not entered into this business, I think it -would be well to let the lessees begin it, leaving them open to the effect -of future competition; subjecting them to a maximum as they themselves -propose, and to have the permission revoked if they obstruct sales at the -Salines, or otherwise abuse the permission. I return you their letter. - -I return you, also, the papers respecting the lead mines, and think with -you that one-fifth for the three last years is not unreasonable. - -I propose to inform Mr. Moore (if you know of no objection,) that I -approve his proposition for cutting the whole road from Cumberland to -Brownsville. We shall by this means secure, at any rate, the benefit of -their location, which will of itself have occasioned considerable expense. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - October 31, 1807. - -The rent we proposed for the Indiana lead mine was two-tenths of -three years' produce=six-tenths of one year's produce for five years' -occupation: and one-tenth of five year's produce=five-tenths of one year's -produce for five years' occupation, is the option you propose. There can -be but one objection to it, that is, the effect which a rent of one-tenth -annually might have in lowering the future rents permanently. From the -Louisiana standing rent of one-tenth, and the offer of one-tenth for the -Indiana mine, I suspect that one-fifth may be too much for a permanent -rent. What would you think of continuing the offer of two years free of -rent, and one-eighth of the _metal_ afterwards? I think the most important -object for the public is to find what rent the tenant can pay and still -have an encouraging profit for himself, and to obtain that rent. However, -I suggest this merely for your consideration. - -I have written to Mr. Moore on the subject of the road. Whom shall we -appoint in the room of Kilgore. I have conversed with Morrar, but have had -no opportunity of speaking with Governor Tiffin. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, November 1, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your late letters have been regularly referred to the Secretary -at War, who has already answered their several enquiries, or will do it -immediately. I am inclined to believe that the departure of the British -vessels from our waters must be in consequence of orders from England to -respect the authorities of the country. Within about a fortnight we think -we may expect answers from England which will decide whether this cloud is -to issue in a storm or calm. Here we are pacifically inclined, if anything -comes which will permit us to follow our inclinations. But whether we have -peace or war, I think the present Legislature will authorize a complete -system of defensive works, on such a scale as they think they ought to -adopt. The state of our finances now permits this. To defensive works by -land they will probably add a considerable enlargement of the force in -gun-boats. A combination of these, will, I think, enable us to defend the -Chesapeake at its mouth, and save the vast line of preparation which the -defence of all its interior waters would otherwise require. I salute you -with great esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR WILLIAMS. - - WASHINGTON, November 1, 1807. - -SIR,--I have duly received your letter of August 25th, in which you -express a wish that the letters received from you may be acknowledged, -in order to ascertain their safe transmission. Those received the present -year have been of March 14, May 11, and 30, June 8, July 3, August 12, and -25. They have not been before acknowledged in conformity with a practice -which the constant pressure of business has forced me to follow, of not -answering letters which do not necessarily require it. I have seen with -regret, the violence of the dissensions in your quarter. We have the same -in the territories of Louisiana and Michigan. It seems that the smaller -the society the bitterer the dissensions into which it breaks. Perhaps -this observation answers all the objections drawn by Mr. Adams from the -small republics of Italy. I believe ours is to owe its permanence to its -great extent, and the smaller portion comparatively, which can ever be -convulsed at one time by local passions. We expect shortly now to hear -from England, and to know how the present cloud is to terminate. We -are all pacifically inclined here, if anything comes from thence which -will permit us to follow our inclinations. I salute you with esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - November 8, 1807. - -I will sign a proclamation for the sale of the lands northwest of Ohio, -whenever you think proper. I believe the form is in your office, and in -the course of this week we will agree on the officers. - -I am afraid we know too little as yet of the lead mines to establish a -permanent system. I verily believe that of leasing will be far the best -for the United States. But it will take time to find out what rent may be -reserved, so as to enable the lessee to compete with those who work mines -in their own right, and yet have an encouraging profit for themselves. -Having on the spot two such men as Lewis and Bates, in whose integrity -and prudence unlimited confidence may be placed, would it not be best -to confide to them the whole business of leasing and regulating the -management of our interests, recommending to them short leases, at first, -till themselves shall become thoroughly acquainted with the subject, and -shall be able to reduce the management to a system, which the government -may then approve and adhere to. I think one article of it should be that -the rent shall be paid in metal, not in mineral, so that we may have -nothing to do with works which will always be mismanaged, and reduce -our concern to a simple rent. We shall lose more by ill-managed smelting -works than the digging the ore is worth. Then it would be better that our -ore remained in the earth than in a storehouse, and consequently we give -nine-tenths of the ore for nothing. These thoughts are merely for your -consideration. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. SHORT. - - WASHINGTON, November 15, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 6th has been duly received. On the subject -of your location for the winter, it is impossible in my view of it, -to doubt on the preference which should be given to this place. Under -any circumstances it could not but be satisfactory to you to acquire -an intimate knowledge of our political machine, not merely of its -organization, but the individuals and characters composing it, their -general mode of thinking, and of acting openly and secretly. Of all this -you can learn no more at Philadelphia than of a diet of the empire. None -but an eye-witness can really understand it, and it is quite as important -to be known to them, and to obtain a certain degree of their confidence in -your own right. In a government like ours, the standing of a man well with -this portion of the public must weigh against a considerable difference -of other qualifications. Your quarters here may not perhaps be quite as -comfortable as at Philadelphia. There is a good house half-way between -this and the Treasury, where General Dearborne, Mr. and Mrs. Cutts, board -together. I do not know if there is a vacancy in it, but there are houses -all along the avenue, convenient to the Capitol, and to this house also, -to come and take your soup with us every day, when not otherwise engaged. - -Our affairs with Spain laid dormant during the absence of Bonaparte from -Paris, because we know Spain would do nothing towards settling them, but -by compulsion. Immediately on his return, our terms were stated to him, -and his interposition obtained. If it was with good faith, its effect -will be instantaneous; if not with good faith, we shall discover it by -affected delays, and must decide accordingly. I think a few weeks will -clear up this matter. With England, all is uncertain. The late stuff by -Captain Doane, is merely a counterbalance for the stuff we had a week -before of a contrary aspect. Those dialogues they put into the mouths -of the ministers were not likely to be communicated to the newswriters, -and they are founded on a falsehood within my knowledge, not that I have -confidence with an amicable arrangement with England; but I have not the -less on account of this information. One circumstance only in it, I view -as very possible, that she may by proclamation forbid all commerce with -her enemies, which is equivalent to forbidding it with any nation but -herself. As her commerce could not be accepted on such terms, this will be -as much of a war as she could wage if she were to declare war, for she can -wage only a maritime war with us. In such a case we could not let the war -be all on one side but must certainly endeavor at as much indemnification -as we could take. If we have war with her, we shall need no loan the -first year, a domestic loan only the second year, but after that, foreign -loans. The moment the war is decided, we shall think it necessary to take -measures to insure these by the time they are wanted, and your management -of this kind of business, formerly, is known to have been so advantageous, -that we should certainly wish to avail ourselves of your services, if they -can be obtained conformably to our joint views. But nothing specific can -be said until the denouement of our present situation. No inference can -be drawn from Monroe's return, (which I dare say will be by the Revenge,) -because his return this autumn had been earnestly solicited by him, and -agreed to by us. The classification of our militia will be again proposed, -on a better plan, and with more probable success. With respect to General -Moreau, no one entertains a more cordial esteem for his character than I -do, and although our relations with France have rendered it a duty in me -not to seek any public manifestation of it, yet were accident to bring us -together, I could not be so much wanting to my own sentiments and those of -my constituents individually, as to omit a cordial manifestation of it. - - * * * * * - - -TO MR. JAMES PEMBERTON. - - WASHINGTON, November 16, 1807. - -SIR,--Your favor of October 31st has been duly received, and I thank -you for the communication of the report of the Committee of Friends. -It gives me great satisfaction to see that we are likely to render our -Indian neighbors happier in themselves and well affected to us; that -the measures we are pursuing are prescribed equally by our duty to -them, and by the good of our own country. It is a proof the more of the -indissoluble alliance between our duties and interest, which if ever -they appear to lead in opposite directions, we may be assured it is -from our own defective views. It is evident that your society has begun -at the right end for civilizing these people. Habits of industry, easy -subsistence, attachment to property, are necessary to prepare their -minds for the first elements of science, and afterwards for moral and -religious instruction. To begin with the last has ever ended either in -effecting nothing, or ingrafting bigotry on ignorance, and setting them to -tomahawking and burning old women and others as witches, of which we have -seen a commencement among them. There are two circumstances which have -enabled us to advance the southern tribes faster than the northern; 1, -they are larger, and the agents and instructors therefore can extend their -instruction and influence over a much larger surface; 2, the southern -tribes can raise cotton, and immediately enter on the process of spinning -and weaving, so as to clothe themselves without resorting to the chase. -The northern tribes cannot cultivate cotton, nor can they supply its want -by raising sheep, because of the number of wolves. I see not how they are -to clothe themselves till they shall have destroyed these animals, which -will be a work of time. They should make this one of the principal objects -of their hunts. I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO DANIEL ECCLESTON, ESQUIRE. - - WASHINGTON, November 21, 1807. - -SIR,--I received on the 22d ult. your favor of May 20th, with the medals -accompanying it, through the channel of my friend and ancient class-mate, -Mr. Manning, of Liverpool. That our own nation should entertain sentiments -of gratitude and reverence for the great character who is the subject -of your medallion, is a matter of duty. His disinterested and valuable -services to them have rendered it so; but such a monument to his memory by -the member of another community, proves a zeal for virtue in the abstract, -honorable to him who inscribes it, as to him whom it commemorates. In -returning you my individual thanks for the one destined for myself, I -should perform but a part of my duty were I not to add an assurance that -this testimonial in favor of the first worthy of our country will be -grateful to the feelings of our citizens generally. - -I immediately forwarded the two other medals and the letter to Judge -Washington, with a request that he would hand one of them to Chief Justice -Marshall. I salute you with great respect. - - -TO MR. MAURY. - - WASHINGTON, November 21, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of July 21st came to hand October 22d, with the -letters and medals of General Washington, from Mr. Eccleston, and I now -take the liberty of enclosing through you my acknowledgments to him. This -tribute of respect to the first worthy of our country, is honorable to him -who renders as to him who is the subject of it. - -The world, as you justly observe, is truly in an awful state. Two nations -of overgrown power are endeavoring to establish, the one an universal -dominion by sea, the other by land. We naturally fear that which comes -into immediate contact with us, leaving remoter dangers to the chapter of -accidents. We are now in hourly expectation of hearing from our ministers -in London, by the return of the Revenge. Whether she will bring us war or -peace, or the middle state of non-intercourse, seems suspended in equal -balance. With every wish for peace, permitted by the circumstances forced -upon us, we look to war as equally probable. The crops of the present year -have been great beyond example. The wheat sown for the ensuing year is in -a great measure destroyed by the drought and the fly. A favorable winter -and spring sometimes do wonders towards recovering unpromising grain; but -nothing can make the next crop of wheat a good one. - -The present aspect of our foreign relations has encouraged here a -general spirit of encouragement to domestic manufacture. The Merino -breed of sheep is well established with us, and fine samples of cloth -are sent on from the north. Considerable manufactures of cotton are also -commencing. Philadelphia, particularly, is becoming more manufacturing -than commercial. I have heard nothing lately from your friends in -Albemarle; but if all had not been well with them, I should have heard of -it. I tender you my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant -friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - November 22, 1807. - -The defence of Orleans against a land army can never be provided for, -according to the principles of the Constitution, till we can get a -sufficient militia here. I think therefore to get the enclosed bill -brought forward again. Will you be so good as to make any alterations in -it which the present state of the surveys may have rendered necessary, and -any others you shall think for the better? - - -TO COLONEL MINOR. - - WASHINGTON, November 25, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 23d came to hand last night, and I thank -you for your attention to the letter to Mrs. Dangerfield, whose answer I -have received. Perceiving that you are rendered unquiet by the impudent -falsehoods with which the newspapers have tormented the public feelings -lately, in a moment of extraordinary anxiety, I must assure you that these -articles are all demonstrably false, that is to say, the information of -about three or four weeks ago that the ministers on both sides had given -out that all things were amicably arranged. That which followed a week -after assuring us all negotiation was at an end, and war inevitable, -that is to say, Capt. Doane's news, and what followed a few days ago -of Bonaparte's pretended answer to queries, extending his decree to -us, coming via Antwerp and Bordeaux. It is believed that the last was -fabricated in Boston, to counteract the war-news from England there -afloat. I have no doubt Monroe is coming home, and that he, as well as -the Revenge, may be expected about the last of the month; and I think it -possible he may be the bearer of propositions for a middle ground between -us, modifying what we have deemed indispensable; consequently that there -will be time still employed in these things crossing and re-crossing the -Atlantic, during which peace may take place in Europe, which of course -removes all ground of dispute between us till another war. As to the -Chesapeake, there is no doubt they will make satisfaction of some sort. -This is my present idea of the present state of things with that country, -but founded as you will perceive on possibilities only and conjectures, -which one week may ascertain. I salute you with great friendship and -respect. - - -TO MR. FULTON. - - December 10, 1807. - -Thomas Jefferson presents Mr. Fulton his thanks for the communication of -his Memoir, which he has read with great satisfaction, and now returns. -There is nothing in it but what will contribute to the promotion of its -great object; and some of the calculations will have a very powerful -effect. He salutes him with esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - WASHINGTON, December 10, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you Mr. Law's letter, with thanks for the -communication. I wish he may be a true prophet as to peace in six -months. It is impossible that any other man should wish it as much as -I do; although duty may control that wish. The desire of peace is very -much strengthened in me by that which I feel in favor of the great -subjects of yours and Mr. Fulton's letters. I had fondly hoped to set -those enterprizes into motion with the last legislature I shall meet. -But the chance of war is an unfortunate check. I do not however despair -that the proposition of amendment may be sent down this session to the -legislatures. But it is not certain. There is a snail-paced gate for the -advance of new ideas on the general mind, under which we must acquiesce. -A forty years' experience of popular assemblies has taught me, that you -must give them time for every step you take. If too hard pushed, they -baulk, and the machine retrogrades. I doubt whether precedence will be -given to your part of the plan before Mr. Fulton's. People generally have -more feeling for canals and roads than education. However, I hope we can -advance them with equal pace. If the amendment is sent out this session, -returned to the next, and no war takes place, we may offer the plan to the -next session in the form of a bill, the preparation of which should be the -work of the ensuing summer. I salute you affectionately. - - -TO GENERAL JOHN MASON. - -Although the decree of the French government of November 21st -comprehended, in its literal terms, the commerce of the United States, -yet the prompt explanation by one of the ministers of that government -that it was not so understood, and that our treaty would be respected, -the practice which took place in the French ports conformably with that -explanation, and the recent interference of that government to procure -in Spain a similar construction of a similar decree there, had given -well-founded expectation that it would not be extended to us; and this was -much strengthened by the consideration of their obvious interests. But the -information from our minister at Paris now communicated to Congress is, -that it is determined to extend the effect of that decree to us; and it -is probable that Spain and the other Atlantic and Mediterranean States of -Europe will co-operate in the same measure. The British regulations had -before reduced us to a direct voyage to a single port of their enemies, -and it is now believed they will interdict all commerce whatever with -them. A proclamation too of that government (not officially, indeed, -communicated to us, yet so given out to the public as to become a rule of -action with them,) seems to have shut the door on all negotiation with us, -except as to the single aggression on the Chesapeake. - -The sum of these mutual enterprises on our national rights is that France, -and her allies, reserving for further consideration the prohibiting our -carrying anything to the British territories, have virtually done it, -by restraining our bringing a return cargo from them; and Great Britain, -after prohibiting a great proposition of our commerce with France and her -allies, is now believed to have prohibited the whole. The whole world is -thus laid under interdict by these two nations, and our vessels, their -cargoes and crews, are to be taken by the one or the other, for whatever -place they may be destined, out of our own limits. If, therefore, on -leaving our harbors we are certainly to lose them, is it not better, as to -vessels, cargoes, and seamen, to keep them at home? This is submitted to -the wisdom of Congress, who alone are competent to provide a remedy. - - -TO DOCTOR WISTAR. - - WASHINGTON, December 19, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I have never known to what family you ascribed the Wild Sheep, -or Fleecy Goat, as Governor Lewis called it, or the _Potio-trajos_, if -its name must be Greek. He gave me a skin, but I know he carried a more -perfect one, with the horns on, to Mr. Peale; and if I recollect well -those horns, they, with the fleece, would induce one to suspect it to be -the Lama, or at least a _Lamæ affinis_. I will thank you to inform me what -you determine it to be. - -I have lately received a letter from General Clarke. He has employed -ten laborers several weeks, at the Big-bone Lick, and has shipped the -result, in three large boxes, down the Ohio, via New Orleans, for this -place, where they are daily expected. He has sent, 1st, of the Mammoth, -as he calls it, frontals, jaw-bones, tusks, teeth, ribs, a thigh, and -a leg, and some bones of the paw; 2d, of what he calls the Elephant, a -jaw-bone, tusks, teeth, ribs; 3d, of something of the Buffalo species, a -head and some other bones unknown. My intention, in having this research -thoroughly made, was to procure for the society as complete a supplement -to what is already possessed as that lick can furnish at this day, and -to serve them first with whatever they wish to possess of it. There is a -tusk and a femur which General Clarke procured particularly at my request, -for a special kind of Cabinet I have at Monticello. But the great mass of -the collection are mere duplicates of what you possess at Philadelphia, -of which I would wish to make a donation to the National Institute of -France, which I believe has scarcely any specimens of the remains of these -animals. But how to make the selection without the danger of sending away -something which might be useful to our own society? Indeed, my friend, -you must give a week to this object. You cannot but have some wish to -see Washington for its site, and some of its edifices, which will give -you pleasure. You will see one room especially, to which Europe can show -nothing superior. Baltimore, too, is an object. Take your lodgings at the -tavern close by us. Mess with me every day, and in the intervals of your -perlustrations of the city, Navy Yard, Capitol, &c., examine these bones, -and set apart what you would wish for the society. I will give you notice -when they arrive here, and then you will select a time when you can best -absent yourself for a week from Philadelphia. I hope you will not deny us -this great service, and I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO GEN. WILLIAM CLARKE. - - WASHINGTON, December 19, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your two favors of September 20th, and -November 10th, and am greatly obliged, indeed, by the trouble you have -been so good as to take in procuring for me as thorough a supplement to -the bones of the Mammoth as can now be had. I expect daily to receive your -bill for all the expenses, which shall be honored with thanks. - -The collection you have made is so considerable that it has suggested an -idea I had not before. I see that after taking out for the Philosophical -Society everything they shall desire, there will remain such a collection -of duplicates as will be a grateful offering from me to the National -Institute of France, for whom I am bound to do something. But in order to -make it more considerable, I find myself obliged to ask the addition of -those which you say you have deposited with your brother at Clarkesville, -such as ribs, backbones, leg bones, thigh, ham hips, shoulder-blades, -parts of the upper and under jaw, teeth of the Mammoth and Elephant, and -parts of the Mammoth tusks, to be forwarded hereafter, if necessary. - -I avail myself of these last words to ask that they may packed and -forwarded to me by the way of New Orleans, as the others have been. I do -this with the less hesitation, knowing these things can be of little value -to yourself or brother, so much in the way of furnishing yourselves, if -desired, and because I know they will be so acceptable to an institution -to which, as a member, I wish to be of some use. I salute you with great -friendship and respect. - - -TO GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARKE. - - WASHINGTON, December 19, 1807. - -DEAR GENERAL,--As I think it probable your brother will have left you -before the enclosed comes to hand, I have left it open, and request you to -read it, and do for me what it asks of him, and what he will do should he -still be with you, that is to say to have the bones packed and forwarded -for me to William Brown, collector at New Orleans, who will send them on -to me. - -I avail myself of this occasion of recalling myself to your memory, and -of assuring you that time has not lessened my friendship for you. We are -both now grown old. You have been enjoying in retirement the recollections -of the services you have rendered your country, and I am about to retire -without an equal consciousness that I have not occupied places in which -others would have done more good. But in all places and times I shall wish -you every happiness, and salute you with great friendship and esteem. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 24, 1807. - -I think there should certainly be an inquiry into the conduct of Taylor -of Ceracock, the charges being specified, of the most serious nature, and -offered to be proved. - -We might take a conveyance of the lands at Tarpaulin cove, of an estate, -to continue _so long as a light-house should be kept upon it, and used -as a light-house_. It would not be a fee simple, but what the lawyers -call a _base fee_. But it would be a bad example, and we should have all -proprietors hereafter insisting on the same thing. It is better they -should trust to the liberality of the United States, in giving them a -pre-emption if the light-house be discontinued. It will be better to add -to the absolute conveyance, such restriction of right as we consent to, -to wit, that there shall be no tavern, &c., than attempt to enumerate the -rights we may exercise,--_e. g._, that we may keep cows, cultivate, &c. - -I approve entirely the idea of conveying to the city of New Orleans the -rights of the United States in the Batture, lately claimed by that city, -and to all other Riparian possessors on the Mississippi all alluvions, -and all atterisements, or shoals, left uncovered at low water, saving -to navigators the right of landing, unloading, &c. But providing that -the claim to the Batture given to the city, should be decided by special -commissioners to whom the evidence and arguments in writing shall be sent, -without any necessity of their going there. - -Should not a bill be immediately proposed for amending the embargo law? In -the meantime the revenue cutters and armed vessels must use force. - -Cockle's bonds are certainly good set-offs against his Louisiana bills, -and ought so to be used to save his sureties. - -I am glad to find we have 4,000,000 acres west of Chafalaya. How much -better to have every 160 acres settled by an able-bodied militia man, than -by purchasers with their hordes of negroes, to add weakness instead of -strength. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. - - WASHINGTON, December 26, 1807. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you the letters you were so kind as to communicate -to me, on the appointment of Dr. Waterhouse to the care of the marine -hospital. When he was decided on (November 26th), no other candidate had -been named to me as desiring the place. - -The respectable recommendations I had received, and his station as -professor of medicine in a college of high reputation, sufficiently -warranted his abilities as a physician, and to these was added a fact -well known, that, to his zeal, the United States were indebted for the -introduction of a great blessing,--vaccination, which has extirpated one -of the most loathsome and mortal diseases which has afflicted humanity -some years, probably, sooner than would otherwise have taken place. It was -a pleasure, therefore, as well as a duty, in dispensing the public favors, -to make this small return for the great service rendered our country by -Dr. Waterhouse. - -That he is not a professional _surgeon_ is not an objection. The marine -hospitals are medical institutions, for the relief of common seamen, -and the ordinary diseases to which they are liable. To them, therefore, -professional _physicians_ have always been appointed. - -A surgeon is named to the navy hospital. The surgeon will have medical -cases under him, and the physician some surgical cases; but not in -sufficient proportion to change the characters of the institutions, or of -the persons to whom they are committed. - -On a review of the subject, therefore, I have no reason to doubt that -the person appointed will perform the services of the marine hospital -with ability and faithfulness; and I feel a satisfaction in having -done something towards discharging a moral obligation of the nation, to -one who has saved so many of its victims from a mortal disease. Nor is -it unimportant to the State in which that institution is, that it has -extended his means of usefulness to the medical students of its college. - -I am thankful now, as at all times, for information on the subject of -appointments, even when it comes too late to be used. I know none but -public motives in making them. It is more difficult and more painful than -all the other duties of my office, and one in which I am sufficiently -conscious that involuntary error must often be committed; and I am -particularly thankful to yourself for this opportunity of explaining -the grounds of the appointment in question; and I tender you sincere -assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, December 29, 1807. - -It is impossible to detest more than I do the fraudulent and injurious -practice of covering foreign vessels and cargoes under the American flag; -and I sincerely wish a systematic and severe course of punishment could be -established. It is only as a punishment of this fraud, that we could deny -to the Portuguese vessel the liberty of departing. But I do not know that -a solitary and accidental instance of punishment would have any effect. -The vessel is _bonâ fide_ Portuguese, the crew Portuguese, loaded with -provisions for Portugal, an unoffending and friendly country, to whom we -wish no ill. I have not sufficiently considered the embargo act, to say -how far the executive is at liberty to decide on these cases. But if we -are free to do it, I should be much disposed to take back her American -papers, and let her go, especially on giving bond and security to land the -cargo in Portugal, dangers of the sea and superior force excepted. Perhaps -it would be proper to require the captain to give up also his certificate -of citizenship, which is also merely fraudulent, has been the ground of -fraudulent conversion, and may be used on the voyage as a fraudulent cover -to the cargo. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 3, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 20th has been received. The copy of -the late volume of Agricultural Proceedings is not yet at hand, but will -probably come safe. I had formerly received the preceding volumes from -your kindness, as you supposed. Writings on this subject are peculiarly -pleasing to me, for, as they tell us, we are sprung from the earth, so -to that we naturally return. It is now among my most fervent longings -to be on my farm, which, with a garden and fruitery, will constitute my -principal occupation in retirement. I have lately received the proceedings -of the Agricultural Society of Paris. They are proceeding with enthusiasm -and understanding. I have been surprised to find that the rotation of -crops and substitution of some profitable growth preparatory for grain, -instead of the useless and expensive fallow, is yet only dawning among -them. The society has lately re-published Oliver de Serres' Theatre -d'Agriculture, in 2 vols. 4to, although written in the reign of * * * * * -It is the finest body of agriculture extant, and especially as improved -by voluminous notes, which bring its process to the present day. I lately -received from Colonel Few in New York, a bottle of the oil of Beni, -believed to be a sesamum. I did not believe there existed so perfect a -substitute for olive oil. Like that of Florence, it has no taste, and is -perhaps rather more limpid. A bushel of seed yields three gallons of oil; -and Governor Milledge, of Georgia, says the plant will grow wherever the -Palmi Christi will. It is worth your attention, and you can probably get -seed from Colonel Few. We are in hourly expectation of Mr. Rose here, in -the hope of seeing what turn our differences with that nation are to take. -As yet all is doubtful. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of -great esteem and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR RUSH. - - WASHINGTON, January 3, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Dr. Waterhouse has been appointed to the Marine Hospital of -Boston, as you wished. It was a just though small return for his merit, -in introducing the vaccination earlier than we should have had it. His -appointment there makes some noise there and here, being unacceptable to -some; but I believe that schismatic divisions in the medical fraternity -are at the bottom of it. My usage is to make the best appointment my -information and judgment enable me to do, and then fold myself up in the -mantle of conscience, and abide unmoved the peltings of the storm. And oh! -for the day when I shall be withdrawn from it; when I shall have leisure -to enjoy my family, my friends, my farm and books! - -In the ensuing autumn, I shall be sending on to Philadelphia a grandson of -about fifteen years of age, to whom I shall ask your friendly attentions. -Without that bright fancy which captivates, I am in hopes he possesses -sound judgment and much observation; and, what I value more than all -things, good humor. For thus I estimate the qualities of the mind; 1, good -humor, 2, integrity; 3, industry; 4, science. The preference of the first -to the second quality may not at first be acquiesced in; but certainly we -had all rather associate with a good-humored, light-principled man, than -with an ill tempered rigorist in morality. - -We are here in hourly expectation of seeing Mr. Rose, and of knowing -what turn his mission is to give to our present differences. The embargo -is salutary. It postpones war, gives time and the benefits of events -which that may produce; particularly that of peace in Europe, which will -postpone the causes of difference to the next war. I salute you with great -affection and respect. - - -TO JOHN TAYLOR, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 6, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your ingenious friend, Mr. Martin, formerly made for me a drill -of very fine construction. I am now very desirous of sending one of them -to the Agricultural Society of Paris, with whom I am in correspondence, -and who are sending me a plough supposed to be of the best construction -ever known. On trial with their best ploughs, by a dynamometer, it is -drawn by from one-half to two-thirds of the force requisite to their best -former ploughs. Will you be so good as to get Mr. Martin to make me one -of his best drills, sparing no pains to make the workmanship worthy of the -object, to pack it in a box, and contrive it for me to Fredericksburg. The -cost shall be remitted him as soon as known. I see by the agricultural -transactions of the Paris Society, they are cultivating the Jerusalem -artichoke for feeding their animals. They make 10,000 lb. to the acre, -which they say is three times as much as they generally make of the -potatoe. The African Negroes brought over to Georgia a seed which they -called benn, and the botanists sesamum. I lately received a bottle of the -oil, which was eaten with sallad by various companies. All agree it is -equal to the olive oil. A bushel of seed yields three gallons of oil. I -propose to cultivate it for my own use at least. The embargo keeping at -home our vessels, cargoes and seamen, saves us the necessity of making -their capture the cause of immediate war; for, if going to England, France -had determined to take them, if to any other place, England was to take -them. Till they return to some sense of moral duty, therefore, we keep -within ourselves. This gives time. Time may produce peace in Europe; peace -in Europe removes all causes of difference, till another European war; and -by that time our debt may be paid, our revenues clear, and our strength -increased. - -I salute you with great friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 7, 1808. - -I think with you that the establishment of posts of delivery at Green Bay -and Chicago, would only furnish pretexts for not entering at Mackinac; -and that a new post at the falls of St. Mary's, requiring a military post -to be established there, would not quit cost, nor is this a time to be -multiplying small establishments. - -The collector should have his eye on the schooner Friends on her return, -and though proof may be difficult, harass them with a prosecution. - -I see nothing in the case of the Swedish captain which can produce doubt. -The law is plain that a foreign vessel may go with the load she had on -board and no more. The exception as to vessels under the President's -direction, can only be meant to embrace governmental cases, such as advice -vessels, such as permitting foreign seamen to be shipped to their own -country. - -With respect to the Four Brothers, I know not what can be done, unless the -amendatory law would authorize the collector to detain on circumstances -of strong suspicion, until he can refer the case here, and give a power to -detain finally on such grounds. - -Have you thought of the Indian drawback? The Indians can be kept in order -only by commerce or war. The former is the cheapest. Unless we can induce -individuals to employ their capital in that trade, it will require an -enormous sum of capital from the public treasury, and it will be badly -managed. A drawback for four or five years is the cheapest way of getting -that business off our hands. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - January 7, 1808. - -Proceeding as we are to an extensive construction of gun-boats, there are -many circumstances to be considered and agreed on, viz.: - -1. How many shall we build? for the debate lately published proves clearly -it was not expected we should build the whole number proposed. - -2. Of what size, and how many of each size? - -3. What weight of metal shall each size carry? shall carronades be added? - -4. Is it not best, as they will not be seasoned, to leave them unsealed -awhile? - -5. Where shall they be built, and when required to be in readiness? - -6. As a small proportion only will be kept afloat, in time of peace, the -_safe_ and _convenient_ depositories for those laid up should be inquired -into and agreed on, and sheds erected under which they may be covered from -the sun and rain. - -7. To economize the navy funds of the ensuing year, we should determine -how many of the boats now in service ought to be kept in each, and for how -many we will depend on the seaport in case of attack. - -The first of these subjects may require a general consultation, and -perhaps the 7th also. The others are matters of detail which may be -determined on between you and myself. I shall be ready to consult with you -on them at your convenience. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, January 8, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of December 29th brings to my mind a subject which -never has presented itself but with great pain, that of your withdrawing -from the administration, before I withdraw myself. It would have been -to me the greatest of consolations to have gone through my term with the -same coadjutors, and to have shared with them the merit, or demerit, of -whatever good or evil we may have done. The integrity, attention, skill, -and economy with which you have conducted your department, have given -me the most complete and unqualified satisfaction, and this testimony I -bear to it with all the sincerity of truth and friendship; and should a -war come on, there is no person in the United States to whose management -and care I could commit it with equal confidence. That you as well -as myself, and all our brethren, have maligners, who from ill-temper, -or disappointment, seek opportunities of venting their angry passions -against us, is well known, and too well understood by our constituents -to be regarded. No man who can succeed you will have fewer, nor will any -one enjoy a more extensive confidence through the nation. Finding that -I could not retain you to the end of my term, I had wished to protract -your stay, till I could with propriety devolve on another the naming of -your successor. But this probably could not be done till about the time -of our separation in July. Your continuance however, till after the end -of the session, will relieve me from the necessity of any nomination -during the session, and will leave me only a chasm of two or three months -over which I must hobble as well as I can. My greatest difficulty will -arise from the carrying on the system of defensive works we propose to -erect. That these should have been fairly under way, and in a course -of execution, under your direction, would have peculiarly relieved -me; because we concur so exactly in the scale on which they are to be -executed. Unacquainted with the details myself, I fear that when you are -gone, aided only by your chief clerk, I shall be assailed with schemes -of improvement and alterations which I shall be embarrassed to pronounce -on, or withstand, and incur augmentations of expense, which I shall not -know how to control. I speak of the interval between the close of this -session, when you propose to retire, and the commencement of our usual -recess in July. Because during that recess, we are in the habit of leaving -things to the chief clerks; and, by the end of it, my successor may be -pretty well known, and prevailed on to name yours. However, I am so much -relieved by your ekeing out your continuance to the end of the session, -that I feel myself bound to consult your inclinations then, and to take -on myself the difficulties of the short period then ensuing. In public or -in private, and in all situations, I shall retain for you the most cordial -esteem, and satisfactory recollections of the harmony and friendship with -which we have run our race together; and I pray you now to accept sincere -assurances of it, and of my great respect and attachment. - - -TO MESSRS. MAESE, LEYBERT AND DICKERSON, OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL -SOCIETY. - - WASHINGTON, January 9, 1808. - -GENTLEMEN,--I duly received your favor of the 1st instant, informing me -that at an election of officers of the American Philosophical Society, -held at their hall on that day, they were pleased unanimously to elect me -as their President for the ensuing year. I repeat, with great sensibility, -my thanks to the Society for these continued proofs of their good will, -and my constant regret that distance and other duties deny me the pleasure -of performing at their meetings the functions assigned to me, and of -enjoying an intercourse with them which of all others would be the most -gratifying to me. Thus circumstanced I can only renew assurances of my -devotion to the objects of the Institution, and that I shall avail myself -with peculiar pleasure of every occasion which may occur of promoting -them, and of being useful to the Society. - -I beg leave through you, Gentlemen, to present them the homage of my -dutiful respects, and that you will accept yourselves, the assurances of -my high consideration and esteem. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 10, 1808. - -I find Bastrop's case less difficult than I had expected. My view of it is -this: The Governor of Louisiana being desirous of introducing the culture -of wheat into that province, engages Bastrop as an agent for carrying -that object into effect. He agrees to lay off twelve leagues square on -the Washita and Bayou liard, as a settlement for the culture of wheat, to -which Bastrop is to bring five hundred families, each of which families is -to have four hundred arpens of the land; the residue of the twelve leagues -square, we may understand, was to be Bastrop's premium. The government was -to bear the expenses of bringing these emigrants from New Madrid, and was -to allow them rations for six months,--Bastrop undertaking to provide the -rations, and the government paying a real and a half for each. - -Bastrop binds himself to settle the five hundred families in three years, -and the Governor especially declares that if within that time the major -part of the establishment shall not have been made good, the _twelve -leagues square_, destined for Bastrop's settlers, shall be occupied by -the families first presenting themselves for that purpose. Bastrop brings -on some settlers,--how many does not appear, and the Intendant, from a -want of funds, suspends further proceeding in the settlement until the -King's decision. [His decision of what? Doubtless whether the settlement -shall proceed on these terms, and the funds be furnished by the king? -or shall be abandoned?] He promises Bastrop, at the same time, that the -former limitation of three years shall be extended to two years, after the -course of the contract shall have again commenced to be executed, and the -determination of the King shall be made known to Bastrop. Here, then, is -a complete suspension of the undertaking until the King's decision, and -his silence from that time till, and when, he ceded the province, must be -considered as an abandonment of the project. - -There are several circumstances in this case offering ground for question, -whether Bastrop is entitled to any surplus of the lands. But this will -be an investigation for the Attorney General. But the uttermost he can -claim is a surplus proportioned to the number of families he settled, -that is to say, a quota of land bearing such a proportion to the number -of families he settled, (deducting four hundred arpens for each of them,) -as one hundred and forty-four square leagues bear to the whole number of -five hundred families. The important fact therefore to be settled, is the -number of families he established there before the suspension. - -The Marquis du Maison Rouge (under whom Mr. Clarke claims) was to have -thirty square leagues on the Washita, for settling thirty families, none -of them to be Americans. The lands were located and appropriated under the -terms and conditions stipulated and contracted for by the said Marquis. -What these were we are not told. The grantee must prove his grant by -producing it. That will prove what the conditions were, and then he must -prove these conditions performed. - -Livingston's argument does not establish the fact that the lands between -the staked line and the river, (if they belonged to the Jesuits,) were -conveyed to Gravier. - -It is impossible to consider the indulgence to the Apelousas as anything -more than a _voluntary_ permission from the government to use the timber -on the ungranted lands, until they should be granted to others. It could -never be intended to keep that country forever unsettled, as appears by -expressly reserving the right of soil. But I think we should continue the -permission until we sell the lands. - -These opinions are, of course, not to be considered as decisions, (for -that is not my province,) but as general ideas of the rights of the United -States, to be kept in view on the settlement. - -The appropriation of the lots in New Orleans must certainly be suspended, -until we get the supplementary information promised. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO WILLIAM WIRT, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 10, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I pray you that this letter may be sacredly secret, because it -meddles in a line wherein I should myself think it wrong to intermeddle, -were it not that it looks to a period when I shall be out of office, -but others might think it wrong notwithstanding that circumstance. I -suspected, from your desire to go into the army, that you disliked your -profession, notwithstanding that your prospects in it were inferior to -none in the State. Still I know that no profession is open to stronger -antipathies than that of the law. The object of this letter, then, is -to propose to you to come into Congress. That is the great commanding -theatre of this nation, and the threshold to whatever department of office -a man is qualified to enter. With your reputation, talents, and correct -views, used with the necessary prudence, you will at once be placed at -the head of the republican body in the House of Representatives; and -after obtaining the standing which a little time will ensure you, you may -look, at your own will, into the military, the judiciary, diplomatic, or -other civil departments, with a certainty of being in either whatever you -please. And in the present state of what may be called the eminent talents -of our country, you may be assured of being engaged through life in the -most honorable employments. If you come in at the next election, you will -begin your course with a new administration. That administration will -be opposed by a faction, small in numbers, but governed by no principle -but the most envenomed malignity. They will endeavor to batter down -the executive before it will have time, by its purity and correctness, -to build up a confidence with the people, founded on experiment. By -supporting them you will lay for yourself a broad foundation in the public -confidence, and indeed you will become the Colossus of the republican -government of your country. I will not say that public life is the line -for making a fortune. But it furnishes a decent and honorable support, and -places one's children on good grounds for public favor. The family of a -beloved father will stand with the public on the most favorable ground of -competition. Had General Washington left children, what would have been -denied to them? - -Perhaps I ought to apologize for the frankness of this communication. It -proceeds from an ardent zeal to see this government (the idol of my soul) -continue in good hands, and from a sincere desire to see you whatever you -wish to be. To this apology I shall only add my friendly salutations, and -assurances of sincere esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - January 14, 1808. - -I return you Chauncey's letter. I am sorry to see the seamen working for -rations only, and that we cannot allow even them. And further, indeed, -that we shall be under the necessity of discharging a number of those we -have. This is so serious a question that I propose to call a consultation -on it a day or two hence. Our sixty-four gun-boats and ketches may -certainly be reduced to ten seamen each, at least I have at various times -had the opinions of nearly all our naval captains, that from eight to ten -men are sufficient to keep a gun-boat clean and in order, to navigate her -in harbor, and to look out of it. This would give us a reduction of about -four hundred men. But even this will not bring it within the estimate. -However, what is to be done, is the question on which I shall propose -a consultation. I send you a letter of a Mr. Walton, of Baltimore, for -perusal, merely as it suggests ideas worth looking at. I confess, I think -our _naval militia_ plan, both as to name and structure, better for us -than the English plan of seafencibles. - -I ought to be in possession of a former letter from the same person, but -not finding it among my papers, am induced to ask whether I sent it to -you? Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - January 15, 1808. - -To the letter from Mr. Davy, of the committee of the chamber of commerce, -of Philadelphia, (which I now return you,) I think you may say in answer, -that you had communicated it to the President, and were authorized to -say that the Government of the United States have no present views of -forming new harbors for the reception of their vessels of war: that under -the authority, and with the means, lately given by the Legislature to -the executive, it is intended to furnish means of defence, by land and -water, to the several harbors of the United States, in proportion to their -importance and local circumstances: that all the points to be defended are -not yet definitively decided on; but that in reviewing them, the harbor -proposed by the chamber of commerce, to be formed near Lewistown, will -be considered, and will have a just participation in the provisions for -protection, in the first place according to its present circumstances, and -hereafter according to any new importance which shall have been given it -by being made a place of greater resort for merchant vessels. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. J. DORSEY. - - WASHINGTON, January 21, 1808. - -SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of December 20th, -and am much pleased to find our progress in manufactures to be so great. -That of cotton is peculiarly interesting, because we raise the raw -material in such abundance, and because it may, to a great degree, supply -our deficiencies both in wool and linen. A former application on behalf -of Messrs. Binney & Robertson, was delivered to the Secretary of State, -who will engage General Armstrong to aid such measures as they may take in -Paris for obtaining permission to draw supplies of Antimony from thence. - -It will give me real pleasure to see some good system of measures and -weights introduced and combined with the decimal arithmetic. It is a great -and difficult question whether to venture only on a half reformation, -which by presenting fewer innovations, may be more easily adopted, or, -as the French have tried with success, make a radical reform. Your plan -presents as few innovations as any I have seen; but I think your _foot_ -should refer to the pendulum, by saying, for instance, that the _foot_ -shall be a measure which shall be to the second pendulum as 1 to 3,267; -or rather as 1 to the length of a pendulum vibrating seconds in latitude -45°. This offers a standard in every place, because it can everywhere be -found. The rod you propose is only to be found in Philadelphia. You say -in your letter that "if the decimal mode obtain in the division of the -pound, the Troy and it, as regards the Troy grain, would be the same." -I do not understand this; because the Avoirdupois pound containing 7,000 -Troy grains, I do not see how any decimal subdivision of the pound could -coincide with the Troy grain. However, I shall be very glad to see adopted -whatever measure is most promising. I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR. - - WASHINGTON, January 23, 1808. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 18th, and am thankful to you -for having written it, because it is more agreeable to prevent than to -refuse what I do not think myself authorized to comply with. I consider -the government of the United States as interdicted by the Constitution -from intermeddling with religious institutions, their doctrines, -discipline, or exercises. This results not only from the provision that -no law shall be made respecting the establishment or free exercise of -religion, but from that also which reserves to the States the powers -not delegated to the United States. Certainly, no power to prescribe -any religious exercise, or to assume authority in religious discipline, -has been delegated to the General Government. It must then rest with -the States, as far as it can be in any human authority. But it is only -proposed that I should _recommend_, not prescribe a day of fasting and -prayer. That is, that I should _indirectly_ assume to the United States an -authority over religious exercises, which the Constitution has directly -precluded them from. It must be meant, too, that this recommendation is -to carry some authority, and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those -who disregard it; not indeed of fine and imprisonment, but of some degree -of proscription, perhaps in public opinion. And does the change in the -nature of the penalty make the recommendation less a _law_ of conduct -for those to whom it is directed? I do not believe it is for the interest -of religion to invite the civil magistrate to direct its exercises, its -discipline, or its doctrines; nor of the religious societies, that the -General Government should be invested with the power of effecting any -uniformity of time or matter among them. Fasting and prayer are religious -exercises; the enjoining them an act of discipline. Every religious -society has a right to determine for itself the times for these exercises, -and the objects proper for them, according to their own particular tenets; -and this right can never be safer than in their own hands, where the -Constitution has deposited it. - -I am aware that the practice of my predecessors may be quoted. But I have -ever believed, that the example of State executives led to the assumption -of that authority by the General Government, without due examination, -which would have discovered that what might be a right in a State -government, was a violation of that right when assumed by another. Be this -as it may, every one must act according to the dictates of his own reason, -and mine tells me that civil powers alone have been given to the President -of the United States, and no authority to direct the religious exercises -of his constituents. - -I again express my satisfaction that you have been so good as to give me -an opportunity of explaining myself in a private letter, in which I could -give my reasons more in detail than might have been done in a public -answer; and I pray you to accept the assurances of my high esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - January 24, 1808. - -Thomas Jefferson returns thanks to Mr. Barlow for the copy of the -Columbiad he has been so kind as to send him; the eye discovers at -once the excellence of the mechanical execution of the work, and he is -persuaded that the mental part will be found to have merited it. He will -not do it the injustice of giving it such a reading as his situation here -would admit, of a few minutes at a time, and at intervals of many days. -He will reserve it for that retirement after which he is panting, and not -now very distant, where he may enjoy it in full concert with its kindred -scenes, amidst those rural delights which join in chorus with the poet, -and give to his song all its magic effect. He salutes Mr. Barlow with -friendship and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TOMKINS. - - WASHINGTON, January 26, 1808. - -SIR,--I take the liberty of enclosing to you the copy of an application -which I have received from a portion of the citizens of the State of New -York, residing on the river St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, setting forth -their very defenceless situation for the want of arms, and praying to be -furnished from the magazines of the United States. Similar applications -from other parts of our frontier in every direction have sufficiently -shown that did the laws permit such a disposition of the arms of the -United States, their magazines would be completely exhausted, and nothing -would remain for actual war. But it is only when troops take the field, -that the arms of the United States can be delivered to them. For the -ordinary safety of the citizens of the several States, whether against -dangers within or without, their reliance must be on the means to be -provided by their respective States. Under these circumstances I have -thought it my duty to transmit to you the representation received, not -doubting that you will have done for the safety of our fellow citizens, -on a part of our frontier so interesting and so much exposed, what their -situation requires, and the means under your control may permit. - -Should our present differences be amicably settled, it will be a question -for consideration whether we should not establish a strong post on the St. -Lawrence, as near our northern boundary as a good position can be found. -To do this at present would only produce a greater accumulation of hostile -force in that quarter. I pray you to accept the assurances of my high -respect and esteem. - - -TO JACOB J. BROWN, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 27, 1808. - -SIR,--The representation of the county of Jefferson, in New York, of -which you are chairman, stating their want of arms, and asking a supply, -has been duly received and considered. I learn with great concern that -a portion of our frontier so interesting, so important, and so exposed, -should be so entirely unprovided with common fire-arms. I did not suppose -any part of the United States so destitute of what is considered as among -the first necessaries of a farm-house. This circumstance gives me the -more concern as the laws of the United States do not permit their arms to -be delivered from the magazines but to troops actually taking the field; -and, indeed, were the inhabitants on the whole of our frontier, of so -many thousands of miles, to be furnished from our magazines, little would -be left in them for actual war. For the ordinary safety of the citizens -of the several States, whether against dangers from within or without, -reliance has been placed either on the domestic means of the individuals, -or on those provided by the respective States. What those means are in -the State of New York, I am not informed; but I have transmitted your -representation to Governor Tomkins, with an earnest recommendation of it -to his attention; and I have no doubt that his solicitude for the welfare -and safety of a portion so eminently exposed of those under his immediate -care, will ensure to you whatever his authority and his means will permit. - -That an attack should be made on you by your neighbors, while the state -of peace continues, cannot be supposed; nor is it certain that that -condition of things will be interrupted. Should, however, war take place, -if first declared by us, your safety will of course have been previously -provided for: if by the other party, it cannot be before the measures -now in preparation will be in readiness to secure you. Should our present -differences be amicably settled, a new post on the St. Lawrence, as near -our northern boundary as a good position can be found, will be worthy of -consideration. At present it would only produce a greater accumulation of -hostile force in your neighborhood, and if we should have war, it would -soon become unimportant. - -On the whole, while I am in hopes that your State will provide by the -loan of arms, for your immediate safety and confidence, you may be assured -that such measures shall be in readiness, and in reach, on the part of the -General Government, as aided by your own efforts, will effectually secure -you from the dangers you apprehend. - -I cannot conclude without expressing to you the satisfaction with which I -have received the patriotic assurance of your best services, should they -be needed in your country's cause. They are worthy of the citizens of a -free country, who know and properly estimate the value of self-government, -and are the more acceptable as from a quarter where they will be most -important. - -I beg leave to assure yourself, and through you the committee, of my great -consideration and respect. - - -TO MR. JACOB BROWN. - - WASHINGTON, January 27, 1808. - -SIR,--The substance of the enclosed letter, so far as is necessary for the -satisfaction of our fellow citizens, should be communicated to them. But -the letter itself should not be published, nor be permitted to be copied. -Because the source from which it comes will occasion every word of it to -be weighed by your neighbors on the opposite shore, and every inference to -be drawn of which it is susceptible. To aid their information as to our -views, would give them an advantage to our own prejudice. I salute you -with respect. - - -TO MR. TIFFIN. - - January 30, 1808. - -Thomas Jefferson returns the enclosed to Mr. Tiffin with his thanks for -the communication. He cannot foresee what shape Burr's machinations will -take next. If we have war with Spain, he will become a Spanish General. -If with England, he will go to Canada and be employed there. Internal -convulsion may be attempted if no game more hopeful offers. But it will be -a difficult one, and the more so as having once failed. - - -TO WILLIAM M'INTOSH. - - WASHINGTON, January 30, 1808. - -SIR,--I received some days ago your letter of December 15th, covering -a copy of the resolutions of the French inhabitants of Vincennes of -September 18th, in answer to the address of Governor Harrison, who had, -in the month of October, forwarded me a copy of the same. In his letter -enclosing it he assured me that his address to them on the subject of -our differences with England was merely monitory, putting them on their -guard against insinuations from any agents of that country, who might -find their way among them, and containing no expression, which if truly -explained to them, should have conveyed the least doubt of his confidence -in their fidelity to the United States. I had hoped therefore that the -uneasiness expressed in their resolutions had been done away by subsequent -explanations, as I have no reason to believe any such distrust existed -in the Governor's mind. I can assure them that he never expressed such -a sentiment in any of his communications to me, but that whenever he has -had occasion to speak of them, it has been in terms of entire approbation -and attachment. In my own mind certainly no doubts of their fidelity have -ever been excited or existed. Having been the Governor of Virginia when -Vincennes and the other French settlements of that quarter surrendered to -the arms of that State, twenty-eight years ago, I have had a particular -knowledge of their character as long perhaps as any person in the United -States, and in the various relations in which I have been placed with -them by the several offices I have since held, that knowledge has been -kept up. And to their great honor I can say that I have ever considered -them as sober, honest, and orderly citizens, submissive to the laws, -and faithful to the nation of which they are a part. And should occasion -arise of proving their fidelity in the cause of their country, I count -on their aid with as perfect assurance as on that of any other part of -the United States. In return for this confidence, and as an additional -proof on their part that it is not misplaced, I ask of them a return to -a perfect good understanding with their Governor, and to that respect for -those in authority over them, which has hitherto so honorably marked their -character. As to myself they may be assured that my confidence in them is -undiminished, and that nothing will be wanting on the part of the general -government to secure them in the full participation of all the rights -civil and religious which are enjoyed by their fellow citizens in the -Union at large. - -I beg leave through you to salute them, as well as yourself, with -affection and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR HARRISON. - - WASHINGTON, January 31, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I duly received your letter of October 10th, covering the -resolutions of the French inhabitants of Vincennes, and had hoped that -their uneasiness under your supposed want of confidence in them had -subsided. But a letter lately received from their chairman, covering -another copy of the same resolutions, induces me to answer them, in order -to quiet all further uneasiness. I enclose you my answer, open for your -perusal, and will thank you to seal and deliver it. I have expressed to -them the opinion I have long entertained of the ancient Canadian French, -on a long course of information, and as it is favorable to them, I trust -it will be soothing, and restore those good dispositions which will ease -the execution of your duties, and tend to produce that union which the -present crisis calls for. - -Russia and Portugal have cut off all intercourse with England; their -ambassadors re-called, and war follows of course. Our difficulties with -her are great, nor can it yet be seen how they will terminate. - -Accept my salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - February 8, 1808. - -In questions like the present, important neither in principle nor amount, -I think the collectors should decide for themselves, and especially as -they, and they only, are the legally competent judges; for I believe the -law makes them the judges of the security. If the indulgence proposed -be within the intentions of the law, they can grant it; if it be not, we -cannot. But it is the practice in all cases for the officer who is charged -with the taking security, to be indulgent in a hard case, as where the -person is a stranger, could he not take hypothecations of their vessels? -although the law may not specially authorize this, yet the collector -can take it as counter security for himself, and he can assign it to the -government. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - February 10, 1808. - -It would certainly be very desirable that our citizens should be able -to draw home their property from beyond sea, and it is possible that -Mr. Parish's proposition might be instrumental to that. But it would be -too bold an extension of the views of the Legislature in the portion -of discretion they have given us. They could not mean to give us so -extensive a power of dispensation as would result from the duty of giving -special licenses to merchants, and such a power, guided by no Legislative -regulations, would be liable to great abuse, and greater complaints of it. -I see therefore, neither justification nor safety in leaving the ground we -have taken, of confining the discretionary power given us to the public -correspondence and public interests. If the drawing this mass of specie -here could be any way connected with any direct public operation, the -danger of the precedent would be guarded against; but as it is presented -to us, I think it inadmissible. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - February 14, 1808. - -I believe we must employ some of our gun-boats to aid in the execution -of the embargo law. Some British ships in the Delaware, one of them -loaded with fifteen hundred barrels of flour for Jamaica, another armed -as a letter of marque, openly mean to go out by force. The last is too -strong for the revenue cutters. Mr. Brice also, of Baltimore, asks armed -assistance. I see nothing at present to prevent our sparing a couple of -gun-boats from New York to go into the Delaware, and a couple from Norfolk -to come up to the head of the Bay. Will this interfere with more important -duties? Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - February 14, 1808. - -I have written to Mr. Smith, proposing to order a couple of gun-boats from -New York into the Delaware, and two from Norfolk to the head of the bay. I -hope the passage of naval stores into Canada will be prevented. I enclose -for your information the account of a silver mine to fill your treasury. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. DANIEL SALMON. - - WASHINGTON, February 15, 1808. - -SIR,--I have duly received your letter of the 8th instant, on the subject -of the stone in your possession, supposed meteoric. Its descent from the -atmosphere presents so much difficulty as to require careful examination. -But I do not know that the most effectual examination could be made by -the members of the National Legislature, to whom you have thought of -exhibiting it. Some fragments of these stones have been already handed -about among them. But those most highly qualified for acting in _their_ -stations, are not necessarily supposed most familiar with subjects of -natural history; and such of them as have that familiarity, are not in -situations here to make the investigation. I should think that an inquiry -by some one of our scientific societies, as the Philosophical Society -of Philadelphia for example, would be most likely to be directed with -such caution and knowledge of the subject, as would inspire a general -confidence. We certainly are not to deny whatever we cannot account for. -A thousand phenomena present themselves daily which we cannot explain, -but where facts are suggested, bearing no analogy with the laws of -nature as yet known to us, their verity needs proofs proportioned to -their difficulty. A cautious mind will weigh well the opposition of the -phenomenon to everything hitherto observed, the strength of the testimony -by which it is supported, and the errors and misconceptions to which even -our senses are liable. It may be very difficult to explain how the stone -you possess came into the position in which it was found. But is it easier -to explain how it got into the clouds from whence it is supposed to have -fallen? The actual fact however is the thing to be established, and this I -hope will be done by those whose situations and qualifications enable them -to do it. I salute you with respect. - - -TO MR. ANTHONY G. BETTAY. - - WASHINGTON, February 18, 1808. - -SIR,--I have duly received your letter of January 27th. With respect to -the silver mine on the river Platte, 1,700 miles from St. Louis, I will -observe that in the present state of things between us and Spain, we could -not propose to make an establishment at that distance from all support. -It is interesting however that the knowledge of its position should be -preserved, which can be done either by confiding it to the government, -who will certainly never make use of it without an honorable compensation -for the discovery to yourself or your representatives, or by placing it -wherever you think it safest. - -I should be glad of a copy of any sketch or account you may have made of -the river Platte, of the passage from its head across the mountains, and -of the river Cashecatungo, which you suppose to run into the Pacific. This -would probably be among the first exploring journeys we undertake after -a settlement with Spain, as we wish to become acquainted with all the -advantageous water connections across our continent. - -I shall be very glad to receive some seed of the silk nettle which you -describe, with a view to have it raised, and its uses tried. I have not -been able to find that any of your delegates here has received it. If you -would be so good as to send me a small packet of it by post, it will come -safely, and I will immediately commit it to a person who will try it with -the utmost care. I salute you with respect. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, February 18, 1808. - -MY DEAR SIR,--You informed me that the instruments you had been so kind as -to bring for me from England, would arrive at Richmond with your baggage, -and you wished to know what was to be done with them there. I will ask the -favor of you to deliver them to Mr. Jefferson, who will forward them to -Monticello in the way I shall advise him. And I must entreat you to send -me either a note of their amount, or the bills, that I may be enabled to -reimburse you. There can be no pecuniary matter between us, against which -this can be any set-off. But if, contrary to my recollection or knowledge, -there were anything, I pray that that may be left to be settled by itself. -If I could have known the amount beforehand, I should have remitted it, -and asked the advance only under the idea that it should be the same as -ready money to you on your arrival. I must again, therefore, beseech you -to let me know its amount. - -I see with infinite grief a contest arising between yourself and another, -who have been very dear to each other, and equally so to me. I sincerely -pray that these dispositions may not be affected between you; with me I -confidently trust they will not. For independently of the dictates of -public duty, which prescribes neutrality to me, my sincere friendship -for you both will ensure its sacred observance. I suffer no one to -converse with me on the subject. I already perceive my old friend Clinton, -estranging himself from me. No doubt lies are carried to him, as they -will be to the other two candidates, under forms which, however false, -he can scarcely question. Yet I have been equally careful as to him -also, never to say a word on his subject. The object of the contest is -a fair and honorable one, equally open to you all; and I have no doubt -the personal conduct of all will be so chaste, as to offer no ground of -dissatisfaction with each other. But your friends will not be as delicate. -I know too well from experience the progress of political controversy, -and the exacerbation of spirit into which it degenerates, not to fear -for the continuance of your mutual esteem. One piquing thing said draws -on another, that a third, and always with increasing acrimony, until all -restraint is thrown off, and it becomes difficult for yourselves to keep -clear of the toils in which your friends will endeavor to interlace you, -and to avoid the participation in their passions which they will endeavor -to produce. A candid recollection of what you know of each other will be -the true corrective. With respect to myself, I hope they will spare me. -My longings for retirement are so strong, that I with difficulty encounter -the daily drudgeries of my duty. But my wish for retirement itself is not -stronger than that of carrying into it the affections of all my friends. -I have ever viewed Mr. Madison and yourself as two principal pillars of -my happiness. Were either to be withdrawn, I should consider it as among -the greatest calamities which could assail my future peace of mind. I -have great confidence that the candor and high understanding of both will -guard me against this misfortune, the bare possibility of which has so far -weighed on my mind, that I could not be easy without unburthening it. - -Accept my respectful salutations for yourself and Mrs. Monroe, and be -assured of my constant and sincere friendship. - - -TO JOSEPH BRINGHURST. - - WASHINGTON, February 24, 1808. - -SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 16th. It -gave me the first information of the death of our distinguished fellow -citizen, John Dickinson. A more estimable man, or truer patriot, could -not have left us. Among the first of the advocates for the rights of -his country when assailed by Great Britain, he continued to the last the -orthodox advocate of the true principles of our new government, and his -name will be consecrated in history as one of the great worthies of the -revolution. We ought to be grateful for having been permitted to retain -the benefit of his counsel to so good an old age; still, the moment of -losing it, whenever it arrives, must be a moment of deep-felt regret. For -himself, perhaps, a longer period of life was less important, alloyed -as the feeble enjoyments of that age are with so much pain. But to his -country every addition to his moments was interesting. A junior companion -of his labors in the early part of our revolution, it has been a great -comfort to me to have retained his friendship to the last moment of his -life. - -Sincerely condoling with his friends on this affecting loss, I beg leave -to tender my salutations to yourself, and assurances of my friendly -respects. - - -TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. - - WASHINGTON, February 27, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a copy of Armstrong's letter, covering the papers -sent to Congress. The date was blank, as in the copy; the letter was so -immaterial that I had really forgotten it altogether when I spoke with you -last night. I feel myself much indebted to you for having given me this -private opportunity of showing that I have kept back nothing material. -That the federalists and a few others should by their vote make such a -charge on me, is never unexpected. But how can any join in it who call -themselves friends? The President sends papers to the House, which he -thinks the public interest requires they should see. They immediately pass -a vote, implying irresistibly their belief that he is capable of having -kept back other papers which the same interest requires they should see. -They pretend to no direct proof of this. It must, then, be founded in -presumption; and on what act of my life or of my administration is such a -presumption founded? What interest can I have in leading the Legislature -to act on false grounds? My wish is certainly to take that course with -the public affairs which the body of the Legislature would prefer. It is -said, indeed, that such a vote is to satisfy the federalists and their -partisans. But were I to send twenty letters, they would say, "You have -kept back the twenty-first; send us that." If I sent one hundred, they -would say, "There were one hundred and one;" and how could I prove the -negative? Their malice can be cured by no conduct; it ought, therefore, to -be disregarded, instead of countenancing their imputations by the sanction -of a vote. Indeed I should consider such a vote as a charge, in the face -of the nation, calling for a serious and public defence of myself. I send -you a copy, that you may retain it, and make such use of it among our -friends as your prudence and friendship will deem best. - -I salute you with great affection and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - February 28, 1808. - -There is no source from whence our fair commerce derives so much vexation, -or our country so much danger of war, as from forged papers and fraudulent -voyages. Nothing should, in my opinion, be spared, either of trouble or -expense on our part, to aid all nations in detecting and punishing them. -I would therefore certainly direct Mr. Gelston to furnish Heinecher with -every proof in his power, and to assure him that it shall be done on all -occasions. Would it not be well to give this assurance to all the foreign -consuls? It would at least show the world that this government does not -countenance those frauds; and should not instructions be given to all -the collectors to furnish all proofs in their power on demand? The three -Englishmen will, I presume, be punished by the laws of Holland, either -as spies, or prisoners of war. If their laws will not take hold of our -scoundrel, Gardner, of the Jane, perhaps that government would put him on -board a vessel, under the order of our consul, to be brought and punished -here for the forgery of papers. Would it not be well to put a summary -statement of this case, and of our orders on the occasion, into Smith's -paper? Would it be amiss even to send it to Congress by message, with a -recommendation to provide punishments against this practice? Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 2, 1808. - -On considering the papers which James Brown sent us, containing a -statement of the parcels of property in and adjacent to New Orleans, to -which the United States claims, we thought it safest to await the report -of the commissioners, with their list of the property. The papers received -yesterday by express from New Orleans, and now enclosed to you, give us a -list of the property, and grounds of claim from the common council of the -city. Having thus the statement, as it were, from both parties, I suppose -we may consider the list as complete. It would therefore be only losing -a year to wait for the report of the commissioners, and especially as the -property is suffering. What shall we do? There are two questions,--first, -which of these parcels do really belong to the United States? Second, how -shall they be disposed of? On the first question, I presume Congress will -not decide themselves, but either leave it to the present commissioners, -or appoint others of higher standing and abilities, at least for the -future, which is of too much value, and too much involved in prejudices -_there_, to be safely trusted to the present commissioners. On the second -question, perhaps Congress might now desire the Executive, so soon as -the titles are decided, to state to them the parcels which should be kept -for the government use, and then give to the city such as they need, and -dispose of the rest as they see best. - -Will you favor me with your ideas what is best to be done? Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. - - WASHINGTON, March 3, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of February 8th, covering the resolutions of -the Legislature of Massachusetts, was received in due time. It is -a circumstance of great satisfaction that the proceedings of the -government are approved by the respectable Legislature of Massachusetts, -and especially the late important measure of the embargo. The hearty -concurrence of the States in that measure, will have a great effect in -Europe. I derive great personal consolation from the assurances in your -friendly letter, that the electors of Massachusetts would still have -viewed me with favor as a candidate for a third presidential term. But -the duty of retirement is so strongly impressed on my mind, that it is -impossible for me to think of that. If I can carry into retirement the -good will of my fellow citizens, nothing else will be wanting to my -happiness. - -Your letter of February 7th, with a recommendation for Salem, and that of -the 8th recalling it, were both received. I dare say you have found that -the solicitations for office are the most painful incidents to which an -executive magistrate is exposed. The ordinary affairs of a nation offer -little difficulty to a person of any experience; but the gift of office is -the dreadful burthen which oppresses him. A person who wishes to make it -an engine of self-elevation, may do wonders with it; but to one who wishes -to use it conscientiously for the public good, without regard to the ties -of blood or friendship, it creates enmities without numbers, many open, -but more secret, and saps the happiness and peace of his life. - -I pray you to accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great -esteem and respect. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, March 10, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,-- - - * * * * * - -From your letter of the 27th ultimo, I perceive that painful impressions -have been made on your mind during your late mission, of which I had never -entertained a suspicion. I must, therefore, examine the grounds, because -explanations between reasonable men can never but do good. 1. You consider -the mission of Mr. Pinckney as an associate, to have been in some way -injurious to you. Were I to take that measure on myself, I might say in -its justification, that it has been the regular and habitual practice of -the United States to do this, under every form in which their government -has existed. I need not recapitulate the multiplied instances, because you -will readily recollect them. I went as an adjunct to Dr. Franklin and Mr. -Adams, yourself as an adjunct first to Mr. Livingston, and then to Mr. -Pinckney, and I really believe there has scarcely been a great occasion -which has not produced an extraordinary mission. Still, however, it is -well known that I was strongly opposed to it in the case of which you -complain. A committee of the Senate called on me with two resolutions of -that body, on the subject of impressment and spoliations by Great Britain, -and requesting that I would demand satisfaction. After delivering the -resolutions, the committee entered into free conversation, and observed, -that although the Senate could not, in form, recommend any extraordinary -mission, yet that as individuals, there was but one sentiment among them -on the measure, and they pressed it. I was so much averse to it, and gave -them so hard an answer, that they felt it, and spoke of it. But it did not -end here. The members of the other House took up the subject, and set upon -me individually, and these the best friends to you, as well as myself, and -represented the responsibility which a failure to obtain redress would -throw on us both, pursuing a conduct in opposition to the opinion of -nearly every member of the Legislature. I found it necessary, at length, -to yield my own opinion to the general use of the national council, and -it really seemed to produce a jubilee among them; not from any want of -confidence in you, but from a belief in the effect which an extraordinary -mission would have on the British mind, by demonstrating the degree of -importance which this country attached to the rights which we considered -as infracted. - -2. You complain of the manner in which the treaty was received. But what -was that manner? I cannot suppose you to have given a moment's credit to -the stuff which was crowded in all sorts of forms into the public papers, -or to the thousand speeches they put into my mouth, not a word of which -I had ever uttered. I was not insensible at the time of the views to -mischief, with which these lies were fabricated. But my confidence was -firm, that neither yourself nor the British government, equally outraged -by them, would believe me capable of making the editors of newspapers the -confidants of my speeches or opinions. The fact was this. The treaty was -communicated to us by Mr. Erskine on the day Congress was to rise. Two of -the Senators inquired of me in the evening, whether it was my purpose to -detain them on account of the treaty. My answer was, "that it was not: -that the treaty containing no provision against the impressment of our -seamen, and being accompanied by a kind of protestation of the British -ministers, which would leave that government free to consider it as a -treaty or no treaty, according to their own convenience, I should not -give them the trouble of deliberating on it." This was substantially, -and almost verbally, what I said whenever spoken to about it, and I -never failed when the occasion would admit of it, to justify yourself -and Mr. Pinckney, by expressing my conviction, that it was all that -could be obtained from the British government; that you had told their -commissioners that your government could not be pledged to ratify, because -it was contrary to their instructions; of course, that it should be -considered but as a project; and in this light I stated it publicly in my -message to Congress on the opening of the session. Not a single article of -the treaty was ever made known beyond the members of the administration, -nor would an article of it be known at this day, but for its publication -in the newspapers, as communicated by somebody from beyond the water, as -we have always understood. But as to myself, I can solemnly protest, as -the most sacred of truths, that I never, one instant, lost sight of your -reputation and favorable standing with your country, and never omitted -to justify your failure to attain our wish, as one which was probably -unattainable. Reviewing therefore, this whole subject, I cannot doubt -you will become sensible, that your impressions have been without just -ground. I cannot, indeed, judge what falsehoods may have been written or -told you; and that, under such forms as to command belief. But you will -soon find, my dear Sir, that so inveterate is the rancor of party spirit -among us, that nothing ought to be credited but what we hear with our -own ears. If you are less on your guard than we are here, at this moment, -the designs of the mischief-makers will not fail to be accomplished, and -brethren and friends will be made strangers and enemies to each other, -without ever having said or thought a thing amiss of each other. I presume -that the most insidious falsehoods are daily carried to you, as they are -brought to me, to engage us in the passions of our informers, and stated -so positively and plausibly as to make even _doubt_ a rudeness to the -narrator; who, imposed on himself, has no other than the friendly view -of putting us on our guard. My answer is, invariably, that my knowledge -of your character is better testimony to me of a negative, than any -affirmative which my informant did not hear _from yourself_ with his own -ears. In fact, when you shall have been a little longer among us, you -will find that little is to be believed which interests the prevailing -passions, and happens beyond the limits of our own senses. Let us not -then, my dear friend, embark our happiness and our affections on the ocean -of slander, of falsehood and of malice, on which our credulous friends -are floating. If you have been made to believe that I ever did, said, or -thought a thing unfriendly to your fame and feelings, you do me injury as -causeless as it is afflicting to me. In the present contest in which you -are concerned, I feel no passion, I take no part, I express no sentiment. -Whichever of my friends is called to the supreme cares of the nation, I -know that they will be wisely and faithfully administered, and as far as -my individual conduct can influence, they shall be cordially supported. -For myself I have nothing further to ask of the world, than to preserve -in retirement so much of their esteem as I may have fairly earned, and -to be permitted to pass in tranquillity, in the bosom of my family and -friends, the days which yet remain for me. Having reached the harbor -myself, I shall view with anxiety (but certainly not with a wish to be in -their place) those who are still buffetting the storm, uncertain of their -fate. Your voyage has so far been favorable, and that it may continue with -entire prosperity, is the sincere prayer of that friendship which I have -ever borne you, and of which I now assure you, with the tender of my high -respect and affectionate salutations. - - -TO RICHARD M. JOHNSON. - - WASHINGTON, March 10, 1808. - -SIR,--I am sure you can too justly estimate my occupations; to need -an apology for this tardy acknowledgment of your favor of February the -27th. I cannot but be deeply sensible of the good opinion you are pleased -to express of my conduct in the administration of our government. This -approbation of my fellow citizens is the richest reward I can receive. I -am conscious of having always intended to do what was best for them; and -never, for a single moment, to have listened to any personal interest of -my own. It has been a source of great pain to me, to have met with so many -among our opponents, who had not the liberality to distinguish between -political and social opposition; who transferred at once to the person, -the hatred they bore to his political opinions. I suppose, indeed, that in -public life, a man whose political principles have any decided character, -and who has energy enough to give them effect, must always expect to -encounter political hostility from those of adverse principles. But I -came to the government under circumstances calculated to generate peculiar -acrimony. I found all its offices in the possession of a political sect, -who wished to transform it ultimately into the shape of their darling -model, the English government; and in the meantime, to familiarize the -public mind to the change, by administering it on English principles, and -in English forms. The elective interposition of the people had blown all -their designs, and they found themselves and their fortresses of power and -profit put in a moment into the hands of other trustees. Lamentations and -invective were all that remained to them. This last was naturally directed -against the agent selected to execute the multiplied reformations, which -their heresies had rendered necessary. I became of course the butt of -everything which reason, ridicule, malice and falsehood could supply. They -have concentrated all their hatred on me, till they have really persuaded -themselves, that I am the sole source of all their imaginary evils. I -hope, therefore, that my retirement will abate some of their disaffection -to the government of their country, and that my successor will enter on a -calmer sea than I did. He will at least find the vessel of state in the -hands of his friends, and not of his foes. Federalism is dead, without -even the hope of a day of resurrection. The quondam leaders, indeed, -retain their rancor and principles; but their followers are amalgamated -with us in sentiment, if not in name. If our fellow citizens, now solidly -republican, will sacrifice favoritism towards men for the preservation of -principle, we may hope that no divisions will again endanger a degeneracy -in our government. - - * * * * * - -I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - March 11, 1808. - -I suppose we must despatch another packet by the 1st of April at farthest. -I take it to be an universal opinion that war will become preferable to -a continuance of the embargo after a certain time. Should we not then -avail ourselves of the intervening period to procure a retraction of the -obnoxious decrees peaceably, if possible? An opening is given us by both -parties, sufficient to form a basis for such a proposition. - -I wish you to consider, therefore, the following course of proceeding, to -wit: - -To instruct our ministers at Paris and London, by the next packet, to -propose immediately to both those powers a declaration on both sides that -these decrees and orders shall no longer be extended to vessels of the -United States, in which case we shall remain faithfully neutral; but, -without assuming the air of menace, to let them both perceive that if they -do not withdraw these orders and decrees, there will arrive a time when -our interests will render war preferable to a continuance of the embargo; -that when that time arrives, if one has withdrawn and the other not, we -must declare war against that other; if neither shall have withdrawn, we -must take our choice of enemies between them. This it will certainly be -our duty to have ascertained by the time Congress shall meet in the fall -or beginning of winter; so that taking off the embargo, they may decide -whether war must be declared, and against whom. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, March 13, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I received last night your favor of the 10th. There can -certainly be no present objection to the forwarding the letters therein -mentioned, according to their address. - -We have nothing new of importance, except that at the last reading of -an amendatory bill a few days ago, the House of Representatives were -surprised into the insertion of an insidious clause permitting any -merchant having _property_ abroad, on proving it to the executive, to send -a ship for it. We are already overwhelmed with applications, and there is -real danger that the great object of the embargo in keeping our ships and -seamen out of harm's way, will be defeated; and every vessel and seaman -sent out under this pretext, and placed in the prize of the belligerent -tyrants. I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 17, 1808. - -I think it will be impossible to form general rules for carrying into -execution the seventh section of the law of March 12th, without a fuller -view of the number and nature of the cases which are to come under it. -I have waited in expectation the applications would multiply so as to -give one a general view, but I have received but about half a dozen. But, -indeed, nothing short of a knowledge of all the cases can enable us to -provide for them. I have been wishing, therefore, to converse with you on -this proposition; to wit, to direct the collectors to advertize in their -respective ports, that all persons desiring the benefit of that law, must -_immediately_ deliver to him a statement of the _place_ where they have -property, its _amount_, whether _cash_ or _goods_, and what _kind_ of -goods, and in whose _hands_, on oath, but without exhibiting other proofs -till further called on. These particulars may be stated in a tabular view; -for _cash_ we might authorize vessels to go immediately, but for goods -rules must be framed on a view of all circumstances. - -With respect to the constitution of the act, there are cases in the books -where the word "may" has been adjudged equivalent to "shall," but the term -"is authorized," unless followed by "and required," was, I think, never so -considered. On the contrary, I believe it is the very term which Congress -always use toward the executive when they mean to give a power to him, and -leave the use of it to his discretion. - -It is the very phrase on which there is now a difference in the House -of Representatives, on the bill for raising 6,000 regulars, which says -"there shall be raised," and some desire it to say "the President is -authorized to raise," leaving him the power with a discretion to use it -or not. It is to be observed also that the one construction puts it in -the power of individuals to defeat the embargo in a great measure, while -the other leaves a power to combine a due regard to the object of the law -with the interests of individuals. I like your idea of proportioning the -tonnage of the vessel to the value (in some degree) of the property, but -its bulk must also be taken into consideration. On the whole, I should -be for giving prompt permission to bring home money, because one vessel -will bring for all those who have cash at the same port; but the bringing -property in other forms, will require a fuller view and digest of rules. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO W. C. NICHOLAS, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, March 20, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 18th is duly received. Be assured that I -value no act of friendship so highly as the communicating facts to me, -which I am not in the way of knowing otherwise, and could not therefore -otherwise guard against. I have had too many proofs of your friendship not -to be sensible of the kindness of these communications, and to receive -them with peculiar obligation. The receipt of Mr. Rose's answer has -furnished the happiest occasion for me to present to Congress a complete -view of the ground on which we stand with the two principal belligerents, -and, with respect to France, to lay before them, _for the public_, every -communication received from that government since the last session, -including those heretofore sent, in order that they also may be published, -and let our constituents see whether these papers gave just ground for the -falsehoods which have been so impudently advanced. We shall hope to see -you to-day. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO DOCTOR WISTAR. - - WASHINGTON, March 20, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 12th is received. Congress, I think, will rise in -about three weeks,--say about the 11th of April, and I shall leave this -five or six days after, on a visit of some length to Monticello. This -illy accords with your journey to the westward in May; but can you not -separate your excursion to this place from the western journey? Between -Philadelphia and this place is but two days, and the roads are already -fine. I would propose, therefore, that you should come a few days before -Congress rises, so as to satisfy that article of your curiosity. The -bones are spread in a large room, where you can work at your leisure, -undisturbed by any mortal, from morning till night, taking your breakfast -and dinner with us. It is a precious collection, consisting of upwards -of three hundred bones, few of them of the large kinds which are already -possessed. There are four pieces of the head, one very clear, and -distinctly presenting the whole face of the animal. The height of his -forehead is most remarkable. In this figure, the indenture at the eye -gives a prominence of six inches to the forehead. There are four jaw-bones -tolerably entire, with several teeth in them, and some fragments; three -tusks like elephants; one ditto totally different, the largest probably -ever seen, being now from nine to ten feet long, though broken off at both -ends; some ribs; an abundance of teeth studded, and also of those of the -striated or ribbed kind; a fore-leg complete; and then about two hundred -small bones, chiefly of the foot. This is probably the most valuable part -of the collection, for General Clarke, aware that we had specimens of the -larger bones, has gathered up everything of the small kind. There is one -horn of a colossal animal. The bones which came do not correspond exactly -with General Clarke's description; probably there were some omissions of -his packers. Having sent my books to Monticello, I have nothing here to -assist you but the Encyclopedie Methodique. I hope you will make this a -separate excursion; and come before Congress rises, whenever it best suits -you. I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF THE COUNTY OF ADAMS, PENNSYLVANIA. - - March 20, 1808. - -I see with pleasure, fellow citizens, in your address of February 15th, -a sound recurrence to the first principles on which our government is -founded; an examination by that test of the rights we possess, and the -wrongs we have suffered; a just line drawn between a wholesome attention -to the conduct of rulers, and a too ready censure of that conduct on -every unfounded rumor; between the love of peace, and the determination -to meet war, when its evils shall be less intolerable than the wrongs it -is meant to correct. With so just a view of principles and circumstances, -your approbation of my conduct, under the difficulties which have beset us -on every side, is doubly valued by me, and offers high encouragement to -a perseverance in my best endeavors for the preservation of your peace, -so long as it shall be consistent with the preservation of your rights. -When this ceases to be practicable, I feel entire confidence in the -arduous exertions which you pledge in support of the measures which may be -called for by the exigencies of the times, and in the known energies and -enterprize of our countrymen in whatsoever direction they are pointed. If -these energies are embodied by an union of will, and by a confidence in -those who direct it, our nation, so favored in its situation, has nothing -to fear from any quarter. To that union of effort may our citizens ever -rally, minorities falling cordially, on the decision of a question, into -the ranks of the majority, and bearing always in mind that a nation ceases -to be republican only when the will of the majority ceases to be the law. -I thank you, fellow citizens, for the solicitude you kindly express for -my future welfare. A retirement from the exercise of my present charge is -equally for your good and my own happiness. Gratitude for past favors, and -affectionate concern for the liberty and prosperity of my fellow citizens, -will cease but with life to animate my breast. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 23, 1808. - -It is a maxim of our municipal law, and, I believe, of universal law, that -he who permits the _end_, permits of course the _means_, without which -the end cannot be effected. The law permitting rum, molasses, and sugar, -to be imported from countries which have not packages for them, would be -construed in the most rigorous courts to permit them to be carried. They -would consider the restriction to ballast and provisions as a restriction -to necessaries, and merely equivalent to a declaration that they shall -carry out nothing for sale. - -This is certainly one object of the law, and the second is to import the -property; and to these objects all constructions of it should be directed. -I have no doubt, therefore, that Messrs. Low and Wallace, and others, -should be allowed to carry out the necessary and sufficient packages. But -a right to take care that the law is not evaded, allows us to prescribe -that kind of package which can be best guarded against fraud. Boxes -ready-made could not, perhaps, be so easily probed, to discover if they -contained nothing for exportation. Casks filled with water can be easily -sounded from the bunghole. If you think, therefore, that one kind of -package is safer than another, it may be prescribed; for that nothing for -sale shall be exported is as much the object of the law, as that their -property shall be imported. Reasonable attention is due to each object. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO M. LE VAVASSEUR. - - WASHINGTON, March 23, 1807. - -SIR,--I am sensible of the extraordinary ingenuity and merit of the work -which you offer to the acquisition of our government. It would certainly -be an ornament to any country. But with such an immense extent of country -before us, wanting common improvement to render it productive, the United -States have not thought the moment as yet arrived when it would be wise -in them to divert their funds to objects less pressing; no law has yet -authorized acquisitions of this character. The idea of rendering the Greek -and Latin languages living, has certainly some captivating points. The -experiment has, I believe, been tried in Europe as to the Latin language, -but with what degree of success I am not precisely informed. I suppose it -very possible to reform the language of the modern Greeks to the ancient -standard, and that this may one day take place. But in our infant country -objects more urgent force themselves on our attention, and call for the -aid of all our means. These peculiarities of our situation deprive us of -the advantage of availing our country of propositions which, in a more -advanced stage of improvement, might be entitled to consideration. - -Permit me to tender my salutations, and assurances of respect. - - -TO LEVI LINCOLN. - - WASHINGTON, March 23, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter on the subject of Mr. Lee came safely to hand. -You know our principles render federalists in office safe, if they do not -employ their influence in opposing the government, but only give their own -vote according to their conscience. And this principle we act on as well -with those put in office by others, as by ourselves. - -We have received from your presses a very malevolent and incendiary -denunciation of the administration, bottomed on absolute falsehood from -beginning to end. The author would merit exemplary punishment for so -flagitious a libel, were not the torment of his own abominable temper -punishment sufficient for even as base a crime as this. The termination -of Mr. Rose's mission, _re infecta_, put it in my power to communicate -to Congress yesterday, everything respecting our relations with England -and France, which will effectually put down Mr. Pickering, and his worthy -coadjutor Mr. Quincy. Their tempers are so much alike, and really their -persons, as to induce a supposition that they are related. The embargo -appears to be approved, even by the federalists of every quarter except -yours. The alternative was between that and war, and in fact, it is -the last card we have to play, short of war. But if peace does not take -place in Europe, and if France and England will not consent to withdraw -the operation of their decrees and orders from us, when Congress shall -meet in December, they will have to consider at what point of time the -embargo, continued, becomes a greater evil than war. I am inclined to -believe, we shall have this summer and autumn to prepare for the defence -of our seaport towns, and hope that in that time, the works of defence -will be completed which have been provided for by the Legislature. I think -Congress will rise within three weeks. - -I salute you with great affection and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 26, 1808. - -Mr. Madison happening to call on me just now, I consulted him on the -subject of Hoffman's letter. We both think that it would be neither just -nor expedient that the supplies necessary to the existence of the Indians -should be cut off from them; and that if no construction of the embargo -law will permit the passage of their commerce, and if that law could, -and did intend to control the treaty, (the last of which is hardly to be -believed,) then an amendment should be asked of Congress. I have no copy -of the law by me, and indeed am too unwell for very close exercise of the -mind. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO CHARLES PINCKNEY. - - WASHINGTON, March 30, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 8th was received on the 25th, and I -proceed to state to you my views of the present state and prospect of -foreign affairs, under the confidence that you will use them for your own -government and opinions only, and by no means let them get out as from -me. With France we are in no _immediate_ danger of war. Her future views -it is impossible to estimate. The immediate danger we are in of a rupture -with England, is postponed for this year. This is effected by the embargo, -as the question was simply between that and war. That may go on a certain -time, perhaps through the year, without the loss of their property to -our citizens, but only its remaining unemployed on their hands. A time -would come, however, when war would be preferable to a continuance of the -embargo. Of this Congress may have to decide at their next meeting. In the -meantime, we have good information, that a negotiation for peace between -France and England is commencing through the medium of Austria. The way -for it has been smoothed by a determination expressed by France (through -the Moniteur, which is their government paper) that herself and her allies -will demand from Great Britain no renunciation of her maritime principles; -nor will they renounce theirs. Nothing shall be said about them in the -treaty, and both sides will be left in the next war to act on their own. -No doubt the meaning of this is, that all the _Continental_ powers of -Europe will form themselves into an armed neutrality, to enforce their own -principles. Should peace be made, we shall have safely rode out the storm -in peace and prosperity. If we have anything to fear, it will be after -that. Nothing should be spared from this moment in putting our militia in -the best condition possible, and procuring arms. I hope, that this summer, -we shall get our whole seaports put into that state of defence, which -Congress has thought proportioned to our circumstances and situation; -that is to say, put _hors d'insulte_ from a maritime attack, by a moderate -squadron. If armies are combined with their fleets, then no resource can -be provided, but to meet them in the field. We propose to raise seven -regiments only for the present year, depending always on our militia for -the operations of the first year of war. On any other plan, we should -be obliged always to keep a large standing army. Congress will adjourn -in about three weeks. I hope Captain McComb is getting on well with your -defensive works. We shall be able by mid-summer, to give you a sufficient -number of gun-boats to protect Charleston from any vessel which can cross -the bar; but the militia of the place must be depended on to fill up the -complement of men necessary for action in the moment of an attack, as we -shall man them, in ordinary, but with their navigating crew of eight or -ten good seamen. - -I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - March 31, 1808. - -If, on considering the doubts I shall suggest, you shall still think your -draught of a supplementary embargo law sufficient, in its present form, -I shall be satisfied it is so, for I have but one hour in the morning in -which I am capable of thinking, and that is too much crowded with business -to give me time to think. - -1. Is not the first paragraph against the Constitution, which says no -preference shall be given to the ports of one State over those of another? -You might put down those ports as ports of entry, if that could be made to -do. - -2. Could not your second paragraph be made to answer by making it say that -no clearance shall be furnished to any vessel laden with _provisions_ -or _lumber_, to go from one port to another of the United States, -without special permission, &c. In that case we might lay down rules for -the necessary removal of provisions and lumber, inland, which should -give no trouble to the citizens, but refuse licenses for all coasting -transportation of those articles but on such applications from a Governor -as may ensure us against any exportation but for the consumption of his -State. Portsmouth, Boston, Charleston, and Savannah, are the only ports -which cannot be supplied inland. I should like to prohibit _collections_, -also, made evidently for clandestine importation. - -3. I would rather strike out the words "in conformity with treaty" in -order to avoid any express recognition at this day of that article of the -British treaty. It has been so flagrantly abused as to excite the Indians -to war against us, that I should have no hesitation in declaring it null, -as soon as we see means of supplying the Indians ourselves. - -I should have no objections to extend the exception to the Indian furs -purchased by our traders and sent into Canada. Affectionate salutes. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - April 1, 1808. - -I approve of your letter to Commodore Murray entirely, and in order to -settle what shall be our course for the summer (now that we are tolerably -clear, that no rupture with England is likely to take place during the -summer), I propose, the first day that I can be well enough, for a couple -of hours to ask a meeting of our colleagues to determine these questions. - -Shall the proclamation be renewed or suffered to expire? - -Shall the harbors of ordinary British resort (say New York, Lynhaven, and -Charleston) be furnished with their full quota of gun-boats, with their -_navigating_ crews? - -Shall the residue of the 170 gun-boats be distributed among the other -ports, with their navigating crews, or be laid up or left on their stocks? - -Shall the frigates and Wasp be unmanned? - -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 2, 1808. - -SIR,--On the amendments to the embargo law, I am perfectly satisfied with -whatever you have concluded on after consideration of the subject. My view -was only to suggest for your consideration, not having at all made myself -acquainted with the details of that law. I therefore return you your bill, -and wish it to be proposed. I will this day nominate Elmer. The delegates -of North Carolina expect daily to receive information on the subject of -a Marshal. Is the Register's office at New Orleans vacant? Claiborne says -it is, and strongly recommends Robertson the Secretary. He will be found -one of the most valuable men we have brought into the public service for -integrity, talents and amiability. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 8, 1808. - -I suppose that Favre can carry his necessary provisions from New Orleans -across the lake in a periagua or some other vessel, which may come under -the exception of vessels under the immediate direction of the President, -and that being an agent of the United States for the transmission of -public intelligence, such a license is perfectly legitimate. If this were -a matter of doubt, its solution would be to be sought in the intention of -the Legislature, which was to keep our seamen and property from capture, -and to starve the offending nations. But Favre is our own agent, and we -may as well remit provisions to him as money to our other foreign agents. -It appears to me to be so clearly out of the scope of the prohibitions of -the embargo law, and within its exceptions, that I should be for allowing -him to take out his provisions for his family, under the superintendence -of the Collector. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. JOHN JACOB ASTOR. - - WASHINGTON, April 13, 1808. - -SIR,--I have regretted the delay of this answer to your letter of February -27th, but it has proceeded from circumstances which did not depend on -me. I learn with great satisfaction the disposition of our merchants -to form into companies for undertaking the Indian trade within our own -territories. I have been taught to believe it an advantageous one for -the individual adventurers, and I consider it as highly desirable to have -that trade centred in the hands of our own citizens. The field is immense, -and would occupy a vast extent of capital by different companies engaging -in different districts. All beyond the Mississippi is ours exclusively, -and it will be in our power to give our own traders great advantages -over their foreign competitors on this side the Mississippi. You may be -assured that in order to get the whole of this business passed into the -hands of our own citizens, and to oust foreign traders, who so much abuse -their privilege by endeavoring to excite the Indians to war on us, every -reasonable patronage and facility in the power of the Executive will be -afforded. I salute you with respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 14, 1808. - -I should think Mr. Woodside's application to send provisions for the -family of our consul at Madeira, admissible on the same ground as that -lately to Favre, were the necessity as evident, but I suppose it can -hardly be doubted that England will procure provisions for that island, -and there is danger of one precedent in our relaxations begetting another -till we may get out of the limits of the law and its object. - -The application for the establishment of a packet on Lake Champlain cannot -be admitted. Such an establishment is by no means within the description -of those which we have proposed to license; it would give too great a -facility to evade the law, and the builder is in no worse situation than -the many others who began their vessels before the embargo law, and who -will not be permitted to use them till that is repealed. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - April 19, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Sincerely sympathizing in your distress, which much experience -in the same school has taught me to estimate, I could not have been -induced to intrude on it by anything short of the urgency of the case -stated by Penniman on Lake Champlain. Messrs. Robinson and Witherall tell -me the whole of the business will be over early in May, when the fall of -the water renders the rapids impassable for rafts. They think vessels -of any kind desired, can be had on the Lake at a moment's warning, and -guns of 6 lbs. ball, there also, mounted on them by procurement of the -collector, and that the governor would order any assistance of militia -on being written to. Believing it important to crush every example of -forcible opposition to the law, I propose to ask the other gentlemen to a -consultation immediately, and for their and my guide have to request any -ideas on the subject which you can hastily give me on paper, for which I -would not have troubled you, but from a confidence that your knowledge of -the character and means possessed by the collector there, and of the local -circumstances to be attended to, may enable us to decide on what will be -most proper and effectual. I salute you with affection. - -P. S. Return me Penniman's letter if you please, to lay before the -gentlemen. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 19, 1808. - -We have concluded as follows: - -1st. That a letter from your department to the collector on Lake -Champlain, shall instruct him to equip and arm what vessels he can and -may think necessary, and luggage as many persons on board them as may -be necessary, and can be engaged _voluntarily_ by force of arms, or -otherwise, to enforce the law. - -2d. The Secretary of State writes to the Marshall, if the opposition to -the law is too powerful for the collector, to raise his posse, (which, as -a peace officer, he is fully authorized to do on any forcible breach of -the peace,) and to aid in suppressing the insurrection or combination. - -3d. The Secretary at War desires the Governor, if the posse is inadequate, -to publish a proclamation with which he is furnished, and to call on -the militia. He is further, by a private letter, requested to repair to -the place, and lend the aid of his counsel and authority according to -exigencies. - -We have further determined to build two gun-boats at Skanesborough. -Affectionate salutations. - -P. S. General Dearborne has Penniman's letter to copy for the Governor. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 22, 1808. - -Did I lend you the Pennsylvania act permitting our Western road to pass -through that State? If I did, or if you have a copy of it, I shall be -very glad to see it. Mr. Hodge gave me notice yesterday that there would -be legal opposition to that road's passing in any other direction than -through Washington, their construction being, that if in fact a _good_ -road can be got by Washington, the law obliges me to direct it through -that; and they have got a survey made on which they affirm the fact to -be that a _good_ road may be had. I know my determination was not to -yield to the example of a State's prescribing the direction of the road; -and I understood the law as leaving the route ultimately to me. If I -have misconstrued the law, I shall be sorry for the money spent on a -misconstruction, but that loss will be a lesser evil to the United States -than a single example of yielding to a State the direction of a road made -at the national expense and for national purposes. If you have not the -law, I must write by this day's post to Mr. Moore, to suspend all further -proceedings till we can see whether we are really at liberty to pursue the -route we have proposed, or must adopt another which shall not enter the -State of Pennsylvania. - -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 23, 1808. - -My ideas on the questions relative to the active letter of Marque stated -in your letter of yesterday, are as follows: - -1st. Letters of Marque have been considered, ever since the decisions -of 1703, to be of a mixed character, but that the commercial character -predominates; and as a commercial vessel of private property we have in -some cases since the proclamation of July, considered them as not included -in its restrictions. - -2d. The law of 1794, June 5th, certainly exempts the enlistment of -foreigners in this country on board the vessels of their sovereign, from -the penalties of that law, and leaves the subject merely under the law of -nations. By that law the right of enlistment in a neutral country, given -to both belligerents if they can devise equal advantage from it, is no -breach of neutrality, but otherwise becomes questionable. We may, justly, -I think, permit a vessel of either nation to supply its desertions by new -engagements; but we should be cautious as to permitting them to increase -their number, to carry away more than they brought in. - -3d. It is difficult to draw a line between the two cases where the -collector should consult the government, and where the district attorney. -Where a case is political, rather than legal, or where it arises even on -a _law_ whose object is rather political than municipal, the government -should be consulted; and where the district attorney is the proper resort, -still it should be on consultation by the collector, and not by the party -interested. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - April 23, 1808. - -Notes on the British claims in the Mississippi territory. - -1803, March 3d, act of Congress gave to March 31, 1804, to exhibit their -claims on grants. - -1804, March 27, act of Congress gave to November 30, 1804, and allowed -transcripts instead of originals, &c. - -1805, March 2d, act of Congress gave to December 1, 1805, to file their -grants. And in fact to Jan 1, 1807, time when the sale might begin. - -1807, December 15, the British claimants memorialize again. - -On no one of the acts did the British claimant take any step towards -specifying his claim or its location, but remained inactive till the time -was expired, and then remonstrated to his government that we had not given -them time sufficient. And on the last of 1805, instead of having come -forward with his claims, ready to avail himself of the third term which -was then to be asked, and which was granted nominally to December 1, 1805, -but in effect to January 1, 1807, he stays at home inactive, and on the -15th of December, 1807, again gives in a memorial that we have not given -time enough, but still takes no step to inform us what and where his claim -is. - -Although these titles may have been confirmed by treaty, yet they -could not thereby be intended to be withdrawn from the jurisdiction or -conditions on which lands are held even by citizens. It is evident that -these claimants are speculators, whose object is to make what profit they -can out of the patronage of the government, but to make no sacrifice of -themselves either of money or trouble. They are entitled, therefore, to -no further notice from either government. However, Mr. Erskine may be -informed _verbally_, that as the day of commencing sales of lands there -is now put off to January 1, 1809, if any of these claimants will, before -that day, file their claim, with its _precise location_, the executive -is authorized to suspend the sale of any particular parcels, and will as -to that, till the proper authority can decide on the title, but that the -settlement of that country in general, is too pressing to be delayed one -day by claims under the circumstances of these. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 23, 1808. - -The leading object of the enclosed application from the owners of the -Topaz, is to send witnesses and documents to save the property of the -ship and cargo seized. But as the Topaz would be insufficient to bring -home the whole property if cleared, the permission of sending a vessel -may be on the ordinary ground of bringing home the property. But do the -restrictions of the embargo laws (for I have them not) inhibit the passing -from port to port as proposed in the enclosed? And do they admit, (in case -the Topaz and her cargo are condemned,) that the vessel sent out should -bring home other property to cover the expenses of the ineffectual voyage? -On these questions I must ask your opinion, as General Smith will call -on me to-morrow. The questions had been brought to me originally by Mr. -Taylor, because he happened to come at a moment when you were confined. -Affectionate salutes. - - -TO WM. RODNEY. - - April 24, 1808. - -Thomas Jefferson returns the enclosed to Mr. Rodney, with thanks for -the communication. It is very evident that our embargo, added to the -exclusions from the Continent, will be most heavily felt in England and -Ireland. Liverpool is remonstrating, and endeavoring to get the other -posts into motion. Yet the bill confirming the orders of council is -ordered to a third reading, which shows it will pass. Congress has just -passed an additional embargo law, on which if we act as boldly as I am -disposed to do, we can make it effectual. I think the material parts of -the enclosed should be published. It will show our people that while the -embargo gives us double rations, it is starving our enemies. This six -months' session has worn me down to a state of almost total incapacity for -business. Congress will certainly rise to-morrow night, and I shall leave -this for Monticello on the 5th of May, to be here again on the 8th of -June. I salute you with constant affection and respect. - - -TO COLONEL WASHINGTON. - - WASHINGTON, April 24, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--So uncertain has been the situation of our affairs with -England, and yet so much bearing would they have on those with the -Indians, that I have delayed answering your favor of October 5th until I -could see a little way before me. At present I think a continuance of our -peace till the next meeting of Congress (November) probable. I have now -addressed a message to the Indians in the north-west, in which I inform -them of our differences with England, and of the uncertainty how they will -issue. Assure them of the continuance of our friendship, and advise them -in any event to remain quiet at home, taking no part in our quarrel, and -declaring unequivocally that if any nation takes up the hatchet against -us, we will drive them from the land of their fathers, and never more -permit their return. With respect to the prophet, I really believe the -opinion you formed of his views is correct. But we have heard so many -different stories since, that we are awaiting some information which -we expect to receive before we make up a definitive opinion. This much, -however, we determine; and he might know that if we become dissatisfied -that his views are friendly, we shall extend to him all the patronage -and good offices in our power, and shall establish a store in his new -settlement; and particularly if we find him endeavoring to reform the -morality of the Indians, and encourage them in industry and peace, we -shall do what we can to render his influence as extensive as possible. -I had been in hopes that a change in the British ministry would have -produced a revocation of the orders of council, which called for our -embargo, and an European peace, so as to have removed all danger of our -being dragged into the war. But our advices to the 14th of March show -they still retained a good majority in Parliament. Should they continue -in office, our peace will continue uncertain. Accept my salutations, and -assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - April 30, 1808. - -_Case of the Fleusburg._ - -Our laws permit a foreigner to hold any property in our country, except -lands. A foreigner may contract for a ship to be built for him, so that -she will be his from the time of laying the keel; or he may contract so -as that she shall be his only when launched, or when rigged, &c. The act -of delivery to him or his agents fixes, in that case, the moment when she -becomes his property. If the Fleusburg was delivered to the agent of the -Danish merchant, by such an act of delivery as by our laws will transfer -personal property, before the 22d of December, she was then Danish -property. The statement says that a bill of building and sale, dated -December 10th, proved her to be then Danish property. If the collector -shall find that she was actually Danish property before December 22d, I -should think her entitled as a foreign vessel. I suppose she did not take -out an American register. This would be corroborative proof that, though -built in America, she was not meant to be, nor ever became, an American -bottom; for I presume the register is what completes the American bottom. -The matter of fact should be proved to the collector. - -_Rhode Island Packets._ - -The pretension that the navigation from Newport to New York is entirely a -navigation of rivers, bays, and sounds, would take from language all kind -of certainty. There is not one point of the coast of Rhode Island, from -which a perpendicular line does not lead into the main ocean. A very small -proportion of these would lead across Block Island. But to say that Block -Island covers the whole coast from Martha's Vineyard to Long Island, so -as to make it a Sound, is too gross for any one who casts his eyes on the -maps. The difference of regulation, too, between bay-craft and coasting -vessels, since the act of April 25th, is very inconsiderable. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - April 29, 1808. - -Thomas Jefferson will thank General Dearborne to consider the enclosed. -The writer appears to have that sincere enthusiasm for his undertaking -which will ensure success. The education of the common people around -Detroit is a most desirable object, and the proposition of extending -their views to the teaching the Indian boys and girls to read and write, -agriculture and mechanic trades to the former, spinning and weaving to the -latter, may perhaps be acceded to by us advantageously for the Indians, -and the bounties paid for them be an aid to the other objects of the -institution. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - April 30, 1808. - -Notes on such parts of Fronda's letter of April 26th, 1808, as are worth -answering:-- - -I. I know of no recent orders to Governor Claiborne as to the navigation -of the Mississippi, Uberville, and Pontchartrain; he should specify them, -but he may be told that no order has ever been given contrary to the -rights of Spain. These rights are, 1st, a treaty right that "the ships -of Spain coming directly from Spain or her colonies, loaded only _with -the produce_ or manufactures of Spain or her colonies, shall be admitted -during the space of twelve years in the ports of New Orleans, and in all -other legal ports of entry within the ceded territory, in the same manner -as the ships of the United States, &c." 2d. A right of innocent passage -from the mouth of the Mississippi to 31° of latitude, exactly commensurate -with our right of innocent passage up the rivers of Florida to 31° of -latitude. - -II. In answer to his question whether we consider Mobile among the ports -of the United States, he may be told that so long as we consider the -question whether the Perdido is not the eastern boundary of Louisiana, as -continuing in a train of amicable proceedings for adjustment, so long that -part only of the river Mobile, which is above 31° of latitude, will be -considered among the ports of the United States, withholding the exercise -of jurisdiction on our part within the disputed territory, on the general -principle of letting things remain in _statu quo pendente lite_. - -There is nothing else in this letter worth answering. - - -TO WILLIAM LYMAN, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, April 30, 1803. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 11th of July came to hand a little before -the meeting of Congress, and soon after I received the apparatus for -stylographic writing, which you were so kind as to send me, for which I -pray you to receive my particular thanks. - -The invention is certainly very ingenious, and while it compares -advantageously with all others in other circumstances, it has an -unrivalled preference as being so much more profitable. I had never -heard of the invention till your letter announced it, for these novelties -reach us very late, which renders your attentions on the occasion more -acceptable, and more entitled to the acknowledgments which I now tender. -The decrees and orders of the belligerent nations having amounted nearly -to declarations that they would take our vessels wherever found. Congress -thought it best in the first instance to break off all intercourse with -them. They adjourned on Monday last, having passed an act authorizing -me to suspend the embargo whenever the belligerents should revoke their -decrees or orders as to us. The embargo must continue, therefore, till -they meet again in November, unless the measures of the belligerents -should change. When they meet again, if these decrees and orders still -continue, the question which they will have to decide will be, whether -a continuance of the embargo or war will be preferable. In the meantime -great advances are making in the establishment of manufactures. Those of -cotton will, I think, be so far proceeded on, that we shall never again -have to recur to the importation of cotton goods for our own use. I tender -you my salutations, and the assurances of my great respect. - - -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. - - WASHINGTON, May 2, 1808. - -DEAR GENERAL,--A safe conveyance offering by a special messenger to Paris, -I avail myself of it to bring up my arrears to my foreign correspondents. -I give them the protection of your cover, but to save the trouble of your -attention to their distribution, I give them an inner cover to Mr. Harden, -whose attentions heretofore have encouraged me to ask this favor of him. -But should he not be with you, I must pray you to open my packages to him, -and have them distributed, as it is of importance that some of them should -be delivered without delay. I shall say nothing to you on the subject -of our foreign relations, because you will get what is official on that -subject from Mr. Madison. - -During the present paroxysm of the insanity of Europe, we have thought it -wisest to break off all intercourse with her. We shall, in the course of -this year, have all our seaports, of any note, put into a state of defence -against naval attacks. Against great land armies we cannot attempt it -but by equal armies. For these we must depend on a classified militia, -which will give us the service of the class from twenty to twenty-six, -in the nature of conscripts, composing a body of about 250,000, to be -specially trained. This measure, attempted at a former session, was passed -at the last, and might, I think, have been carried by a small majority. -But considering that great innovations should not be forced on a slender -majority, and seeing that the general opinion is sensibly rallying to -it, it was thought better to let it lie over to the next session, when, -I trust, it will be passed. Another measure has now twice failed, which I -have warmly urged, the immediate settlement by donation of lands, of such -a body of militia in the territories of Orleans and Mississippi, as will -be adequate to the defence of New Orleans. We are raising some regulars in -addition to our present force, for garrisoning our seaports, and forming -a nucleus for the militia to gather to. There will be no question who is -to be my successor. Of this be assured, whatever may be said by newspapers -and private correspondences. Local considerations have been silenced by -those dictated by the continued difficulties of the times. One word of -friendly request: be more frequent and full in your communications with -us. I salute you with great friendship and respect. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - WASHINGTON, May 2, 1808. - -MY VERY DEAR GENERAL,--A safe conveyance offering by a special messenger -to Paris, Mr. Barnes has requested me to avail you of it, by sending a -remittance of a thousand dollars, for which a draught is under cover. I -shall not write to you on the subject of our foreign relations, because of -the dangers by sea and the dangers by land. During the present paroxysm -of the insanity of Europe, we have thought it wisest to break off all -intercourse with her. We shall, in the course of this year, have all our -seaports of any note put into a state of defence against naval attacks. -Against great land armies we cannot attempt it but by equal armies. -For these we must depend on a classified militia, which will give us -the service of the class from twenty to twenty-six, in the nature of -conscripts, composing a body of about 250,000, to be specially trained. -This measure, attempted at a former session, was passed at the last, and -might, I think, have been carried by a small majority; but considering -that great innovations should not be forced on slender majorities, and -seeing that the public opinion is sensibly rallying to it, it was thought -better to let it lie over to the next session, when I trust it will be -passed. Another measure has now twice failed, which I have warmly urged, -the immediate settlement by donation of lands of such a body of militia -in the territories of Orleans and Mississippi, as will be adequate to the -defence of New Orleans. We are raising some regulars in addition to our -present force, for garrisoning our seaports, and forming a nucleus for the -militia to gather to. There will be no question who is to be my successor. -Of this be assured, whatever may be said by newspapers and private -correspondences; local considerations have been silenced by those dictated -by the continued difficulties of the times. I salute you with sincere and -constant friendship and great respect. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - May 3, 1808. - -I enclose you a petition from a woman (Mary Barnett) who complains that -her son of thirteen years of age, is detained against her will in the -naval military service. Having never before received an application of the -kind in that department, I know not what are the rules there. But in the -land service we have had many cases of enlistments of infants, and there -the law is considered to be, and our practice in conformity, as follows: -An infant is considered as incapable of binding himself by enlistment, -and may at any time be reclaimed by a parent, guardian, next friend, or -may quit of his own accord, on complaint from a parent, &c. We direct -the officer to inquire into the fact of infancy, and if he believes him -under age he discharges him. If he believes him of full age, we advise the -parent, &c., that he may take out a Habeas Corpus, and have the fact tried -before an impartial judge: if enlisted with the consent of the parent, -&c., it must be by indentures as prescribed by law for an apprentice or -servant, this being the only mode of obligation in which the law will -compel _specific_ execution. In case of a verbal or a common written -subscription of engagement, even with consent of the parent, _damages_ -only can be recovered for withdrawing from it. I presume the rules in the -Navy Department must be the same, as we must conform ourselves to the law -in all departments. I directed the woman to call on me again to-morrow. -Will you be so good as to enable me to give her an answer? Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO GOVERNOR TOMPKINS. - - WASHINGTON, May 4, 1808. - -SIR,--I duly received your favor of April 18th, covering an Act of the -legislature of New York, appropriating $100,000 to aid and expedite the -defence of the city and port of New York, and $20,000 to aid in and -contribute to the defence of the northern and western frontiers, and -expressing a desire to receive an opinion on the application of those -sums. - -In carrying into execution the provisions of Congress, at their last -session, for fortifying on a just view of the relative importance of the -places, combined with their degree of exposure, and capability of defence, -and in such way as to require a moderate permanent force of regulars, -relying much, in case of sudden attack on the aid of the militia. Among -the objects of our care, New York stands foremost in the points of -importance and exposure; and, if permitted, we shall provide such defences -for it as, in our opinion, will render it secure against attacks by sea. -The particulars of what is proposed to be done can be made known to you by -Colonel Williams, as it is probable these may not comprehend everything -which the anxieties of the citizens might think of service in their -defence. I suggest for your consideration, the idea of applying the fund -appropriated to this object, by your legislature, to such supplementary -provisions as in your judgment might be necessary to render ours adequate -to fulfil the views and confidence of your citizens. Of this however, you -are the best judge. But I cannot omit to urge that no time should be lost -in deciding on so much of the plan proposed by the Secretary at War, as -depends on a cession from the State authorities. - -It appears to me that it would be well to have a post on the Saint -Lawrence, as near our line as a commanding position could be found, that -it might afford some cover for our most advanced inhabitants. But if a -rupture takes place now, such a post would too soon lose all its value, -to be worth building at this time. It is only in the event of a solid -accommodation with Great Britain, and their retaining their present -possessions, that it might become worthy of attention. I do not know -that the $20,000 appropriated by the State of New York, "to aid in, and -contribute to, the defence of the northern and western frontiers," could -be better applied than as supplementary to our provisions in this quarter -also. We cannot, for instance, deliver out our arms to the militia, until -called into the field. Yet it would be a great security had every militia -man on these frontiers a good musket in his hands. However, here again -your Excellency is the best judge, and I have hazarded these ideas as to -the application of the appropriations, only on the wish you expressed that -I would do it, and on my own desire to interchange ideas with frankness, -and without reserve with those charged, in common with myself with the -public interests. I beg leave to tender you the assurances of my high -esteem and respect. - - -TO ----. - - May 5, 1808. - -GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND,--Having learnt the safe arrival of your Royal -Highness at the city of Rio Janeiro, I perform with pleasure the duty of -offering you my sincere congratulations by Mr. Hill, a respected citizen -of the United States, who is specially charged with the delivery of this -letter. - -I trust that this event will be as propitious to the prosperity of -your faithful subjects as to the happiness of your Royal Highness, in -which the United States of America have ever taken a lively interest. -Inhabitants now of the same land, of that great continent which the genius -of Columbus has given to the world, the United States feel sensibly -that they stand in new and closer relations with your Royal Highness, -and that the motives which heretofore nourished the friendly relations -which have so happily prevailed, have acquired increased strength on the -transfer of your residence to their own shores. They see in prospect, a -system of intercourse between the different regions of this hemisphere of -which the peace and happiness of mankind may be the essential principle. -To this principle your long-tried adherence, for the benefit of those -you governed, in the midst of warring powers, is a pledge to the new -world that its peace, its free and friendly intercourse, will be your -chief concern. On the part of the United States I assure you, that these -which have hitherto been their ruling objects, will be most particularly -cultivated with your Royal Highness and your subjects at Brazil, and they -hope that that country so favored by the gifts of nature, now advanced to -a station under your immediate auspices, will find, in the interchange of -mutual wants and supplies, the true aliment of an unchanging friendship -with the United States of America. - -I pray to God, great and good friend, that in your new abode you may enjoy -health, happiness, and the affections of your people, and that He will -always have you in His safe and holy keeping. - -Done at Washington, &c. - - -TO THE GOVERNORS OF NEW ORLEANS, GEORGIA, SOUTH CAROLINA, MASSACHUSETTS -AND NEW HAMPSHIRE. - - WASHINGTON, May 6, 1808. - -SIR,--The evasions of the preceding embargo laws went so far towards -defeating their objects, and chiefly by vessels clearing out coast-wise, -that Congress, by their act of April 25th, authorized the absolute -detention of all vessels bound coast-wise with cargoes exciting suspicions -of an intention to evade those laws. There being few towns on our -sea-coast which cannot be supplied with flour from their interior country, -shipments of flour become generally suspicious and proper subjects of -detention. Charleston is one of the few places on our seaboard which need -supplies of flour by sea for its own consumption. That it may not suffer -by the cautions we are obliged to use, I request of your excellency, -whenever you deem it necessary that your present or any future stock -should be enlarged, to take the trouble of giving your certificate -in favor of any merchant in whom you have confidence, directed to the -collector of any port, usually exporting flour, from which he may choose -to bring it, for any quantity which you may deem necessary for consumption -beyond your interior supplies, enclosing to the Secretary of the Treasury -at the same time a duplicate of the certificate as a check on the -falsification of your signature. In this way we may secure a supply of the -real wants of our citizens, and at the same time prevent those wants from -being made a cover for the crimes against their country which unprincipled -adventurers are in the habit of committing. I trust, too, that your -excellency will find an apology for the trouble I propose to give you, in -that desire which you must feel in common with all our worthy citizens, -that inconveniences encountered cheerfully by them for the interests of -their country, shall not be turned merely to the unlawful profits of the -most worthless part of society. I salute your excellency with assurances -of my high respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - May 6, 1808. - -In the outset of the business of detentions, I think it impossible to -form precise rules. After a number of cases shall have arisen they may -probably be thrown into groups and subjected to rules. The great leading -object of the Legislature was, and ours in execution of it ought to be, to -give complete effect to the embargo laws. They have bidden agriculture, -commerce, navigation, to bow before that object, to be nothing when in -competition with that. Finding all their endeavors at general rules to be -evaded, they finally gave us the power of detention as the panacea, and I -am clear we ought to use it freely that we may, by a fair experiment, know -the power of this great weapon, the embargo. Therefore, to propositions -to carry flour into the Chesapeake, the Delaware, the Hudson, and other -_exporting_ places, we should say boldly it is not wanted there for -consumption, and the carrying it there is too suspicious to be permitted. -In consequence of the letters to the Governors of the flour-importing -States, we may also say boldly that there being no application from the -Governor is a proof it is not wanting in those States, and therefore must -not be carried. As to shuffling of cotton, tobacco, flax seed, &c., from -one port to another, it may be some trifling advantage to individuals to -change their property out of one form into another, but it is not of a -farthing's benefit to the nation at large, and risks their great object -in the embargo. The want of these at a particular place should be very -notorious to the collector and others, to take off suspicion of illicit -intentions. Dry goods of Europe, coal, bricks, &c., are articles entirely -without suspicion. I hazard these things for your consideration, and I -send you a copy of the letter to the Governors, which may be communicated -in form to the collectors to strengthen the ground of suspicion. You will -be so good as to decide these cases yourself, without forwarding them to -me. Whenever you are clear either way, so decide; where you are doubtful, -consider me as voting for detention, being satisfied that individuals -ought to yield their private interests to this great public object. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, May 12, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--My journey and two days' detention on the road by high waters, -gave me time to reflect on our canal at New Orleans, on which I will -therefore hazard some thoughts. - -I think it has been said that the Mississippi, at low water, is many -feet lower opposite New Orleans than Lake Pontchartrain. But the fact -is impossible, being in contradiction to the laws of nature; two beds -of dead water connected with the same ocean, in vicinity to one another, -must each be in the level of that ocean, and consequently of one another. -Although Pontchartrain receives the Amite and some other small streams, -they probably do little more than supply its evaporation. No doubt, -however, that the lake must receive the small ebb and flow of the sea. -The Mississippi, on the contrary, even at its lowest tide, always flows -downwards to and beyond its mouth; it must, then, at New Orleans, be -one, two, or three feet higher than the sea, and consequently than -Pontchartrain. - -If a simple canal were cut from that of Carondelet to the Mississippi -without lock or gate, there would be two risks. 1. That in high water of -the Mississippi the current would be too strong for a gun-boat to ascend -or descend. This might perhaps be remedied by the draught of horses. 2. -The force of such a current, (unless the whole canal were lined with brick -or masonry,) might convert the canal into a bay, one of an unknown size, -and involve New Orleans in it. - -On the whole, I suspect our plan is pretty obvious: suppose we want -six feet water; make a canal of that depth below the lowest ebb of -Pontchartrain from the lake to where the lock is to be placed,--then bring -a canal from the river to the lock, the depth of which shall be six feet -below the lowest water of the Mississippi ever known; at the back there -will be a descent, suppose of one, two or three feet, or any other number. -The lock remedies that. If the lock were near the lake it would lessen -the work by giving nearly the whole length to the shallowest canal, and -it would probably be in a more tranquil and safe situation. But it might -be inconvenient, perhaps unsafe, to the sides of the Mississippi canal, -to permit such a depth of water as would be in it, through its whole -length, at the time of the high water of that river. Of the best position, -therefore, of the lock, the superintendent must judge on the spot, as he -must indeed of the correctness of all the preceding conjectures, formed -without a knowledge of the localities. They are hazarded merely to give us -some fixed notions of the nature of the enterprize, and are submitted to -your consideration. I salute you with affectionate respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, May 15, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday the enclosed letter from a Mr. Wood, of -New York. I should suppose the fruits of Europe stood nearly on the ground -of the dry goods of Europe, not tempting evasion by exorbitant prices, -nor defeating the object of the embargo in any important degree, even -if a deviation should take place. I send it to yourself for decision and -answer, in order that there may be an uniformity in the decisions. I am -really glad to find the collector so cautious, and hope others will be -equally so, and I place immense value in the experiment being fully made, -how far an embargo may be an effectual weapon in future as well as on this -occasion. I salute you with affection and respect. - -P. S. Will you send me sixteen copies of my letters to the Governors of -Orleans, Georgia, &c., which I think you proposed to have printed? I will -enclose it to the other governors with explanations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, May 17, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 16th came to hand last night. As the lead mines do -not press in point of time, I would rather they should be the subject of a -conversation on my return. It is not merely a question about the terms we -have to consider, but the expediency of working them. As to the Savannah -revenue cutter, I approve of the proposition in your letter, or whatever -else you may think proper to be done. The regular traders to New Orleans -may be admitted to go as usual, the characters of the owners being known -to be safe, and provisions and lumber being excepted. Cotton perhaps may -be permitted to be brought back on the consideration that its price in -Europe is not likely to be such as that the adventurers may afford to pay -all the forfeitures. I presume Mr. Price's application, which I enclose -you, will fall under this general permission. Will you be so good as to -have the proper answer given him. If we change our rule of tonnage for -Mr. Murray's purpose, the next application will be for such a rate of -tonnage as will allow them to bring back their property in the form of -hay. General Dearborne has occasion to send a vessel to Passamaquoddy with -cannon for the batteries, and perhaps provision for the troops, and has -asked me to send him a blank license. But as these licenses are not signed -by me, I refer him to you for the necessary arrangements. - -I shall sincerely lament Cuba's falling into any hands but those of its -present owners. Spanish America is at present in the best hands for us, -and "Chi sta bene, non si muove" should be our motto. I salute you with -affection. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, May 19, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I now return you the papers reserved from the last post. Our -regular answer to Mr. Livingston may well be, that the Attorney General -having given an official opinion that the right to the batture is in the -United States, and the matter being now referred to Congress, it is our -duty to keep the grounds clear of any adversary possession, until the -Legislature shall decide on it. I have carefully read Mr. Livingston's -printed memoir. He has shaken my opinion as to the line within the road -having been intended as a line of _boundary_ instead of its being a line -of _admeasurement_ only. But he establishes another fact by the testimony -of Fendeau, very fatal to his claim; to wit, that the high-water mark, -"batture, ou viennent _battre_ les eaux lorsqu elles sont dans leurs plus -grandes croissances," is the universal boundary of private grants on the -river. - -Your observations on his allegations that Gravier's grant must be under -the Spanish law, because after the cession of the province by France to -Spain, though before delivery of possession, are conclusive. To which may -be added, that Louis XIV. having established the Constumes de Paris as -the law of Louisiana, this was not changed by the mere act of transfer; -on the contrary, the laws of France continued and continue to be the law -of the land, except where specially altered by some subsequent edict of -Spain or act of Congress. He has not in the least shaken the doctrine -that the bed of the river, and all the atterrissements or banks which -arise on it by the depositions of the river, are the property of the King -by a peculiarity in the law of France; so that nothing quoted from those -of Spain or the Roman law is of authority on that point. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, May 20, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you the papers of Fanning, Lesdernier, and Sacket. -With respect to Fanning's case, the true key for the construction of -everything doubtful in a law, is the intention of the law-makers. This is -most safely gathered from the words, but may be sought also in extraneous -circumstances, provided they do not contradict the express words of the -law. We certainly know that the Legislature meant that vessels might -go out to bring home property, but not to commence a new career of -commerce. The bringing home the property being the main object, if it -be in an impracticable form, it expects the intention of the law to let -it be commuted into a practicable form; and so from an inconvenient to a -convenient form. To prevent any abuse of this accommodation, by entering -into a new operation of commerce with it, the discretionary permission -is left to the President. I think the conversion of the sandal wood into -a more portable form in this case, is fulfilling the object of the law, -and that it is immaterial whether that be done in the Friendly Islands, -where the wood now is, or wherever by the way it can be better done. -Consequently, that permission may be granted. I hope you will spare no -pains or expense to bring the rascals of Passamaquoddy to justice, and if -more force be necessary, agree on the subject with General Dearborne or -Mr. Smith, as to any aid they can spare, and let it go without waiting -to consult me. Let the successor to Sacket also be commissioned without -waiting for my opinion, which will be yours. Should a pardon be granted -to Russell, I generally but not invariably require a recommendation from -the judges. I shall be ready to consider any propositions you may make for -mitigating the embargo law of April 25th, but so only as not to defeat -the object of the law. I shall be ready to make a distinction between -provisions, timber, naval stores, and such things, as by the exaggerated -prices they have got to in foreign markets, would enable infactors to pay -all forfeitures and still make great profit, and cotton and such other -articles as have not got to such prices. I am for going substantially to -the object of the law, and no further; perhaps a little more earnestly -because it is the first expedient, and it is of great importance to know -its full effect. - -I salute you with constant affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, May 20, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 14th came to hand yesterday. I do not see that we -can avoid agreeing to estimates made by worthy men of our own choice for -the sites of fortifications, or that we could leave an important place -undefended because too much is asked for the site. And therefore we must -pay what the sites at Boston have been valued at. At the same time I do -not know on what principles of reasoning it is that good men think the -public ought to pay more for a thing than they would themselves if they -wanted it. I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO GENERAL BENJAMIN SMITH. - - MONTICELLO, May 20, 1808. - -SIR,--I return you my thanks for the communication by your letter of -April 19th, of the resolutions of the Grand Jury of Brunswick, approving -of the embargo. Could the alternative of war or the embargo have been -presented to the whole nation, as it occurred to their representatives, -there could have been but the one opinion that it was better to take the -chance of one year by the embargo, within which the orders and decrees -producing it may be repealed, or peace take place in Europe, which -may secure peace to us. How long the continuance of the embargo may be -preferable to war, is a question we shall have to meet, if the decrees -and orders and war continue. I am sorry that in some places, chiefly on -our northern frontier, a disposition even to oppose the law by force has -been manifested. In no country on earth is this so impracticable as in -one where every man feels a vital interest in maintaining the authority -of the laws, and instantly engages in it as in his own personal cause. -Accordingly, we have experienced this spontaneous aid of our good citizens -in the neighborhoods where there has been occasion, as I am persuaded we -ever shall on such occasions. Through the body of our country generally -our citizens appear heartily to approve and support the embargo. I am also -to thank you for the communication of the Wilmington proceedings, and I -add my salutations and assurances of great respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, May 24, 1807. - -DEAR SIR;-- * * * * * What has been already said on the subject of Casa -Calvo, Yrujo, Miranda, is sufficient, and that these should be seriously -brought up again argues extreme weakness in Cavallos, or a plan to keep -things unsettled with us. But I think it would not be amiss to take him -down from his high airs as to the right of the sovereign to hinder the -upper inhabitants from the use of the Mobile, by observing, 1st, that -we claim to be the sovereign, although we give time for discussion. But -2d, that the upper inhabitants of a navigable water have always a right -of innocent passage along it. I think Cavallos will not probably be -the minister when the letter arrives at Madrid, and that an eye to that -circumstance may perhaps have some proper influence on the style of the -letter, in which, if meant for himself, his hyperbolic airs might merit -less respect. I think too that the truth as to Pike's mission might -be so simply stated as to need no argument to show that (even during -the suspension of our claims to the eastern border of the Rio Norte) -his getting on it was mere error, which ought to have called for the -setting him right, instead of forcing him through the interior country. -[Sullivan's letter.] His view of things for some time past has been -entirely distempered. - -Cathcart's, Ridgeley's, Navour's, Degen's, Appleton's, Lee's, and Baker's -letters, are all returned. I salute you with great affection and respect. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, May 25, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--There is a subject on which I wished to speak with you before -I left Washington; but an apt occasion did not occur. It is that of your -continuance in office. Perhaps it is as well to submit my thoughts to you -by letter. The present summer is too important in point of preparation, to -leave your department unfilled, for any time, as I once thought might be -done; and it would be with extreme reluctance that, so near the time of -my own retirement, I should proceed to name any high officer, especially -one who must be of the intimate councils of my successor, and who ought -of course to be in his unreserved confidence. I think too it would make -an honorable close of your term as well as mine, to leave our country in -a state of substantial defence, which we found quite unprepared for it. -Indeed, it would for me be a joyful annunciation to the next meeting of -Congress, that the operations of defence are all complete. I know that -New York must be an exception; but perhaps even that may be closed before -the 4th of March, when you and I might both make our bow with approbation -and satisfaction. Nor should I suppose that under present circumstances, -anything interesting in your future office could make it important for -you to repair to its immediate occupation. In February my successor will -be declared, and may then, without reserve, say whom he would wish me -to nominate to the Senate in your place. I submit these circumstances to -your consideration, and wishing in all things to consult your interests, -your fame and feelings, it will give me sincere joy to learn that you will -"watch with me to the end." I salute you with great affection and respect. - - -TO MR. LIEPER. - - MONTICELLO, May 25, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of April 22d a little before I was to -leave Washington, much engaged with despatching the business rendered -necessary by the acts of Congress just risen, and preparatory to a short -visit to this place. Here again I have been engrossed with some attentions -to my own affairs, after a long absence, added to the public business -which presses on me here as at Washington. I mention these things to -apologize for the long delay of an answer to the address of the Democratic -republicans of Philadelphia, enclosed in your letter, and which has -remained longer unanswered than I wished. I have been happy in my journey -through the country to this place, to find the people unanimous in their -preference of the embargo to war, and the great sacrifice they make, -rendered a cheerful one from a sense of its necessity. - -Whether the pressure on the throne from the suffering people of England, -and of their Islands, the conviction of the dishonorable as well as -dishonest character of their orders of council, the strength of their -parliamentary opposition, and remarkable weakness of the defence of their -ministry, will produce a repeal of these orders and cessation of our -embargo, is yet to be seen. To nobody will a repeal be so welcome as to -myself. Give us peace till our revenues are liberated from debt, and then, -if war be necessary, it can be carried on without a new tax or loan, and -during peace we may chequer our whole country with canals, roads, &c. This -is the object to which all our endeavors should be directed. I salute you -with great friendship and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, May 27, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday yours of the 23d, and now return you -Woolsey's and Astor's letters. I send you one also which I have received -from a Mr. Thorne, on the evasions of the embargo on Lake Champlain. The -conduct of some of our officers there, and of some excellent citizens, -has been very meritorious, and I will thank you to express any degree -of approbation you think proper, in my name, for Captain Mayo. Woolsey -appears also to deserve assurances of approbation. If you think Thorne's -suggestion of some militia at Point au Fer necessary and proper, be so -good as to consult General Dearborne, who will give any order you and he -approve. With respect to the coasting trade, my wish is only to carry into -full effect the intentions of the embargo laws. I do not wish a single -citizen in any of the States to be deprived of a meal of bread, but I -set down the exercise of commerce, merely for profit, as nothing when -it carries with it the danger of defeating the objects of the embargo. -I have more faith, too, in the Governors. I cannot think that any one of -them would wink at abuses of that law. Still, I like your circular of the -20th, and the idea there brought forward of confining the shipment to so -small a proportion of the bond as may correspond with the exaggeration of -price and foreign markets, and thus restrain the adventurer from gaining -more than he would lose by dishonesty. Flour, by the latest accounts, I -have observed, sold at about eight times its cost here, while the legal -penalties are but about three prices--by restraining them to an eighth -they will be balanced. But as prices rise must not our rules be varied? -Had the practicability of this mode of restraint occurred before the -recurrence to the Governors, I should have preferred it, because it is -free from the objection of favoritism to which the Governors will be -exposed, and if you find it work well in practice, we may find means to -have the other course discontinued. Our course should be to sacrifice -everything to secure the effect of the law, and nothing beyond that. - -I enclose you an application of Neilson & Son, to which you will please to -have given whatever answer is conformable to general rules. The petition -of Gardner and others, masters of the Rhode Island packet ships, which -I enclose you, does not specify the particular act required from us for -their relief. If it be to declare that the open sea in front of their -coast is a bay or a river, the matter of fact, as well as the law, renders -that impossible. I really think it desirable to relieve their case, in -any way which is lawful, because it is one, which though embraced by the -words of the law, is not within its object. You mention that a principal -method of evading the embargo is by loading secretly and going off without -clearance. The naval department must aid us against this. As I shall -leave this for Washington in about ten or twelve days, I now desire the -post-office there to send no letters to this place after receiving this -notice. All further matters relative to the embargo will therefore be -answered verbally as soon as they could by letter. I salute you with great -affection and respect. - - -TO MR. BOWDOIN. - - MONTICELLO, May 29, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I received the favor of your letter, written soon after your -arrival, a little before I left Washington, and during a press of business -preparatory to my departure on a short visit to this place; this has -prevented my earlier congratulations to you on your safe return to your -own country. There, judging from my own experience, you will enjoy much -more of the tranquil happiness of life, than is to be found in the noisy -scenes of the great cities of Europe. I am also aware that you had at -Paris additional causes of disquietude; these seem inseparable from public -life, and, indeed, are the greatest discouragements to entering into or -continuing in it. Perhaps, however, they sweeten the hour of retirement, -and secure us from all dangers of regret. On the subject of that -disquietude, it is proper for me only to say that, however unfortunate the -incident, I found in it no cause of dissatisfaction with yourself, nor of -lessening the esteem I entertain for your virtues and talents; and, had -it not been disagreeable to yourself, I should have been well pleased that -you could have proceeded on your original destination. - -While I thank you for the several letters received from you during your -absence, I have to regret the miscarriage of some of those I wrote you. -Not having my papers here, I cannot cite their dates by memory; but they -shall be the subject of another letter on my return to Washington. - -You find us on your return in a crisis of great difficulty. An embargo -had, by the course of events, become the only peaceable card we had to -play. Should neither peace, nor a revocation of the decrees and orders in -Europe take place, the day cannot be distant when that will cease to be -preferable to open hostility. Nothing just or temperate has been omitted -on our part, to retard or to avoid this unprofitable alternative. Our -situation will be the more singular, as we may have to choose between two -enemies, who have both furnished cause of war. With one of them we could -never come into contact; with the other great injuries may be mutually -inflicted and received. Let us still hope to avoid, while we prepare to -meet them. - -Hoping you will find our cloudless skies and benign climate more favorable -to your health than those of Europe, I pray you to accept my friendly -salutations, and assurances of great esteem and consideration. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, May 31, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you all the papers received from you by yesterday's -mail, except Mr. Burnley's, which I shall send by the Secretary at -War. Although all the appointments below field-officers are made, it is -possible some may decline, and open a way for new competition. I have -observed that Turreau's letters have for some time past changed their -style unfavorably. I believe this is the first occasion he has had to -complain of French deserters being enlisted by us, and if so, the tone -of his application is improper. The answer to him, however, is obvious as -to our laws and instructions, and the _discharge_, not _delivery_, of the -men, for which purpose I presume you will write a line to the Secretary at -War. Woodward's scruples are perplexing. And they are unfounded, because, -on his own principle, if a law requires an oath to be administered, and -does not say by whom, he admits it may be any judge; if, therefore, it -names a person no longer in existence, it is as if it named nobody. -On this construction all the territories have practised, and all the -authorities of the national government,--even the Legislature. It was -wrong on a second ground; no judge ever refusing to administer an oath in -any useful case, although he may not consider it as strictly judicial. -If it may be valid or useful, he administers "_ut valeat quantum valer -potest_." But what is to be done? Would it not be well for you to send -the case to the Attorney General, and get him to enclose his opinion to -Governor Hull, who will use it with Judge Witherall, or some territorial -judge or justice? - -With the quarrel of Judge Vandeberg and his bar we cannot intermeddle. -Mercer's querulous letter is an unreasonable one. How could his offer of -service be acted on, but by putting it in the hands of those who were to -act on all others? - -I shall to-day direct the post-rider not to continue his route to this -place after to-day, and to take your orders as to the time you would wish -him to continue coming to you. I salute you with affectionate esteem and -respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - WASHINGTON, June 15, 1808. - -SIR,--I have considered the letter of the director of the mint, stating -the ease with which the errors of Commodore Truxton's medal may be -corrected on the medal itself, and the unpracticability of doing it on -the die. In my former letter to you on this subject, I observed that to -make a new die would be a serious thing, requiring consideration. In fact, -the first die having been made by authority of the Legislature, the medal -struck, accepted, and acquiesced in for so many years, the powers given by -that law are executed and at an end, and a second law would be requisite -to make a second die or medal. But I presume it will be quite as agreeable -to Commodore Truxton to have his medal corrected in one way as another, -if done equally well, and it certainly may be as well or better done by -the graver, and with more delicate traits. I remember it was the opinion -of Doctor Franklin that where only one or a few medals were to be made, it -was better to have them engraved. - -The medal being corrected, the die becomes immaterial. That has never been -delivered to the party, the medal itself being the only thing voted to -him. I say this on certain grounds, because I think this and Preble's are -the only medals given by the United States which have not been made under -my immediate direction. The dies of all those given by the old Congress, -and made at Paris, remain to this day deposited with our bankers at Paris. -That of General Lee, made in Philadelphia, was retained in the mint. I -mention this not as of consequence whether the die be given or retained, -but to show that there can be no claim of the party to it, or consequently -to its correction. I think, therefore, the medal itself should be -corrected by Mr. Reich; that this is as far as we can stretch our -authority, and I hope it will be satisfactory to the Commodore. I salute -you with constant affection and respect. - - -TO SHELTON GILLIAM, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, June 19, 1808. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 4th was received on my return to this place, and -the proposition of your correspondent on the subject of fortification -was referred to the Secretary at War, where office and qualifications -make him the proper judge of it. I enclose you his answer. The same -prudence which in private life would forbid our paying our own money -for unexplained projects, forbids it in the dispensation of the public -moneys. It is not enough that an individual and an unknown one says and -even thinks he has made a discovery of the magnitude announced on this -occasion. Not only explanation, but the actual experiment must be required -before we can cease to doubt whether the inventor is not deceived by some -false or imperfect view of his subject. Still your patriotic attention -to bring such a proposition under our notice, that it might be applied to -the public good, if susceptible of it, is praiseworthy, and I return you -thanks for it with the assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO CHRISTOPHER COLLES. - - WASHINGTON, June 19, 1808. - -SIR,--I thank you for the pamphlet containing your ideas on the subject of -canals constructed of wood; but it is not in my power to give any definite -opinion of its national importance. If there exists a cement which used as -a lining for cisterns and aqueducts, renders them impermeable to water, -(and it is affirmed that in France they are in the possession and use of -such an one,) then it becomes the common question whether constructions of -wood, brick, or rough stone are cheapest in the end? A question on which -every man possesses materials for forming his judgment. I suspect it is -the supposed necessity of using hewn stone in works of this kind which has -had the greatest effect in discouraging their being undertaken. I tender -you my salutations and respects. - - -TO JAMES PEMBERTON. - - WASHINGTON, June 21, 1808. - -SIR,--Your favor of May 30th was delivered me on my return to this -place, and I now enclose the prospectus of Clarkson's history with my -subscription to it. I have perused with great satisfaction the Report -of the Committee for the African institution. The sentiments it breathes -are worthy of the eminent characters who compose the institution, as are -also the generous cares they propose to undertake. I wish they may begin -their work at the right end. Our experience with the Indians has proved -that letters are not the first, but the last step in the progression -from barbarism to civilization. Our Indian neighbors will occupy all the -attentions we may spare, towards the improvement of their condition. The -four great Southern tribes are advancing hopefully. The foremost are -the Cherokees, the upper settlements of whom have made to me a formal -application to be received into the Union as citizens of the United -States, and to be governed by our laws. If we can form for them a simple -and acceptable plan of advancing by degrees to a maturity for receiving -our laws, the example will have a powerful effect towards stimulating -the other tribes in the same progression, and will cheer the gloomy views -which have overspread their minds as to their own future history. I salute -you with friendship and great respect. - - -TO MR. FRANKLIN. - - WASHINGTON, June 22d, 1808. - -Thomas Jefferson returns his thanks to Mr. Franklin for the address to the -Society of Friends which he was so kind as to send him. The appeal both to -facts and principles is strong, and their consistency will require an able -advocate. Conscious that the present administration has been essentially -pacific, and that in all questions of importance it has been governed by -the identical principles professed by that Society, it has been quite at -a loss to conjecture the unknown cause of the opposition of the greater -part, and bare neutrality of the rest. The hope however that prejudices -would at length give way to facts, has never been entirely extinguished, -and still may be realized in favor of another administration. - - -TO DOCTOR LEIB. - - WASHINGTON, June 23, 1808. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor covering a copy of the talk to the -Tammany society, for which I thank you, and particularly for the favorable -sentiments expressed towards myself. Certainly, nothing will so much -sweeten the tranquillity and comfort of retirement, as the knowledge that -I carry with me the good will and approbation of my republican fellow -citizens, and especially of the individuals in unison with whom I have so -long acted. With respect to the federalists, I believe we think alike; for -when speaking of them, we never mean to include a worthy portion of our -fellow citizens, who consider themselves as in duty bound to support the -constituted authorities of every branch, and to reserve their opposition -to the period of election. These having acquired the appellation of -federalists, while a federal administration was in place, have not cared -about throwing off their name, but adhering to their principle, are -the supporters of the present order of things. The other branch of the -federalists, those who are so in principle as well as in name, disapprove -of the republican principles and features of our Constitution, and would, -I believe, welcome any public calamity (war with England excepted) which -might lessen the confidence of our country in those principles and forms. -I have generally considered them rather as subjects for a mad-house. But -they are now playing a game of the most mischievous tendency, without -perhaps being themselves aware of it. They are endeavoring to convince -England that we suffer more by the embargo than they do, and if they will -but hold out awhile, we must abandon it. It is true, the time will come -when we must abandon it. But if this is before the repeal of the orders -of council, we must abandon it only for a state of war. The day is not -distant, when that will be preferable to a longer continuance of the -embargo. But we can never remove that, and let our vessels go out and be -taken under these orders, without making reprisal. Yet this is the very -state of things which these federal monarchists are endeavoring to bring -about; and in this it is but too possible they may succeed. But the fact -is, that if we have war with England, it will be solely produced by their -manœuvres. I think that in two or three months we shall know what will be -the issue. - -I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. - - June 24, 1808. - -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to General Wilkinson, and in -answer to his letters of yesterday observes that during the course of the -Burr conspiracy, the voluminous communications he received were generally -read but once and then committed to the Attorney General, and were never -returned to him. It is not in his power, therefore, to say that General -Wilkinson did or did not denounce eminent persons to him, and still less -who they were. It was unavoidable that he should from time to time mention -persons known or supposed to be accomplices of Burr, and it is recollected -that some of these suspicions were corrected afterwards on better -information. Whether the undefined term _denunciation_ goes to cases of -this kind or not Thomas Jefferson does not know, nor could he now name -from recollection the persons suspected at different times. He salutes -General Wilkinson respectfully. - - -TO COLONEL D. C. BRENT. - - June 24, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--The information given to me by Mrs. Paradise of letters to -me from her grandsons, is without foundation. I have not for many years -heard a tittle respecting the family at Venice. Should any information -respecting them come to me I will certainly communicate it to Mrs. -Paradise. - -That the embargo is approved by the body of republicans through the Union, -cannot be doubted. It is equally known that a great proportion of the -federalists approve of it; but as they think it an engine which may be -used advantageously against the republican system, they countenance the -clamors against it. I salute you with great friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - July 4, 1808. - -General Turreau's application for two vessels to carry French subjects to -France, must, I think, be granted, because under present circumstances we -ought not on slight grounds to dissatisfy either belligerent. The vessels -may be back before winter, and their only danger will be of stoppage -by the English, who, however, have no right but to take out the French -subjects. - -At the same time, I think it would be well to say to General Turreau -that we reluctantly let our seamen be exposed to capture, or perhaps -to a voluntary engagement with one of the belligerents: that we rely, -therefore, on his so proportioning the vessels to the number of passengers -as merely to give them a reasonable accommodation. It would be well, too, -that he should inform us after their departure, of the number of persons -sent in them. - -Affectionate salutes. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - WASHINGTON, July 9, 1808. - -SIR,--I have lately seen a printed report of the committee of the Canal -company of New Orleans, stating the progress and prospects of their -enterprize. In this the United States feel a strong interest, inasmuch -as it will so much facilitate the passage of our armed vessels out of -the one water into the other. For this purpose, however, there must be at -least five and a half feet water through the whole line of communication -from the lake to the river. In some conversations with Mr. Clark on this -subject the winter before last, there was a mutual understanding that -the company would complete the canal, and the United States would make -the locks. This we are still disposed to do; and so anxious are we to get -this means of defence completed, that to hasten it we would contribute any -other encouragement within the limits of our authority which might produce -this effect. If, for instance, the completion of it within one year could -be insured by our contributing such a sum as one or two thousand dollars a -month to the amount of twenty thousand dollars, in the whole, we might do -it, requiring as a consideration for our justification that the vessels of -the United States should always pass toll-free. The object of this letter -is to sound the principal members, without letting them know you do it -by instruction from us, and to find out what moderate and reasonable aid -on our part would be necessary to get a speedy conclusion of the work, -and in what form that aid would be most useful, and to be so good as to -communicate it to me as soon as the knowledge is obtained by yourself. -I should be glad to learn, at the same time, what is the perpendicular -height of the top of the levee above the surface of the water in the -Mississippi in its lowest state. Five and a half feet below this would -be indispensable for our purposes. I salute you with great esteem and -respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - July 12, 1808. - -1. (Peyton Skipwith's letter.) I approve of the proposition to authorize -the collector of St. Mary's or Savannah to permit vessels to bring to -St. Mary's such supplies as in his opinion are really wanted for the -individuals applying, and where he has entire confidence no fraud will be -committed. But the vessels should be reasonably proportioned to the cargo. -Should this be extended to Passamaquoddy? - -2. (The cases of detention by Gelston and Turner.) The Legislature -finding that no general rules could be formed which would not be evaded by -avarice and roguery, finally authorized the collector, if there were still -circumstances of suspicion, to detain the vessel. Wherever, therefore, the -collector is impressed with suspicion, from a view of all circumstances, -which are often indescribable, I think it proper to confirm his detention. -It would be only where, from his own showing, or other good information, -prejudice or false views biassed his judgment, that I should be disposed -to countermand his detention. - -3. The declaration of the bakers of New York, that their citizens will -be dissatisfied, under the present circumstances of their country, to eat -bread of the flour of their own State, is equally a libel on the produce -and citizens of the State. The citizens have certainly a right to speak -for themselves on such occasions, and when they do we shall be able to -judge whether their numbers or characters are such as to be entitled to a -sacrifice of the embargo law. If this prevails, the next application will -be for vessels to go to New York for the pippins of that State, because -they are higher flavored than the same species of apples growing in other -States. - -4. We should by all means appoint a new collector at Sackett's Harbor. If -the Governor knows nobody there who can be depended on, can he not find -some faithful man in the city or country who would consider the emoluments -acceptable, such as they are? - -5. The seizure by Mr. Illsley not being under the embargo law, will take -its course. With respect to the aid of gun-boats, desired by him and -Mr. Holmes of Sunbury, or any military aid, that can always be settled -directly between Mr. Gallatin and the Secretaries of the Navy or War. -Both those gentlemen know our extreme anxiety to give a full effect to -the important experiment of the embargo, at any expense within the bounds -of reason, and will, on the application of Mr. Gallatin, yield the aid of -their departments without waiting the delay of consulting me. - -I have gone a little into the grounds of these opinions, in order that -there being a mutual understanding on these subjects, Mr. Gallatin during -the time of our separation may decide on the cases occurring, without -the delay of consulting me at such a distance. My principle is that the -conveniences of our citizens shall yield reasonably, and their taste -greatly to the importance of giving the present experiment so fair a trial -that on future occasions our legislators may know with certainty how far -they may count on it as an engine for national purposes. - - -TO M. DE LA CAPEDE. - - WASHINGTON, July 14, 1808. - -SIR,--If my recollection does not deceive me, the collection of the -remains of the animal incognitum of the Ohio (sometimes called mammoth), -possessed by the Cabinet of Natural History at Paris, is not very copious. -Under this impression, and presuming that this Cabinet is allied to the -National Institute, to which I am desirous of rendering some service, I -have lately availed myself of an opportunity of collecting some of those -remains. General Clarke (the companion of Governor Lewis in his expedition -to the Pacific Ocean) being, on a late journey, to pass by the Big-bone -Lick of the Ohio, was kind enough to undertake to employ for me a number -of laborers, and to direct their operations in digging for these bones -at this important deposit of them. The result of these researches will -appear in the enclosed catalogue of specimens which I am now able to place -at the disposal of the National Institute. An aviso being to leave this -place for some port of France on public service, I deliver the packages -to Captain Haley, to be deposited with the Consul of the United States, -at whatever port he may land. They are addressed to Mr. Warden of our -legation at Paris, for the National Institute, and he will have the honor -of delivering them. To these I have added the horns of an animal called -by the natives the Mountain Ram, resembling the sheep by his head, but -more nearly the deer in his other parts; as also the skin of another -animal, resembling the sheep by his fleece but the goat in his other -parts. This is called by the natives the Fleecy Goat, or in the style of -the natural historian, the Pokotragos. I suspect it to be nearly related -to the Pacos, and were we to group the fleecy animals together, it would -stand perhaps with the Vigogne, Pacos, and Sheep. The Mountain Ram was -found in abundance by Messrs. Lewis and Clarke on their western tour, -and was frequently an article of food for their party, and esteemed more -delicate than the deer. The Fleecy Goat they did not see, but procured -two skins from the Indians, of which this is one. Their description will -be given in the work of Governor Lewis, the journal and geographical part -of which may be soon expected from the press; but the parts relating -to the plants and animals observed in his tour, will be delayed by the -engravings. In the meantime, the plants of which he brought seeds, have -been very successfully raised in the botanical garden of Mr. Hamilton -of the Woodlands, and by Mr. McMahon, a gardener of Philadelphia; and -on the whole, it is with pleasure I can assure you that the addition to -our knowledge in every department, resulting from this tour of Messrs. -Lewis and Clarke, has entirely fulfilled my expectations in setting it on -foot, and that the world will find that those travellers have well earned -its favor. I will take care that the Institute as well as yourself shall -receive Governor Lewis's work as it appears. - -It is with pleasure I embrace this occasion of returning you my thanks for -the favor of your very valuable works, _sur les poissons et les cetacées_, -which you were so kind as to send me through Mr. Livingston and General -Turreau, and which I find entirely worthy of your high reputation in -the literary world. That I have not sooner made this acknowledgment has -not proceeded from any want of respect and attachment to yourself, or a -just value of your estimable present, but from the strong and incessant -calls of duty to other objects. The candor of your character gives me -confidence of your indulgence on this head, and I assure you with truth -that no circumstances are more welcome to me than those which give me the -occasion of recalling myself to your recollection, and of renewing to you -the assurances of sincere personal attachment, and of great respect and -consideration. - -_Contents of the large square Box._ - -A Fibia. - -A Radius. - -Two ribs belonging to the upper part of the thorax. - -Two ribs from a lower part of the thorax. - -One entire vertebra. - -Two spinous processes of the vertebra broken from the bodies. - -Dentes molares, which appear to have belonged to the full-grown animal. - -A portion of the under-jaw of a young animal with two molar teeth in it. - -These teeth appear to have belonged to a first set, as they are small, and -the posterior has but three grinding ridges, instead of five, the common -number in adult teeth of the lower jaw. - -Another portion of the under-jaw, including the symphisis, or chin. In -this portion the teeth of one side are every way complete; to wit, the -posterior has five transverse ridges, and the anterior three. - -A fragment of the upper-jaw with one molar tooth much worn. - -Molar teeth which we suppose to be like those of the mammoth or elephant -of Siberia. They are essentially different from those of the mammoth -or elephant of this country, and although similar in some respects to -the teeth of the Asiatic elephant, they agree more completely with the -description of the teeth found in Siberia in the arrangement and size of -the transverse lamina of enamel. This idea, however, is not derived from -actual comparison of the different teeth with each other, for we have no -specimens of Siberian teeth in this country; but from inferences deduced -from the various accounts and drawings of these teeth to be found in -books. A few of these teeth have been found in several places where the -bones of the American animal have existed. - -An Astragalus. - -An Oscalcis. - -Os naviculare. - -In the large box in which the preceding bones are, is a small one -containing a promiscuous mass of small bones, chiefly of the feet. - -In the large irregular-shaped box, a tusk of large size. The spiral twist -in all the specimens of these tusks which we have seen, was remarked -so long ago as the time of Breyneus, in his description of the tusks of -the Siberian mammoth in the Philosophical Transactions, if that paper is -rightly recollected, for the book is not here to be turned to at present. -Many fragments of tusks have been sent from the Ohio, generally resembling -portions of such tusks as are brought to us in the course of commerce. -But of these spiral tusks, in a tolerable complete state, we have had only -four. One was found near the head of the north branch of the Susquehanna. -A second possessed by Mr. Peale, was found with the skeleton, near the -Hudson. A third is at Monticello, found with the bones of this collection -at the Big-bone lick of Ohio, and the fourth is that now sent for the -Institute, found at the same place and larger than that at Monticello. - -The smallest box contains the horns of the mountain ram, and skin of the -fleecy goat. - - -TO MR. SYLVESTRE. - - WASHINGTON, July 15, 1808. - -SIR,--I had received from you on a former occasion the four first volumes -of the Memoirs of the Agricultural Society of the Seine, and since that, -your letter of September 19th, with the 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th volumes, -being for the years 1804 '5 '6 with some separate memoirs. These I have -read with great avidity and satisfaction, and now return you my thanks for -them. But I owe particular acknowledgments for the valuable present of the -Theatre de De Serres, which I consider as a prodigy for the age in which -it was composed, and shows an advancement in the science of agriculture -which I had never suspected to have belonged to that time. Brought down -to the present day by the very valuable notes added, it is really such a -treasure of agricultural knowledge, as has not before been offered to the -world in a single work. - -It is not merely for myself, but for my country, that I must do homage -to the philanthropy of the Society, which has dictated their destination -for me of their newly-improved plough. I shall certainly so use it as to -answer their liberal views, by making the opportunities of profiting by it -as general as possible. - -I have just received information that a plough addressed to me has -arrived at New York, _from England_, but unaccompanied by any letter or -other explanation. As I have had no intimation of such an article to be -forwarded to me from that country, I presume it is the one sent by the -Society of the Seine, that it has been carried into England under their -orders of council, and permitted to come on from thence. This I shall -know within a short time. I shall with great pleasure attend to the -construction and transmission to the Society of a plough with my mould -board. This is the only part of that useful instrument to which I have -paid any particular attention. But knowing how much the perfection of the -plough must depend, 1st, on the line of traction; 2d, on the direction -of the share; 3d, on the angle of the wing; 4th, on the form of the -mould-board; and persuaded that I shall find the three first advantages -eminently exemplified in that which the Society sends me, I am anxious -to see combined with these a mould-board of my form, in the hope it will -still advance the perfection of that machine. But for this I must ask -time till I am relieved from the cares which have now a right to all my -time, that is to say, till the next Spring. Then giving, in the leisure -of retirement, all the time and attention this construction merits and -requires, I will certainly render to the Society the result in a plough -of the best form I shall be able to have executed. In the meantime, accept -for them and yourself the assurances of my high respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. LASTEYRIE. - - WASHINGTON, July 15, 1808. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of March 28th, and with it your -treatises on the culture of the sugar cane and cotton plant in France. -The introduction of new cultures, and especially of objects of leading -importance to our comfort, is certainly worthy the attention of every -government, and nothing short of the actual experiment should discourage -an essay of which any hope can be entertained. Till that is made, the -result is open to conjecture; and I should certainly conjecture that the -sugar cane could never become an article of profitable culture in France. -We have within the ancient limits of the United States, a great extent of -country which brings the orange to advantage, but not a foot in which the -sugar cane can be matured. France, within its former limits, has but two -small spots, (Olivreles and Hieres) which brings the orange in open air, -and _à fortiori_, therefore, none proper for the cane. I should think the -sugar-maple more worthy of experiment. There is no part of France of which -the climate would not admit this tree. I have never seen a reason why -every farmer should not have a sugar orchard, as well as an apple orchard. -The supply of sugar for his family would require as little ground, and the -process of making it as easy as that of cider. Mr. Micheaux, your botanist -here, could send you plants as well as seeds, in any quantity from the -United States. I have no doubt the cotton plant will succeed in some of -the southern parts of France. Whether its culture will be as advantageous -as those they are now engaged in, remains to be tried. We could, in the -United States, make as great a variety of wines as are made in Europe, -not exactly of the same kinds, but doubtless as good. Yet I have ever -observed to my countrymen, who think its introduction important, that a -laborer cultivating wheat, rice, tobacco, or cotton here, will be able -with the proceeds, to purchase double the quantity of the wine he could -make. Possibly the same quantity of land and labor in France employed on -the rich produce of your Southern counties, would purchase double the -quantity of the cotton they would yield there. This however may prove -otherwise on trial, and therefore it is worthy the trial. In general, it -is a truth that if every nation will employ itself in what it is fittest -to produce, a greater quantity will be raised of the things contributing -to human happiness, than if every nation attempts to raise everything it -wants within itself. The limits within which the cotton plant is worth -cultivating in the United States, are the Rappahanock river to the north, -and the first mountains to the west. And even from the Rappahanock to the -Roanoke, we only cultivate for family use, as it cannot there be afforded -at market in competition with that of the more Southern region. The -Mississippi country, also within the same latitudes, admits the culture of -cotton. - -The superficial view I have yet had time to take of your treatise -on the cotton plant, induces a belief that it is rich and correct in -its matter, and contains a great fund of learning on that plant. When -retired to rural occupations, as I shall be ere long, I shall profit -of its contents practically, in the culture of that plant merely for -household manufacture. In that situation, too, I shall devote myself to -occupations much more congenial with my inclinations, than those to which -I have been called by the character of the times into which my lot was -cast. About to be relieved from this _corvée_ by age and the fulfilment -of the _quadragena stipendia_, what remains to me of physical activity -will chiefly be employed in the amusements of agriculture. Having little -practical skill, I count more on the pleasures than the profits of -that occupation. They will give me, too, the leisure which my present -situation nearly denies, of rendering such services as may be within -my means, to the Institute, the Agricultural Society of the Seine, to -yourself, and such other worthy individuals as may find any convenience -in a correspondence here. I shall then be able particularly to fulfil the -wishes expressed, of my sending to the Society of Agriculture a plough -with my mould-board. Perhaps I may be able to add some other implements, -peculiar to us, to the collection which I perceive that the Society is -making. I salute you, Sir, with assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - WASHINGTON, July 16, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Complaints multiply upon us of evasions of the embargo laws, by -fraud and force. These come from Newport, Portland, Machias, Nantucket, -Martha's Vineyard, &c., &c. As I do consider the severe enforcement of -the embargo to be of an importance, not to be measured by money, for our -future government as well as present objects, I think it will be advisable -that during this summer all the gun-boats, actually manned and in -commission, should be distributed through as many ports and bays as may be -necessary to assist the embargo. On this subject I will pray you to confer -with Mr. Gallatin, who will call on you on his passage through Baltimore, -and to communicate with him hereafter, _directly_, without the delay of -consulting me, and generally to aid this object with such means of your -department as are consistent with its situation. - -I think I shall be able to leave this place by Wednesday. I will mention -for your information, that the post for Milton leaves this place on -Tuesdays and Fridays, and arrives at it on Sundays and, I believe, -Thursdays. - -I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO MR. SMITH, OF THE WAR OFFICE. - - WASHINGTON, July 16, 1808. - -SIR,--The correspondence which you sent me the other day, between the -British commanders and our officers in Moose Island, is now in the hands -of Mr. Madison, and will be delivered to you on application. On consulting -him and Mr. Gallatin, I find the facts to be that Moose Island has ever -been in our possession, as well before as ever since the treaty of peace -with Great Britain; that in the convention formed between Mr. King and -the British government, about four years ago, wherein our limits in that -quarter were mutually recognized, Moose Island was expressly acknowledged -to belong to us; and, through an account of an article respecting -Louisiana, the convention has not yet been ratified, yet both parties have -acted on the article of these limits as if it had been ratified,--each -party considering the parts then assigned to them as no longer questioned -by the other. - -I think you had better communicate the papers, with a copy of that article -of the convention, to Gen. Dearborne, with these observations, from whom -the answer to our officer will go with more propriety. If you will speak -on this subject with Mr. Madison, he will, perhaps, be able to state to -you what passed between us on this subject more fully than I have done. -Accept my salutations. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. - - WASHINGTON, July 16, 1808. - -SIR,--In my letter of May 6th I asked the favor of your Excellency, as -I did of the Governors of other States not furnishing in their interior -country flour sufficient for the consumption of the State, to take the -trouble of giving certificates, in favor of any merchants meriting -confidence, for the quantities necessary for consumption beyond the -interior supplies. Having desired from the Treasury Department a statement -of the quantities called for under these certificates, I find that those -of your Excellency, received at the Treasury, amount to 51,000 barrels of -flour, 108,400 bushels of Indian corn, 560 tierces of rice, 2,000 bushels -of rye, and, in addition thereto, that there had been given certificates -for either 12,450 barrels of flour, or 40,000 bushels of corn. As these -supplies, although called for within the space of two months, will -undoubtedly furnish the consumption of your State for a much longer time, -I have thought it advisable to ask the favor of your Excellency, after -the receipt of this letter, to discontinue issuing any other certificates, -that we may not unnecessarily administer facilities to the evasion of the -embargo laws; for I repeat what I observed in my former letter, that these -evasions are effected chiefly by vessels clearing coastwise. But while -I am desirous of preventing the frauds which go to defeat the salutary -objects of these laws, I am equally so that the fair consumption of our -citizens may in nowise be abridged. It would, therefore, be deemed a great -favor if your Excellency could have me furnished with an estimate, on the -best data possessed, of the quantities of flour, corn, and rice, which, in -addition to your internal supplies, may be necessary for the consumption, -in any given time, of those parts of your State which habitually depend -on importation for these articles. I ask this the more freely, because I -presume you must have had such an estimate formed for the government, of -your discretion in issuing the preceding certificates, and because it may -be so necessary for our future government. I salute you with assurance of -great respect and esteem. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - WASHINGTON, July 17, 1808. - -SIR,--After writing my letter of the 9th, I received one from Mr. Pitot in -the name of the New Orleans Canal Company, which ought to have come with -the printed report, stating more fully their views, and more explicitly -the way in which we can aid them. They ask specifically that we should -lend them $50,000, or take the remaining fourth of their shares now on -hand. This last measure is too much out of our policy of not embarking -the public in enterprises better managed by individuals, and which might -occupy as much of our time as those political duties for which the public -functionaries are particularly instituted. Some money could be lent them, -but only on an assurance that it would be employed so as to secure the -public objects. The first interests of the company will be to bring a -practicable navigation from the Lake Pontchartrain through the Bayou St. -Jean and Canal de Carondelet to the city, because that entitles them to -a toll on the profitable part of the enterprise. But this would answer no -object of the government unless it was carried through to the Mississippi, -so that our armed vessels drawing five feet water might pass through. -Instead therefore of the ground I suggested in my last letter, I would -propose to lend them a sum of money on the condition of their applying it -entirely to that part of the canal which, beginning at the Mississippi, -goes round the city to a junction with the canal of Carondelet; and we -may moreover at our own expense erect the locks. The Secretary at War -not being here, I cannot propose these or any other terms precisely, -but you may more openly than I proposed in my last letter, give these -as the general shape of the aid which we contemplate, collect the ideas -of individual members, and communicate them to me, so that when I shall -have an opportunity of consulting the Secretary at War we may put our -proposition in the form most acceptable to them. On this subject I shall -wish to hear from you soon. - -Mr. Livingston was here lately, and finding that we considered the Batture -as now resting with Congress, and that it was our duty to keep it clear -of all adversary possession till their decision is obtained, wrote a -letter to the Secretary of State, which, if we understand it, amounts -to a declaration that he will on his return bring the authority of the -court into array against that of the executive, and endeavor to obtain -a forcible possession. But I presume that the court knows too well that -the title of the United States to land is subject to the jurisdiction of -no court, it having never been deemed safe to submit the major interests -of the nation to an ordinary tribunal, or to any one but such as the -Legislature establishes for the special occasion; and the Marshal will -find his duty too plainly marked out in the act of March 3, 1807, to be at -a loss to determine what authority he is to obey. It will be well however -that you should have due attention paid to this subject, and particularly -to apprize Mr. Grymes to be prepared to take care that the public rights -receive no detriment. - -I salute you with great respect and esteem. - - -TO GOVERNOR LEWIS. - - WASHINGTON, July 17, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Since I parted with you in Albemarle in September last, I -have never had a line from you, nor I believe has the Secretary at War -with whom you have much connection through the Indian department. The -misfortune which attended the effort to send the Mandan chief home, became -known to us before you had reached St. Louis. We took no step on the -occasion, counting on receiving your advice so soon as you should be in -place, and knowing that your knowledge of the whole subject and presence -on the spot would enable you to judge better than we could what ought to -be done. The constant persuasion that something from you must be on its -way to us, has as constantly prevented our writing to you on the subject. -The present letter, however, is written to put an end at length to this -mutual silence, and to ask from you a communication of what you think -best to be done to get the chief and his family back. We consider the good -faith, and the reputation of the nation, as pledged to accomplish this. We -would wish indeed not to be obliged to undertake any considerable military -expedition in the present uncertain state of our foreign concerns, and -especially not till the new body of troops shall be raised. But if it -can be effected in any other way and at any reasonable expense, we are -disposed to meet it. - -A powerful company is at length forming for taking up the Indian commerce -on a large scale. They will employ a capital the first year of 300,000, -and raise it afterwards to a million. The English Mackinac company will -probably withdraw from the competition. It will be under the direction of -a most excellent man, a Mr. Astor, merchant of New York, long engaged in -the business, and perfectly master of it. He has some hope of seeing you -at St. Louis, in which case I recommend him to your particular attention. -Nothing but the exclusive possession of the Indian commerce can secure us -their peace. - -Our foreign affairs do not seem to clear up at all. Should they continue -as at present, the moment will come when it will be a question for the -Legislature whether war will not be preferable to a longer continuance of -the embargo. - -The Presidential question is clearing up daily, and the opposition -subsiding. It is very possible that the suffrage of the nation may be -undivided. But with this question it is my duty not to intermeddle. I -have not lately heard of your friends in Albemarle. They were well when -I left that in June, and not hearing otherwise affords presumptions they -are well. But I presume you hear that from themselves. We have no tidings -yet of the forwardness of your printer. I hope the first part will not -be delayed much longer. Wishing you every blessing of life and health, I -salute you with constant affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, July 18, 1808. - -DEAR GENERAL,--I had written to Governor Claiborne according to what had -been agreed between you and myself, after which I received a letter from -Pitot on behalf of the Canal company of New Orleans, which should have -accompanied the printed report I communicated to you. The letter agrees -with the report, and asks specifically that we should either lend them -fifty thousand dollars, or buy the remaining fourth part of their shares -now on hand. On consultation with Mr. Madison, Gallatin, and Rodney, we -concluded it best to say we would lend them a sum of money if they would -agree to lay out the whole of it in making the canal from the Mississippi -round the town to its junction with the canal of Carondelet; and I wrote -to Claiborne to sound the members of the company, and to find out if there -were any modifications which would render the proposition more acceptable, -to communicate them to me, and that when I should have an opportunity of -consulting you, we would make the proposition in form. - -I send you a letter of General Wilkinson's, the papers it covered, and -my answer, which will sufficiently explain themselves. That in cases of -military operations some occasions for secret service money must arise, -is certain. But I think that they should be more fully explained to the -government than the General has done, seems also proper. - -Mr. Smith will send you some British complaints on our fortifying Moose -Islands, and the kind of answer recommended on consultation with the heads -of departments. - -We have such complaints of the breach of embargo by fraud and force on our -northern water line, that I must pray your co-operation with the Secretary -of the Treasury by rendezvousing as many new recruits as you can in that -quarter. The Osage brought us nothing in the least interesting. I salute -you with affection and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR PINCKNEY. - - WASHINGTON, July 18, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of May 28 has been duly received, and in it the -proceeding of the Court on the mandamus to the collector of Charleston. I -saw them with great concern because of the quarter from whence they came, -and where they could not be ascribed to any political waywardness. - -The Legislature having found, after repeated trials, that no general -rules could be formed which fraud and avarice would not elude, concluded -to leave, in those who were to execute the power, a discretionary power -paramount to all their general rules. This discretion was of necessity -lodged with the collector in the first instance, but referred, finally, to -the President, lest there should be as many measures of law or discretion -for our citizens as there were collectors of districts. In order that the -first decisions by the collectors might also be as uniform as possible, -and that the inconveniences of temporary detention might be imposed by -general and equal rules throughout the States, we thought it advisable to -draw some outlines for the government of the discretion of the collectors, -and to bring them all to one tally. - -With this view they were advised to consider all shipments of flour _primâ -facie_, as suspicious. Because, if pretended to be for a State which made -enough within itself, it could not, in these times, but be suspicious, -and, if for a State which needed importations, we had provided, by the aid -of the Governors of those States, a criterion for that case. - -But your collector seems to have decided for himself that, instead of -a general rule applicable equally to all, the personal character of the -shipper was a better criterion, and his own individual opinion too, of -that character. - -You will see at once to what this would have led in the hands of -an hundred collectors, of all sorts of characters, connections, and -principles, and what grounds would have been given for the malevolent -charges of favoritism with which the federal papers have reproached even -the trust we reposed in the first and highest magistrates of particular -States. It has been usual in another department, after the decision of -any point by the superior tribunal is known, for the interior one to -conform to that decision. The declaration of Mr. Theus, that _he_ did not -consider the case as suspicious, founded on his individual opinion of the -shipper, broke down that barrier which we had endeavored to erect against -favoritism, and furnished the grounds for the subsequent proceedings. The -attorney for the United States seems to have considered the acquiescence -of the collector as dispensing with any particular attentions to the case, -and the judge to have taken it as a case agreed between plaintiff and -defendant, and brought to him only formally to be placed on his records. -But this question has too many important bearings on the constitutional -organization of our government, to let it go off so carelessly. I send you -the Attorney General's opinion on it, formed on great consideration and -consultation. It is communicated to the collectors and marshals for their -future government. I hope, however, the business will stop here, and that -no similar case will occur. A like attempt has been made in another State, -which I believe failed in the outset. - -I have seen, with great satisfaction, the circumspection and moderation -with which you have been so good as to act under my letter of May 6th. -I owe the same approbation to some other of the Governors, but not to -every one. Our good citizens having submitted to such sacrifices under -the present experiment, I am determined to exert every power the law has -vested in me for its rigorous fulfilment; that we may know the full value -and effect of this measure on any future occasion on which a resort to it -might be contemplated. - -The Osage did not bring us a tittle of anything interesting. The absence -of the Emperor from Paris makes that a scene of no business; and I do not -think we are to consider the course of the British government as finally -decided, until the nation, as well as the ministry, are possessed of the -communications to Congress of March 22, and our act hanging the duration -of the embargo laws on that of the orders of council. The newspapers -say Mr. Rose is coming over again. Mr. Pinckney did not know this at -the departure of the Osage. Yet it may be so. It is well calculated to -throw dust in the eyes of the nation, and to silence all attempts of -the opposition to force a change of their measures. In this view it is a -masterly stroke. The truth is that their debt is become such as the nation -can no longer pay its interest. Their omnipotence at sea has bloated their -imaginations so as to persuade them they can oblige all nations to carry -all their produce to their island as an entrepot, to pay them a tax on it, -and receive their license to carry it to its ultimate market. It is indeed -a desperate throw, in the language of Canning, and who knows, says he, -what the dice may turn up? - -I answer, we know. - -Since writing so far, I received your favor of June 30th, covering -resolutions of your Legislature. They are truly worthy of them, and never -could declarations be better timed for dissipating the delusions in which -the British government are nourished by the federal papers, and prevented -from that return to justice which alone can continue our peace. - -Wishing you every blessing of health and life, I salute you with -assurances of great esteem and respect. Salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, July 25,1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you the petition of Somes, to do in it whatever is -agreeable to general rule. - -Punqua Winchung, the Chinese Mandarin, has, I believe, his head quarters -at New York, and therefore his case is probably known to you. He came -to Washington just as I had left it, and therefore wrote to me, praying -permission to depart for his own country with his property, in a vessel to -be engaged by himself. I enclose you Mr. Madison's letter, which contains -everything I know on the subject. I consider it as a case of national -comity, and coming within the views of the first section of the first -embargo act. The departure of this individual with good dispositions, may -be the means of making our nation known advantageously at the source of -power in China, to which it is otherwise difficult to convey information. -It may be of sensible advantage to our merchants in that country. I cannot -therefore but consider that a chance of obtaining a permanent national -good should overweigh the effect of a single case taken out of the great -field of the embargo. The case, too, is so singular, that it can lead to -no embarrassment as a precedent. - -I think, therefore, he should be permitted to engage a vessel to carry -himself and his property, under such cautions and recommendations to him -as you shall think best. - -I leave it therefore to yourself to direct all the necessary details -without further application to me, and for this purpose send you a blank -passport for the vessel, &c., and Mr. Graham will obtain and forward you -passports from the foreign ministers here. I salute you with affection and -respect. - - -TO MR. BIBB. - - MONTICELLO, July 28, 1808. - -SIR,--I received duly your favor of July 1st, covering an offer of Mr. -McDonald of an iron mine to the public, and I thank you for taking the -trouble of making the communication, as it might have its utility. But -having always observed that public works are much less advantageously -managed than the same are by private hands, I have thought it better for -the public to go to market for whatever it wants which is to be found -there; for there competition brings it down to the minimum of value. I -have no doubt we can buy brass cannon at market cheaper than we could make -iron ones. I think it material too, not to abstract the high executive -officers from those functions which nobody else is charged to carry on, -and to employ them in superintending works which are going on abundantly -in private hands. Our predecessors went on different principles; they -bought iron mines, and sought for copper ones. We own a mine at Harper's -Ferry of the finest iron ever put into a cannon, which we are afraid to -attempt to work. We have rented it heretofore, but it is now without a -tenant. - -We send a vessel to France and England every six weeks, for the purposes -of public as well as mercantile correspondence. These the public papers -are in the habit of magnifying into special missionaries for great and -special purposes. It is true that they carry our public despatches, -whether the subject of the day happens to be great or small. The Osage -was one of these; but she was charged with nothing more than repetitions -of instructions to our ministers not to cease in their endeavors to have -the obnoxious orders and decrees repealed. She brought not a tittle of the -least interest. The St. Michael was another of these vessels, and may now -be expected in a few days. The schooner Hope was a third, and sailed a few -days ago. She may be expected a fortnight before Congress meets, and our -ministers are apprized that whatsoever the belligerent powers mean to do, -must be done before that time, as on the state of things then existing -and known to us, Congress will have to act. I return the letter of Mr. -McDonald, as it may be useful for other purposes, and salute you with -esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, July 29, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a letter of information of what is passing on the -Canada line. To prevent it is, I suppose, beyond our means, but we must -try to harass the unprincipled agents, and punish as many as we can. - -I transmit, also, the petition of Tyson and James, millers of Baltimore, -for permission to send a load of flour to New Orleans, to direct in -it what is regular, for I do not see any circumstance in the case -sufficiently peculiar to take it out of the rule. If their views are -honest, as I suppose them to be, it would be a great relief to them to -be permitted, by giving bond for an increased valuation, to send their -flour to its destination, and equal relief to us from these tormenting -applications. Yet, as the other gentlemen seemed not satisfied that -it would be legal, I would not have it done on my own opinion alone, -however firmly I am persuaded of its legality. Could you not in the way -of conversation with some of the sound lawyers of New York, find what -would be then _primâ facie_ opinion, and if encouraged by that, we may -take the opinion of the Attorney General, and others. The questions to be -solved are,--first: To what place should the valuation refer? and second: -Would too high a valuation render the bond null in law? On the first, I -observe that the law says that bond shall be given in double the value, -&c., without saying whether its value _here_, or at the _place of sale_, -is meant; that, generally speaking, its value _here_ would be understood; -but that whenever the words of a law will bear two meanings, one of which -will give effect to the law, and the other will defeat it, the former -must be supposed to have been intended by the Legislature, because they -could not intend that meaning, which would defeat their intention, in -passing that law; and in a statute, as in a will, the intention of the -party is to be sought after. On the second point we would ask, who is to -value the cargo on which the bond is to be taken? Certainly the collector, -either by himself or his agents. When the bond is put in suit it must be -recovered. Neither judge nor jury can go into the question of the value -of the cargo. If anybody could, it would be the chancellor; but his maxim -is never to lend his power in support of fraud or wrong. The common law -could only give a remedy on an action for damages, as, for instance, if a -collector, by requiring too large security, prevents a party from clearing -out, damages might be recovered. But in the case in question, the consent -of the party would take away the error, and besides, as the voyage takes -place, no damages for preventing it can be recovered. These are general -considerations to be brought into view in such a conversation, which, -indeed would occur to every lawyer who turned his mind to the subject -at all. It would be a most important construction for the relief of the -honest merchant, to whom the amount of bond is important, and to us, also, -in the execution of the law; and I think its legality far more defensible -than that of limiting the provisions to one-eighth of the cargo. My -situation in the country gives me no opportunity to consult lawyers of the -first order. Should such occur, however, I will avail myself of them. - -I salute you affectionately. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, July 29, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--The passport for the Leonidas goes by this post, to the -collector of Norfolk. I return you Jarvis', Hackley's, and Montgomery's -letters, and send you Hull's, Hunt's, Clarke's, and Mr. Short's, for -perusal, and to be returned. On this last, the following questions arise: -When exactly shall the next vessel go? Whence? Is not the secrecy of -the mission essential? Is it not the very ground of sending it while the -Senate is not sitting, in order that it may be kept secret? I doubt the -expediency of sending one of our regular armed vessels. If we do, she -should go to Petersburg direct. And yet may there not be advantage in -conferences between S. and A.? I have signed the commission and letter of -credence, and now enclose them. Yet I must say I think the latter is very -questionable indeed, in point of property. It says that the Minister is to -_reside_ near his person; but whether we should establish it at once into -a permanent legation is much to be doubted, and especially in a recess -of the Senate. I should think it better to express purposes something -like the following: "to bear to your Imperial Majesty the assurances -of the sincere friendship of the United States, and of their desire to -maintain with your Majesty and your subjects the strictest relations of -intercourse and commerce; to explain to your Majesty the position of the -United States, and the considerations flowing from that which should keep -them aloof from the contests of Europe; to assure your Majesty of their -desire to observe a faithful and impartial neutrality, if not forced from -that line by the wrongs of the belligerents; and to express their reliance -that they will be befriended in these endeavors by your Majesty's powerful -influence and friendship towards these States." This is hasty,--it is too -long, and neither the expressions nor thoughts sufficiently accurate; but -something of this kind, more concise and correct, may be formed, leaving -the permanency of the mission still in our power. - -There is no doubt but that the transaction at New Orleans, between Ortega -and the British officer with the prize sloop Guadaloupe, has been a mere -fraud, to evade our regulation against the sale of prizes in our harbors; -and his insolent letter intended merely to cover the fraud. His ready -abandonment of the vessel, and Ortega's resumption of her, are clear -proofs. Should not, or could not, process be ordered against Ortega and -the vessel? I think a copy of Reeve's letter to Governor Claiborne, and of -the proceedings of the court, might be sent to Mr. Erskine, with proper -observations on this double outrage, and an intimation that the habitual -insolence of their officers may force us to refuse them an asylum, even -when seeking it in real distress, if the boon is to be abused as it has -been by this insolent and dishonest officer. And as it is very possible -the rascal may push his impostures to the making complaint to his -government, this step with Mr. Erskine may anticipate it. - -I salute you with sincere and constant affection. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 5, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a letter from the Path-killer and others of the -Cherokees, the object of which I do not precisely see. I suppose they are -of Van's party. The sentiments are unquestionably those of a white man. - -Sibley's letters present a disagreeable view. It will be troublesome -if we are once compelled to use acts of force against those people. It -is the more difficult as we should have to pursue them into the country -beyond the Sabine, on which an understanding with the Spaniards would be -necessary. But what is the meaning of our not pursuing deserters over the -Rio Hondo? I thought we had so far settled that matter, as that it was -understood by the Spaniards that until a final settlement of boundary, the -Sabine was to be that to which each was to exercise jurisdiction. On the -same principles ought we not immediately to suppress this new appointment -of a Spanish Alcalde at Bayou Pierre? I ask this for information, because -I do not precisely recollect what we finally intended as to Bayou Pierre, -and I have not the papers here. I suppose the trial and punishment of the -guilty Alibamas, and Sibley's reclamations with the tribe for reparation, -will give us time till we meet to consider what is to be done. Has any and -what step been taken for the recovery of Pike's men? - -Governor Lewis' letter offers something more serious. The only information -I have on the subject, is his letter to Governor Harrison in a newspaper, -which I cut out and enclose you. The retirement of White Hairs to St. -Louis is strong proof that the case is serious. As they are at war with -all nations, and in order to protect them we have been endangering our -peace and friendship with the other nation, would not our best course -be to inform all those nations that, however desirous we have been of -promoting peace among them, and however earnest our endeavors have been -to restore friendship between them and the Osages particularly, we have -found it impossible to bring that nation to a just and peaceable conduct -towards others? That therefore we withdraw ourselves from before them, and -leave them to be freely attacked and destroyed by all those who have cause -of war against them? Would such a written message from me to the nations -at war with them, be advisable? particularly to the Cherokees, Creeks, -Chickasaws, and Choctaws, and such _northern_ tribes as are at war with -them. I do not recollect those of the latter description. Would it not be -advisable to aid their war parties with provisions, and ammunition, and -the repairs of their arms at our posts? Will it be necessary to authorize -expeditions of militia, or only permit volunteers to join the Indian -parties? or shall we leave what respects Militia to Governor Lewis? We -shall certainly receive further information soon, but in the meantime I -have thought we should turn it in our minds, and interchange ideas on the -subject. I shall therefore be glad to hear from you on it. I salute you -with constant affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 6, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--A complaint has come to me indirectly on the part of the -Cadets at West Point, that the promotions in their corps are made on -other principles than those of seniority or merit. They do not charge -Colonel Williams with an unjust selection by himself, but with leaving -the selection to his lieutenant, whose declaration that it was so left to -him, they say can be proved. It is stated particularly that a young man -from the country, uneducated, and who had been with the corps but three -months, and had acquired little there, was lately made an ensign to the -prejudice of much superior qualifications. His name was mentioned to me -but I have forgotten it. Justice to the officers forbids us to give credit -to such imputations till proved; but justice to the corps requires us -so far to attend to them as to make them the subject of inquiry; and I -presume this was the object of the communication to me. I now mention it -to you, because in returning through New York you may have an opportunity -of inquiring into it. I am much more inclined to impute to the vanity of -the lieutenant the declaration he is said to have made, than to suppose -Colonel Williams has really delegated so important a trust to him. I -salute you with constant affection. - - -TO MESSRS. KERR, MOORE, AND WILLIAMS, COMMISSIONERS OF THE WESTERN ROAD. - - MONTICELLO, August 6, 1808. - -GENTLEMEN,--It has been represented to me on behalf of the inhabitants -of the town of Washington in Pennsylvania, that by a survey made at their -expense, it is found that the western road, if carried through their town, -to Wheeling, would be but a mile longer, would pass through better ground, -and be made at less expense; and if carried to Short Creek, instead of -Wheeling, the difference of distance would still be less. The principal -object of this road is a communication directly westwardly. If, however, -inconsiderable deflections from this course will benefit particular -places, and better accommodate travellers, these are circumstances to be -taken into consideration. I have therefore to desire that, having a regard -to the funds which remain, you make as good an examination as they will -admit, of the best route through Washington to Wheeling, and also to Short -Creek or any other point on the river, offering a more advantageous route -towards Chillicothe and Cincinatti, and that you report to me the material -facts, with your opinions for consideration. I salute you with respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, August 6, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--On the subject of the western road, our first error was -the admitting a deviation to Brownsville, and thus suffering a first -encroachment on its principle. This is made a point d'appui to force a -second, and I am told a third holds itself in reserve, so that a few towns -in that quarter seem to consider all this expense as undertaken merely -for their benefit. I should have listened to these solicitations with more -patience, had it not been for the unworthy motives presented to influence -me by some of those interested. Sometimes an opposition by force was -held up, sometimes electioneering effects, as if I were to barter away, -on such motives, a public trust committed to me for a different object. -It seems, however, that our first error having made Brownsville, and no -longer Cumberland, the point of departure, we must now go no further back -in examining the claim of Washington. I have therefore written to the -commissioners, the letter of which I enclose you a copy. The time saved -by sending it to them direct, may be important, as they may be near their -return. I am doubtful whether they have money enough left for a thorough -examination. If they have, their report will enable us to decide on this -second deflection. But what will Wheeling say if we take the road from -it, to give it to Washington? I do not know its size or importance, nor -whether some obstacles to navigation may not oppose our crossing at a -higher place. I salute you with constant affection. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of July 27th is received. It confirms the accounts we -receive from others that the infractions of the embargo in Maine and -Massachusetts are open. I have removed Pope, of New Bedford, for worse -than negligence. The collector of Sullivan is on the totter. The tories -of Boston openly threaten insurrection if their importation of flour -is stopped. The next post will stop it. I fear your Governor is not up -to the tone of these parricides, and I hope, on the first symptom of an -open opposition of the law by force, you will fly to the scene and aid in -suppressing any commotion. - -I enclose you the letter of Captain Dillard, recommending Walter Bourke -for appointment. I know nothing of the writers of any of the letters -except Thore, Jones, and Thweat, who are good men. I like Meigs' scheme -with the Cherokees, and would wish it success. But will Congress give such -a sum of money. The message of the Creek Chief is so far satisfactory, -that I think we should give them time. Could we engage them to assist -us in destroying the guilty banditti? The letter enclosed from Cuthbert -to Mr. Madison, on the means of taking Quebec, is worthy notice, and -I wish you could, before your return, have an interview with him. Your -office, and receipt of the letter from me, will give confidence to his -communications. We have letters from Mr. Pinckney to May 30, but not one -word interesting. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Dearborne, and accept my -affectionate salutations. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you, for your information, letters from General -Dearborne, P. D. Sargent, and Elisha Tracey, on the infractions of the -embargo, and their ideas on the means of remedy. - -I pass them through the hands of the Secretary of the Navy, with a request -that he will, in concert with you, give all the aid for the enforcement -of the law which his department can afford. I think the conduct of Jordan, -at Sullivan, should be inquired into, with a view to his removal if found -either undisposed or negligent. Indeed, the distance of his residence, if -it be fact, renders it impossible he should even sufficiently superintend -the due execution of the duties of his office. - -We have letters from Mr. Pinckney of the 30th of May, but containing not -one interesting word. If England should be disposed to continue peace -with us, and Spain gives to Bonaparte the occupation she promises, will -not the interval be favorable for our reprisals on the Floridas for the -indemnifications withheld. Before the meeting of Congress we shall see -further. I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, August 9, 1808. - -Dear Sir,-- * * * * * I have some apprehension the tories of Boston, -&c., with so poor a head of a Governor, may attempt to give us trouble. I -have requested General Dearborne to be on the alert, and fly to the spot -where any open and forcible opposition shall be commenced, and to crush -it in embryo. I am not afraid but that there is sound matter enough in -Massachusetts to prevent an opposition of the laws by force. I am glad to -see that Spain is likely to give Bonaparte employment. _Tant mieux pour -nous._ Accept affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - MONTICELLO, August 11, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters of July 29th and August 5th, came to hand -yesterday, and I now return you those of Wynne, Wolsey, Quincy, -Otis, Lincoln, and Dearborne. This embargo law is certainly the most -embarrassing one we have ever had to execute. I did not expect a crop of -so sudden and rank growth of fraud and open opposition by force could have -grown up in the United States. I am satisfied with you that if orders and -decrees are not repealed, and a continuance of the embargo is preferred -to war, (which sentiment is universal here), Congress must legalize -all _means_ which may be necessary to obtain its _end_. Mr. Smith, in -enclosing to me General Dearborne's and Lincoln's letters, informs me -that immediately on receiving them he gave the necessary orders to the -Chesapeake, the Wasp and Argus. Still I shall pass this letter and those -it encloses, through his hands for information. I am clearly of opinion -this law ought to be enforced at any expense, _which may not exceed our -appropriation_. I approve of the instructions to General Lincoln, for -selling the revenue cutter there and buying another, and also of what you -propose at New London and Portsmouth, and generally I wish you to do as -to the revenue cutters what you shall think best, without delaying it to -hear from me. You possess the details so much better than I do, and are so -much nearer the principal scenes, that my approbation can be but matter -of form. As to ordering out militia, you know the difficulty without -another proclamation. I advise Mr. Madison to inform General Turreau that -the vessels we allow to the foreign ministers are only in the character -of transports, and that they cannot be allowed but where the number of -persons bears the proportion to the vessel which is usual with transports. -You will see by my last that on learning the situation of affairs in -Spain, it had occurred to me that it might produce a favorable occasion -of doing ourselves justice in the south. We must certainly so dispose of -our southern recruits and armed vessels as to be ready for the occasion. -A letter of June 5th from Mr. Pinckney says nothing more than that in a -few days he was to have a full conference on our affairs with Mr. Canning. -That will doubtless produce us immediately an interesting letter from him. -I salute you affectionately. - -P. S. I this day direct a commission for General Steele, vice General -Shee, deceased. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of July 30th came to hand yesterday. It has consequently -loitered somewhere two posts. I am glad to learn the prompt aid you -have afforded the Treasury department. To let you further understand -the importance of giving all the aid we can, I pass through your hands -my letter of this day to Mr. Gallatin, with those it encloses, which I -will pray you, after perusal, to seal and put into the post-office. In -the support of the embargo laws, our only limit should be that of the -appropriations of the department. A letter of June 5th from Mr. Pinckney -informs us he was to have a free conference with Canning, in a few days. -Should England get to rights with us, while Bonaparte is at war with -Spain, the moment may be favorable to take possession of our own territory -held by Spain, and so much more as may make a proper reprisal for her -spoliations. We ought therefore to direct the rendezvous of our southern -recruits and gun-boats so as to be in proper position for striking the -stroke in an instant, when Congress shall will it. I have recommended -this to General Dearborne, as I now do to yourself. Mr. Fulton writes to -me under a great desire to prepare a decisive experiment of his torpedo -at Washington, for the meeting of Congress. This means of harbor-defence -has acquired such respectability, from its apparent merit, from the -attention shown it by other nations, and from our own experiments at -New York, as to entitle it to a full experiment from us. He asks only -two workmen for one month from us, which he estimates at $130 only. But -should it cost considerably more I should really be for granting it, -and would accordingly recommend it to you. This sum is a mere trifle as -an encroachment on our appropriation. I salute you with affection and -respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of July 27th has been received. I now enclose you -the letters of Hawkins, Harrison, Wells, Hull, and Claiborne, received -from the war office, and as I conjecture, not yet seen by you. Indian -appearances, both in the northwest and south, are well. Beyond the -Mississippi they are not so favorable. I fear Governor Lewis has been too -prompt in committing us with the Osages so far as to oblige us to go on. -But it is astonishing we get not one word from him. I enclose you letters -of Mr. Griff and Maclure, which will explain themselves. A letter of June -5th from Mr. Pinckney, informs us he was to have a free conference with -Canning in a few days. Should England make up with us, while Bonaparte -continues at war with Spain, a moment may occur when we may without danger -of commitment with either France or England seize to our own limits of -Louisiana as of right, and the residue of the Floridas as reprisal for -spoliations. It is our duty to have an eye to this in rendezvousing and -stationing our new recruits and our armed vessels, so as to be ready, if -Congress authorizes it, to strike in a moment. I wish you to consider this -matter in the orders to the southern recruits, as I have also recommended -to the Secretary of the Navy, as to the armed vessels in the South. -Indeed, I would ask your opinion as to the positions we had better take -with a view to this with our armed vessels as well as troops. The force -in the neighborhood of Baton Rouge is enough for that. Mobile, Pensacola -and St. Augustine, are those we should be preparing for. The enforcing the -embargo would furnish a pretext for taking the nearest healthy position -to St. Mary's, and on the waters of Tombigbee. I salute you with affection -and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 10th came to hand yesterday, and I return you -Fronda's, Tuft's, Loderstrom's, and Turreau's letters. I think it is -become necessary to let Turreau understand explicitly that the vessels -we permit foreign ministers to send away are merely transports, for the -conveyance of such of their subjects as were here at the time of the -embargo; that the numbers must be proportioned to the vessels, as is usual -with transports; and that all who meant to go away must be presumed to -have gone before now,--at any rate, that none will be accommodated after -the present vessel. We never can allow one belligerent to buy and fit out -vessels here, to be manned with his own people, and probably act against -the other. You did not return my answer to Sullivan. But fortunately I -have received another letter, which will enable me to give the matter an -easier turn, and let it down more softly. Should the conference announced -in Mr. Pinckney's letter of June 5th, settle friendship between England -and us, and Bonaparte continue at war with Spain, a moment may occur -favorable, without compromitting us with either France or England, for -seizing our own from the Rio Bravo to Perdido, as of right, and the -residue of Florida, as a reprisal for spoliations. I have thought it -proper to suggest this possibility to General Dearborne and Mr. Smith, and -to recommend an eye to it in their rendezvousing and stationing the new -southern recruits and gun-boats, so that we may strike in a moment when -Congress says so. I have appointed General Steele successor to Shee. Mr. -and Mrs. Barlow, and Mrs. Blayden, will be here about the 25th. May we -hope to see Mrs. Madison and yourself then, or when? I shall go to Bedford -about the 10th of September. I salute you with constant affection and -respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1808. - -SIR,--Your letter of July 21st has been received some days; that of July -23d not till yesterday. Some accident had probably detained it on the -road considerably beyond its regular passage. In the former you mention -that you had thought it advisable to continue issuing certificates for -the importation of flour, until you could hear further from me; and in the -latter, that you will be called from the Capital in the fall months, after -which it is your desire that the power of issuing certificates may be -given to some other, if it is to be continued. - -In mine of July 16th I had stated that, during the two months preceding -that, your certificates, received at the Treasury, amounted, if I rightly -recollect, to about 60,000 barrels of flour, and a proportionable -quantity of corn. If this whole quantity had been _bonâ fide_ landed -and retained in Massachusetts, I deemed it certain there could not be -a real want for a considerable time, and, therefore, desired the issues -of certificates might be discontinued. If, on the other hand, a part has -been carried to foreign markets, it proves the necessity of restricting -reasonably this avenue to abuse. This is my sole object, and not that a -real want of a single individual should be one day unsupplied. In this -I am certain we shall have the concurrence of all the good citizens of -Massachusetts, who are too patriotic and too just to desire, by calling -for what is superfluous, to open a door for the frauds of unprincipled -individuals who, trampling on the laws, and forcing a commerce shut to -all others, are enriching themselves on the sacrifices of their honester -fellow citizens;--sacrifices to which these are generally and willingly -submitting as equally necessary whether to avoid or prepare for war. - -Still further, however, to secure the State against all danger of want, -I will request you to continue issuing certificates, in the moderate -way proposed in your letter, until your departure from the Capital, as -before stated, when I will consider it as discontinued, or make another -appointment if necessary. There is less risk of inconvenience in this, -as, by a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, of May 20th, the -collectors were advised not to detain any vessel, the articles of whose -lading were so proportioned as to give no cause of suspicion that they -were destined for a foreign market. This mode of supply alone seems to -have been sufficient for the other importing States, if we may judge from -the little use they have made of the permission to issue certificates. - -Should these reasonable precautions be followed, as is surmised in -your letter of July 21st, by an artificial scarcity, with a view to -promote turbulence of any sort or on any pretext, I trust for an ample -security against this danger to the character of my fellow citizens of -Massachusetts, which has, I think, been emphatically marked by obedience -to law, and a love of order. And I have no doubt that whilst we do -our duty, they will support us in it. The laws enacted by the general -government, will have made it our duty to have the embargo strictly -observed, for the general good; and we are sworn to execute the laws. If -clamor ensue, it will be from the few only, who will clamor whatever we -do. I shall be happy to receive the estimate promised by your Excellency, -as it may assist to guide us in the cautions we may find necessary. -And here I will beg leave to recall your attention to a mere error of -arithmetic in your letter of July 23d. The quantity of flour requisite -on the data there given, would be between thirteen and fourteen thousand -barrels per month. I beg you to accept my salutations, and assurances of -high respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. FULTON. - - MONTICELLO, August 15, 1808. - -SIR,--Immediately on the receipt of your letter of the 5th, I wrote to -the Secretary of the Navy, recommending a compliance with your request -of the workmen. Although no public servant could justify the risking the -safety of an important seaport, solely on untried means of defence, yet -I have great confidence in those proposed by you as additional to the -ordinary means. Their small cost, too, in comparison with the object, -ought to overrule those rigorous attentions to keep within the limits -of our appropriations, which have probably weighed with the Secretary -in declining the proposition. You are sensible, too, that harassed as -the offices are daily by the visions of unsound heads, even those solid -inventions destined to better our condition, feel the effects of being -grouped with them. Wishing every success to your experiment, I salute you -with esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. I. SMITH. - - MONTICELLO, August 15, 1808. - -SIR,--I this moment receive your favor of the 12th, with Captain Saunders' -letter on the acquisition of a site for a battery at Norfolk. I think -that, instead of acceding to the proposition to take the whole three -acres at $1,500, it will be better to accept the other alternative of Mr. -Thompson, to have the ground valued by proper persons. In this case too it -should be attempted to restrain the purchase to the half acre, as desired -by the Secretary at War, but if the owner insists on selling the whole or -none, the whole should be taken rather than let the works of defence be -delayed. You will be pleased to give instructions accordingly. - -The despatches hitherto received at the War Office, and forwarded to -me, I have from time to time sent directly to General Dearborne, on the -presumption they had not yet been seen by him. If this is wrong, be so -good as to notify me of it. I return you Captain Saunders' letter, and -tender you my salutations. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TOMPKINS. - - MONTICELLO, August 15, 1808. - -SIR,--I have this day received your Excellency's favor of the 9th instant, -and I now return you the papers it enclosed. The case of opposition -to the embargo laws on the Canada line, I take to be that of distinct -combinations of a number of individuals to oppose by force and arms the -execution of those laws, for which purpose they go armed, fire upon the -public guards, in one instance at least have wounded one dangerously, and -rescue property held under these laws. This may not be an insurrection -in the popular sense of the word, but being arrayed in warlike-manner, -actually committing acts of war, and persevering systematically in -defiance of the public authority, brings it so fully within the legal -definition of an insurrection, that I should not hesitate to issue a -proclamation, were I not restrained by motives of which your Excellency -seems to be apprized. But as by the laws of New York an insurrection -can be acted on without a previous proclamation, I should conceive it -perfectly correct to act on it as such, and I cannot doubt it would be -approved by every good citizen. Should you think proper to do so, I will -undertake that the necessary detachments of militia called out in support -of the laws, shall be considered as in the service of the United States, -and at their expense. And as it has been intimated to me that you would -probably take the trouble of going to the spot yourself, I will refer to -your discretion the measures to be taken, and the numbers to be called out -at different places, only saying, as duty requires me to fix some limit, -that the whole must not exceed five hundred men without further consulting -me. Should you be willing to take the trouble of going to the place, -you will render a great public service, as I am persuaded your presence -there will be such a manifestation of the public determination to support -the authority of the laws, as will probably deter the insurgents from -pursuing their course. I think it so important in example to crush these -audacious proceedings, and to make the offenders feel the consequences -of individuals daring to oppose a law by force, that no effort should be -spared to compass this object. As promptitude is requisite, and the delay -of consulting me on details at this distance might defeat our views, I -would rather, where you entertain doubts, that you would satisfy yourself -by conference with the Secretary of the Treasury, who is with you, and -to whom our general views are familiar. I salute you with esteem and high -respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, August 15, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 6th and 9th, are just now received, as well as -a letter from Governor Tompkins on the subject of aiding the revenue -officers on the Canada line with militia. I refer you on this subject to -my answer to him, and pray you to encourage strongly his going to the -spot himself, and acting according to the urgencies which will present -themselves there. Should you have satisfactory evidence of either _mala -fides_ or negligence in Pease, he shall be removed without ceremony. I do -not know the residence of Greene of Massachusetts. The opinion you have -given in the case stated by Ellery is certainly correct. No civil officer -of the States can take cognizance of a federal case. Considering our -determination to let no more vessels go so far as the Cape of Good Hope, -I see nothing in the case of the brig Resolution, Craycroft, to justify a -change of the rule, and therefore cannot consent to a vessel's being sent -there. The case of the Chinese Mandarin is so entirely distinct, that it -can give no ground for this claim. The opportunity hoped from that, of -making known through one of its own characters of note, our nation, our -circumstances and character, and of letting that government understand at -length the difference between us and the English, and separate us in its -policy, rendered that measure a diplomatic one in my view, and likely to -bring lasting advantage to our merchants and commerce with that country. - -I enclose you the rough draught of a letter I have written to Governor -Sullivan, in answer to two of his. It was done on consultation with Mr. -Madison. - -I informed you in mine of the 11th that I had directed a commission for -General Steele as successor to Shee. This was certainly according to what -had been agreed upon at Washington, the event of Shee's death being then -foreseen and made the subject of consultation with yourself, Mr. Rodney, -and, I believe, Mr. Madison. The call for the militia from all the States -having been agreed on in April, I have taken for granted it was going on. -I will look to it, as also to the fortifications of New York. I salute you -with affection and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, August 16, 1808. - -SIR,--General Dearborne being on a visit to the province of Maine, -your letter to him (the date not recollected) was sent to me from his -office, and, after perusal, was forwarded to him. As the case of the -five Alabamas, under prosecution for the murder of a white man, may not -admit delay, if a conviction takes place, I have thought it necessary -to recommend to you in that case to select the leader, or most guilty, -for execution, and to reprieve the others till a copy of the judgment -can be forwarded, and a pardon sent you; in the meantime letting them -return to their friends, with whom you will of course take just merit for -this clemency, our wish being merely to make them sensible by the just -punishment of one, that our citizens are not to be murdered or robbed with -impunity. - -I have learnt with real mortification that the engineers successively -appointed, have withdrawn from their undertaking to carry on the defensive -works of New Orleans. It is more regretted as capable persons in that line -are more difficult to be got, and it takes so long for the information to -come here, and the place to be supplied. Two other persons applied to here -have declined going. Whether General Dearborne has at length been able to -engage one I am not informed. I fear that these disappointments will lose -us the season in a work which more than any other it was my desire to have -had completed this year. Certainly these losses of time shall be shortened -by us as far as is in our power. I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, August 19, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of August 3d, which ought to have been here on the 8th, -was not received till yesterday. It has loitered somewhere, therefore, -ten days, during which three mails have been received. I proceed to its -contents. - -_Somes's case._ The rule agreed to at our meeting of June 30th was -general, that no permissions should be granted for Europe, Asia, or -Africa, and there is nothing in Somes's case to entitle it to exemption -from the rule, more than will be found in every case that shall occur; -as a precedent then, it would be a repeal of the rule, and in fact of -the embargo law. He might have sent his proofs to Malta through England, -either by the British packets or by our avisos. If he has not done it, -and cannot now do it, it is his fault; the permission therefore must be -refused. - -_Coquerel's case._ 1. The question whether he had a right to expect a -permit is against him. None in writing was given; no note or memorandum on -any paper is found warranting the fact, nor is there even any trace of it -in the memory of the collector. On what evidence then does it rest? Merely -on the words of the owner and captain that the language of the collector -conveyed an impression on them that they were to have a permit: but we -well know where this sort of evidence would land us. - -2d. But suppose we had had a positive or written permission, why was it -not used? Could it be believed to be good for this year, next year, or -ten years hence? The reason of the thing must have shown to every one -that it was good _under existing circumstances_ only, and might become -null if not used till these were changed. But the written notification of -August 1st, giving a final day, annuls all permits after that day; and not -a single circumstance is stated which entitles them to a prolongation of -the time, which would not entitle every other, and consequently repeal the -limitation of time and the law. I see no ground, therefore, for relieving -him from the operation of the rule. - - * * * * * - -I enclose you a letter from a Mr. Ithomel to the Secretary of the Navy. -I know not who he is, perhaps an officer of the navy. This is the second -letter he has written, expressing his belief that there is ground to -apprehend insurgency in Massachusetts. Neither do I know his politics, -which might also be a key to his apprehensions. That the federalists -may attempt insurrection is possible, and also that the governor would -sink before it. But the republican part of the State, and that portion -of the federalists who approve the embargo in their judgments, and at -any rate would not court mob-law, would crush it in embryo. I have some -time ago written to General Dearborne to be on the alert on such an -occasion, and to take direction of the public authority on the spot. Such -an incident will rally the whole body of republicans of every shade to a -single point,--that of supporting the public authority. Be so good as to -return the letter to Mr. Smith. He informs me he has left to yourself and -Commander Rogers to order whatever gun-boats you think can be spared from -New York to aid the embargo law. If enough be left there or near there, to -preserve order in the harbor, or to drive out a single ship of force, it -would be sufficient in the present tranquil state of things. - -The principle of our indulgence of vessels to foreign ministers was, that -it was fair to let them send away all their subjects caught here by the -embargo, and who had no other means of getting away. - -General Turreau says there are fifteen hundred French sailors,--deserters, -here, many of whom wish to go home. I have desired Mr. Madison to inform -him that the tonnage permitted must be proportioned to the numbers, -according to the rules in transport service. On this ground, I do not know -that we can do wrong. We have nothing yet from Pinckney or Armstrong. But -the first letter from the former must be so. I salute you with affection -and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 20, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a letter of July 1st, from Governor Lewis, -received from the War Office by the last post. It presents a full, and -not a pleasant, view of our Indian affairs west of the Mississippi. -As the punishment of the Osages has been thought necessary, the means -employed appear judicious. First, to draw off the friendly part of the -nation, and then, withdrawing the protection of the United States, leave -the other tribes free to take their own satisfaction of them for their -own wrongs. I think we may go further, without actually joining in the -attack. The greatest obstacle to the Indians acting in large bodies, -being the difficulty of getting provisions, we might supply them, and -ammunition also, if necessary. I hope the Governor will be able to settle -with the Sacs and Foxes without war, to which, however, he seems too much -committed. If we had gone to war for every hunter or trader killed, and -murderer refused, we should have had general and constant war. The process -to be followed, in my opinion, when a murder has been committed, is first -to demand the murderer, and not regarding a first refusal to deliver, -give time and press it. If perseveringly refused, recall all traders, -and interdict commerce with them, until he be delivered. I believe this -would rarely fail in producing the effect desired; and we have seen -that, by steadily following this line, the tribes become satisfied of our -moderation, justice, and friendship to them, and become firmly attached -to us. The want of time to produce these dispositions in the Indians west -of the Mississippi, has been the cause of the Kanzas, the Republican, -the Great and the Wolf Panis, the Matas, and Poncaras, adhering to -the Spanish interest against us. But if we use forbearance, and open -commerce for them, they will come to, and give us time to attach them -to us. In the meantime, to secure our frontiers against their hostility, -I would allow Governor Lewis the three companies of spies, and military -stores he desires. We are so distant, and he so well acquainted with the -business, that it is safest for our citizens there and for ourselves, -after enjoining him to pursue our principles, to permit him to select the -means. The factories proposed on the Missouri and Mississippi, as soon -as they can be in activity, will have more effect than as many armies. -It is on their interests we must rely for their friendship, and not on -their fears. With the establishment of these factories, we must prohibit -the British from appearing westward of the Mississippi, and southward -of logarithm degree; we must break up all their factories on this side -the Mississippi, west of Lake Michigan; not permit them to send out -individual traders to the Indian towns, but require all their commerce to -be carried on at their factories,--putting our own commerce under the same -regulations, which will take away all ground of complaint. In like manner, -I think well of Governor Lewis' proposition to carry on all our commerce -west of the Mississippi, at fixed points; licensing none but stationary -traders residing at these points; and obliging the Indians to come to the -commerce, instead of sending it to them. Having taken this general view -of the subject, which I know is nearly conformable to your own, I leave -to yourself the detailed answer to Governor Lewis, and salute you with -constant affection and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR LEWIS. - - MONTICELLO, August 21, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter to General Dearborne, of July 1st, was not received -at the War Office till a few days ago, was forwarded to me, and after -perusal sent on to General Dearborne, at present in Maine. As his official -answer will be late in getting to you, I have thought it best, in the -meantime, to communicate to yourself, directly, ideas in conformity with -those I have expressed to him, and with the principles on which we have -conducted Indian affairs. I regret that it has been found necessary to -come to open rupture with the Osages, but, being so, I approve of the -course you have pursued,--that of drawing off the friendly part of the -nation,--withdrawing from the rest the protection of the United States, -and permitting the other nations to take their own satisfaction for the -wrongs they complain of. I have stated to General Dearborne that I think -we may go further, and as the principal obstacle to the Indians acting in -large bodies, is the want of provisions, we might supply that want, and -ammunition also, if they need it. With the Sacs and Foxes I hope you will -be able to settle amicably, as nothing ought more to be avoided than the -embarking ourselves in a system of military coercion on the Indians. If -we do this, we shall have general and perpetual war. When a murder has -been committed on one of our stragglers, the murderer should be demanded. -If not delivered, give time, and still press the demand. We find it -difficult, with our regular government, to take and punish a murderer -of an Indian. Indeed, I believe we have never been able to do it in a -single instance. They have their difficulties also, and require time. In -fact, it is a case where indulgence on both sides is just and necessary, -to prevent the two nations from being perpetually committed in war, by -the acts of the most vagabond and ungovernable of their members. When -the refusal to deliver the murderer is permanent, and proceeds from the -want of will, and not of ability, we should then interdict all trade and -intercourse with them till they give us complete satisfaction. Commerce is -the great engine by which we are to coerce them, and not war. I know this -will be less effectual on this side the Mississippi, where they can have -recourse to the British; but this will not be a long-lived evil. By this -forbearing conduct towards the Mississippian Indians for seven years past, -they are become satisfied of our justice and moderation towards them, that -we have no desire of injuring them, but, on the contrary, of doing them -all the good offices we can, and they are become sincerely attached to -us; and this disposition, beginning with the nearest, has spread and is -spreading itself to the more remote, as fast as they have opportunities -of understanding our conduct. The Sacs and Foxes, being distant, have -not yet come over to us. But they are on the balance. Those on this side -the Mississippi, will soon be entirely with us, if we pursue our course -steadily. The Osages, Kanzas, the Republican, Great and Wolf Panis, Matas, -Poncaras, &c., who are inclined to the Spaniards, have not yet had time -to know our dispositions. But if we use forbearance, and open commerce -with them, they will come to, and give us time to attach them to us. In -the meantime, to secure our frontiers, I have expressed myself to General -Dearborne in favor of the three companies of spies, and the military -supplies you ask for. So, also, in the having established factories, at -which all the traders shall be stationary, allowing none to be itinerant, -further than indispensable circumstances shall require. As soon as our -factories on the Missouri and Mississippi can be in activity, they will -have more powerful effects than so many armies. With respect to the -British, we shall take effectual steps to put an immediate stop to their -crossing the Mississippi, by the severest measures. And I have proposed -to General Dearborne to break up all their factories within our limits on -this side the Mississippi, to let them have them only at fixed points, and -suppress all itinerant traders of theirs, as well as our own. They have, -by treaty, only an equal right of commerce with ourselves, the regulations -of which on our side of the line belongs to us, as that on their side -belongs to them. All that can be required is that these regulations be -equal. These are the general views which, on the occasion of your letter, -I have expressed to General Dearborne. I reserve myself for consultation -with him, and shall be very glad to receive your sentiments also on the -several parts of them, after which we may decide on the modifications -which may be approved. In the meantime you will probably receive from him -an answer to your letter, till which this communication of my sentiments -may be of some aid in determining your own course of proceeding. - -Your friends here are all well, except Colonel Lewis, who has declined -very rapidly the last few months. He scarcely walks about now, and -never beyond his yard. We can never lose a better man. I salute you with -affection and respect. - - -TO THE HONORABLE LEVI LINCOLN. - - MONTICELLO, August 22, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--You are not unapprized that in order to check the evasions of -the embargo laws effected under color of the coasting trade, we found -it necessary to prevent the transportation of flour coast-wise, except -to the States not making enough for their own consumption, and that to -place the supplies of these States under some check, a discretionary -power was given to the Governors to give licenses to the amount of what -they deemed the necessary importation. By a subsequent regulation, the -collectors were advised not to detain suspicious vessels, the articles -of whose cargoes were so proportioned as not to excite suspicion of -fraudulent intentions; and particularly where not more than one-eight in -value was provisions. This last regulation has operated so well that in -the other importing States (Massachusetts excepted) little or no use has -been made of the power of giving special licenses. But the licenses of -Massachusetts, in the first two months, having amounted to 60,000 barrels -of flour, the quantity was so much beyond their consumption, that it was -suspected the licenses were fraudulently perverted to cover exportation. -I therefore requested Governor Sullivan to discontinue issuing them, as, -if the whole quantity was landed and retained in the State, it could not -want for some time, and if exported, it showed we ought to guard that -avenue to fraud. He apprized me, however, by letter, of circumstances -which induced him to continue a moderated issue of licenses till he -could hear from me, and I approved of his doing so till he should leave -the capital, which he informed me he should do in the fall, when, if the -power were to be continued, he wished it to be put into other hands, as -his absence would prevent his exercising it. On this ground the matter -now rests. He supposes that about ninety thousand persons in the State -subsist on imported flour, which, at a pound a day, would require between -thirteen and fourteen thousand barrels a month. Certainly it is not my -wish that the want of a single individual should be unsupplied a single -day; and I presume the well-affected citizens of Massachusetts would not -wish, by importing a superfluous stock, to open a door for defeating a -law judged by the national authorities necessary for the public good, and -cheerfully submitted to elsewhere in the union. The question is, whether, -after so great importations, the permission to all coasting vessels to -take one-eight in provisions will not supply the State? On this subject -I ask your friendly information. If it will not, then I must request -your undertaking to issue licenses, on the departure of the Governor, -to such characters as you may not suspect would make a fraudulent use of -them. The power will, with propriety, devolve on you, on the Governor's -declining it. You stand next in the confidence of the State, and certainly -second to no one in my confidence. I will therefore ask from you a full -communication of facts, and your opinions on this subject, with an entire -disposition on my part to do whatever, consistently with my duty, I can -do to obviate difficulties. I pray you to be assured of my constant esteem -and attachment. - - -TO GOVERNOR LEWIS. - - MONTICELLO, August 24, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--My letter of August 21st being gone to the post-office, I write -this as a supplement, which will be in time to go by the same post. Isham -Lewis arrived here last night and tells me he was with you at St. Louis -about the second week in July, and consequently, after your letter of the -1st of that month, that four Iowas had been delivered up to you as guilty -of the murder which had been charged to the Sacs and Foxes, and that -you supposed three of them would be hung. It is this latter matter which -induces me to write again. - -As there was but one white murdered by them, I should be averse to the -execution of more than one of them, selecting the most guilty and worst -character. Nothing but extreme criminality should induce the execution of -a second, and nothing beyond that. Besides their idea that justice allows -only man for man that all beyond that is new aggression, which must be -expiated by a new sacrifice of an equivalent number of our people, it -is our great object to impress them with a firm persuasion that all our -dispositions towards them are fatherly; that if we take man for man, it -is not from a thirst for blood or revenge, but as the smallest measure -necessary to correct the evil, and that though all concerned are guilty, -and have forfeited their lives by our usages, we do not wish to spill -their blood as long as there can be a hope of their future good conduct. -We may make a merit of restoring the others to their friends and their -nation, and furnish a motive for obtaining a sincere attachment. There -is the more reason for this moderation, as we know we cannot punish any -murder which shall be committed by us on them. Even if the murderer can -be taken, our juries have never yet convicted the murderer of an Indian. -Should these Indians be convicted, I would wish you to deliver up to their -friends at once, those whom you select for pardon, and not to detain them -in confinement until a pardon can be actually sent you. That shall be -forwarded to you as soon as you shall send me a copy of the judgment on -which it shall be founded. - -I am uneasy hearing nothing from you about the Mandan chief, nor the -measures for restoring him to his country. That is an object which presses -on our justice and our honor, and further than that I suppose a severe -punishment of the Ricaras indispensable, taking for it our own time -and convenience. My letter from Washington asked your opinions on this -subject. I repeat my salutations of affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 25, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--In my letter of the 15th I informed you that I had authorized -Governor Tompkins to order out such aids of militia on Lake Ontario and -the Canada line, as he should find necessary to enforce the embargo, not -exceeding five hundred, he proposing to repair thither himself to select -trusty persons. I am now to request that you will have measures taken for -their pay, subsistence, and whatever else is requisite. - -I enclose you applications for military command in favor of John B. -Livingston and John Murphy, a letter from Governor Hull, and one from -Howell Hern, who seems to have just cause of complaint against Captain -Armistead; and I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, August 26, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 17th was received only yesterday. It ought to have -come by the preceding post. I mention the delay of your letters, as you -may perhaps know how it happens. - -_Smissaert's Case._ - -The exportation of these doits was refused before, and I see no reason for -a change of opinion. They are understood to be private property. If they -were public, we might on a principle of comity permit their exportation -in their own or any other foreign vessel. But comity does not require -us to send our ships and seamen into the mouths of captors. I am not -sufficiently informed of the conduct of the Batavian government towards -our vessels at present, to derive any motive from that to affect the -present case. - -Kettridge's letter, with yours to him and Blake, and Burt's letter, are -now returned. I am in hopes the successes of our armed vessels will check -the evasions of the embargo. I have received no letter from Governor -Tompkins since that of the 9th, my answer to which, of the 15th, contained -assurances which would fully meet any case of militia ordered out by -him under five hundred, as to our answering the expense. I will write -immediately to General Dearborne to provide pay and subsistence, and -will send it open to his chief clerk at Washington, with instructions to -him to take order in it immediately, to prevent the delay from General -Dearborne's absence. I will also write to General Wilkinson to forward -the recruits of New York to the positions you have named. Your circular -for the North Carolina navigation, and the papers concerning the Mandarin, -are not yet received. Astor's publication in the Aurora has sufficiently -quieted me on that head. * * * * * - -P. S. No letter yet from Mr. Pinckney. - - -TO CAPTAIN M'GREGOR. - - MONTICELLO, August 26, 1808. - -SIR,--In answer to the petition which you delivered me from the officers -of merchant vessels belonging to Philadelphia, I must premise my sincere -regret at the sacrifices which our fellow citizens generally, and the -petitioners in particular, have been obliged to meet by the circumstances -of the times. We live in an age of affliction, to which the history of -nations presents no parallel. We have for years been looking on Europe -covered with blood and violence, and seen rapine spreading itself over -the ocean. On this element it has reached us, and at length in so serious -a degree, that the Legislature of the nation has thought it necessary to -withdraw our citizens and property from it, either to avoid, or to prepare -for engaging in the general contest. But for this timely precaution, -the petitioners and their property might now have been in the hands of -spoilers, who have laid aside all regard to moral right. Withdrawing -from the greater evil, a lesser one has been necessarily encountered. And -certainly, could the Legislature have made provision against this also, I -should have had great pleasure as the instrument of its execution, but it -was impracticable, by any general and just rules, to prescribe in every -case the best resource against the inconveniences of this new situation. -The difficulties of the crisis will certainly fall with greater pressure -on some descriptions of citizens than on others; and on none perhaps with -greater than our seafaring brethren. Should any means of alleviation -occur within the range of my duties, I shall with certainty advert to -the situation of the petitioners, and, in availing the nation of their -services, aid them with a substitute for their former occupations. I -salute them and yourself with sentiments of sincere regard. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, August 27, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--In my letter of yesterday I omitted to enclose that of Hern, -which I now do. I add to it a newspaper from St. Louis, in which is an -account of the surrender of some Indian murderers. This paper says there -were three or four whites murdered. But I think Governor Lewis' letter -says but one. On that ground I wrote to him to recommend, if they should -be convicted, to suffer only one to be executed, unless there was strong -reason for doing more, and to deliver up the rest to their friends, as a -proof of our friendship and desire not to injure them. Mr. Woolsey, our -Collector on Champlain, has lately been to Montreal. He took much pains to -find out the British strength in that quarter, and the following is what -he says, we may rely on: - - At Montreal 450 - Chambly 80 - St. John's 40 - Odle Town 14 - Isle Aux Noix 10 - ---- - 594 - -He adds, that 10,000 men will take the whole country to within a league of -Quebec. I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. - - UNITED STATES, August 29, 1808. - -GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND AND EMPEROR,--Desirous of promoting useful -intercourse and good understanding between your majesty's subjects and the -citizens of the United States, and especially to cultivate the friendship -of your majesty, I have appointed William Short, one of our distinguished -citizens, to be in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United -States, the bearer to you of assurances of their sincere friendship, -and of their desire to maintain with your majesty and your subjects the -strictest relations of amity and commerce: he will explain to your majesty -the peculiar position of these States, separated by a wide ocean from the -powers of Europe, with interests and pursuits distinct from theirs, and -consequently without the motives or the appetites for taking part in the -associations or oppositions which a different system of interests produces -among them; he is charged to assure your majesty more particularly of our -purpose to observe a faithful neutrality towards the contending powers, in -the war to which your majesty is a party, rendering to all the services -and courtesies of friendship, and praying for the re-establishment of -peace and right among them; and we entertain an entire confidence that -this just and faithful conduct on the part of the United States will -strengthen the friendly dispositions you have manifested towards them, and -be a fresh motive with so just and magnanimous a sovereign to enforce, by -the high influence of your example, the respect due to the character and -the rights of a peaceable nation. I beseech you, great and good friend -and emperor, to give entire credence to whatever he shall say to you on -the part of these States, and most of all when he shall assure you of -their cordial esteem and respect for your majesty's person and character, -praying God always to have you in his safe and holy keeping. - - -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. - - MONTICELLO, August 30, 1808. - -DEAR GENERAL,--The absence of General Dearborne and his great distance -render it necessary to recommend a measure which should regularly go from -him, but will not admit of that delay. The armed resistance to the embargo -laws on the Canada line induced us at an early period to determine that -the new recruits of the northern States should be rendezvoused there, -and I presume you received such instructions from General Dearborne. In -the meantime we have been obliged to make several detachments of militia -to points on that line. This is irksome to them, expensive, troublesome, -and less efficacious. Understanding that there are three companies of new -recruits filled, or nearly filled, at New York, I must pray you to order -these, and indeed all the recruits of the State of New York, to Sackett's -Harbor, Oswegatchie, and Plattsburgh, in equal proportions to each, in -order to support the collectors in the execution of their duties, and this -without any avoidable delay, giving notice to Governor Tompkins of their -march and time of probable arrival at their destination, that he may give -corresponding orders respecting the relief of the militia. I salute you -with esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, August 30, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,-- * * * * * Mr. Madison and myself on repeated consultations, -(and some of the other members of the executive expressed the same -opinion before they left Washington,) have concluded that the mission to -Petersburgh should not be delayed. Being special, and not permanent, the -waiting the meeting of the Senate is less important, and, if we waited, -that it could not go till spring, and we know not what this summer and -the ensuing winter may produce. We think secrecy also important, and -that the mission should be as little known as possible, till it is in -Petersburgh, which could not be, if known to the Senate. Mr. Short goes -therefore in the aviso from Philadelphia, to be engaged for September -15th. He is peculiarly distressed by sickness at sea, and of course more -so the smaller the vessel. I think, therefore, the occasion justifies the -enlargement of our vessel somewhat beyond what might be necessary for -a mere aviso. The season, too, by the time of her return, might render -it desirable for safety, which circumstance may be mentioned in your -instructions to the collector, to prevent his suspicions of the real -ground. I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 5, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--The last post brought me the counter addresses now enclosed. -That from Ipswich is signed by about forty persons; the town meeting -which voted the petition consisted of thirty. There are 500 voters in the -place. The counter address of Boston has 700 signatures. The town meeting -voting the petition is said to have consisted of 500. In the draught of an -answer enclosed, I have taken the occasion of making some supplementary -observations which could not with propriety have been inserted in the -answers to the petitions. The object is that the two together may present -to our own people the strongest points in favor of the embargo in a short -and clear view. An eye is also kept on foreign nations, in some of the -observations. Be so good as to make it what it should be, and return it by -the first post. * * * * * - -I salute you with constant and sincere affection. - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - MONTICELLO, September 5, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of August 18th is this moment received, and I forward you -a letter of July 16th, from Governor Lewis, from which you will perceive -that the cloud between us, the Iowas, Foxes, and Sacs, is cleared up. -He says nothing of the Osages; but I presume their enemies have taken -advantage of the withdrawing our protection from them. Should you not have -issued orders for the 100,000 men, I believe it may rest till we meet in -Washington, under present appearances, that they may not be wanting. Mr. -Pinckney, in a letter of June 29th, says, "I had a long interview this -morning with Mr. Canning, which has given me hopes that the [3]object -mentioned in your letter of April 30th may be accomplished, if I should -authorize the expectation which the same [4]letter suggests." He adds that -he waits for the St. Michael, when he will give the result and details. -He thinks they will also make acceptable satisfaction for the Chesapeake. -Proposing to leave this on the 28th, I presume I had better reserve future -communications for our meeting at Washington. - -I salute you with constant affection and respect. - -FOOTNOTES - - [3] Repeal of the orders of council. - - [4] Repeal of the embargo. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 6, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you Pinckney's letter, the complexion of which I like. -If they repeal their orders, we must repeal our embargo. If they make -satisfaction for the Chesapeake, we must revoke our proclamation, and -generalize its operation by a law. If they keep up impressments, we must -adhere to non-intercourse, manufacturers' and a navigation act. I enclose -for your perusal a letter of Mr. Short's. I inform him that any one of -the persons he names would be approved, the government never recognizing a -difference between the two parties of republicans in Pennsylvania. - - * * * * * - -I salute you with constant affection. - - -TO MR. SHORT. - - MONTICELLO, September 6, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I avail myself of the last moment allowed by the departure -of the post to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the 27th and -31st ult., and to say in answer to the last, that any one of the three -persons you there propose would be approved as to their politics, for -in appointments to office the government refuses to know any difference -between descriptions of republicans, all of whom are in principle, and -co-operate, with the government. Biddle we know, and have formed an -excellent opinion of him. His travelling and exercise in business must -have given him advantages. I am much pleased with the account you give -of the sentiments of the federalists of Philadelphia as to the embargo, -and that they are not in sentiment with the insurgents of the north. The -papers have lately advanced in boldness and flagitiousness beyond even -themselves. Such daring and atrocious lies as fill the third and fourth -columns of the third page of the United States Gazette of August 31st, -were never before, I believe, published with impunity in any country. -However, I have from the beginning determined to submit myself as the -subject on whom may be proved the impotency of a free press in a country -like ours, against those who conduct themselves honestly and enter into no -intrigue. I admit at the same time that restraining the press _to truth_, -as the present laws do, is the only way of making it useful. But I have -thought necessary first to prove it can never be dangerous. Not knowing -whether I shall have another occasion to address you here, be assured that -my sincere affections and wishes for your success and happiness accompany -you everywhere. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, September 9, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your two letters of the 2d instant were read yesterday -afternoon, and I now return you Penniman's and Gray's papers, and the -New Orleans petition. Penniman's conduct deserves marked approbation, and -there should be no hesitation about the expenses reasonably incurred. If -all these people are convicted, there will be too many to be punished with -death. My hope is that they will send me full statements of every man's -case, that the most guilty may be marked as examples, and the less so -suffer long imprisonment under reprieves from time to time. - -_Packet between Vermont and Canada._ - -I do not think this is a time for opening new channels of intercourse with -Canada, and multiplying the means of smuggling, and am therefore against -this proposition. - -_Mr. Gray's case._ - -His late rational and patriotic conduct would merit any indulgence -consistent with our duty; but the reason and the rule against permitting -long voyages at present, are insurmountable obstacles. It is to be hoped -some circuitous means of sending his proofs can be found. A vessel may go -from England as well as from here. - -_New Orleans Petition._ - -You know I have been averse to letting Atlantic flour go to New Orleans -merely that they may have the _whitest_ bread possible. Without honoring -the motives of the petition, it gives us the fact that there is western -flour enough for the New Orleans market. I would therefore discourage -Atlantic cargoes to that place. - -I send you the petition of Thomas Beatty for Samuel Glen, of Londonderry, -for permission to load a vessel for Ireland. Mr. Beatty met me in the road -in one of my daily rides. I gave his paper a hasty perusal, and, asking -time for consideration, I told him I would enclose it to you, who would -give the answer. On a more deliberate reading of it, I see nothing to -exempt it from the general rules, according to which you will be so good -as to dispose of it. - -The cases from Charleston require consideration, and our regular post -gives me, in fact, but one forenoon to answer letters. I will forward them -to Mr. Theus by our extra post of the 13th. - -I salute you with friendship and respect. - - -TO SIMEON THEUS, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 10, 1808. - -SIR,--According to the request of Mr. Gallatin's letter, herewith -enclosed, I have considered the petitions of Grove, Himely, Everingham, -and Ogier & Turner, referred to me by him, and forward you the decisions -for your government. They are addressed to yourself directly, to avoid -unnecessary delay to the parties, by passing them through him, as -regularly they should have been. - -_Grove's Case._ - -Although the circular of the 1st of July limited no precise day for the -departure of vessels under permits, yet in all such cases, a reasonable -time only is to be understood, such as using due diligence, will suffice -for the object. Such regulations can never be deemed but as temporary, -and especially in times when the political circumstances governing them -are liable to daily change. The time between the receipt at Charleston, -of the circulars of July 1st and August 1st, was from the 19th or 20th -of July to the 16th of August,--twenty-seven days; and within this time -Mr. Grove states explicitly that he had prepared and cleared out the ship -Pierce Manning, for the Havanna, and that she would have sailed before -the 16th of August but for adverse winds. Considering, therefore, that the -limitation of departure to the 15th of August was not known at Charleston -till the 16th, so that not a moment's warning was given of it there, I -think that, satisfactory proof being exhibited to the collector, that she -was ready for sailing, or even very nearly ready on the 16th of August. -She may now be permitted to depart, on condition that she does depart -within such time as the state of her preparation, somewhat of course -relaxed during the suspension, may in the judgment of the collector render -necessary. - -The reasons for originally limiting a day, increased by time require the -exaction of this condition. - -_Himeley's Case._ - -This petition has no date; but it imports to have been written on the -day of the receipt of the circular of August 1st at Charleston, and -consequently on the 16th of August. It affirms that the brig Three -Brothers, for Matanzas, then had on board the crew and necessary -provisions, and assigns a probable reason why she could not have been -ready sooner. For the reasons, and on the conditions stated in Grove's -case, (that is to say, on proof of the facts to the collector, and her -prompt departure,) she ought to have a permit. - -_Everingham's Case._ - -I put entirely out of sight, as having no bearing on this case, everything -which passed prior to the receipt of the circular of July 1st, and -consider the case as beginning _de novo_ then, and under that circular. -The petitioner declares expressly that on the publication of that -circular, (July 20th,) he used every exertion to prepare the ship Diana -for a voyage to the Havanna, and had _just prepared her_ therefor when -the circular of August 1st was received. The expression _just prepared_, -is not absolutely definite. It may respect time or degree. It implies, -however, that she was _very nearly_, if not quite, prepared. And if the -collector receives satisfactory proof that he was _nearly prepared_, -although she might not be in absolute readiness at the first moment of -receiving the warning, and on the conditions stated in Grove's case. - -The case of the schooner James is very different. The petitioner only -states that he had _applied_ to the collector, and obtained leave prior -to August 1st,--had _begun_ to use exertions, &c., and had _ordered_ her -to be careened and graved, &c., when the circular of August 1st arrived, -to wit, August 16th, twenty-seven days had therefore intervened, and -nothing more than an _order_ given to careen. In the other cases we -have seen that the twenty-seven days were sufficient to be in a state of -actual readiness, even where a part of the loading was to be sent for from -another State. No permit, therefore, can be granted in this case. - -_Ogier & Turner's Case._ - -The petitioners state that Ogier had time, after the receipt of the -circular of July 1st, to _prepare and despatch_ one vessel; but that they -were only _preparing_ other vessels when the second circular was received, -to wit, August 16th, whereupon the collector refused to let them despatch -the vessels which they had been _preparing_ as aforesaid. A due diligence -then having enabled them to despatch one vessel in the twenty-seven days, -a like diligence, had it been used, might have despatched others. But from -the tenor of their petition, the preparations of the others seem to have -been merely incipient, and not near completion. They have consequently -lost the claims on that equity which extends relief against rigorous -rules, where due exertions have been used to fulfil them, and have been -defeated only by accidental and unavoidable want of notice. They are not -entitled to permits in this case. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 13, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I send you a letter of Short's for perusal, and one of Edgar -Patterson, asking what is already I presume provided for, and one of -General Armstrong, which I do not well understand, because I do not -recollect the particular letter which came by Haley. I presume the counsel -he refers to is to take possession of the Floridas. This letter of June -15th is written after the cession by Carlos to Bonaparte of all his -dominions, when he supposed England would at once pounce on the Floridas -as a prey, or Bonaparte occupy it as a neighbor. His next will be written -after the people of Spain will have annihilated the cession, England -become the protector of Florida, and Bonaparte without title or means to -plant himself there as our neighbor. - -Ought I to answer such a petition as that of Rowley? The people have -a right to petition, but not to use that right to cover calumniating -insinuations. - -Turreau writes like Armstrong so much in the buskin, that he cannot give a -naked fact in an intelligible form. I do not know what it is he asks for. -If a transport or transports to convey sailors, there has been no refusal; -and if any delay of answer, I presume it can be explained. If he wishes to -buy vessels here, man them with French seamen, and send them elsewhere, -the breach of neutrality would be in permitting, not in refusing it. -But have we permitted this to England? His remedy is easy in every case. -Repeal the decrees. I presume our Fredericksburg rider need not come after -his next trip. I salute you affectionately. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - MONTICELLO, September 16, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--You will perceive by the enclosed papers that an aggression has -been committed on the Spanish territory by (if I understand the case,) -both our land and sea officers. I enclose the papers to you that the -necessary orders may be given in your department, and the papers handed -on to the War department that the same may be done there. I suppose it -will suffice for the present to order the men to be immediately given -up, and the officers given to understand that the conduct of those who -committed it will become a subject of consideration for the Cabinet on its -re-assembling at Washington, and that we will not permit aggressions to be -committed on our part, against which we remonstrated to Spain on her part. - -I expect to be in Washington on the last day of September, or 1st of -October. I salute you with affection and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, September 20, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of September 10th and 14th were received yesterday, and -my time being brief, my answer must be so. - -_Brig Betsey, and the Aurora._ - -The first having put back by stress of weather, and inevitable necessity, -ought, I think, to be permitted to sail again; but not to the Aurora, -which put back merely because the Captain was a fool. They have lost -their chance by their own folly, and have no claim to be excepted out of -the general rule. If you concur in these opinions be so good as to act on -them; but if you think differently, let them lie till we meet, which will -probably be within two or three days after you receive this. - -_Mr. Soderstrom._ - -His application is peremptorily refused, and his lawyer's opinions are -sent to Mr. Madison, that he may be properly reprimanded. For a foreign -agent, addressed to the Executive, to embody himself with the lawyers of -a faction whose sole object is to embarrass and defeat all the measures -of the country, and by their opinions, known to be always in opposition, -to endeavor to influence our proceedings is a conduct not to be permitted. -The government will certainly decide for itself on whose counsel they will -settle the construction of the laws they are to execute. We are to look -at the intention of the Legislature, and to carry it into execution while -the lawyers are nibbling at the words of the law. It is well known that on -every question the lawyers are about equally divided, as is seen in the -present case, and were we to act but in cases where no contrary opinion -of a lawyer can be had, we should never act. I send White's petition for -better information, to be acted on when we meet. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - October 14, 1808. - -As we know that Sullivan's licenses have overstocked the wants of -the eastern States with flour, the proposal to carry more there is of -itself suspicious, and therefore even regular traders ought not to be -allowed. The regular trade was to supply flour for exportation as well as -consumption. If the rule of the sixth (or eighth, I believe,) is extended -to them, the supply will be kept up sufficiently for consumption. The rule -of the sixth is a good one, because if the vessel goes off, the gain will -not be more than the loss by forfeiture, which in that case becomes an -efficient penalty. If they wish to take more, it furnishes good grounds of -suspicion that they mean to pay the forfeitures out of the gains, and to -profit by the surplus. I should think it ought to be adhered to, and that -the collectors should consider it as a rule to regulate their discretion, -and to give equal measure in all our posts to all our citizens. - - * * * * * - - -TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, October 15, 1808. - -SIR,--Your letter of September the 22d waited here for my return, and it -is not till now that I have been able to acknowledge it. The explanation -of his principles given you by the French Emperor, in conversation, is -correct as far as it goes. He does not wish us to go to war with England, -knowing we have no ships to carry on that war. To submit to pay to England -the tribute on our commerce which she demands by her orders of council, -would be to aid her in the war against him, and would give him just -ground to declare war with us. He concludes, therefore, as every rational -man must, that the embargo, the only remaining alternative, was a wise -measure. These are acknowledged principles, and should circumstances -arise which may offer advantage to our country in making them public, -we shall avail ourselves of them. But as it is not usual nor agreeable -to governments to bring their conversations before the public, I think -it would be well to consider this on your part as confidential, leaving -to the government to retain or make it public, as the general good may -require. Had the Emperor gone further, and said that he condemned our -vessels going voluntarily into his ports in breach of his municipal laws, -we might have admitted it rigorously legal, though not friendly. But his -condemnation of vessels taken on the high seas, by his privateers, and -carried involuntarily into his ports, is justifiable by no law, is piracy, -and this is the wrong we complain of against him. - -Supposing that you may be still at Clermont, from whence your letter is -dated, I avail myself of this circumstance to request your presenting my -friendly respects to Chancellor Livingston. I salute you with esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, October 16, 1808. - - * * * * * - -_Massey's Commission._--A half-sighted lawyer might, perhaps, say that a -commission signed with a blank for the name,--afterwards filled up, was -a nullity, because, in legal instruments, any change in a material part -of a bond, deed, &c., after sealing and delivery, nullifies it. But I am -not certain whether there are not cases, even in ordinary transactions -at law, where it is otherwise,--_e. g._, a power of attorney sent to a -distance, with a blank for the name, a blank commission, a blank subpœna, -&c. But in matters of government, there can be no question but that the -commission sealed and signed, with a blank for the name, date, place, &c., -is good; because government can in no country be carried on without it. -The most vital proceedings of our own government would become null were -such a construction to prevail, and the _argumentum ab inconvenienti_, -which is one of the great foundations of the law, will undoubtedly sustain -the practice, and sanction it by the maxim "_qui facit per alterum, facit -per se_." I would not therefore give the countenance of the government to -so impracticable a construction by issuing a new commission. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO GEORGE BLAKE, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, October 17, 1808. - -SIR,--However favorably the enclosed papers represent the case of -Alexander Frost, yet it would be against every rule of prudence for me -to undertake to revise the verdict of a jury on _ex parte_ affidavits and -recommendations. If the judges and yourself who were present at the trial -think the defendant a proper object of pardon, I shall be ready, on such -a recommendation, to issue it. I ask the favor of your information on this -subject, and salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - October 18, 1808. - -I think that none of the circumstances, preceding the passage of the -embargo law, stated by Mr. Lorent, make any part of his case. The -misfortunes entering into the preceding history of that property, not -flowing from any act of this government, authorizes no claims on it. The -embargo law excepted from its own operation articles then laden on board -a foreign ship, without distinguishing between articles of foreign or -national property. It subjected to its operation all articles, whether -foreign or national property, not then laden on board any foreign ship. -Mr. Lorent's property was not then laden on board of any foreign ship, -is therefore within the words of the law, and as certainly within its -purview. It is not one of those cases which, though within the _words_ -of the law, were notoriously not within its intention, and are therefore -relievable by an equitable exercise of discretionary power. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. SMITH. - - October 19, 1808. - -I enclose you a petition of the widow Bennet for the liberation of her -son at Boston, a minor, or for a moiety of three months' pay, to enable -her to go to another son. I think when her case was formerly before us, -she was said to be a woman of ill fame, and that her son did not wish to -return to her. Still, however, the mother, if there be no father, is the -natural guardian, and is legally entitled to the custody and the earnings -of her son. If she were to make her demand legally for both or either, -she would prevail. May it not be for the benefit of the son and of the -service, to compromise by paying the sixteen dollars, and taking a regular -relinquishment or transfer of her rights to the body of her son, and his -earnings in future, so that we may have no more to do with her. This is -referred to Mr. Smith's consideration. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - October 19, 1808. - -Is the case proposed by Mr. Wolcott left by the law at the discretion -of anybody? The law makes it the duty of the Collector to detain if he -_suspects_ an intention to export to a foreign market, _à fortiori_ if -that intention be _avowed_. It is true that the first step proposed is -only to go to another district, but declared to be preparatory to an -exportation to the West Indies. It is true also that they say they do not -mean to export until the law is repealed. But ought we under that cover -to facilitate those illegal views which our experience has proved to be -so general? Still, if there be any sound ground on which the permission -can be given, I would rather make it the subject of consultation with you, -than to have the present understood to be a final decision. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. JAMES MAIN. - - WASHINGTON, October 19, 1808. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 10th has been duly received. Certainly I would -with great pleasure contribute anything in my power to render the -history you propose to write a faithful account of the period it will -comprehend. Nothing is so desirable to me, as that after mankind shall -have been abused by such gross falsehoods as to events while passing, -their minds should at length be set to rights by genuine truth. And I -can conscientiously declare that as to myself, I wish that not only no -act but no thought of mine should be unknown. But, Sir, my other and more -imperious duties put it out of my power. So totally is my time engrossed -by the public concerns, that for mere want of time, many of them which I -ought to attend to myself, if my time sufficed, I am obliged, for want -of it, to refer to others. To withdraw myself from still more of them -for any voluntary object would be a failure in duty. If you shall think -proper, as you say, to commit to me the perusal of the manuscript before -it goes to the press, I shall then probably be in a private station, and -master of my own time, and I will carefully examine, and faithfully offer -any corrections or supplements which I may think will render it a true -representation of events. I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN GROVE. - - WASHINGTON, October 19, 1808. - -SIR,--Your two letters of the 11th inst. have been received, and I am -obliged to observe that so wholly do the indispensable duties of my -office engross my whole time, that I could not give a deliberate reading -to two letters so voluminous as these, and not relating to my particular -functions, without withdrawing time from objects having stricter claims -on me. I have run over them hastily, and perceive that you are still -engaged in the pursuit of the method of finding the longitude at sea -by an observation of Jupiter and his satellites, brought to the horizon -by a double reflection, as in Hadley's quadrant. That you have written -a play to raise funds for prosecuting this, and wish me to circulate a -subscription for it and print your letters. I will willingly subscribe -myself for a number of copies to help you, but I have never permitted -myself to be the circulator of any subscription, or to have agency in -printing anything, conceiving it improper in my present office. And -however wishful of your success in raising funds, I confess I should think -them better applied to the comfort of your family. After so many better -opinions it may be superfluous to offer mine. Yet justified by my friendly -motives in doing so, I will observe, that to get the longitude at sea -by observation of the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites, two desiderata -are wanting: 1st, a practicable way of keeping the planet and satellite -in the field of a glass magnifying sufficiently to show the satellites; -2d, a time-piece which will give the instant of time with sufficient -accuracy to be useful. The bringing the planet and satellite to the -horizon does not sensibly facilitate the observation, because the planet -in his ascending and descending course is at such heights as admit the -direct observation with entire convenience. On the other hand, so much -light is lost by the double reflection as to dim the objects and lessen -the precision with which the moment of ingress and egress may be marked. -This double reflection also introduces a new source of error from the -inaccuracy of the instrument; 2d, the desideratum of a time-piece which, -notwithstanding the motion of the ship, shall keep time during a whole -voyage with sufficient accuracy for these observations, has not yet been -supplied. Fine time-keepers have been invented, but not equal to what is -requisite, all of them deriving their motion from a spring, and not from -a pendulum. Indeed these pursuits have lost much of their consequence -since the improvement of the lunar tables has given the motion of the moon -so accurately, as to make that a foundation for estimating the longitude -by her relative position at a given moment with the sun or fixed stars. -Every captain of a ship now understands the method of taking these lunar -observations, and of calculating his longitude by them. - -I have gone into these details with the most friendly view of dissuading -you from wasting time, which you represent as so much needed for your -family, in a pursuit which has baffled every human endeavor as yet, and -has lost so much of its importance. I return you your letters, because -you wish to have them published, and conclude with my best wishes for -the success of your endeavors to raise the funds you desire, and for the -application of them which shall be best for yourself and your family. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - October 21, 1808. - -_The case of the Martinique Petitioners._ - -I think it wrong to detain foreigners caught here by the embargo; but in -permitting them to take our vessels to return in, we do what is a matter -of favor, not of right. Of course we can restrict them to a tonnage -proportioned to their numbers. In the transport service I believe the -allowance is two tons to every person. We may allow a little more room; -but there ought to be an end to this, and I think it high time to put an -end to it. What would you think of advertising that after a certain day, -no American vessel will be permitted to go out for the purpose of carrying -persons. Perhaps this should be communicated by the Secretary of State to -the foreign ministers. - - * * * * * - -Fronda states that a proprietor of Amelia Island, in Florida, shipped his -crop for a foreign port on board an American vessel. The vessel was taken -by the Argus, carried into Savannah, and condemned for a breach of the -embargo laws; the cargo pronounced clear. Probably the vessel had left our -harbors without a clearance, though that is not stated, nor the cause of -her condemnation specified. Permission is asked to send away the cargo. If -the Spanish proprietor had no agency in drawing the vessel away contrary -to the embargo laws, his employment of her was innocent, and he ought to -be permitted to send his cargo out; because for us to take his property -and bring it in by force, and against his will, and then to detain it -under pretext of an embargo, would be equivalent to piracy or war. A -vessel driven involuntarily into a port by weather, or an enemy, with -prohibited goods, is always allowed to depart, and even to sell as much -of the goods as will make the vessel sea-worthy, if disabled. I do not -know, however, that in the present case we are bound to do any more than -let one of our vessels be engaged to replace the cargo in Amelia Island, -and certainly we ought not to let it go to any distant port; but if the -proprietor enticed or engaged the vessel to break the embargo law, he was -_particeps criminis_, and must submit to the loss which he has brought -on himself. I send you Fronda's note, which should be returned to Mr. -Madison, with information of the order you shall give for inquiring into -the facts, and permission or refusal as they shall turn out. Affectionate -salutations. - - -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, October 27, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--When I received your letter of the 16th, I thought I had not -a copy of my report on measures, weights, and coins, except one bound up -in a volume with other reports; but on carefully searching a bundle of -duplicates, I found the one I now enclose you, being the only detached -one I possess. It is defective in one article. The report was composed -under a severe attack of periodical headache, which came on every day at -sunrise, and never left me till sunset. What had been ruminated in the day -under a paroxysm of the most excruciating pain, was committed to paper by -candlelight, and then the calculations were made. After delivering in the -report, it was discovered that in calculating the money unit § 5 page 49, -there was a small error in the third or fourth column of decimals, the -correction of which however brought the proposed unit still nearer to the -established one. I reported the correction in a single leaf to Congress. -The copy I send you has not that leaf. - -The first question to be decided is between those who are for units of -measures, weights, and coins, having, a known relation to something in -nature of fixed dimension, and those who are for an arbitrary standard. -On this "dice vexata quaestio" it is useless to say a word, every one -having made up his mind on a view of all that can be said. Mr. Dorsey -was so kind as to send me his pamphlet, by which I found he was for the -arbitrary standard of one-third of the standard yard of H. G. of England, -supposed to be in the Exchequer of that nation, a fac simile of which was -to be procured and lodged in Philadelphia. I confess myself to be of the -other sect, and to prefer an unit bearing a given relation to some fixed -subject of nature, and of preference to the pendulum, because it may be -in the possession of every man, so that he may verify his measures for -himself. You will observe that I proposed alternative plans to Congress, -that they might take the one or the other, according to the degree of -courage they felt. The first is from page 18 to 38; the second from page -39 to 44. Were I now to decide, it would be in favor of the first, with -this single addition, that each of the denominations there adopted, should -be divisible decimally at the will of every individual. The iron-founder -deals in tons; let him take the ton for his unit, and divide it into -10ths, 100ths, and 1000ths. The dry-goods merchant deals in pounds and -yards; let him divide them decimally. The land-measurer deals in miles and -poles; divide them decimally, only noting over his figures what the unit -is, thus: - - Tons. Lbs. Yds. Miles. - 18.943, 18.943, 1.8943, 189.43, &c. - -I have lately had a proof how familiar this division into dimes, cents, -and mills, is to the people when transferred from their money to anything -else. I have an odometer fixed to my carriage, which gives the distances -in miles, dimes, and cents. The people on the road inquire with curiosity -what exact distance I have found from such a place to such a place; I -answer, so many miles, so many cents. I find they universally and at once -form a perfect idea of the relation of the cent to the mile as an unit. -They would do the same as to yards of cloth, pounds of shot, ounces of -silver, or of medicine. I believe, therefore, they are susceptible of this -degree of approximation to a standard rigorously philosophical; beyond -this I might doubt. However, on this too every one has an opinion, and -I am open to compromise, as I am also to other plans of reformation, of -which multitudes have been published. I can conclude, therefore, candidly -with the "si quid novisti rectius," &c., and sincerely with assurances of -my constant esteem and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR JAMES BROWN. - - WASHINGTON, October 27, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--You will wonder that your letter of June the 3d should not be -acknowledged till this date. I never received it till September the 12th, -and coming soon after to this place, the accumulation of business I found -here has prevented my taking it up till now. That you ever participated -in any plan for a division of the Union, I never for one moment believed. -I knew your Americanism too well. But as the enterprise against Mexico -was of a very different character, I had supposed what I heard on that -subject to be possible. You disavow it; that is enough for me, and I -forever dismiss the idea. I wish it were possible to extend my belief of -innocence to a very different description of men in New Orleans; but I -think there is sufficient evidence of there being there a set of foreign -adventurers, and native malcontents, who would concur in any enterprise -to separate that country from this. I did wish to see these people get -what they deserved; and under the maxim of the law itself, that _inter -arma silent leges_, that in an encampment expecting daily attack from a -powerful enemy, self-preservation is paramount to all law, I expected -that instead of invoking the forms of the law to cover traitors, all -good citizens would have concurred in securing them. Should we have ever -gained our Revolution, if we had bound our hands by manacles of the law, -not only in the beginning, but in any part of the revolutionary conflict? -There are extreme cases where the laws become inadequate even to their own -preservation, and where the universal resource is a dictator, or martial -law. Was New Orleans in that situation? Although we knew here that the -force destined against it was suppressed on the Ohio, yet we supposed this -unknown at New Orleans at the time that Burr's accomplices were calling in -the aid of the law to enable them to perpetrate its suppression, and that -it was reasonable, according to the state of information there, to act on -the expectation of a daily attack. Of this you are the best judge. - -Burr is in London, and is giving out to his friends that that government -offers him two millions of dollars the moment he can raise an ensign of -rebellion as big as a handkerchief. Some of his partisans will believe -this, because they wish it. But those who know him best will not believe -it the more because he says it. For myself, even in his most flattering -periods of the conspiracy, I never entertained one moment's fear. My long -and intimate knowledge of my countrymen, satisfied and satisfies me, that -let there ever be occasion to display the banners of the law, and the -world will see how few and pitiful are those who shall array themselves in -opposition. I as little fear foreign invasion. I have indeed thought it a -duty to be prepared to meet even the most powerful, that of a Bonaparte, -for instance, by the only means competent, that of a classification of the -militia, and placing the junior classes at the public disposal; but the -lesson he receives in Spain extirpates all apprehensions from my mind. If -in a peninsula, the neck of which is adjacent to him and at his command, -where he can march any army without the possibility of interception -or obstruction from any foreign power, he finds it necessary to begin -with an army of three hundred thousand men, to subdue a nation of five -millions, brutalized by ignorance, and enervated by long peace, and should -find constant reinforcements of thousands after thousands, necessary to -effect at last a conquest as doubtful as deprecated, what numbers would -be necessary against eight millions of free Americans, spread over such -an extent of country as would wear him down by mere marching, by want -of food, autumnal diseases, &c.? How would they be brought, and how -reinforced across an ocean of three thousand miles, in possession of a -bitter enemy, whose peace, like the repose of a dog, is never more than -momentary? And for what? For nothing but hard blows. If the Orleanese -Creoles would but contemplate these truths, they would cling to the -American Union, soul and body, as their first affection, and we should -be as safe there as we are everywhere else. I have no doubt of their -attachment to us in preference of the English. - -I salute you with sincere affection and respect. - - -TO ----. - - WASHINGTON, October 28, 1808. - -SIR,--I thank you for the copy of General Kosciusko's treatise on -the flying artillery. It is a branch of the military art which I wish -extremely to see understood here, to the height of the European level. -Your letter of September 20th was received in due time. I never received -the letter said to have been written to me by Mr. Malesherbe, in favor -of Mr. Masson. The fact of such a letter having been written by Mr. -Malesherbe, is sufficient ground for my desiring to be useful to Mr. -Masson on any occasion which may arise. No man's recommendation merits -more reliance than that of M. de Malesherbe. The state and interest of -the military academy shall not be forgotten. I salute you with esteem and -respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - WASHINGTON, October 29, 1808. - -SIR,--I send the enclosed letter under the benefit of your cover, and -open, because I wish you to know its contents. I thought the person to -whom it is addressed a very good man when here,--he is certainly a very -learned and able one. I thought him peculiarly qualified to be useful -with you. But in the present state of my information, I can say no more -than I have to him. When you shall have read the letter, be so good as -to stick a wafer in it, and not let it be delivered till it is dry, that -he may not know that any one but himself sees it. The Spanish paper you -enclosed me is an atrocious one. I see it has been republished in the -Havanna. The truth is that the patriots of Spain have no warmer friends -than the administration of the United States, but it is our duty to say -nothing and to do nothing for or against either. If they succeed, we -shall be well satisfied to see Cuba and Mexico remain in their present -dependence; but very unwilling to see them in that of either France or -England, politically or commercially. We consider their interests and ours -as the same, and that the object of both must be to exclude all European -influence from this hemisphere. We wish to avoid the necessity of going to -war, till our revenue shall be entirely liberated from debt. Then it will -suffice for war, without creating new debt or taxes. These are sentiments -which I would wish you to express to any proper characters of either of -these two countries, and particularly that we have nothing more at heart -than their friendship. I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - November 3, 1808. - -A press of business here prevented my sooner taking up the three bundles -of papers now returned; and even now I judge of them from the brief you -have been so good as to make so fully. This is an immense relief to me. - -_The Warbash Saline._ - -I think the applications from Nashville, &c., for a share of the salt -had better not be complied with. I suspect we did wrong in yielding a -similar privilege to Kentucky. There would be no end to the details of -the partitionary plan, and it will only shift the gains into other hands, -adding the unavoidable inequalities of distribution. Better leave the -distribution to its former and ordinary course, and the benefits will -taper off from the centre till lost by distance. - -_Indiana Lead Mines._ - -I think it would be well to authorize Governor Harrison to lease them to -the present applicants,--the former ones declining. - -_Intrusions on Public Lands._ - -I suspect you have partly forgotten what was agreed on the other day. -1. Notice was agreed to be given by a register to be appointed to all -intruders on the Tennessee purchase, to disclaim or remove; and _in the -spring_ troops are to be sent to remove all non-compliers. Those on the -Indian lands (except Double-heads) to be absolutely removed without the -privilege of disclaimer. 2. As to the intruders on Red River, we agreed to -leave them and get Congress to extend the land law to them. - -I think it will be better you should write to Governor Williams about the -appointment of officers. Things casually incidental to a main business -belonging to another department, had better be made the subject of a -single instruction. I am sure the Secretary of State will thank you to -take the trouble. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - November 5, 1808. - -I enclose you a charge by Mr. Hanson against Captain Smith and Lieutenants -Davis and Dobbins of the militia, as having become members of an organized -company, calling themselves the Tar Company, avowing their object to -be the tarring and feathering citizens of some description. Although -in some cases the animadversions of the law may be properly relied on -to prevent what is unlawful, yet with those clothed with authority from -the executive, and being a part of the executive, other preventives are -expedient. These officers should be warned that the executive cannot -tamely look on and see its officers threaten to become the violators -instead of the protectors of the rights of our citizens. I presume, -however, that all that is necessary will be that their commanding -officer, (General Mason,) finding the fact true, should give them a -_private_ admonition, either written or verbal, as he pleases, to withdraw -themselves from the illegal association; at the same time I would rather -it should be stated to General Mason only "that information has been -received," &c., without naming Mr. Hanson as the informer. My reason is -that some disagreeable feuds have arisen at the Navy Yard which I would -rather allay than foment. No proof will be necessary to be called for; -because if the officers disavow the fact, it will be a proof they have -that sense of propriety to which only an admonition would be intended to -bring them. I salute you with constant affection. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR PINCKNEY. - - WASHINGTON, November 8, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters September -10th and of blank date, probably about the middle of October, and to -thank you for the communications therein made. They were handed to the -two persons therein named. I seize the first moment it is in my power to -answer your question as to our foreign relations, which I do by enclosing -you a copy of my message this moment delivered to the two houses of -Congress, in which they are fully stated. It is evident we have before us -three only alternatives; 1, embargo; 2, war; 3, submission and tribute. -This last will at once be put out of question by every American, and the -two first only considered. By the little conversation I have had with -the members, I perceive there will be some division on this among the -republicans; but what will be its extent cannot be known till they shall -have heard the message and documents, and had some days to confer and make -up their opinions. Being now all in the hurry and bustle of visits and -business, incident to the first days of the meeting, I must here close -with my salutations of friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. LETUE. - - WASHINGTON, November 8, 1808. - -SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of October 14th, -and to thank you for the information it contained. While the opposition to -the late laws of embargo has in one quarter amounted almost to rebellion -and treason, it is pleasing to know that all the rest of the nation has -approved of the proceedings of the constituted authorities. The steady -union which you mention of our fellow citizens of South Carolina, is -entirely in their character. They have never failed in fidelity to their -country and the republican spirit of its constitution. Never before was -that union more needed or more salutary than under our present crisis. I -enclose you my message to both houses of Congress, this moment delivered. -You will see that we have to choose between the alternatives of embargo -and war; there is indeed one and only one other, that is submission -and tribute. For all the federal propositions for trading to the places -permitted by the edicts of the belligerents, result in fact in submission, -although they do not choose to pronounce the naked word. I do not believe, -however, that our fellow citizens of that sect with you will concur -with those to the east in this paricide purpose, any more than in the -disorganizing conduct which has disgraced the latter. I conclude this from -their conduct in your legislature in its vote on that question. Accept my -salutations and assurances of respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. - - WASHINGTON, November 13, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Between three and four years ago, I received the enclosed -petitions praying for the pardon or the enlargement of Thomas -Logwood, then and still confined in the penitentiary of Richmond, for -counterfeiting the bank notes of the United States. I consulted Governor -Page on the subject, who, after conferring with his council, informed me -that though he was for a pardon himself, he found a division of opinion -on the question, and therefore could not advise it. Between three and four -years have since been added to his confinement, and if his conduct during -that time has been such as to lessen his claims to a mitigation of his -sentence, they must certainly stand now on higher ground, and the more -so as two of his accomplices confined here, have by a very general wish -been pardoned more than a year ago. Will you be so good as to give me your -opinion on the subject, as you are in a situation to know what his conduct -has been? His wife is represented as a very meritorious character, and her -connections respectable; probably they may be known to you. His neighbors, -you will observe, ask his restoration to them. Whether would it be best -to pardon him absolutely, or on condition of giving security for his good -behavior? or shall we open the prison door and let him go out, notifying -him that if he will continue on his own farm or those next adjoining, -and keep himself from all suspicious intercourse and correspondence, he -will not be molested; otherwise, that he will be retaken and replaced in -his present situation? Your advice on this subject will much oblige me. I -salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - November 13, 1808. - -1st. The ship Aurora, Captain Rand. Provisions, lumber and naval stores -being the articles on which we rely most for effect during our embargo. -Rand's landing, as to the great mass of its articles, seems not to render -his case suspicious. Keeping therefore the articles of provisions, lumber -and naval stores, within their regular limits, I see no objection to a -permit in the character of his cargo; and the objection drawn from his -dislike and disapprobation of the embargo, has never been considered as an -obstacle where the person has not actually been guilty of its infraction. -I think a permit should be granted under the regular limitations as to the -proportion of provisions, &c. - -2d. The schooner Concord, property of John Bell of Petersburg. Wherever a -person has once been guilty of breaking the embargo laws, we can no longer -have confidence in him, and every shipment made by him becomes suspicious. -No permit should be granted him; the fact of a prior breach being -sufficient without the formality of its being found by jury. - -3d. The schooner Caroline, belonging to Brown and Pilsbury of Buckstown. -Where every attempt, the Collector says, has been made and still -continues to be made to evade the embargo laws, the nature of the cargo is -sufficient to refuse the permit, being wholly of provisions and lumber. -This is the first time the character of the place has been brought under -consideration as an objection. Yet a general disobedience to the laws in -any place must have weight towards refusing to give them any facilities -to evade. In such a case we may fairly require positive proof that the -individual of a town tainted with a general spirit of disobedience, has -never said or done anything himself to countenance that spirit. But the -first cause of refusal being sufficient, an inquiry into character and -conduct is unnecessary. - - -TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR LINCOLN. - - WASHINGTON, November 13, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a petition from Nantucket, and refer it for -your decision. Our opinion here is, that that place has been so deeply -concerned in smuggling, that if it wants, it is because it has illegally -sent away what it ought to have retained for its own consumption. Be -so good as to bear in mind that I have asked the favor of you to see -that your State encounters no real want, while, at the same time, where -applications are made merely to cover fraud, no facilities towards that be -furnished. I presume there can be no want in Massachusetts as yet, as I am -informed that Governor Sullivan's permits are openly bought and sold here -and in Alexandria, and at other markets. The congressional campaign is -just opening: three alternatives alone are to be chosen from. 1. Embargo. -2. War. 3. Submission and tribute. And, wonderful to tell, the last will -not want advocates. The real question, however, will lie between the two -first, on which there is considerable division. As yet the first seems -most to prevail; but opinions are by no means yet settled down. Perhaps -the advocates of the second may, to a formal declaration of war, prefer -_general_ letters of mark and reprisal, because, on a repeal of their -edicts by the belligerent, a revocation of the letters of mark restores -peace without the delay, difficulties, and ceremonies of a treaty. On this -occasion, I think it is fair to leave to those who are to act on them, -the decisions they prefer, being to be myself but a spectator. I should -not feel justified in directing measures which those who are to execute -them would disapprove. Our situation is truly difficult. We have been -pressed by the belligerents to the very wall, and all further retreat is -impracticable. - -I salute you with sincere friendship. - - -TO THE HON. JOSEPH VARNUM. - - WASHINGTON, November 18, 1808. - -SIR,--You will perceive in the enclosed petitions, a request that I -will lay them before Congress. This I cannot do consistently with my -own opinion of propriety, because where the petitioners have a right -to petition their immediate representatives in Congress directly, I -have deemed it neither necessary nor proper for them to pass their -petition through the intermediate channel of the Executive. But as the -petitioners may be ignorant of this, and, confiding in it, may omit the -proper measure, I have usually put such petitions into the hands of the -Representatives of the State, informally to be used or not as they see -best, and considering me as entirely disclaiming any agency in the case. -With this view, I take the liberty of placing these papers in your hands, -not as Speaker of the House, but as one of the Representatives from -the State from which they came. Whether they should be handed on to the -Representatives of the particular districts, (which are unknown to me,) -yourself will be the best judge. I salute you with affection, esteem, and -respect. - - -TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH. - - WASHINGTON, November 24, 1808. - -MY DEAR JEFFERSON, * * * * * - -Your situation, thrown at such a distance from us, and alone, cannot but -give us all great anxieties for you. As much has been secured for you, -by your particular position and the acquaintance to which you have been -recommended, as could be done towards shielding you from the dangers -which surround you. But thrown on a wide world, among entire strangers, -without a friend or guardian to advise, so young too, and with so little -experience of mankind, your dangers are great, and still your safety must -rest on yourself. A determination never to do what is wrong, prudence -and good humor, will go far towards securing to you the estimation of the -world. When I recollect that at fourteen years of age, the whole care and -direction of myself was thrown on myself entirely, without a relation or -friend qualified to advise or guide me, and recollect the various sorts -of bad company with which I associated from time to time, I am astonished -I did not turn off with some of them, and become as worthless to society -as they were. I had the good fortune to become acquainted very early with -some characters of very high standing, and to feel the incessant wish that -I could ever become what they were. Under temptations and difficulties, -I would ask myself what would Dr. Small, Mr. Wythe, Peyton Randolph do -in this situation? What course in it will insure me their approbation? -I am certain that this mode of deciding on my conduct, tended more to -correctness than any reasoning powers I possessed. Knowing the even and -dignified line they pursued, I could never doubt for a moment which of two -courses would be in character for them. Whereas, seeking the same object -through a process of moral reasoning, and with the jaundiced eye of youth, -I should often have erred. From the circumstances of my position, I was -often thrown into the society of horse racers, card players, fox hunters, -scientific and professional men, and of dignified men; and many a time -have I asked myself, in the enthusiastic moment of the death of a fox, the -victory of a favorite horse, the issue of a question eloquently argued at -the bar, or in the great council of the nation, well, which of these kinds -of reputation should I prefer? That of a horse jockey? a fox hunter? an -orator? or the honest advocate of my country's rights? Be assured, my dear -Jefferson, that these little returns into ourselves, this self-catechising -habit, is not trifling nor useless, but leads to the prudent selection and -steady pursuit of what is right. - -I have mentioned good humor as one of the preservatives of our peace and -tranquillity. It is among the most effectual, and its effect is so well -imitated and aided, artificially, by politeness, that this also becomes -an acquisition of first rate value. In truth, politeness is artificial -good humor, it covers the natural want of it, and ends by rendering -habitual a substitute nearly equivalent to the real virtue. It is the -practice of sacrificing to those whom we meet in society, all the little -conveniences and preferences which will gratify them, and deprive us of -nothing worth a moment's consideration; it is the giving a pleasing and -flattering turn to our expressions, which will conciliate others, and -make them pleased with us as well as themselves. How cheap a price for -the good will of another! When this is in return for a rude thing said by -another, it brings him to his senses, it mortifies and corrects him in the -most salutary way, and places him at the feet of your good nature, in the -eyes of the company. But in stating prudential rules for our government -in society, I must not omit the important one of never entering into -dispute or argument with another. I never saw an instance of one of two -disputants convincing the other by argument. I have seen many, on their -getting warm, becoming rude, and shooting one another. Conviction is the -effect of our own dispassionate reasoning, either in solitude, or weighing -within ourselves, dispassionately, what we hear from others, standing -uncommitted in argument ourselves. It was one of the rules which, above -all others, made Doctor Franklin the most amiable of men in society, -"never to contradict anybody." If he was urged to announce an opinion, he -did it rather by asking questions, as if for information, or by suggesting -doubts. When I hear another express an opinion which is not mine, I say to -myself, he has a right to his opinion, as I to mine; why should I question -it? His error does me no injury, and shall I become a Don Quixotte, to -bring all men by force of argument to one opinion? If a fact be misstated, -it is probable he is gratified by a belief of it, and I have no right to -deprive him of the gratification. If he wants information, he will ask -it, and then I will give it in measured terms; but if he still believes -his own story, and shows a desire to dispute the fact with me, I hear him -and say nothing. It is his affair, not mine, if he prefers error. There -are two classes of disputants most frequently to be met with among us. -The first is of young students, just entered the threshold of science, -with a first view of its outlines, not yet filled up with the details and -modifications which a further progress would bring to their knowledge. The -other consists of the ill-tempered and rude men in society, who have taken -up a passion for politics. (Good humor and politeness never introduce into -mixed society, a question on which they foresee there will be a difference -of opinion.) From both of those classes of disputants, my dear Jefferson, -keep aloof, as you would from the infected subjects of yellow fever or -pestilence. Consider yourself, when with them, as among the patients of -Bedlam, needing medical more than moral counsel. Be a listener only, keep -within yourself, and endeavor to establish with yourself the habit of -silence, especially on politics. In the fevered state of our country, no -good can ever result from any attempt to set one of these fiery zealots to -rights, either in fact or principle. They are determined as to the facts -they will believe, and the opinions on which they will act. Get by them, -therefore, as you would by an angry bull; it is not for a man of sense -to dispute the road with such an animal. You will be more exposed than -others to have these animals shaking their horns at you, because of the -relation in which you stand with me. Full of political venom, and willing -to see me and to hate me as a chief in the antagonist party, your presence -will be to them what the vomit grass is to the sick dog, a nostrum for -producing ejaculation. Look upon them exactly with that eye, and pity them -as objects to whom you can administer only occasional ease. My character -is not within their power. It is in the hands of my fellow citizens at -large, and will be consigned to honor or infamy by the verdict of the -republican mass of our country, according to what themselves will have -seen, not what their enemies and mine shall have said. Never, therefore, -consider these puppies in politics as requiring any notice from you, and -always show that you are not afraid to leave my character to the umpirage -of public opinion. Look steadily to the pursuits which have carried you to -Philadelphia, be very select in the society you attach yourself to, avoid -taverns, drinkers, smokers, idlers, and dissipated persons generally; for -it is with such that broils and contentions arise; and you will find your -path more easy and tranquil. The limits of my paper warn me that it is -time for me to close with my affectionate adieu. - -P. S. Present me affectionately to Mr. Ogilvie, and, in doing the same to -Mr. Peale, tell him I am writing with his polygraph, and shall send him -mine the first moment I have leisure enough to pack it. - - -TO THE VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. - - WASHINGTON, November 30, 1808. - -GENTLEMEN,--Being to remove within a few months from my present residence -to one still more distant from the seat of the meetings of the American -Philosophical Society, I feel it a duty no longer to obstruct its -service by keeping from the chair members whose position as well as -qualifications, may enable them to discharge its duties with so much more -effect. Begging leave, therefore, to withdraw from the Presidency of the -Society at the close of the present term, I avail myself of the occasion -gratefully to return my thanks to the Society for the repeated proofs -they have been pleased to give of their favor and confidence in me, and -to assure them, in retiring from the honorable station in which they -have been pleased so long to continue me, that I carry with me all the -sentiments of an affectionate member and faithful servant of the Society. - -Asking the favor of you to make this communication to the Society, I -beg leave to tender to each of you personally the assurances of my great -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. SAMUEL HAWKINS, KINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, November 30, 1808. - -SIR,--Business and indisposition have prevented my sooner acknowledging -the receipt of your letter of the 3d instant, which came to hand on the -10th. Mr. Granger, before that, had sent here the very elegant ivory staff -of which you wished my acceptance. The motives of your wish are honorable -to me, and gratifying, as they evidence the approbation of my public -conduct by a stranger who has not viewed it through the partialities of -personal acquaintance. Be assured, Sir, that I am as grateful for the -testimony, as if I could have accepted the token of it which you have -so kindly offered. On coming into public office, I laid it down as a -law of my conduct, while I should continue in it, to accept no present -of any sensible pecuniary value. A pamphlet, a new book, or an article -of new curiosity, have produced no hesitation, because below suspicion. -But things of sensible value, however innocently offered in the first -examples, may grow at length into abuse, for which I wish not to furnish -a precedent. The kindness of the motives which led to this manifestation -of your esteem, sufficiently assures me that you will approve of my -desire, by a perseverance in the rule, to retain that consciousness of a -disinterested administration of the public trusts, which is essential to -perfect tranquillity of mind. Replacing, therefore, the subject of this -letter in the hands of Mr. Granger, under your orders, and repeating that -the offer meets the same thankfulness as if accepted, I tender you my -salutations and assurances of respect. - - -TO DOCTOR WATERHOUSE. - - WASHINGTON, December 1, 1808. - -SIR,---In answer to the inquiries of the benevolent Dr. De Carro on the -subject of the upland or mountain rice, Oryza Mutica, I will state to -you what I know of it. I first became informed of the existence of a rice -which would grow in uplands without any more water than the common rains, -by reading a book of Mr. De Porpre, who had been Governor of the Isle of -France, who mentions it as growing there and all along the coast of Africa -successfully, and as having been introduced from Cochin-China. I was at -that time (1784-89) in France, and there happening to be there a Prince -of Cochin-China, on his travels, and then returning home, I obtained his -promise to send me some. I never received it however, and mention it only -as it may have been sent, and furnished the ground for the inquiries of -Dr. De Carro, respecting my receiving it from China. When at Havre on my -return from France, I found there Captain Nathaniel Cutting, who was the -ensuing spring to go on a voyage along the coast of Africa. I engaged him -to inquire for this; he was there just after the harvest, procured and -sent me a thirty-gallon cask of it. It arrived in time the ensuing spring -to be sown. I divided it between the Agricultural Society of Charleston -and some private gentlemen of Georgia, recommending it to their care, -in the hope which had induced me to endeavor to obtain it, that if it -answered as well as the swamp rice, it might rid them of that source of -their summer diseases. Nothing came of the trials in South Carolina, but -being carried into the upper hilly parts of Georgia, it succeeded there -perfectly, has spread over the country, and is now commonly cultivated; -still, however, for family use chiefly, as they cannot make it for sale in -competition with the rice of the swamps. The former part of these details -is written from memory, the papers being at Monticello which would enable -me to particularize exactly the dates of times and places. The latter -part is from the late Mr. Baldwin, one of those whom I engaged in the -distribution of the seed in Georgia, and who in his annual attendance on -Congress, gave me from time to time the history of its progress. It has -got from Georgia into Kentucky, where it is cultivated by many individuals -for family use. I cultivated it two or three years at Monticello, and -had good crops, as did my neighbors, but not having conveniences for -husking it, we declined it. I tried some of it in a pot, while I lived in -Philadelphia, and gave seed to Mr. Bartram. It produced luxuriant plants -with us both, but no seed; nor do I believe it will ripen in the United -States as far north as Philadelphia. Business and an indisposition of some -days must apologize for this delay in answering your letter of October -24th, which I did not receive till the 6th of November. And permit me here -to add my salutations and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO THOMAS MONROE. - - December 4, 1808. - -The case of the sale of city lots under a decree of the Chancellor of -Maryland. - -The deed of the original owners of the site of the city of Washington to -certain trustees, after making provisions for streets, public squares, -&c., declares that the residue of the ground, laid off in building lots, -shall one moiety belong to the original proprietors, and the other moiety -shall be sold on such terms and conditions as the President of the United -States shall direct, the proceeds, after certain specified payments, to -be paid to the President as a grant of money, and to be applied for the -purposes, and according to the Act of Congress; which Act of Congress -(1790, c. 28) had authorized the President to accept grants of money, -to purchase or to accept land for the use of the United States, to -provide suitable buildings, &c. Of these residuary building lots, one -thousand were sold by the Commissioner to Greenleaf for $80,000, who -transferred them to Morris and Nicholson, with an express lien on them -for the purchase money due to the city. Under this lien the Chancellor -of Maryland has decreed that they shall be sold immediately for whatever -they will bring; that the proceeds shall be applied first to the costs -of suit and sale, and the balance towards paying the original purchase -money. The sale has now proceeded, for some days, at very low prices, -and must proceed till the costs of suit and sale are raised. It is well -understood that under no circumstances of sale, however favorable, can -they pay five in the pound of the original debt; and that if the whole -are now forced into sale, at what they will bring, they will not pay -one in the pound; and being the only fund from which a single dollar of -the debt can ever be recovered, (on account of the bankruptcy of all the -purchasers,) of $25,000 which the lots may bring if offered for sale from -time to time _pari passu_ with the growing demand, $20,000 will be lost -by a forced sale. To save this sum is desirable. And the interest in it -being ultimately that of the United States, I have consulted with the -Secretary of the Treasury and Comptroller, and after due consideration, -I am of opinion it is for the public interest, and within the powers of -the President, under the deed of trust and laws, to repurchase under the -decree, at the lowest prices obtainable, such of these lots as no other -purchaser shall offer to take at what the Superintendent shall deem -their real value, that is to say, what they will in his judgment sell -for hereafter, if only offered from time to time as purchasers shall -want them. The sums so to be allowed for them by the Superintendent -to be passed to the credit of Greenleaf, and retaining a right to the -unsatisfied balance as damages due for non-compliance with his contract; -a matter of form only, as not a cent of it is expected ever to be -obtained. I consider the reconveyance of these lots at the price which -the Superintendent shall nominally allow for them, as replacing them in -our hands, in _statu quo_ prices, as if the title had never been passed -out of us; and that thereafter they will be in the condition of all other -lots, sold, but neither conveyed nor paid for; that is to say, liable to -be resold for the benefit of the city; as has been invariably practised in -all other cases. The Superintendent is instructed to proceed accordingly. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 7, 1808. - -1. D. W. Coxe and the ship Comet. The application to send another vessel -to the Havanna, to bring home the proceeds of the cargo of the Comet, -charged with a breach of embargo, must be rejected for three reasons, -each insuperable. 1st. The property was not shipped from the United States -prior to December 22d, 1807, and therefore is not within the description -of cases in which a permission by the executive is authorized by law. -2d. The limitation of time for permissions has been long expired. 3d. -Although in an action on the bond of the Comet, the fabricated testimony -of distress may embarrass judges and juries, tramelled by legal rules -of evidence, yet it ought to have no weight with us to whom the law -has referred to decide according to our discretion, well knowing that -it was impossible to build up fraud by general rules. We know that the -fabrication of proofs of leaky ships, stress of weather, cargoes sold -under duress, are a regular part of the system of infractions of the -embargo, with the manufacture of which every foreign port is provided, and -that their oaths and forgeries are a regular merchandise in every port. -We must therefore consider them as nothing, and that the act of entering a -foreign port and selling the cargo is decisive evidence of an intentional -breach of embargo, not to be countervailed by the letters of all the -Charles Dixeys in the world; for every vessel is provided with a Charles -Dixey. - -My opinion is therefore that no permission ought ever to be granted for -any vessel to leave our ports (while the embargo continues) in which any -person is concerned either in interest or in navigating her, who has ever -been concerned in interest, or in the navigation of a vessel which has -at any time before entered a foreign port contrary to the views of the -embargo laws, and under any pretended distress or duress whatever. This -rule will not lead us wrong once in a hundred times. - -2. I send you the case of Mr. Mitchell and the ship Neutrality, merely -as a matter of form; for I presume it must be rejected on the ground of -limitation. These petitioners are getting into the habit of calling on me -personally in the first instance. These personal solicitations being very -embarrassing, I am obliged to tell them I will refer the case to you, and -they will receive a written answer. But I hope, in your amendments to the -law, you will propose a repeal of the power to give permissions to go for -property. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 8, 1808. - -The idea of regulating the coasting trade (to New Orleans for instance) -by the quantity of tonnage sufficient for each port, is new to me, and -presents difficulties through which I cannot see my way. To determine how -much tonnage will suffice for the coasting trade of Boston, New York, -Philadelphia, and the other ports great and small, and to divide this -tonnage impartially among the competitors of each place, would embarrass -us infinitely, and lead to unavoidable errors and irregularities. Is it -not better to let it regulate itself as to all innocent articles, and to -continue our attentions and regulations to the articles of provisions and -lumber? If the rule of the _one-eighth_ carries too much to New Orleans, -and I am sure it does, why not confine it to the ports between St. Mary's -and Passamaquoddy, (excluding these two,) and trust for New Orleans to -the western supplies and Governor Claiborne's permits? I suppose them -sufficient, because Governor Claiborne has assured us that the Western -supplies are sufficient for the consumption of New Orleans, and we see -that New Orleans has exported flour the last six months, and that too -to the West Indies, whither will go also whatever flour the rule of the -_one-eighth_ carries there, or its equivalent in Western flour. These -ideas on the subject are of the first impression; and I keep the decision -open for any further light which can be thrown on it. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 8, 1808. - -Mr. Harrison will continue in office till the 3d of March. I send you tit -for tat, one lady application for another. However our feelings are to -be perpetually harrowed by these solicitations, our course is plain, and -inflexible to right or left. But for God's sake get us relieved from this -dreadful drudgery of refusal. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 20, 1808. - -_The case of the schooner Concord, sold by J. Bell of Petersburg, to M. W. -Hancock of Richmond._ - -I think it may be concluded from the letters of Hancock and the collector, -that the purchase of the schooner has been a _bonâ fide_ one; but it is -not even alleged that he has purchased the cargo, but it appears on the -contrary that Bell has the same concern in that as before. As, where -a person has once evaded the embargo laws, we consider all subsequent -shipments and proposed voyages by him to be with the fraudulent intention; -the present shipment of the cargo of tobacco, before refused, being still -the concern of Bell, must of course be still suspicious, and refused a -permit. But the request of the purchaser of the schooner, that, after -taking out the cargo, he may have a clearance for her to go in ballast to -the district of Richmond, may be granted. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 22, 1808. - -The answer to the petition of Percival and others, praying that they may -be permitted to send a vessel or vessels to take up their men from the -desolate islands of the Indian Ocean, and thence to proceed on a trading -voyage to Canton, &c., cannot but be a thing of course, that days having -been publicly announced after which no permissions to send vessels to -bring home property would be granted, which days are past long since, -and the rule rigorously adhered to, it cannot now be broken through. -If Congress continue the power, it will show that they mean it shall be -exercised, and we may then consider on what new grounds permissions may be -granted. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. NICHOLAS. - - WASHINGTON, December 22, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I always consider it as the most friendly office which can be -rendered me, to be informed of anything which is going amiss, and which I -can remedy. I had known that there had been a very blamable failure in the -clothing department, which had not become known so as to be remedied till -the beginning of October; but I had believed that the remedy had then been -applied with as much diligence as the case admitted. After the suggestions -from General Smith and Mr. Giles the other day, I made inquiry into the -fact, and have received the enclosed return, which will show exactly what -has been done. Can I get the favor of you to show it to General Smith -and Mr. Giles, to whom I am sure it will give as much satisfaction as to -myself, and to re-enclose it to me? I salute you and them with sincere -friendship and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR HARRISON. - - WASHINGTON, December 22, 1808. - -SIR,--By the treaty of 1803, we obtained from the Kaskaskias the country -as far as the ridge dividing the waters of the Kaskaskias from those -of the Illinois River; by the treaty of 1804, with the Sacs and Foxes, -they ceded to us from the Illinois to the Ouisconsin. Between these two -cessions is a gore of country, to wit, between the Illinois River and -Kaskaskias line, which I understand to have belonged to the Piorias, and -that that tribe is now extinct; if both these facts be true, we succeed -to their title by our being proprietors paramount of the whole country. -In this case it is interesting to settle our boundary with our next -neighbors the Kickapoos. Where their western boundary is, I know not; -but they cannot come lower down the Illinois River than the Illinois -Lake, on which stood the old Pioria fort, and perhaps not so low. The -Kickapoos are bounded to the south-east, I presume, by the ridge between -the waters of the Illinois and Wabash, to which the Miamis claim, and -north-east by the Pottewatamies. Of course it is with the Kickapoos -alone we have to settle a boundary. I would therefore recommend to you to -take measures for doing this. You will of course first endeavor with all -possible caution to furnish yourself with the best evidence to be had, of -the real location of the south-west boundary of the Kickapoos, and then -endeavor to bring them to an acknowledgment of it formally, by a treaty -of limits. If it be nothing more, the ordinary presents are all that will -be necessary, but if they cede a part of their own country, then a price -proportioned will be proper. In a letter to you of February 27th, 1803, -I mentioned that I had heard there was still one Pioria man living, and -that a compensation making him easy for life should be given him, and his -conveyance of the country by a regular deed be obtained. If there be such -a man living, I think this should still be done. The ascertaining the -line between the Kickapoos and us is now of importance, because it will -close our possessions on the hither bank of the Mississippi from the Ohio -to the Ouisconsin, and give us a broad margin to prevent the British from -approaching that river, on which, under color of their treaty, they would -be glad to hover, that they might smuggle themselves and their merchandise -into Louisiana. Their treaty can only operate on the country so long as -it is Indian; and in proportion as it becomes ours exclusively, their -ground is narrowed. It makes it easier too for us to adopt on this side -of the Mississippi a policy we are beginning on the other side, that of -permitting no traders, either ours or theirs, to go to the Indian towns, -but oblige them all to settle and be stationary at our factories, where -we can have their conduct under our observation and control. However, our -first object must be to blockade them from the Mississippi, and to this I -ask the favor of your attention; and salute you with great friendship and -respect. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - WASHINGTON, December 25, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you Doctor Maese's letter, which a pressure of -business has occasioned me to keep too long. I think an account of -the manufactures of Philadelphia would be really useful, and that the -manufactures of other places should be added from time to time, as -information of them should be received. To give a perfect view of the -whole, would require a report from every county or township of the -United States. Perhaps the present moment would be premature, as they -are, in truth, but just now in preparation. The government could not -aid the publication by the subscription suggested by Doctor Maese, -without a special law for it. All the purposes for which they can pay -a single dollar, are specified by law. The advantage of the veterinary -institution proposed, may perhaps be doubted. If it be problematical -whether physicians prevent death where the disease, unaided, would have -terminated fatally,--oftener than they produce it, where order would have -been restored to the system by the process, if uninterrupted, provided -by nature, and in the case of a man who can describe the seat of his -disease, its character, progress, and often its cause, what might we -expect in the case of the horse,--mute, &c., yielding no sensible and -certain indications of his disease? They have long had these institutions -in Europe; has the world received as yet one iota of valuable information -from them? If it has, it is unknown to me. At any rate, it may be doubted -whether, where so many institutions of obvious utility are yet wanting, we -should select this one to take the lead. I return you Gibbon, with thanks. -I send you, also, for your shelf of pamphlets, one which gives really a -good historical view of our funding system, and of federal transactions -generally, from an early day to the present time. I salute you with -friendship and respect. - - -TO CHARLES THOMSON, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, December 25, 1808. - -I thank you, my dear and ancient friend, for the two volumes of your -translation, which you have been so kind as to send me. I have dipped into -it at the few moments of leisure which my vocations permit, and I perceive -that I shall use it with great satisfaction on my return home. I propose -there, among my first employments, to give to the Septuagint an attentive -perusal, and shall feel the aid you have now given me. I am full of plans -of employment when I get there,--they chiefly respect the active functions -of the body. To the mind I shall administer amusement chiefly. An only -daughter and numerous family of grandchildren, will furnish me great -resources of happiness. I learn with sincere pleasure that you have health -and activity enough to have performed the journey to and from Lancaster -without inconvenience. It has added another proof that you are not wearied -with well-doing. Although I have enjoyed as uniform health through life -as reason could desire, I have no expectation that, even if spared to -your age, I shall at that period be able to take such a journey. I am -already sensible of decay in the power of walking, and find my memory not -so faithful as it used to be. This may be partly owing to the incessant -current of new matter flowing constantly through it; but I ascribe to -years their share in it also. That you may be continued among us to the -period of your own wishes, and that it may be filled with continued health -and happiness, is the sincere prayer of your affectionate friend. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 27, 1808. - -The enclosed petition, from Deville, was handed me by Gen. Turreau. I told -him at once it was inadmissible; that days had been long ago announced, -after which no vessel would be permitted to depart; that in favor of -emigrants we had continued indulgences till very lately; but as there -must be an end to it, that time had come, and we had determined to give -no more permissions. They had had a complete year to depart, and had not -availed themselves of it. He appeared satisfied, and perhaps will himself -give the answer. However, an answer of the above purport may be given from -your office. I have referred the case of the British boats to the Attorney -General for his opinion. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO DOCTOR LOGAN. - - WASHINGTON, December 27, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 8th, by Mr. Cunow, was duly received, and I -now return you the letter it covered. Mr. Cunow's object was so perfectly -within our own views, that it was readily obtained, and I am in hopes -he has left us with a more correct opinion of the dispositions of the -administration than his fraternity has generally manifested. I have -within a few days had visits from the Pottowatamies, Miamis, Chippewas, -Delawares, and Cherokees, and there arrived some yesterday, of, I believe, -the Ottoways, Wiandots, and others of that neighborhood. Our endeavors are -to impress on them all profoundly, temperance, peace, and agriculture; and -I am persuaded they begin to feel profoundly the soundness of the advice. - -Congress seems as yet to have been able to make up no opinion. Some are -for taking off the embargo before they separate; others not till their -meeting next autumn; but both with a view to substitute war, if no change -takes place with the powers of Europe. A middle opinion is to have an -extra session in May, to come then to a final decision. I have thought -it right to take no part myself in proposing measures, the execution of -which will devolve on my successor. I am therefore chiefly an unmeddling -listener to what others say. On the same ground, I shall make no new -appointments which can be deferred till the 4th of March, thinking it fair -to leave to my successor to select the agents for his own administration. -As the moment of my retirement approaches, I become more anxious for its -arrival, and to begin at length to pass what yet remains to me of life -and health in the bosom of my family and neighbors, and in communication -with my friends, undisturbed by political concerns or passions. Permit me -to avail myself of this occasion to assure Mrs. Logan and yourself of my -continued friendship and attachment, and that I shall ever be pleased to -hear of your happiness and prosperity, saluting you both with affection -and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - December 28, 1808. - -I enclose you the petition of Jacob Smith of Newport, in the case -of the ship Triumph, which is a new case to me. Perhaps the practice -as to foreign ships arriving since the embargo laws, with which I am -unacquainted, may facilitate the solution. What should be done? - -_The Atalanta._ - -Is not the collector the person who is to search into the fact charged? I -do not know who it is that does this in case of seizure. However, I will -send the case to Mr. Smith. - -The petition of Manuel Valder for a vessel to carry off Spanish subjects, -is rejected. - -The cases from St. Mary are really embarrassing. I sent the papers to -Mr. Madison to ask his opinion. He had read only one when he called on -me this morning. He seemed strongly of opinion that it would be most -advisable to send some person to the Governor of East Florida, to enter -into some friendly arrangements with him. He has the papers still under -consideration; in the meantime we may consider as further means, how it -might do to destroy all boats and canoes on our side the river, paying -for them? To arrest impression, and bring to regular trial every negro -taken in the act of violating the laws? This for mere consideration. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO E. RANDOLPH, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, December 28, 1808. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday your favor of the 22d. It was the first -information I had had of the sentence against Moss, the district attorney -not having written to me as you supposed. I referred the case to the Post -Master General, who in his answer says, "His is not a single crime, but -a series of crimes, for months if not years. There were found upon him -between $1,300 and $1,500, which he had robbed in small sums." - -You are sensible that the Legislature having made stripes a regular part -of the punishment, that the pardoning them cannot be a thing of course, -as that would be to repeal the law, but that extraordinary and singular -considerations are necessary to entitle the criminal to that remission. -The information of the Post Master General marks such an habitual -depravity of mind, as leaves little room to suppose that any facts can -countervail it; and the robbery of the mail has now become so frequent -and great an evil, that the moment is unfavorable to propositions of -relaxation. Still I shall be ready to receive and consider any testimony -in his favor, which his friends may bring forward, and will do it on -whatever I may believe to have been the intention of the Legislature in -confiding the power of pardon to the executive. The opinion of the judges -who sat in the cause, I have ever required as indispensable to ground -a pardon. A copy of the judgment is also necessary. I have taken the -liberty of troubling you with these observations, because I have received -no application but your letter, and lest, on the contrary supposition, -his case might suffer for want of information. Accept my salutations and -assurances of friendly esteem and respect. - - -TO ----. - - WASHINGTON, December 31, 1808. - -SIR,--The General Government of the United States has considered it their -duty and interest to extend their care and patronage over the Indian -tribes within their limits, and to endeavor to render them friends, and -in time perhaps useful members of the nation. Perceiving the injurious -effects produced by their inordinate use of spirituous liquors, they -passed laws authorizing measures against the vending or distributing -such liquors among them. Their introduction by traders was accordingly -prohibited, and for some time was attended with the best effects. I am -informed, however, that latterly the Indians have got into the practice -of purchasing such liquors themselves in the neighboring settlements of -whites, and of carrying them into their towns, and that in this way our -regulations so salutary to them, are now defeated. I must, therefore, -request your Excellency to submit this matter to the consideration of your -legislature. I persuade myself that in addition to the moral inducements -which will readily occur, they will find it not indifferent to their -own interests to give us their aid in removing, for their neighbors, -this great obstacle to their acquiring industrious habits, and attaching -themselves to the regular and useful pursuits of life; for this purpose -it is much desired that they should pass effectual laws to restrain their -citizens from vending and distributing spirituous liquors to the Indians. -I pray your Excellency to accept the assurances of my great esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. HENRY GUEST. - - WASHINGTON, January 4, 1809. - -SIR,--A constant pressure of business must be my apology for being so late -in acknowledging the receipt of your favor of November 25th. I am sensible -of the kindness of your rebuke on my determination to retire from office -at a time when our country is laboring under difficulties truly great. -But if the principle of rotation be a sound one, as I conscientiously -believe it to be with respect to this office, no pretext should ever be -permitted to dispense with it, because there never will be a time when -real difficulties will not exist, and furnish a plausible pretext for -dispensation. You suppose I am "in the prime of life for rule." I am -sensible I am not; and before I am so far declined as to become insensible -of it, I think it right to put it out of my own power. I have the comfort -too of knowing that the person whom the public choice has designated to -receive the charge from me, is eminently qualified as a safe depository by -the endowments of integrity, understanding, and experience. On a review -therefore of the reasons for my retirement, I think you cannot fail to -approve them. - -Your proposition for preventing the effect of splinters in a naval action, -will certainly merit consideration and trial whenever our vessels shall -be called into serious service; till then the perishable nature of the -covering, would render it an unnecessary expense. I tender you my best -wishes for the continuance of your life and health, and salute you with -great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 9, 1809. - -I do not recollect the instructions to Governor Lewis respecting -squatters. But if he had any they were unquestionably to prohibit them -rigorously. I have no doubt, if he had not written instructions, that he -was verbally so instructed. Carr's story has very much the air of an idle -rumor, willingly listened to. It shows some germ of discontent existing. - - * * * * * - - -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. - - WASHINGTON, January 12, 1809. - -SIR,--I have read with pleasure the letter of Captain Davidson, by which, -according to unanimous resolves of the company of light infantry of the -first legion of the militia of Columbia commanded by him, he tenders their -services as volunteers under the Act of Congress of February 24th, 1807. -I accept the offer, and render to Captain Davidson and the other officers -and privates of the company, that praise to which their patriotism so -justly entitles them. So long urged by the aggressions of the belligerent -powers, and every measure of forbearance at length exhausted, our country -must see with sincere satisfaction the alacrity with which persons will -flock to her standard whenever her constituted authorities shall declare -that we take into our own hands the redress of our wrongs. Be so good as -to communicate in behalf of the public my thanks to Captain Davidson, the -other officers and privates of his company, and be assured yourself of my -affectionate respect. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - January 12, 1809. - -I suppose that in answering Governor Drayton we should compliment his -ardor, and smooth over our noncompliance with his request; that he might -be told that the President sees, in his present application, a proof -of his vigilance and zeal in whatever concerns the public safety, and -will count with the more confidence on his future attentions and energy -whenever circumstances shall call for them. That he considers that the -power entrusted to him for calling out the 100,000 militia, was meant to -be exercised only in the case of some great and general emergency, and by -no means to be employed merely as garrisons or guards in ordinary cases: -that there is no apprehension that England means either to declare or to -commence war on us at the present moment, and that if the declaration -shall be intended to originate with us, he may be assured of receiving -timely notice, with the powers and the means of placing everything in -safety before a state of actual danger commences; that nevertheless it is -of great urgency that the quota of his state be prepared with all possible -diligence, to be ready to march at a moment's warning, because by that -time it is very possible, and scarcely improbable, that their services may -have become actually requisite. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO DOCTOR EUSTIS. - - WASHINGTON, January 14, 1809. - -SIR,--I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of -December the 24th, and of the resolutions of the republican citizens -of Boston, of the 19th of that month. These are worthy of the ancient -character of the sons of Massachusetts, and of the spirit of concord -with her sister States, which, and which alone, carried us successfully -through the revolutionary war, and finally placed us under that national -government, which constitutes the safety of every part, by uniting for -its protection the powers of the whole. The moment for exerting these -united powers, to repel the injuries of the belligerents of Europe, -seems likely to be pressed upon us. They have interdicted our commerce -with nearly the whole world. They have declared it shall be carried on -with such places, in such articles, and in such measure only, as they -shall dictate; thus prostrating all the principles of right which have -hitherto protected it. After exhausting the cup of forbearance and -conciliation to its dregs, we found it necessary, on behalf of that -commerce, to take time to call it home into a state of safety, to put -the towns and harbors which carry it on into a condition of defence, and -to make further preparation for enforcing the redress of its wrongs, and -restoring it to its rightful freedom. This required a certain measure of -time, which, although not admitting specific limitation, must, from its -avowed objects, have been obvious to all; and the progress actually made -towards the accomplishment of these objects, proves it now to be near its -term. While thus endeavoring to secure, and preparing to vindicate that -commerce, the absurd opinion has been propagated, that this temporary and -necessary arrangement was to be a permanent system, and was intended for -its destruction. The sentiments expressed in the paper you were so kind as -to enclose to me, show that those who have concurred in them have judged -with more candor the intentions of their government, and are sufficiently -aware of the tendency of the excitements and misrepresentations which -have been practised on this occasion. And such, I am persuaded, will be -the disposition of the citizens of Massachusetts at large, whenever truth -can reach them. Associated with her sister States in a common government, -the fundamental principle of which is, that the will of the majority is -to prevail, sensible that, in the present difficulty, that will has been -governed by no local interests or jealousies, that, to save permanent -rights, temporary sacrifices were necessary, that these have fallen as -impartially on all, as in a situation so peculiar they could be made to -do, she will see in the existing measures a legitimate and honest exercise -of the will and wisdom of the whole. And her citizens, faithful to -themselves and their associates, will not, to avoid a transient pressure, -yield to the seductions of enemies to their independence, foreign or -domestic, and take a course equally subversive of their well-being, as of -that of their brethren. - -The approbation expressed by the republican citizens of the town of -Boston, of the course pursued by the national government, is truly -consoling to its members; and, encouraged by the declaration of the -continuance of their confidence, and by the assurance of their support, -they will continue to pursue the line of their high duties according to -the best of their understandings, and with undeviating regard to the good -of the whole. Permit me to avail myself of this occasion of tendering you -personally the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. THOMAS C. JAMES, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. - - WASHINGTON, January 14, 1809. - -SIR,-I have received your favor of the 6th inst., informing me that the -American Philosophical Society had been pleased, at their late election, -unanimously to re-elect me president of the society. In desiring, in my -letter to the vice-presidents, that I might be permitted to withdraw -from that honor, I acted from a conscientious persuasion that I was -keeping from that important station members whose position, as well as -qualifications, would enable them to render more effectual services to -the institution. But the society having thought proper again to name me, -I shall obey it with dutifulness, and be ever anxious to avail myself of -every occasion of being useful to them. I pray you to be so good as to -communicate my thanks to them, with assurances of my devotion to their -service, and to accept those of great esteem and respect for yourself -personally. - - -TO DOCTOR MAESE. - - WASHINGTON, January 15, 1809. - -SIR,-The constant pressure of such business as will admit no delay, has -prevented my sooner acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 2d, -and even now will confine me to the single question, for the answer to -which you wait, before you take any step towards bringing forward the -institution you propose for the advancement of the arts. That question is -whether Congress would grant a charter of incorporation, and a sum for -premiums annually? It has always been denied by the republican party in -this country, that the Constitution had given the power of incorporation -to Congress. On the establishment of the Bank of the United States, -this was the great ground on which that establishment was combatted; -and the party prevailing supported it only on the argument of its being -an incident to the power given them for raising money. On this ground -it has been acquiesced in, and will probably be again acquiesced in, as -subsequently confirmed by public opinion. But in no other instance have -they ever exercised this power of incorporation out of this district, of -which they are the ordinary legislature. - -It is still more settled that among the purposes to which the Constitution -permits them to apply money, the granting premiums or bounties is not -enumerated, and there has never been a single instance of their doing it, -although there has been a multiplicity of applications. The Constitution -has left these encouragements to the separate States. I have in two or -three messages recommended to Congress an amendment to the Constitution, -which should extend their power to these objects. But nothing is yet -done in it. I fear, therefore, that the institution you propose must rest -on the patronage of the State in which it is to be. I wish I could have -answered you more to my own mind; as well as yours; but truth is the first -object. I salute you with esteem and respect. - - -CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR, TO THE GOVERNORS,--PREPARED BY -THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - January 17, 1809. - -SIR,--The pressure of the embargo, although sensibly felt by every -description of our fellow citizens, has yet been cheerfully borne by -most of them, under the conviction that it was a temporary evil, and -a necessary one to save us from greater and more permanent evils,--the -loss of property and surrender of rights. But it would have been more -cheerfully borne, but for the knowledge that, while honest men were -religiously observing it, the unprincipled along our sea-coast and -frontiers were fraudulently evading it; and that in some parts they had -even dared to break through it openly, by an armed force too powerful to -be opposed by the collector and his assistants. To put an end to this -scandalous insubordination to the laws, the Legislature has authorized -the President to empower proper persons to employ militia, for preventing -or suppressing armed or riotous assemblages of persons resisting the -custom-house officers in the exercise of their duties, or opposing or -violating the embargo laws. He sincerely hopes that, during the short time -which these restrictions are expected to continue, no other instances -will take place of a crime of so deep a die. But it is made his duty to -take the measures necessary to meet it. He therefore requests you, as -commanding officer of the militia of your State, to appoint some officer -of the militia, of known respect for the laws, in or near to each port of -entry within your State, with orders, when applied to by the collector of -the district, to assemble immediately a sufficient force of his militia, -and to employ them efficaciously to maintain the authority of the laws -respecting the embargo, and that you notify to each collector the officer -to whom, by your appointment, he is so to apply for aid when necessary. He -has referred this appointment to your Excellency, because your knowledge -of characters, or means of obtaining it, will enable you to select one -who can be most confided in to exercise so serious a power, with all the -discretion, the forbearance, the kindness even, which the enforcement -of the law will possibly admit,--ever to bear in mind that the life of a -citizen is never to be endangered, but as the last melancholy effort for -the maintenance of order and obedience to the laws. - - -TO MR. BOYD. - - WASHINGTON, January 20, 1809. - -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Boyd, and observes that -the enclosed petition of Nicholas Kosieg, has been addressed to Judge -Cranch, and yet is not recommended by him or the other judges who sat -on the trial. They are so particularly qualified by having heard the -evidence, to decide on the merits of the petition, that Thomas Jefferson -has generally made the recommendation of judges the foundation of pardon, -and sees no reason in the present case to depart from that rule. He -assures Mr. Boyd of his esteem and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TYLER. - - WASHINGTON, January 20, 1809. - -SIR,--The Secretary at War has put into my hand your Excellency's letter -of January 9th, covering one of December 15th from Captain Henry St. -John Dixon, of the volunteer riflemen of the 105th regiment, offering the -service of his company for one year. The term for which the offer is made -shows it intended to be under the Act of Congress of February 24th, 1807, -and not under that of March 30th, 1805, which is only for a service of six -months under the law of 1807. The Governors were authorized and requested, -on behalf of the President, to accept the offers made under that act, -and to organize the corps when ready for it, officering it according to -the laws of their State. This authority was given to your predecessor, -and was considered as devolving on yourself. The authority and request -are now renewed to you, and the letter of Captain Dixon returned for that -purpose. To this I will add another request, that you will be so good as -to endeavor to have a return made to the War Office of all the corps of -twelve-month volunteers which have been accepted in Virginia. They began -immediately after the attack on the Chesapeake. I salute you with esteem -and respect. - - -TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS. - - WASHINGTON, January 20, 1809. - -SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of December 12th, -and to return you my thanks for the cloth furnished me. It came in good -time, and does honor to your manufactory, being as good as any one would -wish to wear in any country. Amidst the pressure of evils with which the -belligerent edicts have afflicted us, some permanent good will arise; the -spring given to manufactures will have durable effects. Knowing most of my -own State, I can affirm with confidence that were free intercourse opened -again to-morrow, she would never again import one-half of the coarse goods -which she has done down to the date of the edicts. These will be made in -our families. For finer goods we must resort to the larger manufactories -established in the towns. Some jealousy of this spirit of manufacture -seems excited among commercial men. It would have been as just when we -first began to make our own ploughs and hoes. They have certainly lost -the profit of bringing these from a foreign country. My idea is that we -should encourage home manufactures to the extent of our own consumption -of everything of which we raise the raw material. I do not think it fair -in the ship-owners to say we ought not to make our own axes, nails, &c., -here, that they may have the benefit of carrying the iron to Europe, -and bringing back the axes, nails, &c. Our agriculture will still afford -surplus produce enough to employ a due proportion of navigation. Wishing -every possible success to your undertaking, as well for your personal -as the public benefit. I salute you with assurances of great esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. LEIPER. - - WASHINGTON, January 21, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 15th was duly received, and before that, -Towers' book, which you had been so kind as to send me, had come to hand, -for which I pray you to receive my thanks. You judge rightly that _here_ -I have no time to read. A cursory view of the book shows me that the -author is a man of much learning in his line. I have heard of some other -late writer, (the name I forget,) who has undertaken to prove contrary -events from the same sources; and particularly that England is not to -be put down; and that this is the favorite author in that country. As to -myself, my religious reading has long been confined to the moral branch -of religion, which is the same in all religions; while in that branch -which consists of dogmas, all differ, all have a different set. The former -instructs us how to live well and worthily in society; the latter are made -to interest our minds in the support of the teachers who inculcate them. -Hence, for one sermon on a moral subject, you hear ten on the dogmas of -the sect. However, religion is not the subject for you and me; neither of -us know the religious opinions of the other; that is a matter between our -Maker and ourselves. We understand each other better in politics, to which -therefore I will proceed. The House of Representatives passed last night -a bill for the meeting of Congress on the 22d of May. This substantially -decides the course they mean to pursue; that is, to let the embargo -continue till then, when it will cease, and letters of marque and reprisal -be issued against such nations as shall not then have repealed their -obnoxious edicts. The great majority seem to have made up their minds -on this, while there is considerable diversity of opinion on the details -of preparation; to wit: naval force, volunteers, army, non-intercourse, -&c. I write freely to you, because I know that in stating facts, you -will not quote names. You know that every syllable uttered in my name -becomes a text for the federalists to torment the public mind on by their -paraphrases and perversions. I have lately inculcated the encouragement -of manufactures to the extent of our own consumption at least, in all -articles of which we raise the raw material. On this the federal papers -and meetings have sounded the alarm of Chinese policy, destruction of -commerce, &c.; that is to say, the iron which we make must not be wrought -here into ploughs, axes, hoes, &c., in order that the ship-owner may -have the profit of carrying it to Europe, and bringing it back in a -manufactured form, as if after manufacturing our own raw materials for -own use, there would not be a surplus produce sufficient to employ a due -proportion of navigation in carrying it to market and exchanging it for -those articles of which we have not the raw material. Yet this absurd hue -and cry has contributed much to federalize New England, their doctrine -goes to the sacrificing agriculture and manufactures to commerce; to the -calling all our people from the interior country to the sea-shore to turn -merchants, and to convert this great agricultural country into a city -of Amsterdam. But I trust the good sense of our country will see that -its greatest prosperity depends on a due balance between agriculture, -manufactures and commerce, and not in this protuberant navigation which -has kept us in hot water from the commencement of our government, and -is now engaging us in war. That this may be avoided, if it can be done -without a surrender of rights, is my sincere prayer. Accept the assurances -of my constant esteem and respect. - - -TO COLONEL CHARLES SIMMS, COLLECTOR. - - WASHINGTON, January 22, 1809. - -SIR,--I received last night your letter of yesterday, and this being a -day in which all the offices are shut, and the case admitting no delay, I -enclose you a special order, directly from myself, to apply for aid of the -militia adjacent to the vessel, to enable you to do your duty as to the -sloop loading with flour. But I must desire that, so far as the agency of -the militia be employed, it may be with the utmost discretion, and with no -act of force beyond what shall be necessary to maintain obedience to the -laws, using neither deeds nor words unnecessarily offensive. I salute you -with respect. - -[_The Order enclosed._] - -THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. - - January, 1809. - -UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO WIT,--Information being received that a sloop, -said to be of one of the eastern States, of about 1,500 barrels burthen, -is taking in flour in the Bay of Occoquan in Virginia, with intention -to violate the several embargo laws, and the urgency of the case not -admitting the delay of the ordinary course of proceeding through the -orders of the Governors of the States, I have therefore thought proper -to issue these my special orders to the militia officers of the counties -of Fairfax, Prince William, or of any other county of Virginia, or of -Maryland, adjacent to the river Potomak or any of its waters, wherein the -said vessel may be found, and to such particular officer especially to -whom these my orders shall be presented by any collector of the customs, -for any district on the said river or its waters, or by any person acting -under their authority, forthwith on receiving notice, to call out such -portion of the militia under his or their command as shall be sufficient, -and to proceed with the same, in aid of the said collector, to take -possession of the said sloop and her cargo, wheresoever found in the said -waters, and to detain the same until she shall be liberated according to -law, for which this shall be his and their warrant. - -Given under my hand at Washington, this 22d day of January, 1809. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, January 28, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 18th was received in due time, and the answer -has been delayed as well by a pressure of business, as by the expectation -of your absence from Richmond. - -The idea of sending a special mission to France or England is not -entertained at all here. After so little attention to us from the former, -and so insulting an answer from Canning, such a mark of respect as an -extraordinary mission, would be a degradation against which all minds -revolt here. The idea was hazarded in the House of Representatives a -few days ago, by a member, and an approbation expressed by another, but -rejected indignantly by every other person who spoke, and very generally -in conversation by all others; and I am satisfied such a proposition -would get no vote in the Senate. The course the Legislature means to -pursue, may be inferred from the act now passed for a meeting in May, and -a proposition before them for repealing the embargo in June, and then -resuming and maintaining by force our right of navigation. There will -be considerable opposition to this last proposition, not only from the -federalists, old and new, who oppose everything, but from sound members -of the majority. Yet it is believed it will obtain a good majority, and -that it is the only proposition which can be devised that could obtain -a majority of any kind. Final propositions will, therefore, be soon -despatched to both the belligerents through the resident ministers, so -that their answers will be received before the meeting in May, and will -decide what is to be done. This last trial for peace is not thought -desperate. If, as is expected, Bonaparte should be successful in Spain, -however every virtuous and liberal sentiment revolts at it, it may induce -both powers to be more accommodating with us. England will see here the -only asylum for her commerce and manufactures, worth more to her than her -orders of council. And Bonaparte, having Spain at his feet, will look -immediately to the Spanish colonies, and think our neutrality cheaply -purchased by a repeal of the illegal parts of his decrees, with perhaps -the Floridas thrown into the bargain. Should a change in the aspect of -affairs in Europe produce this disposition in both powers, our peace and -prosperity may be revived and long continue. Otherwise, we must again take -the tented field, as we did in 1776 under more inauspicious circumstances. - -There never has been a situation of the world before, in which such -endeavors as we have made would not have secured our peace. It is probable -there never will be such another. If we go to war now, I fear we may -renounce forever the hope of seeing an end of our national debt. If we can -keep at peace eight years longer, our income, liberated from death, will -be adequate to any war, without new taxes or loans, and our position and -increasing strength put us _hors d'insulte_ from any nation. I am now so -near the moment of retiring, that I take no part in affairs beyond the -expression of an opinion. I think it fair that my successor should now -originate those measures of which he will be charged with the execution -and responsibility, and that it is my duty to clothe them with the forms -of authority. Five weeks more will relieve me from a drudgery to which I -am no longer equal, and restore me to a scene of tranquillity, amidst my -family and friends, more congenial to my age and natural inclinations. -In that situation, it will always be a pleasure to me to see you, and to -repeat to you the assurances of my constant friendship and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEVIER. - - WASHINGTON, January 31, 1809. - -SIR,--The extraordinary and critical situation of our foreign relations -rendering it necessary, in the opinion of the National Legislature, that -their next recess should be short, they have passed an act for meeting on -the fourth Monday of May, of which I enclose you a copy. As the election -of representatives for the State of Tennessee would not, in the ordinary -course, be in time for this meeting, I have thought it my duty to make -you a special communication of this law. That every State should be -represented in the great council of the nation, is not only the interest -of each, but of the whole united, who have a right to be aided by the -collective wisdom and information of the whole, in questions which are to -decide on their future well-being. I trust that your Excellency will deem -it incumbent on you to call an immediate meeting of your legislature, in -order to put it in their power to fulfil this high duty, by making special -and timely provision for the representation of their State at the ensuing -meeting of Congress; to which measures I am bound earnestly to exhort -yourself and them. I am not insensible of the personal inconvenience of -this special call to the members composing the legislature of so extensive -a State; but neither will I do them the injustice to doubt their being -ready to make much greater sacrifices for the common safety, should -the course of events still lead to a call for them. I tender to your -Excellency the assurances of my high respect and consideration. - - -TO M. AMELOT DE LA CROIX, BOSTON. - - WASHINGTON, February 3, 1809. - -SIR,--I received in due time your favor of December 28th, covering -the tragedy of the unfortunate Louis XVI., and I am sure you are too -reasonable not to have ascribed the delay of answer which has intervened, -to its true cause, the never-ceasing pressure of business which cannot -be deferred. I have read the piece with great satisfaction. I recognize -in Louis that purity of virtue and sincere patriotism which I knew made a -part of his real character. The sound good sense and exalted sentiments he -is made to utter, were proper to his character, whether actually a part of -it or not. I say nothing of style, not doubting its merit, and conscious -I am no judge of it in a foreign language. I believe it impossible, in -any but our native tongue, to be so thoroughly sensible of the delicacy of -style, which constitutes an essential merit in poetical composition, as to -criticise them with correctness. - -I wish that, in the prefatory piece, the character which is the subject -of it, did not fall still further short of its representation than that of -the principal personage in the main piece. I have never claimed any other -merit than of good intentions, sensible that in the choice of measures, -error of judgment has too often had its influence; and with whatever -indulgence my countrymen as well as yourself, have been so kind as to -view my course, yet they would certainly not know me in the picture here -drawn, and would, I fear, say in the words of the poet, "Praise undeserved -is satire in disguise." Were, therefore, the piece to be prepared for the -press, I should certainly entreat you to revise that part with a severe -eye. - -I believe I mentioned to you, on a former occasion, that the late act of -Congress for raising additional troops required that the officers should -all be citizens of the United States. Should there be war, however, I am -persuaded this policy must be abandoned, and that we must avail ourselves -of the experience of other nations, in certain lines of service at least. -In that expectation I shall leave with my successor the papers in my -possession, from which he may be sensible of the benefits he may receive -from your aid. - -I pray you to accept my salutations and assurances of respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON. - - WASHINGTON, February 3d, 1809. - -SIR,--Your letter of January 7th came to my hand on the 23d only of that -month, since which the pressure of business which could not be delayed, -has prevented my sooner acknowledging its receipt. The offer of service -therein made by the subscribing members of the troop of cavalry, attached -to the 57th regiment of Virginia militia under your command, is worthy of -that ardent love of our country which, I am persuaded, will distinguish -its citizens, whenever its wrongs shall call them to the field. I tender, -therefore, to the subscribing officers and members of the troop that -acknowledgment of their merit which is so justly due. At the same time, -I must observe that, considering their offer of service as made under the -law of 1808, the power of accepting it is thereby given to the governor of -the State, to whom their address for acceptance is of course to be made. -A bill for raising a body of volunteers is now on its progress through -Congress. Should that be passed, which will soon be known, it may perhaps -be more eligible for the subscribing members to place themselves under the -conditions of that law. I pray you to accept, for them and yourself, the -assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON. - - WASHINGTON, February 3d, 1809. - -SIR,--I enclose you a letter in answer to that in which you offer the -services of the subscribing members of your troop of cavalry. I make this -separate and private answer to the very friendly letter addressed to me in -your own name only, and which accompanied the former. The relation which -you bear to my most valued and worthy friend Stevens T. Mason, gives you -a just title to communicate your wishes to me, and will insure to you any -services I can render you. The time of my continuance in office is now -so short, that it will scarcely fall to my lot to be useful to you, but -I shall leave your letter in the hands of my successor, than whom nobody -cherishes more the memory of your father. If the bill mentioned in my -other letter passes, there will be little difficulty in your obtaining -appointment. The engagements that proposes are to be for one year from the -time the volunteers are called on, which will not be till war is declared, -or inevitable, and from that corps a transfer will be easy into the -regular troops, which in that case will be to be raised. - -I am happy in every testimony from my fellow citizens, that my conduct in -the discharge of my duties to them, has given them satisfaction. Accept my -thanks for the very kind terms in which you have been pleased to express -your dispositions towards myself, and with a request that you will be -so good as to present my high respects to Mrs. Mason, with whom I have -had the happiness of some acquaintance, I salute you with friendship and -esteem. - - -TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. - - WASHINGTON, February 7, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing -their embargo till June, and then war. But a sudden and unaccountable -revolution of opinion took place the last week, chiefly among the New -England and New York members, and in a kind of panic they voted the 4th -of March for removing the embargo, and by such a majority as gave all -reason to believe they would not agree either to war or non-intercourse. -This, too, was after we had become satisfied that the Essex Junto had -found their expectation desperate, of inducing the people there to -either separation or forcible opposition. The majority of Congress, -however, has now rallied to the removing the embargo on the 4th of March, -non-intercourse with _France_ and _Great Britain_, trade everywhere else, -and continuing war preparations. The further details are not yet settled, -but I believe it is perfectly certain that the embargo will be taken off -the 4th of March. Present my warmest affections to my dearest Martha, and -the young ones, and accept the assurances of them to yourself. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TYLER. - - WASHINGTON, February 16, 1809. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 11th, covering resolutions of -the General Assembly of Virginia on our foreign relations, and an address -to myself, on my approaching retirement; and I ask leave, through the same -channel, to return the enclosed answer. Nothing can give me more sincere -satisfaction than this kind and honorable testimony from the General -Assembly of my native State,--a State in which I have drawn my first and -shall draw my latest breath, and to which I retire with inexpressible -pleasure. I am equally sensible of your goodness, in the approving terms -in which you have made this communication. The concurrence of a veteran -patriot, who from the first dawn of the revolution to this day has pursued -unchangeably the same honest course, cannot but be flattering to his -fellow laborers. I pray you to accept the assurances of my sincere esteem -and respect. - - -TO MR. STODDART. - - WASHINGTON, February 18, 1809. - -SIR,--Your favor of January 25th had been duly received, and I was waiting -in the hope I might find a moment of less pressure in which I might answer -it somewhat in detail, when that of the 14th inst. came to hand. Finding -that, instead of any relaxation of business, it crowds more on me as I -approach my departure, I can only indulge myself in a very brief reply. As -to the rights of the United States as a neutral power, our opinions are -very different, mine being that when two nations go to war, it does not -abridge the rights of neutral nations but in the two articles of blockade -and contraband of war. But on this subject we have both probably read and -thought so much as to have made up our minds, and it is not likely that -either can make a convert of the other. With respect to the interests of -the United States in this exuberant commerce which is now bringing war on -us, we concur perfectly. It brings us into collision with other powers in -every sea, and will force us into every war of the European powers. The -converting this great agricultural country into a city of Amsterdam,--a -mere head-quarters for carrying on the commerce of all nations with -one another, is too absurd. Yet this is the real object of the drawback -system,--it enriches a few individuals, but lessens the stock of native -productions, by withdrawing from them all the hands thus employed; it is -essentially interesting to us to have shipping and seamen enough to carry -our surplus produce to market; but beyond that, I do not think we are -bound to give it encouragement by drawbacks or other premiums. I wish you -may be right in supposing that the trading States would now be willing -to give up the drawbacks, and to denationalize all ships taking foreign -articles on board for any other destination than the United States, on -being secured by discriminating duties, or otherwise in the exclusive -carryage of the produce of the United States. I should doubt it. Were such -a proposition to come _from them_, I presume it would meet with little -difficulty. Otherwise, I suppose it must wait till peace, when the right -of drawback will be less valued than the exclusive carryage of our own -produce. - -No apology was necessary for the letters you were so kind as to write me -on this subject. I have always received with thankfulness the ideas of -judicious persons on subjects interesting to the public. In the present -case, I thought I should better fulfil your objects by communicating your -letters to my successor, to whose views I have thought it my duty to give -the lead, ever since his designation, as to all matters which he would -have to execute. Nothing will probably be done on this subject in the -few days between this and my retirement; and in that situation I shall -certainly divorce myself from all part in political affairs. To get rid -of them is the principal object of my retirement, and the first thing -necessary to the happiness which, you justly observe, it is in vain to -look for in any other situation. I pray you to accept my salutations, and -assurances of respect. - - -TO JOHN HOLLINS. - - WASHINGTON, February 19, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--A little transaction of mine, as innocent a one as I ever -entered into, and where an improper construction was never less expected, -is making some noise, I observe, in your city. I beg leave to explain -it to you, because I mean to ask your agency in it. The last year, the -Agricultural Society of Paris, of which I am a member, having had a plough -presented to them, which, on trial with a graduated instrument, did equal -work with half the force of their best ploughs, they thought it would -be a benefit to mankind to communicate it. They accordingly sent one to -me, with a view to its being made known here, and they sent one to the -Duke of Bedford also, who is one of their members, to be made use of for -England, although the two nations were then at war. By the Mentor, now -going to France, I have given permission to two individuals in Delaware -and New York, to import two parcels of Merino sheep from France, which -they have procured there, and to some gentlemen in Boston, to import a -very valuable machine which spins cotton, wool, and flax equally. The last -spring, the Society informed me they were cultivating the cotton of the -Levant and other parts of the Mediterranean, and wished to try also that -of our southern States. I immediately got a friend to have two tierces -of seed forwarded to me. They were consigned to Messrs. Falls and Brown -of Baltimore, and notice of it being given me, I immediately wrote to -them to re-ship them to New York, to be sent by the Mentor. Their first -object was to make a show of my letter, as something very criminal, and -to carry the subject into the newspapers. I had, on a like request, some -time ago, (but before the embargo,) from the President of the Board of -Agriculture of London, of which I am also a member, to send them some of -the genuine May wheat of Virginia, forwarded to them two or three barrels -of it. General Washington, in his time, received from the same Society -the seed of the perennial succory, which Arthur Young had carried over -from France to England, and I have since received from a member of it the -seed of the famous turnip of Sweden, now so well known here. I mention -these things, to show the nature of the correspondence which is carried on -between societies instituted for the benevolent purpose of communicating -to all parts of the world whatever useful is discovered in any one of -them. These societies are always in peace, however their nations may be at -war. Like the republic of letters, they form a great fraternity spreading -over the whole earth, and their correspondence is never interrupted by -any civilized nation. Vaccination has been a late and remarkable instance -of the liberal diffusion of a blessing newly discovered. It is really -painful, it is mortifying, to be obliged to note these things, which are -known to every one who knows anything, and felt with approbation by every -one who has any feeling. But we have a faction, to whose hostile passions -the torture even of right into wrong is a delicious gratification. Their -malice I have long learned to disregard, their censure to deem praise. -But I observe that some republicans are not satisfied (even while we are -receiving liberally from others) that this small return should be made. -They will think more justly at another day; but, in the meantime, I wish -to avoid offence. My prayer to you, therefore, is, that you will be so -good, under the enclosed order, as to receive these two tierces of seed -from Falls and Brown, and pay them their disbursements for freight, &c., -which I will immediately remit you on knowing the amount. Of the seed, -when received, be so good as to make manure for your garden. When rotted -with a due mixture of stable manure or earth, it is the best in the world. -I rely on your friendship to excuse this trouble, it being necessary I -should not commit myself again to persons of whose honor, or the want of -it, I know nothing. - -Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect. - - -TO M. GREGOIRE, EVEQUE ET SENATEUR A PARIS. - - WASHINGTON, February 25, 1809. - -SIR,--I have received the favor of your letter of August 17th, and with it -the volume you were so kind as to send me on the "Literature of Negroes." -Be assured that no person living wishes more sincerely than I do, to -see a complete refutation of the doubts I have myself entertained and -expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to them by nature, and -to find that in this respect they are on a par with ourselves. My doubts -were the result of personal observation on the limited sphere of my own -State, where the opportunities for the development of their genius were -not favorable, and those of exercising it still less so. I expressed them -therefore with great hesitation; but whatever be their degree of talent -it is no measure of their rights. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior -to others in understanding, he was not therefore lord of the person or -property of others. On this subject they are gaining daily in the opinions -of nations, and hopeful advances are making towards their re-establishment -on an equal footing with the other colors of the human family. I pray you -therefore to accept my thanks for the many instances you have enabled me -to observe of respectable intelligence in that race of men, which cannot -fail to have effect in hastening the day of their relief; and to be -assured of the sentiments of high and just esteem and consideration which -I tender to yourself with all sincerity. - - -TO M. RUELLE, ANCIEN AGENT DIPLOMATIQUE, RUE D'ARGENTINE, NO. 38, A PARIS. - - WASHINGTON, February 25, 1809. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favors of May 29th and July 11th, and -with this last a copy of your Constitution with the new augmentations. Our -usages not permitting me to present it formally to the Legislature of the -nation, I have deposited it in their library, where all its members will -have an opportunity of profiting of its truths, and it will be, as you -desire, in a depôt beyond the reach of violence. No interests are dearer -to men than those which ought to be secured to them by their form of -government, and none deserve better of them than those who contribute to -the amelioration of that form. The consciousness of having deserved well -of mankind for your endeavors to be useful to them in this line, will be -itself a high reward, to which will be added the homage of those who shall -have reaped the benefits of them. I ask permission on my part to tender -you the assurances of my esteem and great respect. - - -TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. - - WASHINGTON, February 28, 1809. - -MY DEAR SIR,--By yesterday's mail I learn that it would be the desire -of many of the good citizens of our country to meet me on the road on -my return home, as a manifestation of their good will. But it is quite -impossible for me to ascertain the day on which I shall leave this. The -accumulated business at the close of a session will prevent my making any -preparation for my departure till after the 4th of March. After that, the -arrangement of papers and business to be delivered over to my successor, -the winding up my own affairs, and clearing out from this place, will -employ me for several days, (I cannot conjecture even how many,) so as to -render the commencement, and consequently the termination of my journey, -altogether uncertain. But it is a sufficient happiness to me to know -that my fellow-citizens of the country generally entertain for me the -kind sentiments which have prompted this proposition, without giving to -so many the trouble of leaving their homes to meet a single individual. -I shall have opportunities of taking them individually by the hand at -our court-house and other public places, and of exchanging assurances of -mutual esteem. Certainly it is the greatest consolation to me to know, -that in returning to the bosom of my native country, I shall be again -in the midst of their kind affections: and I can say with truth that my -return to them will make me happier than I have been since I left them. -Nothing will be wanting on my part to merit the continuance of their -good will. The House of Representatives passed yesterday, by a vote -of 81 to 40, the bill from the Senate repealing the embargo the 4th of -March, except against Great Britain and France and their dependencies, -establishing a non-intercourse with them, and having struck out the -clause for letters of marque and reprisal, which it is thought the Senate -will still endeavor to reinstate. I send you a paper containing the last -Spanish news. Yours affectionately. - - -TO MESSRS. GREGG AND LEIB, SENATORS OF PENNSYLVANIA.--MR. SMILIE. - - WASHINGTON, March 2, 1809. - -GENTLEMEN,--I have just received the enclosed with a request that I would -lay it before both Houses of Congress. But I have never presumed to place -myself between the Legislative Houses and those who have a constitutional -right to address them directly. I take the liberty therefore of enclosing -the paper to you, that you may do therein what in your judgment shall best -comport with expediency and propriety. - -I pray you to be assured of my high consideration. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - WASHINGTON, March 2, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of May 2d; since which I have received yours -of May the 25th, June the 1st, July the 23d, 24th, and September the 5th, -and distributed the two pamphlets according to your desire. They are read -with the delight which everything from your pen gives. - -After using every effort which could prevent or delay our being entangled -in the war of Europe, that seems now our only resource. The edicts of -the two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean, we met by an -embargo. This gave us time to call home our seamen, ships and property, -to levy men and put our seaports into a certain state of defence. We have -now taken off the embargo, except as to France and England and their -territories, because fifty millions of exports, annually sacrificed, -are the treble of what war would cost us; besides, that by war we -should take something, and lose less than at present. But to give you -a true description of the state of things here, I must refer you to Mr. -Coles, the bearer of this, my secretary, a most worthy, intelligent and -well-informed young man, whom I recommend to your notice, and conversation -on our affairs. His discretion and fidelity may be relied on. I expect -he will find you with Spain at your feet, but England still afloat, and a -barrier to the Spanish colonies. But all these concerns I am now leaving -to be settled by my friend Mr. Madison. Within a few days I retire to my -family, my books and farms; and having gained the harbor myself, I shall -look on my friends still buffeting the storm with anxiety indeed, but -not with envy. Never did a prisoner, released from his chains, feel such -relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended -me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme -delight. But the enormities of the times in which I have lived, have -forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the -boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank God for the opportunity -of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most -consoling proofs of public approbation. I leave everything in the hands -of men so able to take care of them, that if we are destined to meet -misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them. Should -you return to the United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you to -visit the hermit of Monticello. He will receive you with affection and -delight; hailing you in the meantime with his affectionate salutations and -assurances of constant esteem and respect. - -P. S. If you return to us, bring a couple of pair of true-bred shepherd's -dogs. You will add a valuable possession to a country now beginning to pay -great attention to the raising sheep. - - -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. - - WASHINGTON, March 5, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--This will be handed you by Mr. Coles, the bearer of public -despatches, by an _aviso_. He has lived with me as Secretary, is my -wealthy neighbor at Monticello, and worthy of all confidence. His intimate -knowledge of our situation has induced us to send him, because he will -be a full supplement as to all those things which cannot be detailed in -writing. He can possess you of our present situation much more intimately -than you can understand it from letters. The belligerent edicts rendered -our embargo necessary to call home our ships, our seamen, and property. -We expected some effect too from the coercion of interest. Some it has -had; but much less on account of evasions, and domestic opposition to it. -After fifteen months' continuance it is now discontinued, because, losing -$50,000,000 of exports annually by it, it costs more than war, which might -be carried on for a third of that, besides what might be got by reprisal. -War therefore must follow if the edicts are not repealed before the -meeting of Congress in May. You have thought it advisable sooner to take -possession of adjacent territories. But we know that they are ours the -first moment that any war is forced upon us for other causes, that we are -at hand to anticipate their possession, if attempted by any other power, -and, in the meantime, we are lengthening the term of our prosperity, -liberating our revenues, and increasing our power. I suppose Napoleon will -get possession of Spain; but her colonies will deliver themselves to any -member of the Bourbon family. Perhaps Mexico will choose its sovereign -within itself. He will find them much more difficult to subdue than -Austria or Prussia; because an enemy (even in peace an enemy) possesses -the element over which he is to pass to get at them; and a more powerful -enemy (climate) will soon mow down his armies after arrival. This will -be, without any doubt, the most difficult enterprise the emperor has ever -undertaken. He may subdue the small colonies; he never can the old and -strong; and the former will break off from him the first war he has again -with a naval power. - -I thank you for having procured for me the Dynamometer which I have safely -received, as well as the plough. Mr. Coles will reimburse what you were -so kind as to advance for me on that account. The letters which will be -written you by the new Secretary of State (Mr. Smith) will say to you what -is meant to be official. For although I too have written on politics, -it is merely as a private individual, which I am now happily become. -Within two or three days I retire from scenes of difficulty, anxiety, and -of contending passions, to the elysium of domestic affections, and the -irresponsible direction of my own affairs. Safe in port myself, I shall -look anxiously at my friends still buffeting the storm, and wish you all -safe in port also. With my prayers for your happiness and prosperity, -accept the assurances of my sincere friendship and great respect. - - -TO M. LE BARON HUMBOLDT. - - WASHINGTON, March 6, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I received safely your letter of May 30th, and with it your -astronomical work and Political essay on the kingdom of New Spain, for -which I return you my sincere thanks. I had before heard that this work -had begun to appear, and the specimen I have received proves that it will -not disappoint the expectations of the learned. Besides making known to -us one of the most singular and interesting countries on the globe, one -almost locked up from the knowledge of man hitherto, precious additions -will be made to our stock of physical science, in many of its parts. We -shall bear to you therefore the honorable testimony that you have deserved -well of the republic of letters. - -You mention that you had before written other letters to me. Be assured -I have never received a single one, or I should not have failed to make -my acknowledgments of it. Indeed I have not waited for that, but for the -certain information, which I had not, of the place where you might be. -Your letter of May 30th first gave me that information. You have wisely -located yourself in the focus of the science of Europe. I am held by the -cords of love to my family and country, or I should certainly join you. -Within a few days I shall now bury myself in the groves of Monticello, -and become a mere spectator of the passing events. On politics I will -say nothing, because I would not implicate you by addressing to you the -republican ideas of America, deemed horrible heresies by the royalism -of Europe. You will know before this reaches you, that Mr. Madison is my -successor. This ensures to us a wise and honest administration. I salute -you with sincere friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. SHORT. - - WASHINGTON, March 8, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--It is with much concern I inform you that the Senate has -negatived your appointment. We thought it best to keep back the nomination -to the close of the session, that the mission might remain secret as long -as possible, which you know was our purpose from the beginning. It was -then sent in with an explanation of its object and motives. We took for -granted, if any hesitation should arise, that the Senate would take time, -and that our friends in that body would make inquiries of us, and give us -the opportunity of explaining and removing objections. But to our great -surprise, and with an unexampled precipitancy, they rejected it at once. -This reception of the last of my official communications to them, could -not be unfelt, nor were the causes of it spoken out by them. Under this -uncertainty, Mr. Madison, on his entering into office, proposed another -person, (John Q. Adams.) He also was negatived, and they adjourned _sine -die_. Our subsequent information was that, on your nomination, your -long absence from this country, and their idea that you do not intend to -return to it, had very sensible weight; but that all other motives were -superseded by an unwillingness to extend our diplomatic connections, and -a desire even to recall the foreign ministers we already have. All were -sensible of the great virtues, the high character, the powerful influence, -and valuable friendship of the emperor. But riveted to the system of -unentanglement with Europe, they declined the proposition. On this subject -you will receive the official explanations from Mr. Smith, the Secretary -of State. I pray you to place me _rectus in curiâ_ in this business -with the emperor, and to assure him that I carry into my retirement the -highest veneration for his virtues, and fondly cherish the belief that his -dispositions and power are destined by heaven to better, in some degree at -least, the condition of oppressed man. - -I have nothing new to inform you as to your private friends or -acquaintances. Our embargo has worked hard. It has in fact federalized -three of the New England States. Connecticut you know was so before. We -have substituted for it a non-intercourse with France and England and -their dependencies, and a trade to all other places. It is probable the -belligerents will take our vessels under their edicts, in which case we -shall probably declare war against them. - -I write this in the midst of packing and preparing for my departure, -of visits of leave, and interruptions of every kind. I must therefore -conclude with my affectionate adieu to you, and assurances of my constant -attachment and respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT. - - MONTICELLO, March 17, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--On opening my letters from France, in the moment of my -departure from Washington, I found from their signatures that they were -from literary characters, except one from Mr. Short, which mentioned in -the outset that it was private, and that his public communications were in -the letter to the Secretary of State, which I sent you. I find, however, -on reading his letter to me (which I did not do till I got home) a -passage of some length proper to be communicated to you, and which I have -therefore extracted. - -I had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads excessively bad, -although I have seen them worse. The last three days I found it better -to be on horseback, and travelled eight hours through as disagreeable a -snow storm as I was ever in. Feeling no inconvenience from the expedition -but fatigue, I have more confidence in my _vis vitæ_, than I had before -entertained. The spring is remarkably backward. No oats sown, not -much tobacco seed, and little done in the gardens. Wheat has suffered -considerably. No vegetation visible yet but the red maple, weeping willow -and lilac. Flour is said to be at eight dollars at Richmond, and all -produce is hurrying down. - -I feel great anxiety for the occurrences of the ensuing four or five -months. If peace can be preserved, I hope and trust you will have a smooth -administration. I know no government which would be so embarrassing in -war as ours. This would proceed very much from the lying and licentious -character of our papers; but much, also, from the wonderful credulity of -the members of Congress in the floating lies of the day. And in this no -experience seems to correct them. I have never seen a Congress during -the last eight years, a great majority of which I would not implicitly -have relied on in any question, could their minds have been purged of all -errors of fact. The evil, too, increases greatly with the protraction of -the session, and I apprehend, in case of war, their session would have a -tendency to become permanent. It is much, therefore, to be desired that -war may be avoided, if circumstances will admit. Nor in the present maniac -state of Europe, should I estimate the point of honor by the ordinary -scale. I believe we shall, on the contrary, have credit with the world, -for having made the avoidance of being engaged in the present unexampled -war, our first object. War, however, may become a less losing business -than unresisted depredation. With every wish that events may be propitious -to your administration, I salute you with sincere affection and every -sympathy of the heart. - - -TO WILLIAM M'ANDLESS, ESQ., PITTSBURG. - - MONTICELLO, March 29, 1809. - -SIR,--I received on the evening of the 1st of March the resolutions -enclosed in your letter of February 20th, for the purpose of being laid -before both Houses of Congress. Usage, and perhaps sound principle, not -permitting the President to place himself between the representatives -and their constituents, who have a right to address their Legislature -directly, I delivered the next day a copy of your resolutions to a member -of Pennsylvania in each House of Congress. But as that body was to rise -on the day ensuing that, the mass of indispensable business crowding on -the last moments of the Session scarcely admitted the opportunity of a -compliance with your wishes. - -I avail myself of this occasion of returning sincere thanks for the -kind dispositions towards myself expressed in your letter, and for -the sentiments which it conveys, of approbation of my conduct in the -administration of the public affairs. If that conduct has met the general -approbation of my country, it is the highest reward I can receive; and I -shall ever feel towards them that gratitude which the confidence they have -favored me with so eminently calls for. Accept for yourself the assurances -of my high respect. - - -TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA. - - April 3, 1809. - -Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to the society -of those with whom I was raised, and who have been ever dear to me, I -receive, fellow citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure, the -cordial welcome you are so good as to give me. Long absent on duties which -the history of a wonderful era made incumbent on those called to them, -the pomp, the turmoil, the bustle and splendor of office, have drawn but -deeper sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of private -life, for the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse with you, my -neighbors and friends, and the endearments of family love, which nature -has given us all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I gladly lay -down the distressing burthen of power, and seek, with my fellow citizens, -repose and safety under the watchful cares, the labors and perplexities -of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you express to administer to my -happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness; and the measure will -be complete, if my endeavors to fulfil my duties in the several public -stations to which I have been called, have obtained for me the approbation -of my country. The part which I have acted on the theatre of public life, -has been before them; and to their sentence I submit it; but the testimony -of my native county, of the individuals who have known me in private life, -to my conduct in its various duties and relations, is the more grateful, -as proceeding from eye witnesses and observers, from triers of the -vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I may ask, in the face of the world, -"whose ox have I taken, or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed, -or of whose hand have I received a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?" On -your verdict I rest with conscious security. Your wishes for my happiness -are received with just sensibility, and I offer sincere prayers for your -own welfare and prosperity. - - -TO GOVERNOR JAMES JAY. - - MONTICELLO, April 7, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of February 27th came to hand on the 3d of March. -The occupations of the moment and of those which have followed must be my -apology for this late acknowledgment. The plan of civilizing the Indians -is undoubtedly a great improvement on the ancient and totally ineffectual -one of beginning with religious missionaries. Our experience has shown -that this must be the last step of the process. The following is what -has been successful: 1st, to raise cattle, &c., and thereby acquire a -knowledge of the value of property; 2d, arithmetic, to calculate that -value; 3d, writing, to keep accounts, and here they begin to enclose -farms, and the men to labor, the women to spin and weave; 4th, to read -"Æsop's Fables" and "Robinson Crusoe" are their first delight. The Creeks -and Cherokees are advanced thus far, and the Cherokees are now instituting -a regular government. - -An equilibrium of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, is certainly -become essential to our independence. Manufactures, sufficient for our own -consumption, of what we raise the raw material, (and no more.) Commerce -sufficient to carry the surplus produce of agriculture, beyond our own -consumption, to a market for exchanging it for articles we cannot raise, -(and no more.) These are the true limits of manufactures and commerce. To -go beyond them is to increase our dependence on foreign nations, and our -liability to war. - -These three important branches of human industry will then grow together, -and be really handmaids to each other. I salute you with great respect and -esteem. - - -TO COLONEL LARKIN SMITH. - - MONTICELLO, April 15, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your very friendly letter of March 28th, -and am extremely sensible to the kind spirit it breathes. To be praised -by those who themselves deserve all praise, is a gratification of high -order. Their approbation who, having been high in office themselves, have -information and talents to guide their judgment, is a consolation deeply -felt. A conscientious devotion to republican government, like charity in -religion, has obtained for me much indulgence from my fellow citizens, -and the aid of able counsellors has guided me through many difficulties -which have occurred. The troubles in the East have been produced by -English agitators, operating on the selfish spirit of commerce, which -knows no country, and feels no passion or principle but that of gain. -The inordinate extent given it among us by our becoming the factors -of the whole world, has enabled it to control the agricultural and -manufacturing interests. When a change of circumstances shall reduce it -to an equilibrium with these, to the carrying _our_ produce only, to be -exchanged for _our_ wants, it will return to a wholesome condition for the -body politic, and that beyond which it should never more be encouraged to -go. The repeal of the drawback system will either effect this, or bring -sufficient sums into the treasury to meet the wars we shall bring on by -our covering every sea with our vessels. But this must be the work of -peace. The correction will be after my day, as the error originated before -it. I thank you sincerely for your kind good wishes, and offer my prayers -for your health and welfare, with every assurance of my great esteem and -respect. - -P. S. I thank you for the information of your letter of the 4th, this -moment received. I sincerely wish the British orders may be repealed. -If they are, it will be because the nation will not otherwise let the -ministers keep their places. Their object has unquestionably been fixed -to establish the Algerine system, and to maintain their possession of the -ocean by a system of piracy against all nations. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, April 19, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge your favor of the 9th, and to thank you -for the political information it contained. Reading the newspapers but -little and that little but as the romance of the day, a word of truth -now and then comes like the drop of water on the tongue of Dives. If -the British ministry are changing their policy towards us, it is because -their nation, or rather the city of London, which is the nation to them, -is shaken as usual, by the late reverses in Spain. I have for some time -been persuaded that the government of England was systematically decided -to claim a dominion of the sea, and to levy contributions on all nations, -by their licenses to navigate, in order to maintain that dominion to -which their own resources are inadequate. The mobs of their cities are -unprincipled enough to support this policy in prosperous times, but change -with the tide of fortune, and the ministers, to keep their places, change -with them. I wish Mr. Oakley may not embarrass you with his conditions of -revoking the orders of council. Enough of the non-importation law should -be reserved, 1st, to pinch them into a relinquishment of impressments, and -2d, to support those manufacturing establishments which their orders, and -our interests, forced us to make. - -I suppose the conquest of Spain will soon force a delicate question on you -as to the Floridas and Cuba, which will offer themselves to you. Napoleon -will certainly give his consent without difficulty to our receiving the -Floridas, and with some difficulty possibly Cuba. And though he will -disregard the obligation whenever he thinks he can break it with success, -yet it has a great effect on the opinion of our people and the world to -have the moral right on our side, of his agreement as well as that of the -people of those countries. - -Mr. Hackley's affair is really unfortunate. He has been driven into -this arrangement by his distresses, which are great. He is a perfectly -honest man, as is well known here where he was born, but unaccustomed to -political subjects, he has not seen it in that view. But a respect for the -innocence of his views cannot authorize the sanction of government to such -an example. - - * * * * * - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, April 27, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 24th came to hand last night. The correspondence -between Mr. Smith and Mr. Erskine had been received three days before. I -sincerely congratulate you on the change it has produced in our situation. -It is the source of very general joy here, and could it have arrived one -month sooner would have had important effects, not only on the elections -of other States, but of this also, from which it would seem that wherever -there was any considerable portion of federalism it has been so much -reinforced by those of whose politics the price of wheat is the sole -principle, that federalists will be returned from many districts of this -State. The British ministry has been driven from its Algerine system, not -by any remaining morality in the people, but by their unsteadiness under -severe trial. But whencesoever it comes, I rejoice in it as the triumph of -our forbearing and yet persevering system. It will lighten your anxieties, -take from Cabal its most fertile ground of war, will give us peace during -your time, and by the complete extinguishment of our public debt, open -upon us the noblest application of revenue that has ever been exhibited -by any nation. I am sorry they are sending a minister to attempt a treaty. -They never made an equal commercial treaty with any nation, and we have no -right to expect to be the first. It will place you between the injunctions -of true patriotism and the clamors of a faction devoted to a foreign -interest, in preference to that of their own country. It will confirm -the English too in their practice of whipping us into a treaty. They did -it in Jay's case, were near it in Monroe's, and on failure of that, have -applied the scourge with tenfold vigor, and now come on to try its effect. -But it is the moment when we should prove our consistence, by recurring to -the principles we dictated to Monroe, the departure from which occasioned -our rejection of his treaty, and by protesting against Jay's treaty being -ever quoted, or looked at, or even mentioned. That form will forever be a -millstone round our necks unless we now rid ourselves of it once for all. -The occasion is highly favorable, as we never can have them more in our -power. - -As to Bonaparte, I should not doubt the revocation of his edicts, were -he governed by reason. But his policy is so crooked that it eludes -conjecture. I fear his first object now is to dry up the sources of -British prosperity by excluding her manufactures from the continent. He -may fear that opening the ports of Europe to our vessels will open them -to an inundation of British wares. He ought to be satisfied with having -forced her to revoke the orders on which he pretended to retaliate, and -to be particularly satisfied with us, by whose unyielding adherence to -principle she has been forced into the revocation. He ought the more -to conciliate our good will, as we can be such an obstacle to the new -career opening on him in the Spanish colonies. That he would give us the -Floridas to withhold intercourse with the residue of those colonies, -cannot be doubted. But that is no price; because they are ours in the -first moment of the first war; and until a war they are of no particular -necessity to us. But, although with difficulty, he will consent to our -receiving Cuba into our Union, to prevent our aid to Mexico and the other -provinces. That would be a price, and I would immediately erect a column -on the southernmost limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it a _ne plus ultra_ -as to us in that direction. We should then have only to include the north -in our Confederacy, which would be of course in the first war, and we -should have such an empire for liberty as she has never surveyed since -the creation; and I am persuaded no constitution was ever before so well -calculated as ours for extensive empire and self-government. As the Mentor -went away before this change, and will leave France probably while it is -still a secret in that hemisphere, I presume the expediency of pursuing -her by a swift sailing despatch was considered. It will be objected -to our receiving Cuba, that no limit can then be drawn to our future -acquisitions. Cuba can be defended by us without a navy, and this develops -the principle which ought to limit our views. Nothing should ever be -accepted which would require a navy to defend it. - -Our Spring continues cold and backward, rarely one growing day without two -or three cold ones following. Wheat is of very various complexions from -very good to very bad. Fruit has not suffered as much as was expected, -except in peculiar situations. Gardens are nearly a month behind their -usual state. I thank you for the squashes from Maine; they shall be -planted to-day. I salute you with sincere and constant affection. - - -TO MR. SPAFFORD. - - MONTICELLO, May 14, 1809. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of April 3d, with the copy of -your "General Geography," for which I pray you to accept my thanks. My -occupations here have not permitted me to read it through, which alone -could justify any judgment expressed on the work. Indeed, as it appears to -be an abridgment of several branches of science, the scale of abridgment -must enter into that judgment. Different readers require different scales -according to the time they can spare, and their views in reading, and -no doubt that the view of the sciences which you have brought into the -compass of a 12mo volume will be accommodated to the time and object of -many who may wish for but a very general view of them. - -In passing my eye rapidly over parts of the book, I was struck with two -passages, on which I will make observations, not doubting your wish, in -any future edition, to render the work as correct as you can. In page 186 -you say the potatoe is a native of the United States. I presume you speak -of the Irish potatoe. I have inquired much into the question, and think I -can assure you that plant is not a native of North America. Zimmerman, in -his "Geographical Zoology," says it is a native of Guiana; and Clavigero, -that the Mexicans got it from South America, _its native country_. The -most probable account I have been able to collect is, that a vessel of Sir -Walter Raleigh's, returning from Guiana, put into the west of Ireland in -distress, having on board some potatoes which they called earth-apples. -That the season of the year, and circumstance of their being already -sprouted, induced them to give them all out there, and they were no more -heard or thought of, till they had been spread considerably into that -island, whence they were carried over into England, and therefore called -the Irish potatoe. From England they came to the United States, bringing -their name with them. - -The other passage respects the description of the passage of the Potomac -through the Blue Ridge, in the Notes on Virginia. You quote from Volney's -account of the United States what his words do not justify. His words -are, "on coming from Fredericktown, one does not see the rich perspective -mentioned in the Notes of Mr. Jefferson. On observing this to him a few -days after, he informed me he had his information from a French engineer -who, during the war of Independence, ascended the height of the hills, and -I conceive that at that elevation the perspective must be as imposing as a -wild country, whose horizon has no obstacles, may present." That the scene -described in the "Notes" is not visible from any part of the road from -Fredericktown to Harper's ferry is most certain. That road passes along -the valley, nor can it be seen from the tavern after crossing the ferry; -and we may fairly infer that Mr. Volney did not ascend the height back -of the tavern from which alone it can be seen, but that he pursued his -journey from the tavern along the high road. Yet he admits, that at the -elevation of that height the perspective may be as rich as a wild country -can present. But you make him "surprised to find, _by a view of the spot_, -that the description was _amazingly exaggerated_." But it is evident that -Mr. Volney did not ascend the hill to _get a view of the spot_, and that -he supposed that that height may present as imposing a view as such a -country admits. But Mr. Volney was mistaken in saying I told him I had -received the description from a French engineer. By an error of memory -he has misapplied to this scene what I mentioned to him as to the Natural -Bridge. I told him I received a _drawing_ of that from a French engineer -sent there by the Marquis de Chastellux, and who has published that -drawing in his travels. I could not tell him I had the description of the -passage of the Potomac from a French engineer, because I never heard any -Frenchman say a word about it, much less did I ever receive a description -of it from any mortal whatever. I visited the place myself in October -1783, wrote the description some time after, and printed the work in Paris -in 1784-5. I wrote the description from my own view of the spot, stated no -fact but what I saw, and can now affirm that no fact is exaggerated. It is -true that the same scene may excite very different sensations in different -spectators, according to their different sensibilities. The sensations -of some may be much stronger than those of others. And with respect to -the Natural Bridge, it was not a description, but a drawing only, which -I received from the French engineer. The description was written before I -ever saw him. It is not from any merit which I suppose in either of these -descriptions, that I have gone into these observations, but to correct -the imputation of having given to the world as my own, ideas, and false -ones too, which I had received from another. Nor do I mention the subject -to you with a desire that it should be any otherwise noticed before the -public than by a more correct statement in any future edition of your -work. - -You mention having enclosed to me some printed letters announcing a -design in which you ask my aid. But no such letters came to me. Any facts -which I possess, and which may be useful to your views, shall be freely -communicated, and I shall be happy to see you at Monticello, should you -come this way as you propose. You will find me engaged entirely in rural -occupations, looking into the field of science but occasionally and at -vacant moments. - -I sowed some of the Benni seed the last year, and distributed some among -my neighbors; but the whole was killed by the September frost. I got a -little again the last winter, but it was sowed before I received your -letter. Colonel Fen of New York receives quantities of it from Georgia, -from whom you may probably get some through the Mayor of New York. But -I little expect it can succeed with you. It is about as hardy as the -cotton plant, from which you may judge of the probability of raising it at -Hudson. - -I salute you with great respect. - - -TO MR. JOHN WYCHE. - - MONTICELLO, May 19, 1809. - -SIR,--Your favor of March 19th came to hand but a few days ago, and -informs me of the establishment of the Westward Mill Library Society, -of its general views and progress. I always hear with pleasure of -institutions for the promotion of knowledge among my countrymen. The -people of every country are the only safe guardians of their own rights, -and are the only instruments which can be used for their destruction. And -certainly they would never consent to be so used were they not deceived. -To avoid this, they should be instructed to a certain degree. I have -often thought that nothing would do more extensive good at small expense -than the establishment of a small circulating library in every county, -to consist of a few well-chosen books, to be lent to the people of the -county, under such regulations as would secure their safe return in due -time. These should be such as would give them a general view of other -history, and particular view of that of their own country, a tolerable -knowledge of Geography, the elements of Natural Philosophy, of Agriculture -and Mechanics. Should your example lead to this, it will do great good. -Having had more favorable opportunities than fall to every man's lot -of becoming acquainted with the best books on such subjects as might be -selected, I do not know that I can be otherwise useful to your society -than by offering them any information respecting these which they might -wish. My services in this way are freely at their command, and I beg leave -to tender to yourself my salutations and assurances of respect. - - -TO THE HONORABLE JUDGE WOODWARD. - - MONTICELLO, May 27, 1809. - -SIR,--I have received, very thankfully, the two copies of your pamphlet -on the constitution of the U. S., and shall certainly read them with -pleasure. I had formerly looked with great interest to the experiment -which was going on in France of an executive Directory, while that of -a single elective executive was under trial here. I thought the issue -of them might fairly decide the question between the two modes. But the -untimely fate of that establishment cut short the experiment. - -I have not, however, been satisfied whether the dissensions of that -Directory (and which I fear are incident to a plurality) were not the most -effective cause of the successful usurpations which overthrew them. It -is certainly one of the most interesting questions to a republican, and -worthy of great consideration. I thank you for the friendly expressions of -your letter towards myself personally, and the sincere happiness I enjoy -here, satisfies me that nothing personal or self-interested entered into -my motives for continuing in the public service. The actual experiment -proves to me that these were all in favor of returning to my present -situation. I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. W. LAMBERT. - - MONTICELLO, May 28, 1809. - -SIR,--Your favor of March 14th was received in due time. The apology -for so late an acknowledgment of it must be the multiplied occupations -of my new situation after so long an absence from it. Truth requires me -to add, also, that after being so long chained to the writing table, -I go to it with reluctance, and listen with partiality to every call -from any other quarter. I have not, however, been the less sensible of -the kind sentiments expressed in your letter, nor the less thankful for -them. Indeed I owe infinite acknowledgments to the republican portion -of my fellow citizens for the indulgence with which they have viewed my -proceedings generally. In the transaction of their affairs I never felt -an interested motive. The large share I have enjoyed, and still enjoy -of anti-republican hatred and calumny, gives me the satisfaction of -supposing that I have been some obstacle to anti-republican designs; and -if truth should find its way into history, the object of these falsehoods -and calumnies will render them honorable to me. With sincere wishes for -your welfare and happiness, I tender you the assurances of my esteem and -respect. - - -TO DOCTOR ELIJAH GRIFFITH, PHILA. - - MONTICELLO, May 28, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of Nov. 14th came to me in due time, but much -oppressed with business then and to the end of my political term, I put -it by as I did the civilities of my other friends, till the leisure I -expected here should permit me to acknowledge them without the neglect -of any public duty. I am very sensible of the kindness of the sentiments -expressed in your letter, and of the general indulgence with which my -republican friends generally, and those of Pennsylvania particularly, -have received my public proceedings. I hope I may be allowed to say -that they were always directed by a single view to the best interests of -our country. In the electoral election, Pennsylvania really spoke in a -voice of thunder to the monarchists of our country, and while that State -continues so firm, with the solid mass of republicanism to the South and -West, such efforts as we have lately seen in the anti-republican portion -of our country cannot ultimately affect our security. Our enemies may try -their cajoleries with my successor. They will find him as immovable in his -republican principles as him whom they have honored with their peculiar -enmity. The late pacification with England gives us a hope of eight years -of peaceable and wise administration, within which time our revenue will -be liberated from debt, and be free to commence that splendid course of -public improvement and wise application of the public contributions, of -which it remains for us to set the first example. I salute you with real -esteem and respect. - - -TO THE HON. ROBERT SMITH, SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, June 10, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a letter from Mr. Smith of Erie, one of the -members of Pennsylvania, which you will readily perceive ought to have -been addressed to you by himself; as it is official and not personal -opinion which can answer his views. I am however gratified by his mistake -in sending it to me, inasmuch as it gives me an opportunity of abstracting -myself from my rural occupations, and of saluting one with whom I have -been connected in service and in society so many years, and to whose aid -and relief on an important portion of the public cares, I have been so -much indebted. I do it with sincere affection and gratitude, and look back -with peculiar satisfaction on the harmony and cordial good will which, to -ourselves and to our brethren of the cabinet, so much sweetened our toils. -From the characters now associated in the administration, I have no doubt -of the continuance of the same cordiality so interesting to themselves and -to the public; and great as are the difficulties and dangers environing -our camp, I sleep with perfect composure, knowing who are watching for -us. I pray you to present me respectfully to Mrs. Smith, and to accept -my prayers that you may long continue in the enjoyment of health and the -public esteem in return for your useful services past and to come. - - -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. - - MONTICELLO, June 13, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I did not know till Mr. Patterson called on us, a few days -ago, that you had passed on to Washington. I had recently observed -in the debates of Congress, a matter introduced, on which I wished to -give explanations more fully in conversation, which I will now do by -abridgement in writing. Mr. Randolph has proposed an inquiry into certain -prosecutions at common law in Connecticut, for libels on the government, -and not only himself but others have stated them with such affected -caution, and such hints at the same time, as to leave on every mind -the impression that they had been instituted either by my direction, or -with my acquiescence, at least. This has not been denied by my friends, -because probably the fact is unknown to them. I shall state it for their -satisfaction, and leave it to be disposed of as they think best. - -I had observed in a newspaper, (some years ago, I do not recollect the -time exactly,) some dark hints of a prosecution in Connecticut, but so -obscurely hinted that I paid little attention to it. Some considerable -time after, it was again mentioned, so that I understood that some -prosecution was going on in the federal court there, for calumnies uttered -from the pulpit against me by a clergyman. I immediately wrote to Mr. -Granger, who, I think, was in Connecticut at the time, stating that I -had laid it down as a law to myself, to take no notice of the thousand -calumnies issued against me, but to trust my character to my own conduct, -and the good sense and candor of my fellow citizens; that I had found -no reason to be dissatisfied with that course, and I was unwilling it -should be broke through by others as to any matter concerning me; and I -therefore requested him to desire the district attorney to dismiss the -prosecution. Some time after this, I heard of subpœnas being served on -General Lee, David M. Randolph, and others, as witnesses to attend the -trial. I then for the first time conjectured the subject of the libel. -I immediately wrote to Mr. Granger, to require an immediate dismission -of the prosecution. The answer of Mr. Huntington, the district attorney, -was, that these subpœnas had been issued by the defendant without his -knowledge, that it had been his intention to dismiss all the prosecutions -at the first meeting of the court, and to accompany it with an avowal -of his opinion, that they could not be maintained, because the federal -court had no jurisdiction over libels. This was accordingly done. I did -not till then know that there were other prosecutions of the same nature, -nor do I now know what were their subjects. But all went off together; -and I afterwards saw in the hands of Mr. Granger, a letter written by -the clergyman, disavowing any personal ill will towards me, and solemnly -declaring he had never uttered the words charged. I think Mr. Granger -either showed me, or said there were affidavits of at least half a -dozen respectable men, who were present at the sermon and swore no such -expressions were uttered, and as many equally respectable who swore the -contrary. But the clergyman expressed his gratification at the dismission -of the prosecution. I write all this from memory, and after too long an -interval of time to be certain of the exactness of all the details; but I -am sure there is no variation material, and Mr. Granger, correcting small -lapses of memory, can confirm every thing substantial. Certain it is, that -the prosecution had been instituted, and had made considerable progress, -without my knowledge, that they were disapproved by me as soon as known, -and directed to be discontinued. The attorney did it on the same ground -on which I had acted myself in the cases of Duane, Callendar, and others; -to wit, that the sedition law was unconstitutional and null, and that my -obligation to execute what was law, involved that of not suffering rights -secured by valid laws, to be prostrated by what was no law. I always -understood that these prosecutions had been invited, if not instituted, -by Judge Edwards, and the marshal being republican, had summoned a grand -jury partly or wholly republican; but that Mr. Huntington declared from -the beginning against the jurisdiction of the court, and had determined to -enter _nolle prosequis_ before he received my directions. - -I trouble you with another subject. The law making my letters post free, -goes to those _to me_ only, not those _from_ me. The bill had got to -its passage before this was observed (and first I believe by Mr. Dana), -and the House under too much pressure of business near the close of -the session to bring in another bill. As the privilege of freedom was -given to the letters _from_ as well as _to_ both my predecessors, I -suppose no reason exists for making a distinction. And in so extensive -a correspondence as I am subject to, and still considerably on public -matters, it would be a sensible convenience to myself, as well as those -who have occasion to receive letters from me. It happens too, as I was -told at the time, (for I have never looked into it myself,) that it was -done by two distinct acts on both the former occasions. Mr. Eppes, I -think, mentioned this to me. I know from the Post Master General, that -Mr. Adams franks all his letters. I state this matter to you as being -my representative, which must apologize for the trouble of it. We have -been seasonable since you left us. Yesterday evening and this morning we -have had refreshing showers, which will close and confirm the business of -planting. Affectionately yours. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, June 14, 1809. - -DEAR GENERAL,--So entirely are my habits changed from constant labor at -my writing table, to constant active occupation without door, that it is -with difficulty I can resolve to take up my pen. I must do it, however, -as a matter of duty to thank you for the dumb-fish you have been so kind -as to have forwarded, and which are received safely and are found to be -excellent. I do it with pleasure also, as it gives me an opportunity -of renewing to you the assurances of my esteem, and of the friendship -I shall ever bear you as a faithful fellow-laborer in the duties of -the Cabinet, the value of whose aid there has been always justly felt -and highly estimated by me. I sincerely congratulate you on the late -pacification with England, which while it gives facility and remuneration -to your labors in your new functions, restores calm in a great degree to -the troubles of our country. Our successors have deserved well of their -country in meeting so readily the first friendly advance ever made to -us by England. I hope it is the harbinger of a return to the exercise -of common sense and common good humor, with a country with which mutual -interests would urge a mutual and affectionate intercourse. But her -conduct hitherto has been towards us so insulting, so tyrannical and so -malicious, as to indicate a contempt for our opinions or dispositions -respecting her. I hope she is now coming over to a wiser conduct, and -becoming sensible how much better it is to cultivate the good will of -the government itself, than of a faction hostile to it; to obtain its -friendship gratis than to purchase its enmity by nourishing at great -expense a faction to embarrass it, to receive the reward of an honest -policy rather than of a corrupt and vexatious one. I trust she has at -length opened her eyes to federal falsehood and misinformation, and -learnt, in the issue of the presidential election, the folly of believing -them. Such a reconciliation to the government, if real and permanent, will -secure the tranquillity of our country, and render the management of our -affairs easy and delightful to our successors, for whom I feel as much -interest as if I were still in their place. Certainly all the troubles and -difficulties in the government during our time proceeded from England; at -least all others were trifling in comparison with them. - -Some time before I retired from office, I proposed to Mr. Smith of the -War Office, to place your son in the list of some nominations for the new -army. He called on me and stated that Pickering had prepared materials for -an opposition to his appointment, which he was satisfied would be easily -met with proper information, but without it, might embarrass and endanger -the appointment. We concluded therefore that it was best to put it off to -the ensuing session of Congress, and in the meantime give you notice of -it. He promised to write and explain the delay to you, and I stated the -matter to Mr. Madison, who would attend to the nomination at the proper -time. Perhaps late events may supersede all further proceeding as to that -army. - -Be so good as to present my affectionate respects to Mrs. Dearborne. I -hope that her health, as well as your own, may be improved by a return -to native climate; and that you may both enjoy as many years as you -desire of health and prosperity, is the prayer of yours sincerely and -affectionately. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - MONTICELLO, June 28, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--The interruption of our commerce with England, produced by -our embargo and non-intercourse law, and the general indignation excited -by her barefaced attempts to make us accessories and tributaries to her -usurpations on the high seas, have generated in this country an universal -spirit for manufacturing for ourselves, and of reducing to a minimum the -number of articles for which we are dependent on her. The advantages, -too, of lessening the occasions of risking our peace on the ocean, and -of planting the consumer in our own soil by the side of the grower of -produce, are so palpable, that no temporary suspension of injuries on her -part, or agreements founded on that, will now prevent our continuing in -what we have begun. The spirit of manufacture has taken deep root among -us, and its foundations are laid in too great expense to be abandoned. The -bearer of this, Mr. Ronaldson, will be able to inform you of the extent -and perfection of the works produced here by the late state of things; and -to his information, which is greatest as to what is doing in the cities, I -can add my own as to the country, where the principal articles wanted in -every family are now fabricated within itself. This mass of _household_ -manufacture, unseen by the public eye, and so much greater than what is -seen, is such at present, that let our intercourse with England be opened -when it may, not one half the amount of what we have heretofore taken -from her will ever again be demanded. The great call from the country has -hitherto been of coarse goods. These are now made in our families, and -the advantage is too sensible ever to be relinquished. It is one of those -obvious improvements in our condition which needed only to be once forced -on our attention, never again to be abandoned. - -Among the arts which have made great progress among us is that -of printing. Heretofore we imported our books, and with them much -political principle from England. We now print a great deal, and shall -soon supply ourselves with most of the books of considerable demand. -But the foundation of printing, you know, is the type-foundry, and a -material essential to that is antimony. Unfortunately that mineral is -not among those as yet found in the United States, and the difficulty -and dearness of getting it from England, will force us to discontinue -our type-founderies, and resort to her again for our books, unless some -new source of supply can be found. The bearer, Mr. Ronaldson, is of the -concern of Binney & Ronaldson, type-founders of Philadelphia. He goes -to France for the purpose of opening some new source of supply, where -we learn that this article is abundant; the enhancement of the price -in England has taught us the fact, that its exportation thither from -France must be interrupted, either by the war or express prohibition. -Our relations, however, with France, are too unlike hers with England, -to place us under the same interdiction. Regulations for preventing the -transportation of the article to England, under the cover of supplies -to America, may be thought requisite. The bearer, I am persuaded, will -readily give any assurances which may be required for this object, and -the wants of his own type-foundry here are a sufficient pledge that what -he gets is _bonâ fide_ to supply them. I do not know that there will be -any obstacle to his bringing from France any quantity of antimony he may -have occasion for; but lest there should be, I have taken the liberty of -recommending him to your patronage. I know your enlightened and liberal -views on subjects of this kind, and the friendly interest you take in -whatever concerns our welfare. I place Mr. Ronaldson, therefore, in your -hands, and pray you to advise him, and patronize the object which carries -him to Europe, and is so interesting to him and to our country. His -knowledge of what is passing among us will be a rich source of information -for you, and especially as to the state and progress of our manufactures. -Your kindness to him will confer an obligation on me, and will be an -additional title to the high and affectionate esteem and respect of an -ancient and sincere friend. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, July 12, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your two letters of the 4th and 7th, were received by the last -mail. I now enclose you the rough draught of the letter to the Emperor of -Russia. I think there must be an exact _fac simile_ of it in the office, -from which Mr. Short's must have been copied; because, that the one now -enclosed has never been out of my hands, appears by there being no fold -in the paper till now, and it is evidently a polygraphical copy. I send, -for your perusal, letters of W. Short, and of Warden; because, though -private, they contain some things and views perhaps not in the public -letters. Bonaparte's successes have been what we expected, although -Warden appears to have supposed the contrary possible. It is fortunate for -Bonaparte, that he has not caught his brother Emperor; that he has left -an ostensible head to the government, who may sell it to him to secure a -mess of pottage for himself. Had the government devolved on the people, -as it did in Spain, they would resist his conquest as those of Spain do. -I expect, within a week or ten days, to visit Bedford. My absence will be -of about a fortnight. I know too well the pressure of business which will -be on you at Montpelier, to count with certainty on the pleasure of seeing -Mrs. Madison and yourself here; yet my wishes do not permit me to omit the -expression of them. In any event, I shall certainly intrude a flying visit -on you during your stay in Orange. With my respectful devoirs to Mrs. -Madison, I salute you with constant friendship and respect. - - -TO SKELTON JONES. - - MONTICELLO, July 28, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June 19th, did not come to hand till the 29th, -and I have not been able to take it up till now. I lent to Mr. Burke, -my collection of newspapers from 1741 to 1760, and the further matter -which I suggested I might be able to furnish him after my return to -Monticello, was the collection of MS. laws of Virginia, which I expected -would furnish some proper and authentic materials for history, not extant -anywhere else. These I lent the last year to Mr. Hening, who is now -in possession of them and is printing them. But though this was within -Mr. Burke's period, it is entirely anterior to yours. The collection of -newspapers which I lent to Mr. Burke, I have never been able to recover, -nor to learn where they are. They were all well bound, and of course have -not probably been destroyed. If you can aid me in the recovery, you will -oblige me. I consider their preservation as a duty, because I believe -certainly there does not exist another collection of the same period. I -have examined the sequel of my collection of newspapers, and find that it -has but one paper of 1778. That is one of Piordie's of the month of May. -But my not having them is no evidence they were not printed; because I -was so continually itinerant during the revolution, that I was rarely in -a situation to preserve the papers I received. And although there were -probably occasional suspensions for want of paper, yet I do not believe -there was a total one at any time. I think, however, you might procure a -file for that or any other year, in Philadelphia or Boston. These would -furnish all the material occurrences of Virginia. You ask, what has the -historian to do with the latter part of 1776, the whole of 1777 and 1778, -and a part of 1779? This is precisely the period which was occupied in -the reformation of the laws to the new organization and principles of our -government. The committee was appointed in the latter part of 1776, and -reported in the spring or summer of 1779. At the first and only meeting of -the whole committee, (of five persons,) the question was discussed whether -we would attempt to reduce the whole body of the law into a code, the -text of which should become the law of the land? We decided against that, -because every word and phrase in that text would become a new subject -of criticism and litigation, until its sense should have been settled -by numerous decisions, and that, in the meantime, the rights of property -would be in the air. We concluded not to meddle with the common law, _i. -e._, the law preceding the existence of the statutes, further than to -accommodate it to our new principles and circumstances; but to take up -the whole body of statutes and Virginia laws, to leave out everything -obsolete or improper, insert what was wanting, and reduce the whole -within as moderate a compass as it would bear, and to the plain language -of common sense, divested of the verbiage, the barbarous tautologies and -redundancies which render the British statutes unintelligible. From this, -however, were excepted the ancient statutes, particularly those commented -on by Lord Coke, the language of which is simple, and the meaning of every -word so well settled by decisions, as so make it safest not to change -words where the sense was to be retained. After setting our plan, Col. -Mason declined undertaking the execution of any part of it, as not being -sufficiently read in the law. Mr. Lee very soon afterwards died, and the -work was distributed between Mr. Wythe, Mr. Pendleton and myself. To me -was assigned the common law, (so far as we thought of altering it,) and -the statutes down to the Reformation, or end of the reign of Elizabeth; to -Mr. Wythe, the subsequent body of the statutes, and to Mr. Pendleton the -Virginia laws. This distribution threw into my part the laws concerning -crimes and punishments, the law of descents, and the laws concerning -religion. After completing our work separately, we met, (Mr. W., Mr. -P. and myself,) in Williamsburg, and held a long session, in which we -went over the first and second parts in the order of time, weighing and -correcting every word, and reducing them to the form in which they were -afterwards reported. When we proceeded to the third part, we found that -Mr. Pendleton had not exactly seized the intentions of the committee, -which were to reform the language of the Virginia laws, and reduce the -matter to a simple style and form. He had copied the acts _verbatim_, -only omitting what was disapproved; and some family occurrence calling -him indispensably home, he desired Mr. Wythe and myself to make it what -we thought it ought to be, and authorized us to report him as concurring -in the work. We accordingly divided the work, and re-executed it entirely, -so as to assimilate its plan and execution to the other parts, as well as -the shortness of the time would admit, and we brought the whole body of -British statutes and laws of Virginia into 127 acts, most of them short. -This is the history of that work as to its execution. Its matter and the -nature of the changes made, will be a proper subject for the consideration -of the historian. Experience has convinced me that the change in the style -of the laws was for the better, and it has sensibly reformed the style of -our laws from that time downwards, insomuch that they have obtained, in -that respect, the approbation of men of consideration on both sides of the -Atlantic. Whether the change in the style and form of the criminal law, -as introduced by Mr. Taylor, was for the better, is not for me to judge. -The digest of that act employed me longer than I believe all the rest -of the work, for it rendered it necessary for me to go with great care -over Bracton, Britton, the Saxon statutes, and the works of authority on -criminal law; and it gave me great satisfaction to find that in general -I had only to reduce the law to its ancient Saxon condition, stripping it -of all the innovations and rigorisms of subsequent times, to make it what -it should be. The substitution of the penitentiary, instead of labor on -the high road and of some other punishments truly objectionable, is a just -merit to be ascribed to Mr. Taylor's law. When our report was made, the -idea of a penitentiary had never been suggested, the happy experiment of -Pennsylvania we had not then the benefit of. - -To assist in filling up those years of exemption from military invasion, -an inquiry into the exertions of Virginia in the common cause during -that period, would be proper for the patriotic historian, because her -character has been very unjustly impeached by the writers of other States, -as having used no equal exertions at that time. I know it to be false; -because having all that time been a member of the legislature, I know that -our whole occupation was in straining the resources of the State to the -utmost, to furnish men, money, provisions and other necessaries to the -common cause. The proofs of this will be found in the journals and acts of -the legislature, in executive proceedings and papers, and in the auditor's -accounts. Not that Virginia furnished her quota of _requisitions_ of -either men or money; but that she was always above par, in what was -_actually_ furnished by the other States. A letter of mine written in 1779 -or '80, if still among the executive papers, will furnish full evidence -of these facts. It was addressed to our delegates in answer to a formal -complaint on the subject, and was founded in unquestionable vouchers. - -The inquiries in your printed letter of August, 1808, would lead to the -writing the history of my whole life, than which nothing could be more -repugnant to my feelings. I have been connected, as many fellow laborers -were, with the great events which happened to mark the epoch of our lives. -But these belong to no one in particular, all of us did our parts, and no -one can claim the transactions to himself. The most I could do would be to -revise, correct or supply any statements which should be made respecting -public transactions in which I had a part, or which may have otherwise -come within my knowledge. - -I have to apologize for the delay of this answer. The active hours of the -day are all devoted to employments without doors, so that I have rarely -an interval, and more rarely the inclination, to set down to my writing -table, the divorce from which is among the greatest reliefs in my late -change of life. Still, I will always answer with pleasure any particular -inquiries you may wish to address to me, sincerely desiring for the public -good as well as your own personal concern, to contribute to the perfection -of a work from which I hope much to both; and I beg leave to tender you -the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO M. DASHKOFF. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1809. - -SIR,--Your favor of July 5th has been duly received, and, in it, that -of my friend Mr. Short. I congratulate you on your safe arrival in the -American hemisphere, after a voyage which must have been lengthy in time, -as it was in space. I hope you may experience no unfavorable change -in your health on so great a change of climate, and that our fervid -sun may be found as innocent as our cloudless skies must be agreeable. -I hail you with particular pleasure, as the first harbinger of those -friendly relations with your country, so desirable to ours. Both nations -being in character and practice essentially pacific, a common interest -in the rights of peaceable nations, gives us a common cause in their -maintenance; and however your excellent Emperor may have been led from -the ordinary policy of his government, I trust that the establishment of -just principles will be the result, as I am sure it is the object, of his -efforts. - -When you shall have had time to accommodate yourself somewhat to our -climate, our manners and mode of living, you will probably have a -curiosity to see something of the country you have visited, something -beyond the confines of our cities. These exhibit specimens of London only, -our country is a different nation. Should your journeyings lead you into -this quarter of it, I shall be happy to receive you at Monticello, and to -renew to you in person the assurances I now tender of my great respect and -consideration. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT. - - MONTICELLO, August 17, 1809. - -DEAR SIR, - - * * * * * - -I never doubted the chicanery of the Anglomen on whatsoever measures -you should take in consequence of the disavowal of Erskine; yet I am -satisfied that both the proclamations have been sound. The first has been -sanctioned by universal approbation; and although it was not literally -the case foreseen by the legislature, yet it was a proper extension of -their provision to a case similar, though not the same. It proved to -the whole world our desire of accommodation, and must have satisfied -every candid federalist on that head. It was not only proper on the -well-grounded confidence that the arrangement would be honestly executed, -but ought to have taken place even had the perfidy of England been -foreseen. Their dirty gain is richly remunerated to us by our placing -them so shamefully in the wrong, and by the union it must produce among -ourselves. The last proclamation admits of quibbles, of which advantage -will doubtless be endeavored to be taken, by those for whom gain is their -god, and their country nothing. But it is soundly defensible. The British -minister assured us, that the orders of council would be revoked before -the 10th of June. The executive, trusting in that assurance, declared -by proclamation that the revocation was to take place, and that on that -event the law was to be suspended. But the event did not take place, and -the consequence, of course, could not follow. This view is derived from -the former non-intercourse law only, having never read the latter one. -I had doubted whether Congress must not be called; but that arose from -another doubt, whether their second law had not changed the ground, so -as to require their agency to give operation to the law. Should Bonaparte -have the wisdom to correct his injustice towards us, I consider war with -England as inevitable. Our ships will go to France and its dependencies, -and they will take them. This will be war on their part, and leave no -alternative but reprisal. I have no doubt you will think it safe to act -on this hypothesis, and with energy. The moment that open war shall be -apprehended from them, we should take possession of Baton Rouge. If we -do not, they will, and New Orleans becomes irrecoverable, and the western -country blockaded during the war. It would be justifiable towards Spain on -this ground, and equally so on that of title to West Florida, and reprisal -extended to East Florida. Whatever turn our present difficulty may take, -I look upon all cordial conciliation with England as desperate during the -life of the present king. I hope and doubt not that Erskine will justify -himself. My confidence is founded in a belief of his integrity, and in -the * * * * * of Canning. I consider the present as the most shameless -ministry which ever disgraced England. Copenhagen will immortalize their -infamy. In general, their administrations are so changeable, and they -are obliged to descend to such tricks to keep themselves in place, that -nothing like honor or morality can ever be counted on in transactions with -them. I salute you with all possible affection. - - -TO MR. JOHN W. CAMPBELL. - - MONTICELLO, September 3, 1809. - -SIR,--Your letter of July 29th came to hand some time since, but I have -not sooner been able to acknowledge it. In answer to your proposition for -publishing a complete edition of my different writings, I must observe -that no writings of mine, other than those merely official, have been -published, except the Notes on Virginia and a small pamphlet under the -title of a Summary View of the rights of British America. The Notes on -Virginia, I have always intended to revise and enlarge, and have, from -time to time, laid by materials for that purpose. It will be long yet -before other occupations will permit me to digest them, and observations -and inquiries are still to be made, which will be more correct in -proportion to the length of time they are continued. It is not unlikely -that this may be through my life. I could not, therefore, at present, -offer anything new for that work. - -The Summary View was not written for publication. It was a draught I -had prepared for a petition to the king, which I meant to propose in my -place as a member of the convention of 1774. Being stopped on the road by -sickness, I sent it on to the Speaker, who laid it on the table for the -perusal of the members. It was thought too strong for the times, and to -become the act of the convention, but was printed by subscription of the -members, with a short preface written by one of them. If it had any merit, -it was that of first taking our true ground, and that which was afterwards -assumed and maintained. - -I do not mention the Parliamentary Manual, published for the use of the -Senate of the United States, because it was a mere compilation, into which -nothing entered of my own but the arrangement, and a few observations -necessary to explain that and some of the cases. - -I do not know whether your view extends to official papers of mine -which have been published. Many of these would be like old newspapers, -materials for future historians, but no longer interesting to the readers -of the day. They would consist of reports, correspondences, messages, -answers to addresses; a few of my reports while Secretary of State, -might perhaps be read by some as essays on abstract subjects. Such as the -report on measures, weights and coins, on the mint, on the fisheries, on -commerce, on the use of distilled sea-water, &c. The correspondences with -the British and French ministers, Hammond and Genet, were published by -Congress. The messages to Congress, which might have been interesting at -the moment, would scarcely be read a second time, and answers to addresses -are hardly read a first time. - -So that on a review of these various materials, I see nothing encouraging -a printer to a re-publication of them. They would probably be bought by -those only who are in the habit of preserving State papers, and who are -not many. - -I say nothing of numerous draughts of reports, resolutions, declarations, -&c., drawn as a Member of Congress or of the Legislature of Virginia, such -as the Declaration of Independence, Report on the Money Mint of the United -States, the act of religious freedom, &c., &c.; these having become the -acts of public bodies, there can be no personal claim to them, and they -would no more find readers now, than the journals and statute books in -which they are deposited. - -I have presented this general view of the subjects which might have been -within the scope of your contemplation, that they might be correctly -estimated before any final decision. They belong mostly to a class -of papers not calculated for popular reading, and not likely to offer -profit, or even indemnification to the re-publisher. Submitting it to your -consideration, I tender you my salutations and respects. - - -TO GEN. WM. CLARKE. - - MONTICELLO, September 10, 1809. - -DEAR GENERAL,--Your favor of June 2d came duly to hand in July, and -brought me a repetition of the proofs of your kindness to me. Mr. Fitzhugh -delivered the skin of the sheep of the Rocky Mountains to the President, -from whom I expect to receive it in a few days at his own house. For -this, as well as the blanket of Indian manufacture of the same material, -which you are so kind as to offer me, accept my friendly thanks. Your -donations, and Governor Lewis', have given to my collection of Indian -curiosities an importance much beyond what I had ever counted on. The -three boxes of bones which you had been so kind as to send to New Orleans -for me, as mentioned in your letter of June 2d arrived there safely, and -were carefully shipped by the collector, and the bill of lading sent to -me. But the vessel put into the Havana, under embargo distress, was there -condemned as unseaworthy, and her enrollment surrendered at St. Mary's. -What was done with my three boxes I have not learned, but have written -to Mr. Brown, the collector, to have inquiry made after them. The bones -of this animal are now in such a state of evanescence as to render it -important to save what we can of them. Of those you had formerly sent me, -I reserved a very few for myself; I got Dr. Wistar to select from the rest -every piece which could be interesting to the Philosophical Society, and -sent the residue to the National Institute of France. These have enabled -them to decide that the animal was neither a mammoth nor an elephant, but -of a distinct kind, to which they have given the name of Mastodont, from -the protuberance of its teeth. These, from their forms, and the immense -mass of their jaws, satisfy me this animal must have been arbonverous. -Nature seems not to have provided other food sufficient for him, and the -limb of a tree would be no more to him than a bough of a cotton tree to -a horse. You mention in your letter that you are proceeding with _your -family_ to Fort Massac. This informs me that you have a family, and I -sincerely congratulate you on it, while some may think it will render you -less active in the service of the world, those who take a sincere interest -in your personal happiness, and who know that, by a law of our nature, -we cannot be happy without the endearing connections of a family, will -rejoice for your sake as I do. The world has, of right, no further claims -on yourself and General Lewis, but such as you may voluntarily render -according to your convenience, or as they may make it your interest. I -wrote lately to the Governor, but be so good as to repeat my affectionate -attachments to him, and to be assured of the same to yourself, with every -sentiment of esteem and respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, September 12, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,-- * * * * * - -Canning's equivocations degrade his government as well as himself. I -despair of accommodation with them, because I believe they are weak enough -to intend seriously to claim the ocean as their conquest, and think to -amuse us with embassies and negotiations, until the claim shall have been -strengthened by time and exercise, and the moment arrive when they may -boldly avow what hitherto they have only squinted at. Always yours, with -sincere affection. - - -TO DOCTOR BARTON. - - MONTICELLO, September 21, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I received last night your favor of the 14th, and would with -all possible pleasure have communicated to you any part or the whole -of the Indian vocabularies which I had collected, but an irreparable -misfortune has deprived me of them. I have now been thirty years availing -myself of every possible opportunity of procuring Indian vocabularies to -the same set of words; my opportunities were probably better than will -ever occur again to any person having the same desire. I had collected -about fifty, and had digested most of them in collateral columns, and -meant to have printed them the last of my stay in Washington. But not -having yet digested Captain Lewis' collection, nor having leisure then to -do it, I put it off till I should return home. The whole, as well digest -as originals, were packed in a trunk of stationery, and sent round by -water with about thirty other packages of my effects from Washington, and -while ascending James river, this package on account of its weight and -presumed precious contents, was singled out and stolen. The thief being -disappointed on opening it, threw into the river all its contents, of -which he thought he could make no use. Among them were the whole of the -vocabularies. Some leaves floated ashore and were found in the mud; but -these were very few, and so defaced by the mud and water that no general -use can be made of them. On the receipt of your letter I turned to them, -and was very happy to find, that the only morsel of an original vocabulary -among them, was Captain Lewis' of the Pani language, of which you say -you have not one word. I therefore enclose it to you as it is, and a -little fragment of some other, which I see is in his hand writing, but no -indication remains on it of what language it is. It is a specimen of the -condition of the little which was recovered. I am the more concerned at -this accident, as of the two hundred and fifty words of my vocabularies, -and the one hundred and thirty words of the great Russian vocabularies -of the languages of the other quarters of the globe, seventy-three were -common to both, and would have furnished materials for a comparison from -which something might have resulted. Although I believe no general use -can ever be made of the wrecks of my loss, yet I will ask the return of -the Pani vocabulary when you are done with it. Perhaps I may make another -attempt to collect, although I am too old to expect to make much progress -in it. - -I learn with pleasure your acquisition of the pamphlet on the astronomy -of the ancient Mexicans. If it be ancient and genuine, or modern and -rational, it will be of real value. It is one of the most interesting -countries of our hemisphere, and merits every attention. - -I am thankful for your kind offer of sending the original Spanish for my -perusal. But I think it a pity to trust it to the accidents of the post, -and whenever you publish the translation, I shall be satisfied to read -that which shall be given by your translator, who is, I am sure, a greater -adept in the language than I am. - -Accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO JAMES FISHBACK. - - MONTICELLO, September 27, 1809. - -SIR,--Your favor of June 5th came to hand in due time, and I have to -acknowledge my gratification at the friendly sentiments it breathes -towards myself. We have been thrown into times of a peculiar character, -and to work our way through them has required services and sacrifices -from our countrymen generally, and to their great honor, these have -been generally exhibited, by every one in his sphere, and according -to the opportunities afforded. With them I have been a fellow laborer, -endeavoring to do faithfully the part alloted to me, as they did theirs; -and it is a subject of mutual congratulation that, in a state of things -such as the world had never before seen, we have gotten on so far well; -and my confidence in our present high functionaries, as well as in my -countrymen generally, leaves me without much fear for the future. - -I thank you for the pamphlet you was so kind as to send me. At an earlier -period of life I pursued inquiries of that kind with industry and care. -Reading, reflection and time have convinced me that the interests of -society require the observation of those moral precepts only in which all -religions agree, (for all forbid us to murder, steal, plunder, or bear -false witness,) and that we should not intermeddle with the particular -dogmas in which all religions differ, and which are totally unconnected -with morality. In all of them we see good men, and as many in one as -another. The varieties in the structure and action of the human mind as in -those of the body, are the work of our Creator, against which it cannot -be a religious duty to erect the standard of uniformity. The practice of -morality being necessary for the well-being of society, he has taken care -to impress its precepts so indelibly on our hearts that they shall not be -effaced by the subtleties of our brain. We all agree in the obligation of -the moral precepts of Jesus, and nowhere will they be found delivered in -greater purity than in his discourses. It is, then, a matter of principle -with me to avoid disturbing the tranquillity of others by the expression -of any opinion on the innocent questions on which we schismatize. On the -subject of your pamphlet, and the mode of treating it, I permit myself -only to observe the candor, moderation and ingenuity with which you appear -to have sought truth. This is of good example, and worthy of commendation. -If all the writers and preachers on religious questions had been of -the same temper, the history of the world would have been of much more -pleasing aspect. - -I thank you for the kindness towards myself which breathes through your -letter. The first of all our consolations is that of having faithfully -fulfilled our duties; the next, the approbation and good will of those -who have witnessed it; and I pray you to accept my best wishes for your -happiness and the assurances of my respect. - - -TO MESSRS. BLOODGOOD AND HAMMOND. - - MONTICELLO, September 30, 1809. - -GENTLEMEN,--The very friendly sentiments which my republican fellow -citizens of the city and county of New York have been pleased to express -through yourselves as their organ, are highly grateful to me, and command -my sincere thanks; and their approbation of the measures pursued, while -I was entrusted with the administration of their affairs, strengthens my -hope that they were favorable to the public prosperity. For any errors -which may have been committed, the indulgent will find some apology in -the difficulties resulting from the extraordinary state of human affairs, -and the astonishing spectacles these have presented. A world in arms and -trampling on all those moral principles which have heretofore been deemed -sacred in the intercourse between nations, could not suffer us to remain -insensible of all agitation. During such a course of lawless violence, -it was certainly wise to withdraw ourselves from all intercourse with -the belligerent nations, to avoid the desolating calamities inseparable -from war, its pernicious effects on manners and morals, and the dangers -it threatens to free governments; and to cultivate our own resources -until our natural and progressive growth should leave us nothing to fear -from foreign enterprise. That the benefits derived from these measures -were lessened by an opposition of the most ominous character, and that -a continuance of injury was encouraged by the appearance of domestic -weakness which that presented, will doubtless be a subject of deep and -durable regret to such of our well-intentioned citizens as participated -in it, under mistaken confidence in men who had other views than the good -of their own country. Should foreign nations, however, deceived by this -appearance of division and weakness, render it necessary to vindicate by -arms the injuries to our country, I believe, with you, that the spirit -of the revolution is unextinguished, and that the cultivators of peace -will again, as on that occasion, be transformed at once into a nation of -warriors, who will leave us nothing to fear for the natural and national -rights of our country. - -Your approbation of the reasons which induced me to retire from the -honorable station in which my fellow citizens had placed me, is a proof -of your devotion to the true principles of our constitution. These are -wisely opposed to all perpetuations of power, and to every practice which -may lead to hereditary establishments; and certain I am that any services -which I could have rendered will be more than supplied by the wisdom and -virtues of my successor. - -I am very thankful for the kind wishes you express for my personal -happiness. It will always be intimately connected with the prosperity of -our country, of which I sincerely pray that my fellow citizens of the city -and county of New York may have their full participation. - - -TO DON VALENTINE DE FORONDA. - - MONTICELLO, October 4, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of August the 26th came to hand in the succeeding -month, and I have now to thank you for the pamphlet it contained. I -have read it with pleasure, and find the constitution proposed would -probably be as free as is consistent with hereditary institutions. It has -one feature which I like much; that which provides that when the three -co-ordinate branches differ in their construction of the constitution, the -opinion of two branches shall overrule the third. Our constitution has not -sufficiently solved this difficulty. - -Among the multitude of characters with which public office leads us to -official intercourse, we cannot fail to observe many, whose personal -worth marks them as objects of particular esteem, whom we would wish -to select for our society in private life. I avail myself gladly of the -present occasion of assuring you that I was peculiarly impressed with your -merit and talents, and that I have ever entertained for them a particular -respect. To those whose views are single and direct, it is a great comfort -to have to do business with frank and honorable minds. And here give me -leave to make an avowal, for which, in my present retirement, there can be -no motive but a regard for truth. Your predecessor, soured on a question -of etiquette against the administration of this country, wished to impute -wrong to them in all their actions, even where he did not believe it -himself. In this spirit, he wished it to be believed that we were in -unjustifiable co-operation in Miranda's expedition. I solemnly, and on my -personal truth and honor, declare to you, that this was entirely without -foundation, and that there was neither co-operation, nor connivance on our -part. He informed us he was about to attempt the liberation of his native -country from bondage, and intimated a hope of our aid, or connivance -at least. He was at once informed, that although we had great cause of -complaint against Spain, and even of war, yet whenever we should think -proper to act as her enemy, it should be openly and above board, and that -our hostility should never be exercised by such petty means. We had no -suspicion that he expected to engage men here, but merely to purchase -military stores. Against this there was no law, nor consequently any -authority for us to interpose obstacles. On the other hand, we deemed it -improper to betray his voluntary communication to the agents of Spain. -Although his measures were many days in preparation at New York, we -never had the least intimation or suspicion of his engaging men in his -enterprise, until he was gone; and I presume the secrecy of his proceeding -kept them equally unknown to the Marquis Yrujo at Philadelphia, and the -Spanish consul at New York, since neither of them gave us any information -of the enlistment of men, until it was too late for any measures taken -at Washington to prevent their departure. The officer in the Customs, who -participated in this transaction with Miranda, we immediately removed, and -should have had him and others further punished, had it not been for the -protection given them by private citizens at New York, in opposition to -the government, who, by their impudent falsehoods and calumnies, were able -to overbear the minds of the jurors. Be assured, Sir, that no motive could -induce me, at this time, to make this declaration so gratuitously, were it -not founded in sacred truth; and I will add further, that I never did, or -countenanced, in public life, a single act inconsistent with the strictest -good faith; having never believed there was one code of morality for a -public, and another for a private man. - -I receive, with great pleasure, the testimonies of personal esteem which -breathes through your letter; and I pray you to accept those equally -sincere with which I now salute you. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - MONTICELLO, October 8, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--It is long since I ought to have acknowledged the receipt of -your most excellent oration on the 4th of July. I was doubting what you -could say, equal to your own reputation, on so hackneyed a subject; but -you have really risen out of it with lustre, and pointed to others a field -of great expansion. A day or two after I received your letter to Bishop -Gregoire, a copy of his diatribe to you came to hand from France. I had -not before heard of it. He must have been eagle-eyed in quest of offence, -to have discovered ground for it among the rubbish massed together in -the print he animadverts on. You have done right in giving him a sugary -answer. But he did not deserve it. For, notwithstanding a compliment to -you now and then, he constantly returns to the identification of your -sentiments with the extravagances of the Revolutionary zealots. I believe -him a very good man, with imagination enough to declaim eloquently, -but without judgment to decide. He wrote to me also on the doubts I had -expressed five or six and twenty years ago, in the Notes of Virginia, as -to the grade of understanding of the negroes, and he sent me his book on -the literature of the negroes. His credulity has made him gather up every -story he could find of men of color, (without distinguishing whether -black, or of what degree of mixture,) however slight the mention, or -light the authority on which they are quoted. The whole do no amount, -in point of evidence, to what we know ourselves of Banneker. We know he -had spherical trigonometry enough to make almanacs, but not without the -suspicion of aid from Ellicot, who was his neighbor and friend, and never -missed an opportunity of puffing him. I have a long letter from Banneker, -which shows him to have had a mind of very common stature indeed. As to -Bishop Gregoire, I wrote him, as you have done, a very soft answer. It was -impossible for doubt to have been more tenderly or hesitatingly expressed -than that was in the Notes of Virginia, and nothing was or is farther from -my intentions, than to enlist myself as the champion of a fixed opinion, -where I have only expressed a doubt. St. Domingo will, in time, throw -light on the question. - -I intended, ere this, to have sent you the papers I had promised you. But -I have taken up Marshall's fifth volume, and mean to read it carefully, -to correct what is wrong in it, and commit to writing such facts and -annotations as the reading of that work will bring into my recollection, -and which has not yet been put on paper; in this I shall be much aided -by my memorandums and letters, and will send you both the old and the -new. But I go on very slowly. In truth, during the pleasant season, I am -always out of doors, employed, not passing more time at my writing table -than will despatch my current business. But when the weather becomes -cold, I shall go out but little. I hope, therefore, to get through this -volume during the ensuing winter; but should you want the papers sooner, -they shall be sent at a moment's warning. The ride from Washington to -Monticello in the stage, or in a gig, is so easy that I had hoped you -would have taken a flight here during the season of good roads. Whenever -Mrs. Barlow is well enough to join you in such a visit, it must be -taken more at ease. It will give us real pleasure whenever it may take -place. I pray you to present me to her respectfully, and I salute you -affectionately. - - -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. - - MONTICELLO, October 11, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I do not know whether the request of Monsieur Moussier, -explained in the enclosed letter, is grantable or not. But my partialities -in favor of whatever may promote either the useful or liberal arts, induce -me to place it under your consideration, to do in it whatever is right, -neither more nor less. I would then ask you to favor me with three lines, -in such form as I may forward him by way of answer. - -I have reflected much and painfully on the change of dispositions -which has taken place among the members of the cabinet, since the new -arrangement, as you stated to me in the moment of our separation. It -would be, indeed, a great public calamity were it to fix you in the -purpose which you seemed to think possible. I consider the fortunes of -our republic as depending, in an eminent degree, on the extinguishment -of the public debt before we engage in any war: because, that done, we -shall have revenue enough to improve our country in peace and defend it -in war, without recurring either to new taxes or loans. But if the debt -should once more be swelled to a formidable size, its entire discharge -will be despaired of, and we shall be committed to the English career of -debt, corruption and rottenness, closing with revolution. The discharge -of the debt, therefore, is vital to the destinies of our government, -and it hangs on Mr. Madison and yourself alone. We shall never see -another President and Secretary of the Treasury making all other objects -subordinate to this. Were either of you to be lost to the public, that -great hope is lost. I had always cherished the idea that you would fix -on that object the measure of your fame, and of the gratitude which our -country will owe you. Nor can I yield up this prospect to the secondary -considerations which assail your tranquillity. For sure I am, they never -can produce any other serious effect. Your value is too justly estimated -by our fellow citizens at large, as well as their functionaries, to -admit any remissness in their support of you. My opinion always was, -that none of us ever occupied stronger ground in the esteem of Congress -than yourself, and I am satisfied there is no one who does not feel -your aid to be still as important for the future as it has been for the -past. You have nothing, therefore, to apprehend in the dispositions of -Congress, and still less of the President, who, above all men, is the -most interested and affectionately disposed to support you. I hope, then, -you will abandon entirely the idea you expressed to me, and that you will -consider the eight years to come as essential to your political career. -I should certainly consider any earlier day of your retirement, as the -most inauspicious day our new government has ever seen. In addition to -the common interest in this question, I feel particularly for myself the -considerations of gratitude which I personally owe you for your valuable -aid during my administration of public affairs, a just sense of the large -portion of the public approbation which was earned by your labors and -belongs to you, and the sincere friendship and attachment which grew out -of our joint exertions to promote the common good; and of which I pray you -now to accept the most cordial and respectful assurances. - - -TO THE CHEVALIER DE ONIS. - - MONTICELLO, November 4, 1809. - -Thomas Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to his Excellency the -Chevalier de Onis, and congratulates him on his safe arrival in the United -States, and at a season so propitious for the preservation of health -against the effects of a sensible and sudden change of climate. He hopes -that his residence here will be made agreeable to him, and that it will be -useful in cementing the friendship and intercourse of the two nations, so -advantageous to both. He would have been happy to have paid his respects -to the Chevalier de Onis in person, and to have had the honor of forming -his acquaintance; but the distance and bad roads deny him that pleasure. -He learns with great satisfaction that his venerable and worthy friend, -Mr. Yznardi, continues in life and health, and takes this occasion of -bearing testimony to his loyal and honorable conduct while in the United -States. He salutes the Chevalier de Onis with assurances of his high -respect and consideration. - - -TO GEORGE W. IRVING, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, November 23, 1809. - -SIR,--An American vessel, the property of a respectable merchant of -Georgetown, on a voyage to some part of Europe for general purposes -of commerce, proposes to touch at some part of Spain with the view of -obtaining Merino sheep to be brought to our country. The necessity we are -under, and the determination we have formed of emancipating ourselves -from a dependence on foreign countries for manufactures which may be -advantageously established among ourselves, has produced a very general -desire to improve the quality of our wool by the introduction of the -Merino race of sheep. Your sense of the duties you owe to your station -will not permit me to ask, nor yourself to do any act which might -compromit you with the government with which you reside, or forfeit -that confidence on their part which can alone enable you to be useful -to your country. But as far as that will permit you to give aid to the -procuring and bringing away some of the valuable race, I take the liberty -of soliciting you to do so--it will be an important service rendered to -your country: to which you will be further encouraged by the assurance -that the enterprise is solely on the behalf of agricultural gentlemen of -distinguished character in Washington and its neighborhood, with a view -of disseminating the benefits of their success as widely as they can. -Without any interest in it myself, other than the general one, I cannot -help wishing a favorable result, and therefore add my solicitations to the -assurances of my constant esteem and respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, November 26, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 6th was received from our post office on -the 24th, after my return from Bedford. I now re-enclose the letters of -Mr. Short and Romanzoff, and with them a letter from Armstrong, for your -perusal, as there may be some matters in it not otherwise communicated. -The infatuation of the British government and nation is beyond every -thing imaginable. A thousand circumstances announce that they are -on the point of being blown up, and they still proceed with the same -madness and increased wickedness. With respect to Jackson I hear but one -sentiment, except that some think he should have been sent off. The more -moderate step was certainly more advisable. There seems to be a perfect -acquiescence in the opinion of the Government respecting Onis. The public -interest certainly made his rejection expedient, and as that is a motive -which it is not pleasant always to avow, I think it fortunate that the -contending claims of Charles and Ferdinand furnished such plausible -embarrassment to the question of right; for, on our principles, I presume, -the right of the Junta to send a Minister could not be denied. La Fayette, -in a letter to me expresses great anxiety to receive his formal titles to -the lands in Louisiana. Indeed, I know not why the proper officers have -not sooner sent on the papers on which the grants might issue. It will -be in your power to forward the grants or copies of them by some safe -conveyance, as La Fayette says that no negotiation can be effected without -them. - -I enclose you a letter from Major Neely, Chickasaw agent, stating that -he is in possession of two trunks of the unfortunate Governor Lewis, -containing public vouchers, the manuscripts of his western journey, and -probably some private papers. As he desired they should be sent _to the -President_, as the public vouchers render it interesting to the public -that they should be safely received, and they would probably come most -safely if addressed to you, would it not be advisable that Major Neely -should receive an order on your part to forward them to Washington -addressed to you, by the Stage, and if possible under the care of some -person coming on? When at Washington I presume the papers may be opened -and distributed; that is to say, the vouchers to the proper offices where -they are cognizable; the manuscript voyage, &c., to General Clarke, who -is interested in it, and is believed to be now on his way to Washington; -and his private papers, if any, to his administrator--who is John Marks, -his half brother. It is impossible you should have time to examine and -distribute them; but if Mr. Coles could find time to do it, the family -would have entire confidence in his distribution. The other two trunks, -which are in the care of Capt. Russel at the Chickasaw bluffs, and which -Pernier (Gov. Lewis' servant) says contain his private property, I write -to Capt. Russel, at the request of Mr. Marks, to forward to Mr. Brown -at New Orleans, to be sent on to Richmond under my address. Pernier says -that Gov. Lewis owes him $240 for his wages. He has received money from -Neely to bring him on here, and I furnish him to Washington, where he -will arrive penniless, and will ask for some money to be placed to the -Governor's account. He rides a horse of the Governor's, which, with the -approbation of the administration, I tell him to dispose of and give -credit for the amount in his account against the Governor. He is the -bearer of this letter, and of my assurances of constant and affectionate -esteem. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, November 30, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I received last night yours of the 27th, and rode this morning -to Col. Monroe's. I found him preparing to set out to-morrow morning for -London, from whence he will not return till Christmas. I had an hour or -two's frank conversation with him. The catastrophe of poor Lewis served -to lead us to the point intended. I reminded him that in the letter I -wrote to him while in Europe, proposing the Government of Orleans, I also -suggested that of Louisiana, if fears for health should be opposed to the -other. I said something on the importance of the post, its advantages, -&c.--expressed my regret at the curtain which seemed to be drawn between -him and his best friends, and my wish to see his talents and integrity -engaged in the service of his country again, and that his going into -any post would be a signal of reconciliation, on which the body of -republicans, who lamented his absence from the public service, would again -rally to him. These are the general heads of what I said to him in the -course of our conversation. The sum of his answers was, that to accept -of that office was incompatible with the respect he owed himself; that -he never would act in any office where he should be subordinate to any -body but the President himself, or which did not place his responsibility -substantially with the President and the nation; that at your accession -to the chair, he would have accepted a place in the cabinet, and would -have exerted his endeavors most faithfully in support of your fame and -measures; that he is not unready to serve the public, and especially in -the case of any difficult crisis in our affairs; that he is satisfied that -such is the deadly hatred of both France and England, and such their self -reproach and dread at the spectacle of such a government as ours, that -they will spare nothing to destroy it; that nothing but a firm union among -the whole body of republicans can save it, and therefore that no schism -should be indulged on any ground; that in his present situation, he is -sincere in his anxieties for the success of the administration, and in -his support of it as far as the limited sphere of his action or influence -extends; that his influence to this end had been used with those with -whom the world had ascribed to him an interest he did not possess, until, -whatever it was, it was lost, (he particularly named J. Randolph, who, he -said, had plans of his own, on which he took no advice;) and that he was -now pursuing what he believed his properest occupation, devoting his whole -time and faculties to the liberation of his pecuniary embarrassments, -which, three years of close attention, he hoped, would effect. In order -to know more exactly what were the kinds of employ he would accept, I -adverted to the information of the papers, which came yesterday, that -Gen. Hampton was dead, but observed that the military life in our present -state, offered nothing which could operate on the principle of patriotism; -he said he would sooner be shot than take a command under Wilkinson. -In this sketch, I have given truly the substance of his ideas, but not -always his own words. On the whole, I conclude he would accept a place in -the cabinet, or a military command dependent on the Executive alone, and -I rather suppose a diplomatic mission, because it would fall within the -scope of his views, and not because he said so, for no allusion was made -to anything of that kind in our conversation. Everything from him breathed -the purest patriotism, involving, however, a close attention to his own -honor and grade. He expressed himself with the utmost devotion to the -interests of our own country, and I am satisfied he will pursue them with -honor and zeal in any character in which he shall be willing to act. - -I have thus gone far beyond the single view of your letter, that you may, -under any circumstances, form a just estimate of what he would be disposed -to do. God bless you, and carry you safely through all your difficulties. - - -TO MR. CHARLES F. WELLES. - - MONTICELLO, December 3, 1809. - -SIR,--I received, within a few days past, your favor of February 29th, -(for September, I presume,) in either case it has been long on the way. -It covered the two pieces of poetry it referred to. Of all the charges -brought against me by my political adversaries, that of possessing -some science has probably done them the least credit. Our countrymen -are too enlightened themselves, to believe that ignorance is the best -qualification for their service. If Mr. M. solicits a seat in Congress, -I am sure he will be more just to himself, and more respectful to his -electors, than to claim it on this ground. - -Without pretending to all the merits so kindly ascribed by the more -friendly and poetical answer, I feel the right of claiming that of -integrity of motives. Whether the principles of the majority of our fellow -citizens, or of the little minority still opposing them, be most friendly -to the rights of man, posterity will judge; and to that arbiter I submit -my own conduct with cheerfulness. It has been a great happiness to me, to -have received the approbation of so great a portion of my fellow citizens, -and particularly of those who have opportunities of inquiring, reading -and deciding for themselves. It is on this view that I owe you especial -acknowledgments, which I pray you to accept with the assurances of my -respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, December 7, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter is from Father Richard, the Director of -a school at Detroit, being on a subject in which the departments both -of the Treasury and War are concerned, I take the liberty of enclosing -it to yourself as the centre which may unite these two agencies. The -transactions which it alludes to took place in the months of December and -January preceding my retirement from office, and as I think it possible -they may not have been fully placed on the records of the War office, -because they were conducted verbally for the most part, I will give a -general statement of them as well as my recollection will enable me. In -the neighborhood of Detroit (two or three miles from the town) is a farm, -formerly the property of one Earnest, a bankrupt Collector. It is now in -the possession of the Treasury department, as a pledge for a sum in which -he is in default to the government, much beyond the value of the farm. -As it is a good one, has proper buildings, and in a proper position for -the purpose contemplated, General Dearborne proposed to purchase it for -the War department at its real value. Mr. Gallatin thought he should ask -the sum for which it was hypothecated. I do not remember the last idea -in which we all concurred; but I believe it was that, as the Treasury -must, in the end, sell it for what it could get, the War department would -become a bidder as far as its real value, and in the meantime would rent -it. On this farm we proposed to assemble the following establishments: -1st. Father Richards' school. He teaches the children of the inhabitants -of Detroit--but the part of the school within our view was that of the -young Indian girls instructed by two French females, natives of the -place, who devote their whole time and their own property, which was not -inconsiderable, to the care and instruction of Indian girls in carding, -spinning, weaving, sewing, and the other household arts suited to the -condition of the poor, and as practiced by the white women of that -condition. Reading and writing were an incidental part of their education. -We proposed that the War department should furnish the farm and the houses -for the use of the school gratis, and add $400 a year to the funds, and -that the benefits of the Institution should be extended to the boys also -of the neighboring tribes, who were to be lodged, fed, and instructed -there. - -2d. To establish there the farmer at present employed by the United -States, to instruct those Indians in the use of the plough and other -implements and practices of agriculture, and in the general management -of the farm. This man was to labor the farm himself, and to have the aid -of the boys through a principal portion of the day, by which they would -contract habits of industry, learn the business of farming, and provide -subsistence for the whole Institution. Reading and writing were to be a -secondary object. - -3d. To remove thither the carpenter and smith at present employed by the -United States among the same Indians; with whom such of the boys as had a -turn for it should work and learn their trades. - -This establishment was recommended by the further circumstance that -whenever the Indians come to Detroit on trade or other business, they -encamp on or about this farm. This would give them opportunities of seeing -their sons and daughters, and their advancement in the useful arts--of -seeing and learning from example all the operations and process of a farm, -and of always carrying home themselves some additional knowledge of these -things. It was thought more important to extend the civilized arts, and to -introduce a separation of property among the Indians of the country around -Detroit than elsewhere, because learning to set a high value on their -property, and losing by degrees all other dependence for subsistence, -they would deprecate war with us as bringing certain destruction on their -property, and would become a barrier for that distant and isolated post -against the Indians beyond them. There are beyond them some strong tribes, -as the Sacs, Foxes, &c., with whom we have as yet had little connection, -and slender opportunities of extending to them our benefits and influence. -They are therefore ready instruments to be brought into operation on us -by a powerful neighbor, which still cultivates its influence over them by -nourishing the savage habits which waste them, rather than by encouraging -the civilized arts which would soften, conciliate and preserve them. The -whole additional expense to the United States was to be the price of the -farm, and an increase of $400 in the annual expenditures for these tribes. - -This is the sum of my recollections. I cannot answer for their -exactitude in all details, but General Dearborne could supply and -correct the particulars of my statement. Mr. Gallatin, too was so often -in consultation on the subject, that he must have been informed of the -whole plan; and his memory is so much better than mine, that he will be -able to make my statement what it should be. Add to this that I think I -generally informed yourself of our policy and proceedings in the case, as -we went along; and, if I am not mistaken, it was one of the articles of a -memorandum I left with you of things still in fieri, and which would merit -your attention. I have thought it necessary to put you in possession of -these facts, that you might understand the grounds of Father Richards' -application, and be enabled to judge for yourself of the expediency of -pursuing the plan, or of the means of withdrawing from it with justice -to the individuals employed in its execution. How far we are committed -with the Indians themselves in this business will be seen in a speech -of mine to them, of January 31st, filed in the War office, and perhaps -something more may have passed to them from the Secretary of War. Always -affectionately yours. - - -TO DR. CHAPMAN. - - MONTICELLO, December 11, 1809. - -SIR,--Your favor of November 10th did not come to hand till the 29th -of that month. The subject you have chosen for the next anniversary -discourse of the Linnean Society, is certainly a very interesting and also -a difficult one. The change which has taken place in our climate, is one -of those facts which all men of years are sensible of, and yet none can -prove by regular evidence, they can only appeal to each other's general -observation for the fact. I remember that when I was a small boy, (say 60 -years ago,) snows were frequent and deep in every winter--to my knee very -often, to my waist sometimes--and that they covered the earth long. And I -remember while yet young, to have heard from very old men, that in their -youth, the winters had been still colder, with deeper and longer snows. In -the year 1772, (37 years ago,) we had a snow two feet deep in the champain -parts of this State, and three feet in the counties next below the -mountains. That year is still marked in conversation by the designation -of "the year of the deep snow." But I know of no regular diaries of the -weather very far back. In latter times, they might perhaps be found. While -I lived at Washington, I kept a diary, and by recurring to that, I observe -that from the winter of 1802-3, to that of 1808-9, inclusive, the average -fall of snow of the seven winters was only fourteen and a half inches, -and that the ground was covered but sixteen days in each winter on an -average of the whole. The maximum in any one winter, during that period, -was twenty-one inches fall, and thirty-four days on the ground. The change -in our climate is very shortly noticed in the Notes on Virginia, because I -had few facts to state but from my own recollections, then only of thirty -or thirty-five years. Since that my whole time has been so completely -occupied in public vocations, that I have been able to pay but little -attention to this subject, and if I have heard any facts respecting it, -I made no note of them, and they have escaped my memory. Thus, sir, with -every disposition to furnish you with any information in my possession, I -can only express my regrets at the entire want of them. Nor do I know of -any source in this State, now existing, from which anything on the subject -can be derived. Williams, in his History of Vermont, has an essay on the -change of climate in Europe, Asia and Africa, and has very ingeniously -laid history under contribution for materials. Doctor Williamson has -written on the change of our climate, in one of the early volumes of our -philosophical transactions. Both of these are doubtless known to you. - -Wishing it had been in my power to have been more useful to you, I pray -you to accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO W. C. NICHOLAS, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, December 16, 1809. - -DEAR SIR,--I now enclose you the agricultural catalogue. I do not know -whether I have made it more or less comprehensive than you wished; -but in either case, you can make it what it should be by reduction -or addition--there are probably other good books with which I am -unacquainted. I do not possess the Geoponica, nor Rozier's Dictionary. All -the others I have, and set them down on my own knowledge, except Young's -Experimental Agriculture, which I have not, but had the benefit of reading -your copy. I am sorry to address this catalogue to Warren, instead of -Washington. Never was there a moment when it was so necessary to unite all -the wisdom of the nation in its councils. Our affairs are certainly now at -their ultimate point of crisis. I understand the Eastern Republicans will -agree to nothing which shall render not-intercourse effectual, and that -in any question of that kind, the Federalists will have a majority. There -remains, then, only war or submission, and if we adopt the former, they -will desert us. Under these difficulties you ought not to have left us. -A temporary malady was not a just ground for permanent withdrawing, and -you are too young to be entitled as yet to decline public duties. I think -there never was a time when your presence in Congress was more desirable. -However, the die is cast, and we have only to regret what we cannot -repair. You must indulge me a little in scolding on this subject, and the -rather as it is the effect of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. - - MONTICELLO, January 15, 1810. - -SIR,--Your favor of December 12th has been duly received, as was also -that of September 28th. With the blank subscription paper for the academy -of Frederic county, enclosed in your letter of September, nothing has -been done. I go rarely from home, and therefore have little opportunity -of soliciting subscriptions. Nor could I do it in the present case in -conformity with my own judgment of what is best for institutions of this -kind. We are all doubtless bound to contribute a certain portion of our -income to the support of charitable and other useful public institutions. -But it is a part of our duty also to apply our contributions in the -most effectual way we can to secure their object. The question then is -whether this will not be better done by each of us appropriating our -whole contributions to the institutions within our own reach, under our -own eye; and over which we can exercise some useful control? Or would -it be better that each should divide the sum he can spare among all -the institutions of his State, or of the United States? Reason, and the -interest of these institutions themselves, certainly decide in favor of -the former practice. This question has been forced on me heretofore by the -multitude of applications which have come to me from every quarter of the -Union on behalf of academies, churches, missions, hospitals, charitable -establishments, &c. Had I parcelled among them all the contributions which -I could spare, it would have been for each too feeble a sum to be worthy -of being either given or received. If each portion of the State, on the -contrary, will apply its aids and its attentions exclusively to those -nearest around them, all will be better taken care of. Their support, -their conduct, and the best administration of their funds, will be under -the inspection and control of those most convenient to take cognizance -of them, and most interested in their prosperity. With these impressions -myself, I could not propose to others what my own judgment disapproved, as -to their duty as well as my own. These considerations appear so conclusive -to myself, that I trust they will be a sufficient apology for my not -having fulfilled your wishes with respect to the paper enclosed. They -are therefore submitted to your candor, with assurances of my best wishes -for the success of the institution you patronize, and of my respect and -consideration for yourself. - - -TO MR. EPPES. - - MONTICELLO, January 17, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 10th came safely to hand, and I now enclose you -a letter from Francis; he continues in excellent health, and employs his -time well. He has written to his mamma and grandmamma. I observe that the -H. of R. are sensible of the ill effects of the long speeches in their -house on their proceedings. But they have a worse effect in the disgust -they excite among the people, and the disposition they are producing to -transfer their confidence from the legislature to the executive branch, -which would soon sap our constitution. These speeches, therefore, are -less and less read, and if continued will cease to be read at all. -The models for that oratory which is to produce the greatest effect by -securing the attention of hearers and readers, are to be found in Livy, -Tacitus, Sallust, and most assuredly not in Cicero. I doubt if there is -a man in the world who can now read one of his orations through but as -a piece of task-work. I observe the house is endeavoring to remedy the -eternal protraction of debate by setting up all night, or by the use -of the Previous Question. Both will subject them to the most serious -inconvenience. The latter may be turned upon themselves by a trick of -their adversaries. I have thought that such a rule as the following would -be more effectual and less inconvenient. "Resolved that at [viii.] o'clock -in the evening (whenever the house shall be in session at that hour) it -shall be the duty of the Speaker to declare that hour arrived, whereupon -all debate shall cease. If there be then before the house a main question -for the reading or passing of a bill, resolution or order, such main -question shall immediately be put by the Speaker, and decided by yeas and -nays. - -"If the question before the house be secondary, as for amendment, -commitment, postponement, adjournment of the debate or question, laying -on the table, reading papers, or a previous question, such secondary, [or -any other which may delay the main question,] shall stand _ipso facto_ -discharged, and the main question shall then be before the house, and -shall be immediately put and decided by yeas and nays. But a motion for -adjournment of the house, may once and once only, take place of the main -question, and if decided in the negative, the main question shall then -be put as before. Should any question of order arise, it shall be decided -by the Speaker instanter, and without debate or appeal; and questions of -privilege arising, shall be postponed till the main question be decided. -Messages from the President or Senate may be received but not acted on -till after the decision of the main question. But this rule shall be -suspended during the [three] last days of the session of Congress." - -No doubt this, on investigation, will be found to need amendment; but I -think the principle of it better adapted to meet the evil than any other -which has occurred to me. You can consider and decide upon it, however, -and make what use of it you please, only keeping the source of it to -yourself. Ever affectionately yours. - - -TO MR. SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. - - MONTICELLO, January 19, 1810. - -SIR,--Yours of the 7th inst. has been duly received, with the pamphlet -enclosed, for which I return you my thanks. Nothing can be more exactly -and seriously true than what is there stated: that but a short time -elapsed after the death of the great reformer of the Jewish religion, -before his principles were departed from by those who professed to be his -special servants, and perverted into an engine for enslaving mankind, -and aggrandizing their oppressors in Church and State: that the purest -system of morals ever before preached to man has been adulterated and -sophisticated by artificial constructions, into a mere contrivance to -filch wealth and power to themselves: that rational men, not being able to -swallow their impious heresies, in order to force them down their throats, -they raise the hue and cry of infidelity, while themselves are the -greatest obstacles to the advancement of the real doctrines of Jesus, and -do, in fact, constitute the real Anti-Christ. - -You expect that your book will have some effect on the prejudices -which the society of Friends entertain against the present and late -administrations. In this I think you will be disappointed. The Friends -are men formed with the same passions, and swayed by the same natural -principles and prejudices as others. In cases where the passions are -neutral, men will display their respect for the religious _professions_ -of their sect. But where their passions are enlisted, these _professions_ -are no obstacle. You observe very truly, that both the late and present -administration conducted the government on principles _professed_ by the -Friends. Our efforts to preserve peace, our measures as to the Indians, -as to slavery, as to religious freedom, were all in consonance with their -_profession_. Yet I never expected we should get a vote from them, and in -this I was neither deceived nor disappointed. There is no riddle in this -to those who do not suffer themselves to be duped by the _professions_ of -religions sectaries. The theory of American Quakerism is a very obvious -one. The mother society is in England. Its members are English by birth -and residence, devoted to their own country as good citizens ought to be. -The Quakers of these States are colonies or filiations from the mother -society, to whom that society sends its yearly lessons. On these, the -filiated societies model their opinions, their conduct, their passions -and attachments. A Quaker is essentially an Englishman, in whatever -part of the earth he is born or lives. The outrages of Great Britain on -our navigation and commerce, have kept us in perpetual bickerings with -her. The Quakers here have taken side against their own government, not -on their _profession_ of peace, for they saw that peace was our object -also; but from devotion to the views of the mother society. In 1797-8, -when an administration sought war with France, the Quakers were the -most clamorous for war. Their principle of peace, as a secondary one, -yielded to the primary one of adherence to the Friends in England, and -what was patriotism in the original, became treason in the copy. On that -occasion, they obliged their good old leader, Mr. Pemberton, to erase his -name from a petition to Congress against war, which had been delivered -to a Representative of Pennsylvania, a member of the late and present -administration; he accordingly permitted the old gentleman to erase his -name. You must not therefore expect that your book will have any more -effect on the Society of Friends here, than on the English merchants -settled among us. I apply this to the Friends in general, not universally. -I know individuals among them as good patriots as we have. - -I thank you for the kind wishes and sentiments towards myself, expressed -in your letter, and sincerely wish to yourself the blessings of heaven and -happiness. - - -TO MR. BALDWIN. - - MONTICELLO, January 19, 1810. - -Thomas Jefferson returns to Mr. Baldwin his thanks for the copy of the -letters of Cerus and Amicus just received from him. He sincerely wishes -its circulation among the Society of Friends may have the effect Mr. -Baldwin expects, of abating their prejudices against the government of -their country. But he apprehends their disease is too deeply seated; that -identifying themselves with the mother society in England, and taking -from them implicitly their politics, their principles and passions, it -will be long before they will cease to be Englishmen in everything but the -place of their birth, and to consider that, and not America, as their real -country. He is particularly thankful to Mr. Baldwin for the kind wishes -and sentiments expressed in his letter, and sincerely wishes to him the -blessings of health and happiness. - - -TO MR. THOMAS T. HEWSON. - - MONTICELLO, January 21, 1810. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 8th inst., informing me that -the American Philosophical Society had been pleased again unanimously to -re-elect me their President. For these continued testimonials of their -favor, I can but renew the expressions of my continued gratitude, and -the assurances of my entire devotion to their service. If, in my present -situation, I can in any wise forward their laudable pursuits for the -information and benefit of mankind, all other duties shall give place to -that. - -I pray you to be the channel of communicating these sentiments, with -the expressions of my dutiful respects to the Society, and to accept, -yourself, the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE HONORABLE PAUL HAMILTON. - - MONTICELLO, January 23, 1810. - -SIR,--The enclosed letter would have been more properly addressed to -yourself, or perhaps to the Secretary of War. I have no knowledge at all -of the writer; but suppose the best use I can make of his letter, as to -himself or the public, is to enclose it to you for such notice only as -the public utility may entitle it to; perhaps I should ask the favor of -you to communicate it, with the samples, and with my friendly respects, -to the Secretary of War, who may know something of the writer. I recollect -that his predecessor made some trial of cotton tenting, and found it good -against the water. Its combustibility, however, must be an objection to -it for that purpose, and perhaps even on shipboard. I avail myself of -the occasion which this circumstance presents of expressing my sincere -anxieties for the prosperity of the administration in all its parts, which -indeed involves the prosperity of us all, and of tendering to yourself in -particular the assurances of my high respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - MONTICELLO, January 24, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 15th is received, and I am disconsolate on -learning my mistake as to your having a dynamometer. My object being to -bring a plough to be made here to the same standard of comparison by which -Guillaume's has been proved, nothing less would be satisfactory than an -instrument made by the same standard. I must import one, therefore, but -how, in the present state of non-intercourse, is the difficulty. I do -not know * * * personally, but by character well. He is the most red-hot -federalist, famous, or rather infamous for the lying and slandering -which he vomited from the pulpit in the political harangues with which -he polluted the place. I was honored with much of it. He is a man who -can prove everything if you will take his word for proof. Such evidence -of Hamilton's being a republican he may bring; but Mr. Adams, Edmund -Randolph, and myself, could repeat an explicit declaration of Hamilton's -against which * * proofs would weigh nothing. - -I am sorry to learn that your rural occupations impede so much the -progress of your much to be desired work. You owe to republicanism, -and indeed to the future hopes of man, a faithful record of the _march_ -of this government, which may encourage the oppressed to go and do so -likewise. Your talents, your principles, and your means of access to -public and private sources of information, with the leisure which is at -your command, point you out as the person who is to do this act of justice -to those who believe in the improvability of the condition of man, and -who have acted on that behalf, in opposition to those who consider man -as a beast of burthen made to be rode by him who has genius enough to -get a bridle into his mouth. The dissensions between two members of the -Cabinet are to be lamented. But why should these force Mr. Gallatin to -withdraw? They cannot be greater than between Hamilton and myself, and -yet we served together four years in that way. We had indeed no personal -dissensions. Each of us, perhaps, thought well of the other as a man, -but as politicians it was impossible for two men to be of more opposite -principles. The method of separate consultation, practised sometimes in -the Cabinet, prevents disagreeable collisions. - -You ask my opinion of Maine. I think him a most excellent man. Sober, -industrious, intelligent and conscientious. But, in the difficulty -of changing a nursery establishment, I suspect you will find an -insurmountable obstacle to his removal. Present me respectfully to Mrs. -Barlow, and be assured of my constant and affectionate esteem. - -P. S. The day before yesterday the mercury was at 5½° with us, a very -uncommon degree of cold here. It gave us the first ice for the ice house. - - -TO GIDEON GRANGER, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, January 24, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--I was sorry, by a letter from Mr. Barlow the other day, to -learn the ill state of your health, and I sincerely wish that this may -find you better. Young, temperate and prudent as you are, great confidence -may be reposed in the provision nature has made for the restoration of -order in your system when it has become deranged; she effects her object -by strengthening the whole system, towards which medicine is generally -mischevous. Nor are the sedentary habits of office friendly to it. But -of all this your own good understanding, instructed by your experience, -is the best judge. * * * * * I cannot pass over this occasion of writing -to you, the first presented me since retiring from office, without -expressing to you my sense of the important aid I received from you in -the able and faithful direction of the office committed to your charge. -With such auxiliaries, the business and burthen of government becomes all -but insensible, and its painful anxieties are relieved by the certainty -that all is going right. In no department did I feel this sensation more -strongly than in yours, and though at this time of little significance -to yourself, it is a relief to my mind to discharge the duty of bearing -this testimony to your valuable services. I must add my acknowledgments -for your friendly interference in setting the public judgment to rights -with respect to the Connecticut prosecutions, so falsely and maliciously -charged on me. I refer to a statement of the facts in the National -Intelligencer of many months past, which I was sensible came from your -hand. I pray you to be assured of my great and constant attachment, esteem -and respect. - - -TO MR. J. GARLAND JEFFERSON. - - MONTICELLO, January 25, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 12th was long coming to hand. I am much -concerned to learn that any disagreeable impression was made on your mind, -by the circumstances which are the subject of your letter. Permit me first -to explain the principles which I had laid down for my own observance. -In a government like ours, it is the duty of the Chief Magistrate, in -order to enable himself to do all the good which his station requires, -to endeavor, by all honorable means, to unite in himself the confidence -of the whole people. This alone, in any case where the energy of the -nation is required, can produce a union of the powers of the whole, and -point them in a single direction, as if all constituted but one body -and one mind, and this alone can render a weaker nation unconquerable -by a stronger one. Towards acquiring the confidence of the people, the -very first measure is to satisfy them of his disinterestedness, and that -he is directing their affairs with a single eye to their good, and not -to build up fortunes for himself and family, and especially, that the -officers appointed to transact their business, are appointed because -they are the fittest men, not because they are his relations. So prone -are they to suspicion, that where a President appoints a relation of his -own, however worthy, they will believe that favor and not merit, was the -motive. I therefore laid it down as a law of conduct for myself, never to -give an appointment to a relation. Had I felt any hesitation in adopting -this rule, examples were not wanting to admonish me what to do and what -to avoid. Still, the expression of your willingness to act in any office -for which you were qualified, could not be imputed to you as blame. It -would not readily occur that a person qualified for office ought to be -rejected merely because he was related to the President, and the then more -recent examples favored the other opinion. In this light I considered the -case as presenting itself to your mind, and that the application might -be perfectly justifiable on your part, while, for reasons occurring to -none perhaps, but the person in my situation, the public interest might -render it unadvisable. Of this, however, be assured that I considered the -proposition as innocent on your part, and that it never lessened my esteem -for you, or the interest I felt in your welfare. - -My stay in Amelia was too short, (only twenty-four hours,) to expect the -pleasure of seeing you there. It would be a happiness to me any where, -but especially here, from whence I am rarely absent. I am leading a -life of considerable activity as a farmer, reading little and writing -less. Something pursued with ardor is necessary to guard us from the -_tedium-vitæ_, and the active pursuits lessen most our sense of the -infirmities of age. That to the health of youth you may add an old age of -vigor, is the sincere prayer of - - Yours, affectionately. - - -TO JUDGE DAVID CAMPBELL. - - MONTICELLO, January 28, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of November 5th, was two months on its passage to -me. I am very thankful for all the kind expressions of friendship in it, -and I consider it a great felicity, through a long and trying course of -life, to have retained the esteem of my early friends unaltered. I find in -old age that the impressions of youth are the deepest and most indelible. -Some friends, indeed, have left me by the way, seeking, by a different -political path, the same object, their country's good, which I pursued -with the crowd along the common highway. It is a satisfaction to me that -I was not the first to leave them. I have never thought that a difference -in political, any more than in religious opinions, should disturb the -friendly intercourse of society. There are so many other topics on which -friends may converse and be happy, that it is wonderful they would select, -of preference, the only one on which they cannot agree. I am sensible -of the mark of esteem manifested by the name you have given to your son. -Tell him from me, that he must consider as essentially belonging to it, -to love his friends and wish no ill to his enemies. I shall be happy to -see him here whenever any circumstance shall lead his footsteps this way. -You doubt, between law and physic, which profession he shall adopt. His -peculiar turn of mind, and your own knowledge of things will best decide -this question. Law is quite overdone. It is fallen to the ground, and -a man must have great powers to raise himself in it to either honor or -profit. The mob of the profession get as little money and less respect, -than they would by digging the earth. The followers of Esculapius are -also numerous. Yet I have remarked that wherever one sets himself down -in a good neighborhood, not pre-occupied, he secures to himself its -practice, and if prudent, is not long in acquiring whereon to retire and -live in comfort. The physician is happy in the attachment of the families -in which he practices. All think he has saved some one of them, and he -finds himself everywhere a welcome guest, a home in every house. If, to -the consciousness of having saved some lives, he can add that of having -at no time, from want of caution, destroyed the boon he was called on to -save, he will enjoy, in age, the happy reflection of not having lived in -vain; while the lawyer has only to recollect how many, by his dexterity, -have been cheated of their right and reduced to beggary. After all, I end -where I began, with the observation that your son's disposition and your -prudence, are the best arbiters of this question, and with the assurances -of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY. - - MONTICELLO, February 10, 1810. - -MY DEAR SIR,--I have to thank you for your favor of the 31st ultimo, -which is just now received. It has been peculiarly unfortunate for -us, personally, that the portion in the history of mankind, at which -we were called to take a share in the direction of their affairs, was -such an one as history has never before presented. At any other period, -the even-handed justice we have observed towards all nations, the -efforts we have made to merit their esteem by every act which candor or -liberality could exercise, would have preserved our peace, and secured -the unqualified confidence of all other nations in our faith and probity. -But the hurricane which is now blasting the world, physical and moral, -has prostrated all the mounds of reason as well as right. All those -calculations which, at any other period, would have been deemed honorable, -of the existence of a moral sense in man, individually or associated, -of the connection which the laws of nature have established between his -duties and his interests, of a regard for honest fame and the esteem of -our fellow men, have been a matter of reproach on us, as evidences of -imbecility. As if it could be a folly for an honest man to suppose that -others could be honest also, when it is their interest to be so. And when -is this state of things to end? The death of Bonaparte would, to be sure, -remove the first and chiefest apostle of the desolation of men and morals, -and might withdraw the scourge of the land. But what is to restore order -and safety on the ocean? The death of George III? Not at all. He is only -stupid; and his ministers, however weak and profligate in morals, are -ephemeral. But his nation is permanent, and it is that which is the tyrant -of the ocean. The principle that force is right, is become the principle -of the nation itself. They would not permit an honest minister, were -accident to bring such an one into power, to relax their system of lawless -piracy. These were the difficulties when I was with you. I know they are -not lessened, and I pity you. - -It is a blessing, however, that our people are reasonable; that they -are kept so well informed of the state of things as to judge for -themselves, to see the true sources of their difficulties, and to maintain -their confidence undiminished in the wisdom and integrity of their -functionaries. _Macte virtute_ therefore. Continue to go straight forward, -pursuing always that which is right, as the only clue which can lead us -out of the labyrinth. Let nothing be spared of either reason or passion, -to preserve the public confidence entire, as the only rock of our safety. -In times of peace the people look most to their representatives; but in -war, to the executive solely. It is visible that their confidence is even -now veering in that direction; that they are looking to the executive -to give the proper direction to their affairs, with a confidence as -auspicious as it is well founded. - -I avail myself of this, the first occasion of writing to you, to express -all the depth of my affection for you; the sense I entertain of your -faithful co-operation in my late labors, and the debt I owe for the -valuable aid I received from you. Though separated from my fellow laborers -in place and pursuit, my affections are with you all, and I offer daily -prayers that ye love one another, as I love you. God bless you. - - -TO REV. MR. KNOX. - - MONTICELLO, February 12, 1810. - -SIR,--Your favor of January 22d loitered on the way somewhere, so as not -to come to my hand until the 5th inst. The title of the tract of Buchanan -which you propose to translate, was familiar to me, and I possessed the -tract; but no circumstance had ever led me to look into it. Yet I think -nothing more likely than that, in the free spirit of that age and state -of society, principles should be avowed, which were felt and followed, -although unwritten in the Scottish constitution. Undefined powers had -been entrusted to the crown, undefined rights retained by the people, and -these depended for their maintenance on the spirit of the people, which, -in that day was dependence sufficient. I shall certainly, after what you -say of it, give it a serious reading. His latinity is so pure as to claim -a place in school reading, and the sentiments which have recommended the -work to your notice, are such as ought to be instilled into the minds of -our youth on their first opening. The boys of the rising generation are -to be the men of the next, and the sole guardians of the principles we -deliver over to them. That I have acted through life on those of sincere -republicanism I feel in every fibre of my constitution. And when men who -feel like myself, bear witness in my favor, my satisfaction is complete. -The testimony of approbation implied in the desire you express of coupling -my name with Buchanan's work, and your translation of it, cannot but be -acceptable and flattering; and the more so as coming from one of whom -a small acquaintance had inspired me with a great esteem. This I am now -happy in finding an occasion to express. The times which brought us within -mutual observation were awfully trying. But truth and reason are eternal. -They have prevailed. And they will eternally prevail, however, in times -and places they may be overborne for a while by violence, military, civil, -or ecclesiastical. The preservation of the holy fire is confided to us by -the world, and the sparks which will emanate from it will ever serve to -rekindle it in other quarters of the globe, _numinibus secundis_. - -Amidst the immense mass of detraction which was published against me, -when my fellow citizens proposed to entrust me with their concerns, and -the efforts of more candid minds to expose their falsehood, I retain a -remembrance of the pamphlet you mention. But I never before learned who -was its author; nor was it known to me that Mr. Pechin had ever published -a copy of the Notes on Virginia. But had all this been known, I should -have seen myself with pride by your side. Wherever you lead, we may all -safely follow, assured that it is in the path of truth and liberty. Mr. -Pechin knew well that your introduction would plead for his author, and -only erred in not asking your leave. Wishing every good effect which may -follow your undertaking, I tender you the assurances of my high esteem and -respect. - - -TO W. D. G. WORTHINGTON, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, February 24, 1810. - -SIR,--I have to thank you for the pamphlet you have been so kind as -to send me, and especially for its contents so far as they respect -myself personally. I had before read your speech in the newspapers, -with great satisfaction, and the more, as, besides the able defence of -the government, I saw that an absent and retired servant would still -find, in the justice of the public counsellors, friendly advocates who -would not suffer his name to be maligned without answer or reproof. -If, brooding over past calamities, the attentions of federalism can, by -abusing me, be diverted from disturbing the course of government, they -will make me useful longer than I had expected to be so. Having served -them faithfully for a term of twelve or fourteen years, in the terrific -station of Rawhead and Bloodybones, it was supposed that, retired from -power, I should have been _functus officio_, of course, for them also. -If, nevertheless, they wish my continuance in that awful office, I yield, -and the rather as it may be exercised at home, without interfering with -the tranquil enjoyment of my farm, my family, my friends and books. In -truth, having never felt a pain from their abuse, I bear them no malice. -Contented with our government, elective as it is in three of its principal -branches, I wish not, on Hamilton's plan, to see two of them for life; -and still less, hereditary, as others desire. I believe that the yeomanry -of the Federalists think on this subject with me. They are substantially -republican. But some of their leaders, who get into the public councils, -would prefer Hamilton's government, and still more the hereditary one. -_Hinc illæ lachrymæ_, I wish them no harm, but that they may never get -into power, not _for their harm_, but for the good of our country. I hope -the friends of republican government will keep strict watch over them, and -not let them want, when they need it, the wholesome discipline of which -you have sent me a specimen. I commit them with entire confidence to your -care, and salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. BURWELL. - - MONTICELLO, February 25, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 16th, has given me real uneasiness. I was -certainly very unfortunate in the choice of my expression, when I hit -upon one which could excite any doubt of my unceasing affections for -you. In observing that you might use the information as you should find -proper, I meant merely that you might communicate it to the President, the -Secretaries of State or War, or to young Mr. Lee, as should be judged by -yourself most proper. I meant particularly, to permit its communication -to Mr. Lee, to enlighten his enquiries, for I do not know that his -father received the medal. I could only conduct the information to the -completion of the dye and striking off a proof. With such assurances as -I have of your affection, be assured that nothing but the most direct and -unequivocal proofs can ever make me suspect its abatement, and conscious -of as warm feelings towards yourself, I hope you will ever be as unready -to doubt them. Let us put this, then, under our feet. - -I like your convoy bill, because although it does not assume the -maintenance of all our maritime rights, it assumes as much as it is our -interest to maintain. Our coasting trade is the first and most important -branch, never to be yielded but with our existence. Next to that is the -carriage of our own productions in our own vessels, and bringing back the -returns for our own consumption; so far I would protect it, and force -every part of the Union to join in the protection at the point of the -bayonet. But though we have a right to the remaining branch of carrying -for other nations, its advantages do not compensate its risks. Your bill -first rallies us to the ground the constitution ought to have taken, -and to which we ought to return without delay; the moment is the most -favorable possible, because the Eastern States, by declaring they will not -protect that cabotage by war, and forcing us to abandon it, have released -us from every future claim for its protection on that part. Your bill is -excellent in another view: it presents still one other ground to which we -can retire before we resort to war; it says to the belligerents, rather -than go to war, we will retire from the brokerage of other nations, and -confine ourselves to the carriage and exchange of our own productions; but -we will vindicate that in all its rights--if you touch it, it is war. - -The present delightful weather has drawn us all into our farms and -gardens; we have had the most devastating rain which has ever fallen -within my knowledge. Three inches of water fell in the space of about -an hour. Every hollow of every hill presented a torrent which swept -everything before it. I have never seen the fields so much injured. Mr. -Randolph's farm is the only one which has not suffered; his horizontal -furrows arrested the water at every step till it was absorbed, or at least -had deposited the soil it had taken up. Everybody in this neighborhood is -adopting his method of ploughing, except tenants who have no interest in -the preservation of the soil. - -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Burwell, and be assured of my constant -affection. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - MONTICELLO, February 26, 1810. - -MY DEAR GENERAL AND FRIEND,--I have rarely written to you; never but by -safe conveyances; and avoiding everything political, lest coming from -one in the station I then held, it might be imputed injuriously to our -country, or perhaps even excite jealousy of you. Hence my letters were -necessarily dry. Retired now from public concerns, totally unconnected -with them, and avoiding all curiosity about what is done or intended, -what I say is from myself only, the workings of my own mind, imputable to -nobody else. - -The anxieties which I know you have felt, on seeing exposed to the -justlings of a warring world, a country to which, in early life, you -devoted your sword and services when oppressed by foreign dominion, were -worthy of your philanthropy and disinterested attachment to the freedom -and happiness of man. Although we have not made all the provisions -which might be necessary for a war in the field of Europe, yet we -have not been inattentive to such as would be necessary here. From the -moment that the affair of the Chesapeake rendered the prospect of war -imminent, every faculty was exerted to be prepared for it, and I think -I may venture to solace you with the assurance, that we are, in a good -degree, prepared. Military stores for many campaigns are on hand, all -the necessary articles (sulphur excepted), and the art of preparing them -among ourselves, abundantly; arms in our magazines for more men than will -ever be required in the field, and forty thousand new stand yearly added, -of our own fabrication, superior to any we have ever seen from Europe; -heavy artillery much beyond our need; an increasing stock of field pieces, -several foundries casting one every other day each; a military school of -about fifty students, which has been in operation a dozen years; and the -manufacture of men constantly going on, and adding forty thousand young -soldiers to our force every year that the war is deferred; at all our -seaport towns of the least consequence we have erected works of defence, -and assigned them gunboats, carrying one or two heavy pieces, either -eighteen, twenty-four, or thirty-two pounders, sufficient in the smaller -harbors to repel the predatory attacks of privateers or single armed -ships, and proportioned in the larger harbors to such more serious attacks -as they may probably be exposed to. All these were nearly completed, and -their gunboats in readiness, when I retired from the government. The works -of New York and New Orleans alone, being on a much larger scale, are not -yet completed. The former will be finished this summer, mounting four -hundred and thirty-eight guns, and, with the aid of from fifty to one -hundred gunboats, will be adequate to the resistance of any fleet which -will ever be trusted across the Atlantic. The works for New Orleans are -less advanced. These are our preparations. They are very different from -what you will be told by newspapers, and travellers, even Americans. But -it is not to them the government communicates the public condition. Ask -one of them if he knows the exact state of any particular harbor, and you -will find probably that he does not know even that of the one he comes -from. You will ask, perhaps, where are the proof of these preparations -for one who cannot go and see them. I answer, in the acts of Congress, -authorizing such preparations, and in your knowledge of me, that, if -authorized, they would be executed. - -Two measures have not been adopted, which I pressed on Congress repeatedly -at their meetings. The one, to settle the whole ungranted territory of -Orleans, by donations of land to able-bodied young men, to be engaged -and carried there at the public expense, who would constitute a force -always ready on the spot to defend New Orleans. The other was, to class -the militia according to the years of their birth, and make all those -from twenty to twenty-five liable to be trained and called into service -at a moment's warning. This would have given us a force of three hundred -thousand young men, prepared by proper training, for service in any part -of the United States; while those who had passed through that period would -remain at home, liable to be used in their own or adjacent States. These -two measures would have completed what I deemed necessary for the entire -security of our country. They would have given me, on my retirement from -the government of the nation, the consolatory reflection, that having -found, when I was called to it, not a single seaport town in a condition -to repel a levy of contribution by a single privateer or pirate, I -had left every harbor so prepared by works and gunboats, as to be in a -reasonable state of security against any probable attack; the territory -of Orleans acquired, and planted with an internal force sufficient for its -protection; and the whole territory of the United States organized by such -a classification of its male force, as would give it the benefit of all -its young population for active service, and that of a middle and advanced -age for stationary defence. But these measures will, I hope, be completed -by my successor, who, to the purest principles of republican patriotism, -adds a wisdom and foresight second to no man on earth. - -So much as to my country. Now a word as to myself. I am retired to -Monticello, where, in the bosom of my family, and surrounded by my books, -I enjoy a repose to which I have been long a stranger. My mornings are -devoted to correspondence. From breakfast to dinner, I am in my shops, -my garden, or on horseback among my farms; from dinner to dark, I give -to society and recreation with my neighbors and friends; and from candle -light to early bed-time, I read. My health is perfect; and my strength -considerably reinforced by the activity of the course I pursue; perhaps -it is as great as usually falls to the lot of near sixty-seven years of -age. I talk of ploughs and harrows, of seeding and harvesting, with my -neighbors, and of politics too, if they choose, with as little reserve as -the rest of my fellow citizens, and feel, at length, the blessing of being -free to say and do what I please, without being responsible for it to -any mortal. A part of my occupation, and by no means the least pleasing, -is the direction of the studies of such young men as ask it. They place -themselves in the neighboring village, and have the use of my library and -counsel, and make a part of my society. In advising the course of their -reading, I endeavor to keep their attention fixed on the main objects of -all science, the freedom and happiness of man. So that coming to bear a -share in the councils and government of their country, they will keep ever -in view the sole objects of all legitimate government. - - * * * * * - -Instead of the unalloyed happiness of retiring unembarrassed and -independent, to the enjoyment of my estate, which is ample for my limited -views, I have to pass such a length of time in a thraldom of mind never -before known to me. Except for this, my happiness would have been perfect. -That yours may never know disturbance, and that you may enjoy as many -years of life, as health and ease to yourself shall wish, is the sincere -prayer of your constant and affectionate friend. - - -TO DOCTOR JONES. - - MONTICELLO, March 5, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--I received duly you favor of the 19th ultimo, and I salute -you with all ancient and recent recollections of friendship. I have -learned, with real sorrow, that circumstances have arisen among our -executive counsellors, which have rendered foes those who once were -friends. To themselves it will be a source of infinite pain and vexation, -and therefore chiefly I lament it, for I have a sincere esteem for both -parties. To the President it will be really inconvenient; but to the -nation I do not know that it can do serious injury, unless we were to -believe the newspapers, which pretend that Mr. Gallatin will go out. -That indeed would be a day of mourning for the United States; but I hope -that the position of both gentlemen may be made so easy as to give no -cause for either to withdraw. The ordinary business of every day is done -by consultation between the President and the Head of the department -alone to which it belongs. For measures of importance or difficulty, a -consultation is held with the Heads of departments, either assembled, -or by taking their opinions separately in conversation or in writing. -The latter is most strictly in the spirit of the constitution. Because -the President, on weighing the advice of all, is left free to make up an -opinion for himself. In this way they are not brought together, and it -is not necessarily known to any what opinion the others have given. This -was General Washington's practice for the first two or three years of -his administration, till the affairs of France and England threatened to -embroil us, and rendered consideration and discussion desirable. In these -discussions, Hamilton and myself were daily pitted in the cabinet like two -cocks. We were then but four in number, and, according to the majority, -which of course was three to one, the President decided. The pain was -for Hamilton and myself, but the public experienced no inconvenience. -I practised this last method, because the harmony was so cordial among -us all, that we never failed, by a contribution of mutual views on the -subject, to form an opinion acceptable to the whole. I think there never -was one instance to the contrary, in any case of consequence. Yet this -does, in fact, transform the executive into a directory, and I hold the -other method to be more constitutional. It is better calculated too to -prevent collision and irritation, and to cure it, or at least suppress its -effects when it has already taken place. It is the obvious and sufficient -remedy in the present ease, and will doubtless be resorted to. - -Our difficulties are indeed great, if we consider ourselves alone. -But when viewed in comparison to those of Europe, they are the joys of -Paradise. In the eternal revolution of ages, the destinies have placed -our portion of existence amidst such scenes of tumult and outrage, as no -other period, within our knowledge, had presented. Every government but -one on the continent of Europe, demolished, a conqueror roaming over the -earth with havoc and destruction, a pirate spreading misery and ruin over -the face of the ocean. Indeed, my friend, ours is a bed of roses. And the -system of government which shall keep us afloat amidst the wreck of the -world, will be immortalized in history. We have, to be sure, our petty -squabbles and heart burnings, and we have something of the blue devils -at times, as to these raw heads and bloody bones who are eating up other -nations. But happily for us, the Mammoth cannot swim, nor the Leviathan -move on dry land; and if we will keep out of their way, they cannot get -at us. If, indeed, we choose to place ourselves within the scope of their -tether, a gripe of the paw, or flounce of the tail, may be our fortune. -Our business certainly was to be still. But a part of our nation chose -to declare against this, in such a way as to control the wisdom of the -government. I yielded with others, to avoid a greater evil. But from that -moment, I have seen no system which could keep us entirely aloof from -these agents of destruction. If there be any, I am certain that you, my -friends, now charged with the care of us all, will see and pursue it. I -give myself, therefore, no trouble with thinking or puzzling about it. -Being confident in my watchmen I sleep soundly. God bless you all, and -send you a safe deliverance. - - -TO GOVERNOR LANGDON. - - MONTICELLO, March 5, 1810. - -Your letter, my dear friend, of the 18th ultimo, comes like the refreshing -dews of the evening on a thirsty soil. It recalls ancient as well as -recent recollections, very dear to my heart. For five and thirty years -we have walked together through a land of tribulations. Yet these have -passed away, and so, I trust, will those of the present day. The toryism -with which we struggled in '77, differed but in name from the federalism -of '99, with which we struggled also; and the Anglicism of 1808, against -which we are now struggling, is but the same thing still in another form. -It is a longing for a King, and an English King rather than any other. -This is the true source of their sorrows and wailings. - -The fear that Bonaparte will come over to us and conquer us also, is -too chimerical to be genuine. Supposing him to have finished Spain and -Portugal, he has yet England and Russia to subdue. The maxim of war was -never sounder than in this case, not to leave an enemy in the rear; and -especially where an insurrectionary flame is known to be under the embers, -merely smothered, and ready to burst at every point. These two subdued, -(and surely the Anglomen will not think the conquest of England alone a -short work,) ancient Greece and Macedonia, the cradle of Alexander, his -prototype, and Constantinople, the seat of empire for the world, would -glitter more in his eye than our bleak mountains and rugged forests. -Egypt, too, and the golden apples of Mauritania, have for more than half -a century fixed the longing eyes of France; and with Syria, you know, he -has an old affront to wipe out. Then come "Pontus and Galatia, Cappadocia, -Asia and Bithynia," the fine countries, on the Euphrates and Tigris, the -Oxus and Indus, and all beyond the Hyphasis, which bounded the glories of -his Macedonian rival; with the invitations of his new British subjects -on the banks of the Ganges, whom, after receiving under his protection -the mother country, he cannot refuse to visit. When all this done and -settled, and nothing of the old world remains unsubdued, he may turn to -the new one. But will he attack us first, from whom he will get but hard -knocks and no money? Or will he first lay hold of the gold and silver of -Mexico and Peru, and the diamonds of Brazil? A _republican_ Emperor, from -his affection to republics, independent of motives of expediency, must -grant to ours the Cyclop's boon of being the last devoured. While all this -is doing, we are to suppose the chapter of accidents read out, and that -nothing can happen to cut short or to disturb his enterprises. - -But the Anglomen, it seems, have found out a much safer dependence than -all these chances of death or disappointment. That is, that we should -first let England plunder us, as she has been doing for years, for fear -Bonaparte should do it; and then ally ourselves with her, and enter into -the war. A conqueror, whose career England could not arrest when aided -by Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Spain and Portugal, she is now to -destroy, with all these on his side, by the aid of the United States -alone. This, indeed, is making us a mighty people. And what is to be -our security, that when embarked for her in the war, she will not make a -separate peace, and leave us in the lurch? Her good faith! The faith of a -nation of merchants! The _Punica fides_ of modern Carthage! Of the friend -and protectress of Copenhagen! Of the nation who never admitted a chapter -of morality into her political code! And is now boldly avowing that -whatever power can make hers, is hers of right. Money, and not morality, -is the principle of commerce and commercial nations. But, in addition to -this, the nature of the English Government forbids, of itself, reliance -on her engagements; and it is well known she has been the least faithful -to her alliances of any nation of Europe, since the period of her history -wherein she has been distinguished for her commerce and corruption, that -is to say, under the houses of Stuart and Brunswick. To Portugal alone -she has steadily adhered, because, by her Methuen treaty, she had made -it a colony, and one of the most valuable to her. It may be asked, what, -in the nature of her government, unfits England for the observation of -moral duties? In the first place, her King is a cypher; his only function -being to name the oligarchy which is to govern her. The parliament is, -by corruption, the mere instrument of the will of the administration. The -real power and property in the government is in the great aristocratical -families of the nation. The nest of office being too small for all of them -to cuddle into at once, the contest is eternal, which shall crowd the -other out. For this purpose, they are divided into two parties, the Ins -and the Outs, so equal in weight that a small matter turns the balance. To -keep themselves in, when they are in, every stratagem must be practised, -every artifice used which may flatter the pride, the passions or power of -the nation. Justice, honor, faith must yield to the necessity of keeping -themselves in place. The question whether a measure is moral, is never -asked; but whether it will nourish the avarice of their merchants, or -the piratical spirit of their navy, or produce any other effect which -may strengthen them in their places. As to engagements, however positive, -entered into by the predecessors of the Ins, why, they were their enemies; -they did everything which was wrong; and to reverse everything which they -did, must, therefore, be right. This is the true character of the English -government in practice, however different its theory; and it presents the -singular phenomenon of a nation, the individuals of which are as faithful -to their private engagements and duties, as honorable, as worthy, as those -of any nation on earth, and whose government is yet the most unprincipled -at this day known. In an absolute government there can be no such -equiponderant parties. The despot is the government. His power suppressing -all opposition, maintains his ministers firm in their places. What he has -contracted, therefore, through them, he has the power to observe with good -faith; and he identifies his own honor and faith with that of his nation. - -When I observed, however, that the King of England was a cypher, I did -not mean to confine the observation to the mere individual now on that -throne. The practice of Kings marrying only in the families of Kings, has -been that of Europe for some centuries. Now, take any race of animals, -confine them in idleness and inaction, whether in a stye, a stable -or a state-room, pamper them with high diet, gratify all their sexual -appetites, immerse them in sensualities, nourish their passions, let -everything bend before them, and banish whatever might lead them to think, -and in a few generations they become all body and no mind; and this, too, -by a law of nature, by that very law by which we are in the constant -practice of changing the characters and propensities of the animals we -raise for our own purposes. Such is the regimen in raising Kings, and in -this way they have gone on for centuries. While in Europe, I often amused -myself with contemplating the characters of the then reigning sovereigns -of Europe. Louis the XVI. was a fool, of my own knowledge, and in despite -of the answers made for him at his trial. The King of Spain was a fool, -and of Naples the same. They passed their lives in hunting, and despatched -two couriers a week, one thousand miles, to let each other know what game -they had killed the preceding days. The King of Sardinia was a fool. All -these were Bourbons. The Queen of Portugal, a Braganza, was an idiot by -nature. And so was the King of Denmark. Their sons, as regents, exercised -the powers of government. The King of Prussia, successor to the great -Frederick, was a mere hog in body as well as in mind. Gustavus of Sweden, -and Joseph of Austria, were really crazy, and George of England, you know, -was in a straight waistcoat. There remained, then, none but old Catharine, -who had been too lately picked up to have lost her common sense. In -this state Bonaparte found Europe; and it was this state of its rulers -which lost it with scarce a struggle. These animals had become without -mind and powerless; and so will every hereditary monarch be after a few -generations. Alexander, the grandson of Catharine, is as yet an exception. -He is able to hold his own. But he is only of the third generation. His -race is not yet worn out. And so endeth the book of Kings, from all of -whom the Lord deliver us, and have you, my friend, and all such good men -and true, in his holy keeping. - - -TO ABBE SALIMANKIS. - - MONTICELLO, March 14, 1810. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of February 27th and am very -thankful for the friendly sentiments therein expressed towards myself, as -well as for the pamphlet enclosed. That it contains many serious truths -and sound admonitions every reader will be sensible. At the same time it -is a comfort that the medal has two sides. I do not myself contemplate -human nature in quite so sombre a view. That there is much vice and -misery in the world, I know; but more virtue and happiness I believe, -at least in our part of it; the latter being the lot of those employed -in agriculture in a greater degree than of other callings. That we are -overdone with banking institutions, which have banished the precious -metals, and substituted a more fluctuating and unsafe medium, that these -have withdrawn capital from useful improvements and employments to nourish -idleness, that the wars of the world have swollen our commerce beyond the -wholesome limits of exchanging our own productions for our own wants, and -that, for the emolument of a small proportion of our society, who prefer -these demoralizing pursuits to labors useful to the whole, the peace -of the whole is endangered, and all our present difficulties produced, -are evils more easily to be deplored than remedied. They should lead -us to direct our prayers, if our philanthropy fails to do it, for the -re-establishment of peace in Europe, when our commerce must of course -return to its proper objects, and the idle to habits of industry. To these -prayers, in which you will not fail to join, let me add my best wishes and -respects for yourself. - - -TO MR. FULTON. - - MONTICELLO, March 17, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor of February 24th covering -one of your pamphlets on the Torpedo. I have read it with pleasure. -This was not necessary to give them favor in my eye. I am not afraid -of new inventions or improvements, nor bigoted to the practices of our -forefathers. It is that bigotry which keeps the Indians in a state of -barbarism in the midst of the arts, would have kept us in the same state -even now, and still keeps Connecticut where their ancestors were when they -landed on these shores. I am much pleased that Congress is taking up the -business. Where a new invention is supported by well-known principles, -and promises to be useful, it ought to be tried. Your torpedoes will be -to cities what vaccination has been to mankind. It extinguishes their -greatest danger. But there will still be navies. Not for the destruction -of cities, but for the plunder of commerce on the high seas. That the -tories should be against you is in character, because it will curtail the -power of their idol, England. - -I am thankful to you for the trouble you have taken in thinking of the -felier hydraulique. To be put into motion by the same power which was to -continue the motion was certainly wanting to that machine, as a better -name still is. I would not give you the trouble of having a model made, as -I have workmen who can execute from the drawing. I pray you to accept the -assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO G. VOOLIF, PERPETUAL SECRETARY OF THE FIRST CLASS OF THE ROYAL -INSTITUTE OF SCIENCES, OF LITERATURE AND OF FINE ARTS, AT AMSTERDAM. - - MONTICELLO, May 2d, 1810. - -SIR,--Your letter of the 10th of May of the last year came but lately -to my hands. I am duly sensible of the honor done me by the first class -of the Royal Institute of sciences, of literature, and of fine arts, in -associating me to their class, and by the approbation which his majesty -the king of Holland has condescended to give to their choice. His -patronage of institutions for extending among mankind the boundaries of -information, proves his just sense of the cares devolved on him by his -high station, and commands the approving voice of all the sons of men. If -mine can be heard from this distance among them, it will be through the -benefit of the special communication which your position may procure it, -and which I am to request. I pray you to present also my thanks to the -first class for this mark of their distinction, which I receive with due -sensibility and gratitude. Sincerely a friend to science, and feeling the -fraternal relation it establishes among the whole family of its votaries, -wheresoever dispersed through nations friendly or hostile, I shall be -happy at all times in fulfilling any particular views which the society -may extend to this region of the globe, and in being made useful to them -in any special services they will be pleased to give me an opportunity -of rendering. To yourself, Sir, I tender the assurances of my particular -respect and high consideration. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, May 3d, 1810. - -SIR, Your favor of February 1st lately came to my hands. It brings me new -proofs, in the resolutions it enclosed, of the indulgence with which the -legislature of Orleans has been pleased to view my conduct in the various -duties assigned to me by our common country. The times in which we have -lived have called for all the services which any of its citizens could -render, and if mine have met approbation they are fully rewarded. - -The interposition noticed by the Legislature of Orleans was an act of -duty of the office I then occupied. Charged with the care of the general -interest of the nation, and among these with the preservation of their -lands from intrusion, I exercised, on their behalf, a right given by -nature to all men, individual or associated, that of rescuing their -own property wrongfully taken. In cases of forcible entry on individual -possessions, special provisions, both of the common and civil law, have -restrained the right of rescue by private force, and substituted the aid -of the civil power. But no law has restrained the right of the nation -itself from removing by its own arm, intruders on its possessions. On -the contrary, a statute recently passed, had required that such removals -should be diligently made. The Batture of New Orleans, being a part of the -bed contained between the two banks of the river, a naked shoal indeed -at low water, but covered through the whole season of its regular full -tides, and then forming the ground of the port and harbor for the upper -navigation, over which vessels ride of necessity when moored to the bank, -I deemed it public property, in which all had a common use. The removal, -too, of the force which had possessed itself of it, was the more urgent -from the interruption it might give to the commerce, and other lawful -uses, of the inhabitants of the city and of the Western waters generally. - -If this aid from the public authority was particularly interesting -to the territory of Orleans, it certainly adds new satisfaction to my -consciousness of having done what was right. - -I ask the favor of you to convey to the Legislature of Orleans, my -gratitude for the interest they are so kind as to express in my future -happiness; and I pray to the Governor of the Universe, that He may always -have them and our country in his holy keeping. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, May 3, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters of January 12th and February 1st, came to hand -only a fortnight ago. The enclosed contains my answer to the latter, for -communication to the Legislature. So many false views on the subject of -the batture have been presented in and out of Congress, that duty to -myself, as well as justice to the citizens of New Orleans and of the -western country generally, required that I should avail myself of the -occasion these resolutions presented, of stating, in the fewest words -possible, the true ground of my conduct, and, as I think, of the rights -of the western country. But the occasion also restricted me to the limits -of a short text only, every word of which would be matter for copious -commentary, in a dilated discussion of the subject. Has Moreau de l'Isle's -opinion ever been printed? I wish it were possible to get a copy of it. -Perhaps I might be able to make good use of it. - -Before the receipt of your letter of Jan. 12th, I had heard of your great -loss, and been impressed with the depth of it. Long tried in the same -school of affliction, no loss which can rend the human heart is unknown to -mine; and a like one particularly, at about the same period of life, had -taught me to feel the sympathies of yours. The same experience has proved -that time, silence and occupation are its only medicines. Of occupation, -you have enough and of the highest order; that of continuing to make a -worthy people happy by a just and parental government, and of protecting -them from the wolves prowling around to devour them. Your own example -will be the best lesson for the son which has been left to comfort you, -to whose course in life I hope it will give a shape which shall make him -truly a comfort and support to your latter days, protracted to your own -wishes. - -I really wish effect to the hints in my letter to you for so laying off -the additions to the city of New Orleans, as to shield it from yellow -fever. My confidence in the idea is founded in the acknowledged experience -that we have never seen the _genuine_ yellow fever extend itself into the -country, nor even to the outskirts or open parts of a close-built city. In -the plan I propose, every square would be surrounded, on every side, by -open and pure air, and would, in fact, be a separate town with fields or -open suburbs around it. - - -TO MESSRS. HUGH L. WHITE, THOMAS M'CORRY, JAMES CAMPBELL, ROBERT -CRAIGHEAD, JOHN N. GAMBLE, TRUSTEES FOR THE LOTTERY OF EAST TENNESSEE -COLLEGE. - - MONTICELLO, May 6, 1810. - -GENTLEMEN,--I received, some time ago, your letter of February 28th, -covering a printed scheme of a lottery for the benefit of the East -Tennessee College, and proposing to send tickets to me to be disposed -of. It would be impossible for them to come to a more inefficient hand. -I rarely go from home, and consequently see but a few neighbors and -friends, who occasionally call on me. And having myself made it a rule -never to engage in a lottery or any other adventure of mere chance, I -can, with the less candor or effect, urge it on others, however laudable -or desirable its object may be. No one more sincerely wishes the spread -of information among mankind than I do, and none has greater confidence -in its effect towards supporting free and good government. I am sincerely -rejoiced, therefore, to find that so excellent a fund has been provided -for this noble purpose in Tennessee. Fifty-thousand dollars placed in a -safe bank, will give four thousand dollars a year, and even without other -aid, must soon accomplish buildings sufficient for the object in its -early stage. I consider the common plan followed in this country, but not -in others, of making one large and expensive building, as unfortunately -erroneous. It is infinitely better to erect a small and separate lodge -for each separate professorship, with only a hall below for his class, -and two chambers above for himself; joining these lodges by barracks for -a certain portion of the students, opening into a covered way to give a -dry communication between all the schools. The whole of these arranged -around an open square of grass and trees, would make it, what it should -be in fact, an academical village, instead of a large and common den of -noise, of filth and of fetid air. It would afford that quiet retirement so -friendly to study, and lessen the dangers of fire, infection and tumult. -Every professor would be the police officer of the students adjacent to -his own lodge, which should include those of his own class of preference, -and might be at the head of their table, if, as I suppose, it can be -reconciled with the necessary economy to dine them in smaller and separate -parties, rather than in a large and common mess. These separate buildings, -too, might be erected successively and occasionally, as the number of -professorships and students should be increased, or the funds become -competent. - -I pray you to pardon me if I have stepped aside into the province of -counsel; but much observation and reflection on these institutions have -long convinced me that the large and crowded buildings in which youths are -pent up, are equally unfriendly to health, to study, to manners, morals -and order; and, believing the plan I suggest to be more promotive of -these, and peculiarly adapted to the slender beginnings and progressive -growth of our institutions, I hoped you would pardon the presumption, -in consideration of the motive which was suggested by the difficulty -expressed in your letter, of procuring funds for erecting the building. -But, on whatever plan you proceed, I wish it every possible success, and -to yourselves the reward of esteem, respect and gratitude due to those who -devote their time and efforts to render the youths of every successive age -fit governors for the next. To these accept, in addition, the assurances -of mine. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, May 13, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your promised attention to my portion of the -Merinos, and if there be any expenses of transportation, &c., and you -will be so good as to advance my portion of them with yours and notify the -amount, it shall be promptly remitted. What shall we do with them? I have -been so disgusted with the scandalous extortions lately practised in the -sale of these animals, and with the description of patriotism and praise -to the sellers, as if the thousands of dollars apiece they have not been -ashamed to receive were not reward enough, that I am disposed to consider -as right, whatever is the reverse of what they have done. Since fortune -has put the occasion upon us, is it not incumbent upon us so to dispense -this benefit to the farmers of our country, as to put to shame those who, -forgetting their own wealth and the honest simplicity of the farmers, have -thought them fit objects of the shaving art, and to excite, by a better -example, the condemnation due to theirs? No sentiment is more acknowledged -in the family of Agriculturists than that the few who can afford it should -incur the risk and expense of all new improvements, and give the benefit -freely to the many of more restricted circumstances. The question then -recurs, What are we to do with them? I shall be willing to concur with -you in any plan you shall approve, and in order that we may have some -proposition to begin upon, I will throw out a first idea, to be modified -or postponed to whatever you shall think better. - -Give all the full-blooded males we can raise to the different counties -of our State, one to each, as fast as we can furnish them. And as there -must be some rule of priority for the distribution, let us begin with our -own counties, which are contiguous and nearly central to the State, and -proceed, circle after circle, till we have given a ram to every county. -This will take about seven years, if we add to the full descendants those -which will have past to the fourth generation from common ewes, to make -the benefit of a single male as general as practicable to the county, -we may ask some known character in each county to have a small society -formed which shall receive the animal and prescribe rules for his care -and government. We should retain ourselves all the full-blooded ewes, that -they may enable us the sooner to furnish a male to every county. When all -shall have been provided with rams, we may, in a year or two more, be in a -condition to give an ewe also to every county, if it be thought necessary. -But I suppose it will not, as four generations from their full-blooded ram -will give them the pure race from common ewes. - -In the meantime we shall not be without a profit indemnifying our trouble -and expense. For if of our present stock of common ewes, we place with -the ram as many as he may be competent to, suppose fifty, we may sell the -male lambs of every year for such reasonable price as, in addition to the -wool, will pay for the maintenance of the flock. The first year they will -be half bloods, the second three-quarters, the third seven-eights, and -the fourth full-blooded, if we take care in selling annually half the ewes -also, to keep those of highest blood, this will be a fund for kindnesses -to our friends, as well as for indemnification to ourselves; and our -whole State may thus, from this small stock, so dispersed, be filled in -a very few years with this valuable race, and more satisfaction result -to ourselves than money ever administered to the bosom of a shaver. There -will be danger that what is here proposed, though but an act of ordinary -duty, may be perverted into one of ostentation, but malice will always -find bad motives for good actions. Shall we therefore never do good? It -may also be used to commit us with those on whose example it will truly -be a reproof. We may guard against this perhaps by a proper reserve, -developing our purpose only by its execution. - - Vive, vale, et siquid novisti rectius istis - Candidus imperti sinon, his ulere mecum. - - -TO GOVERNOR TYLER. - - MONTICELLO, May 26, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Your friendly letter of the 12th has been duly received. -Although I have laid it down as a law to myself, never to embarrass the -President with my solicitations, and have not till now broken through -it, yet I have made a part of your letter the subject of one to him, and -have done it with all my heart, and in the full belief that I serve him -and the public in urging that appointment. We have long enough suffered -under the base prostitution of law to party passions in one judge, and the -imbecility of another. In the hands of one the law is nothing more than an -ambiguous text, to be explained by his sophistry into any meaning which -may subserve his personal malice. Nor can any milk-and-water associate -maintain his own dependence, and by a firm pursuance of what the law -really is, extend its protection to the citizens or the public. I believe -you will do it, and where you cannot induce your colleague to do what is -right, you will be firm enough to hinder him from doing what is wrong, and -by opposing sense to sophistry, leave the juries free to follow their own -judgment. - -I have long lamented with you the depreciation of law science. The -opinion seems to be that Blackstone is to us what the Alcoran is to -the Mahometans, that everything which is necessary is in him, and what -is not in him is not necessary. I still lend my counsel and books to -such young students as will fix themselves in the neighborhood. Coke's -institutes and reports are their first, and Blackstone their last book, -after an intermediate course of two or three years. It is nothing more -than an elegant digest of what they will then have acquired from the -real fountains of the law. Now men are born scholars, lawyers, doctors; -in our day this was confined to poets. You wish to see me again in the -legislature, but this is impossible; my mind is now so dissolved in -tranquillity, that it can never again encounter a contentious assembly; -the habits of thinking and speaking off-hand, after a disuse of five and -twenty years, have given place to the slower process of the pen. I have -indeed two great measures at heart, without which no republic can maintain -itself in strength. 1. That of general education, to enable every man to -judge for himself what will secure or endanger his freedom. 2. To divide -every county into hundreds, of such size that all the children of each -will be within reach of a central school in it. But this division looks -to many other fundamental provisions. Every hundred, besides a school, -should have a justice of the peace, a constable and a captain of militia. -These officers, or some others within the hundred, should be a corporation -to manage all its concerns, to take care of its roads, its poor, and its -police by patroles, &c., (as the select men of the Eastern townships.) -Every hundred should elect one or two jurors to serve where requisite, -and all other elections should be made in the hundreds separately, and -the votes of all the hundreds be brought together. Our present Captaincies -might be declared hundreds for the present, with a power to the courts to -alter them occasionally. These little republics would be the main strength -of the great one. We owe to them the vigor given to our revolution in -its commencement in the Eastern States, and by them the Eastern States -were enabled to repeal the embargo in opposition to the Middle, Southern -and Western States, and their large and lubberly division into counties -which can never be assembled. General orders are given out from a centre -to the foreman of every hundred, as to the sergeants of an army, and the -whole nation is thrown into energetic action, in the same direction in -one instant and as one man, and becomes absolutely irresistible. Could -I once see this I should consider it as the dawn of the salvation of -the republic, and say with old Simeon, "nune dimittas Domine." But our -children will be as wise as we are, and will establish in the fulness -of time those things not yet ripe for establishment. So be it, and to -yourself health, happiness and long life. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY, COUNT PAHLEN, ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER -PLENIPOTENTIARY OF RUSSIA. - - MONTICELLO, July 13, 1810. - -SIR,--I have been honored with your letter of the 25th ult., and have to -return you my thanks for those of Madame de Tessé and General Lafayette, -and for the print of Baron Humboldt, all of which are come safely to -hand, and present to me the proofs and recollections of their much-valued -friendships. To these acknowledgments, permit me to add my congratulations -on your safe arrival in the United States, after journeys and voyages -which, from their length, cannot have been pleasant. If, after this, it -shall be found that a change of twenty degrees of latitude shall have -no unfavorable influence on your health, it will furnish double cause of -felicitation. - -I am much flattered by the kind notice of the Emperor, which you have -been so obliging as to communicate to me. The approbation of the good is -always consoling; but that of a sovereign whose station and endowments are -so pre-eminent, is received with the sensibility which the veneration for -his character inspires. Among other motives of commiseration which the -calamities of Europe cannot fail to excite in every virtuous mind, the -interruption which these have given to the benevolent views of the Emperor -is prominent. The accession of a sovereign, with the dispositions and -qualifications to improve the condition of a great nation, and to place -its happiness on a permanent basis, is a phenomenon so rare in the annals -of mankind, that, when the blessing occurs, it is lamentable that any -portion of it should be usurped by occurrences of the character of those -we have seen. If, separated from these scenes by an ocean of a thousand -leagues breadth, they have required all our cares to keep aloof from their -desolating effects, I can readily conceive how much more they must occupy -those to whose territories they are contiguous. - -That the Emperor may be able, whenever a pacification takes place, to show -himself the father and friend of the human race, to restore to nations the -moral laws which have governed their intercourse, and to prevent, forever, -a repetition of those ravages by sea and land, which will distinguish the -present as an age of Vandalism, I sincerely pray. - -I consider as a happy augury, the choice which the Emperor has made of a -person to reside near our government, so distinguished by his dispositions -and qualifications to cherish the friendship and the interests of both -nations. With my best wishes that your residence among us may be rendered -entirely agreeable, and be accompanied with the blessing of health, accept -the assurances of my great respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. BOTTA. - - MONTICELLO, July 15, 1810. - -SIR,--I am honored with your letter of the 12th of January, and although -the work you therein mention is not yet come to hand, I avail myself of -an occasion, now rendered rare and precarious between our two countries, -of anticipating the obligation I shall owe for the pleasure I shall have -in perusing it, and of travelling over with you the important scenes, -_quorum pars minima fui_, scenes which have given an impulsion to the -world, which, as to ourselves, has been a great blessing, but whether to -Europe or not, can only be estimated by him who sees the future as well -as the present and past. We are certainly indebted to those who think our -revolution worthy of their pen, and who will do justice to our actions and -motives; and to yourself I have no doubt we shall owe this obligation, and -I now make you my acknowledgments with confidence and pleasure. It will -be a worthy preface to the history of this age of revolutions, to be ended -we know not when nor how. I pray you to accept the assurances of my great -respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. LAMBERT. - - MONTICELLO, July 16, 1810. - -SIR,--An indispensable piece of business which has occupied me for a -month past, obliged me to suspend all correspondence during that time. -This must apologize for my late acknowledgment of your favor of May 19th, -and for the tardy expression of my thanks for so much of the papers you -enclosed as respected myself. The approbation of my political conduct by -my republican countrymen generally, is a pillow of sweet repose to me, -undisturbed by the noise of the enemies to our form of government. The -political sentiments expressed by your society are in the pure spirit of -the principles of our revolution; so long as these prevail, we are safe -from everything which can assail us from without or within. - -Your several communications on the first meridian, have been regularly -handed to the Philosophical Society; not corresponding regularly with -any of the members, I have received no information respecting them. I -have formerly observed to you that while I entertain no doubt of their -accuracy, my own familiarity with the subject had been too long suspended, -to enable me to render a critical opinion on them. My occupations here are -almost exclusively given to my farm and affairs. They furnish me exercise, -health and amusement, and with the recreations of family and neighborly -society, fill up most of my time, and give a tranquillity necessary to -my time of life. With my best wishes for your prosperity, accept the -assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, July 16, 1810. - -DEAR GENERAL AND FRIEND,--Your favor of May the 31st was duly received, -and I join in congratulations with you on the resurrection of republican -principles in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and the hope that the -professors of these principles will not again easily be driven off -their ground. The federalists, during their short-lived ascendency, have -nevertheless, by forcing us from the embargo, inflicted a wound on our -interests which can never be cured, and on our affections which will -require time to cicatrize. I ascribe all this to one pseudo-republican, -Story. He came on (in place of Crowningshield, I believe) and staid only -a few days; long enough, however, to get complete hold of Bacon, who, -giving in to his representations, became panic-struck, and communicated -his panic to his colleagues, and they to a majority of the sound members -of Congress. They believed in the alternative of repeal or civil war, -and produced the fatal measure of repeal. This is the immediate parent of -all our present evils, and has reduced us to a low standing in the eyes -of the world. I should think that even the federalists themselves must -now be made, by their feelings, sensible of their error. The wealth which -the embargo brought home safely, has now been thrown back into the laps -of our enemies, and our navigation completely crushed, and by the unwise -and unpatriotic conduct of those engaged in it. Should the orders prove -genuine, which are said to have been given against our fisheries, they too -are gone; and if not true as yet, they will be true on the first breeze -of success which England shall feel, for it has now been some years that -I am perfectly satisfied her intentions have been to claim the ocean as -her conquest, and prohibit any vessel from navigating it, but on such a -tribute as may enable her to keep up such a standing navy as will maintain -her dominion over it. She has hauled in, or let herself out, been bold -or hesitating, according to occurrences, but has in no situation done -anything which might amount to a relinquishment of her intentions. I -have ever been anxious to avoid a war with England, unless forced by a -situation more losing than war itself. But I did believe we could coerce -her to justice by peaceable means, and the embargo, evaded as it was, -proved it would have coerced her had it been honestly executed. The proof -she exhibited on that occasion, that she can exercise such an influence in -this country as to control the will of its government and three-fourths -of its people, and oblige the three-fourths to submit to one-fourth, -is to me the most mortifying circumstance which has occurred since the -establishment of our government. The only prospect I see of lessening -that influence, is in her own conduct, and not from anything in our power. -Radically hostile to our navigation and commerce, and fearing its rivalry, -she will completely crush it, and force us to resort to agriculture, not -aware that we shall resort to manufactures also, and render her conquests -over our navigation and commerce useless, at least, if not injurious to -herself in the end, and perhaps salutary to us, as removing out of our way -the chief causes and provocations to war. - -But these are views which concern the present and future generation, -among neither of which I count myself. You may live to see the change in -our pursuits, and chiefly in those of your own State, which England will -effect. I am not certain that the change on Massachusetts, by driving her -to agriculture, manufactures and emigration, will lessen her happiness. -But once more to be done with politics. How does Mrs. Dearborne do? How do -you both like your situation? Do you amuse yourself with a garden, a farm, -or what? That your pursuits, whatever they be, may make you both easy, -healthy and happy, is the prayer of your sincere friend. - - -TO JUDGE COOPER. - - MONTICELLO, August 6, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--The tardiness of acknowledging the receipt of your favor of May -10th will I fear induce a presumption that I have been negligent of its -contents, but I assure you I lost not a moment in endeavoring to fulfil -your wishes in procuring a good geological correspondent in this State. -I could not offer myself, because of all the branches of science it was -the one I had the least cultivated. Our researches into the texture of -our globe could be but so superficial, compared with its vast interior -construction, that I saw no safety of conclusion from the one, as to the -other; and therefore have pointed my own attentions to other objects in -preference, as far as a heavy load of business would permit me to attend -to anything else. Looking about, therefore, among my countrymen for some -one who might answer your views, I fixed on Mr. Joseph C. Cabell, not -long since returned from France, where he had attended particularly to -chemistry, and had also attended Mr. Maclure in some of his geological -expeditions, as best qualified. I wrote to him; unfortunately he was -from home, and did not return till the latter end of July. I received his -answer since our last post only. A diffidence in his qualifications to be -useful to you, has induced him to decline the undertaking, having, as he -assures me, paid no particular attention to that branch of science. I have -in vain looked over our State for some other person who might contribute -to your views. As yet I can think of nobody; and whatever may be the -result of further inquiry, I have thought I ought not longer to delay -informing you of my unsuccessful efforts so far. Should I be able to find -a subject worthy of your correspondence, I shall not fail to engage him in -it, and to give you notice. I thank you for the case of Dempsy _v._ the -Insurers, which I have read with great pleasure, and entire conviction. -Indeed it is high time to withdraw all respect from courts acting under -the arbitrary orders of governments who avow a total disregard to those -moral rules which have hitherto been acknowledged by nations, and have -served to regulate and govern their intercourse. I should respect just -as much the rules of conduct which governed Cartouche or Blackbeard, as -those now acted on by France or England. If your argument is defective -in anything, it is in having paid to the antecedent decisions of the -British courts of Admiralty, the respect of examining them on grounds of -reason; and the not having rested the decision at once on the profligacy -of those tribunals, and openly declared against permitting their sentences -to be ever more quoted or listened to until those nations return to the -practice of justice, to an acknowledgment that there is a moral law which -ought to govern mankind, and by sufficient evidences of contrition for -their present flagitiousness, make it safe to receive them again into the -society of civilized nations. I hope this will still be done on a proper -occasion. Yet knowing that religion does not furnish grosser bigots than -law, I expect little from old judges. Those now at the bar may be bold -enough to follow reason rather than precedent and may bring that principle -on the bench when promoted to it; but I fear this effort is not for my -day. It has been said that when Harvey discovered the circulation of the -blood, there was not a physician of Europe of forty years of age, who -ever assented to it. I fear you will experience Harvey's fate. But it -will become law when the present judges are dead. Wishing you health and -happiness at all times, accept the assurances of my constant and great -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1810. - -SIR,--Your letter of July 16th has been duly received, with the paper -it enclosed, for which accept my thanks, and especially for the kind -sentiments expressed towards myself. These testimonies of approbation, -and friendly remembrance, are the highest gratifications I can receive -from any, and especially from those in whose principles and zeal for -the public good I have confidence. Of that confidence in yourself the -military appointment to which you allude was sufficient proof, as it was -made, not on the recommendations of others, but on our own knowledge -of your principles and qualifications. While I cherish with feeling -the recollections of my friends, I banish from my mind all political -animosities which might disturb its tranquillity, or the happiness -I derive from my present pursuits. I have thought it among the most -fortunate circumstances of my late administration that, during its -eight years continuance, it was conducted with a cordiality and harmony -among all the members, which never were ruffled on any, the greatest -or smallest occasion. I left my brethren with sentiments of sincere -affection and friendship, so rooted in the uniform tenor of a long and -intimate intercourse, that the evidence of my own senses alone ought to be -permitted to shake them. Anxious, in my retirement, to enjoy undisturbed -repose, my knowledge of my successor and late coadjutors, and my entire -confidence in their wisdom and integrity, were assurances to me that I -might sleep in security with such watchmen at the helm, and that whatever -difficulties and dangers should assail our course, they would do what -could be done to avoid or surmount them. In this confidence I envelope -myself, and hope to slumber on to my last sleep. And should difficulties -occur which they cannot avert, if we follow them in phalanx, we shall -surmount them without danger. - -I have been long intending to write to you as one of the associated -company for printing useful works. - -Our laws, language, religion, politics and manners are so deeply laid in -English foundations, that we shall never cease to consider their history -as a part of ours, and to study ours in that as its origin. Every one -knows that judicious matter and charms of style have rendered Hume's -history the manual of every student. I remember well the enthusiasm with -which I devoured it when young, and the length of time, the research and -reflection which were necessary to eradicate the poison it had instilled -into my mind. It was unfortunate that he first took up the history of -the Stuarts, became their apologist, and advocated all their enormities. -To support his work, when done, he went back to the Tudors, and so -selected and arranged the materials of their history as to present their -arbitrary acts only, as the genuine samples of the constitutional power -of the crown, and, still writing backwards, he then reverted to the early -history, and wrote the Saxon and Norman periods with the same perverted -view. Although all this is known, he still continues to be put into the -hands of all our young people, and to infect them with the poison of his -own principles of government. It is this book which has undermined the -free principles of the English government, has persuaded readers of all -classes that these were usurpations on the legitimate and salutary rights -of the crown, and has spread universal toryism over the land. And the -book will still continue to be read here as well as there. Baxter, one -of Horne Tooke's associates in persecution, has hit on the only remedy -the evil admits. He has taken Hume's work, corrected in the text his -misrepresentations, supplied the truths which he suppressed, and yet has -given the mass of the work in Hume's own words. And it is wonderful how -little interpolation has been necessary to make it a sound history, and -to justify what should have been its title, to wit, "Hume's history of -England abridged and rendered faithful to fact and principle." I cannot -say that his amendments are either in matter or manner in the fine style -of Hume. Yet they are often unperceived, and occupy so little of the whole -work as not to depreciate it. Unfortunately he has _abridged_ Hume, by -leaving out all the less important details. It is thus reduced to about -one half its original size. He has also continued the history, but very -summarily, to 1801. The whole work is of 834 quarto pages, printed close, -of which the continuation occupies 283. I have read but little of this -part. As far as I can judge from that little, it is a mere chronicle, -offering nothing profound. This work is so unpopular, so distasteful to -the present Tory palates and principles of England, that I believe it -has never reached a second edition. I have often inquired for it in our -book shops, but never could find a copy in them, and I think it possible -the one I imported may be the only one in America. Can we not have it -re-printed here? It would be about four volumes 8vo. - -I have another enterprise to propose for some good printer. I have in my -possession a MS. work in French, confided to me by a friend, whose name -alone would give it celebrity were it permitted to be mentioned. But -considerations insuperable forbid that. It is a Commentary and Review of -Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws. The history of that work is well known. -He had been a great reader, and had commonplaced everything he read. -At length he wished to undertake some work into which he could bring -his whole commonplace book in a digested form. He fixed on the subject -of his Spirit of Laws, and wrote the book. He consulted his friend -Helvetius about publishing it, who strongly dissuaded it. He published it, -however, and the world did not confirm Helvetius' opinion. Still, every -man who reflects as he reads, has considered it as a book of paradoxes; -having, indeed, much of truth and sound principle, but abounding also -with inconsistencies, apochryphal facts and false inferences. It is a -correction of these which has been executed in the work I mention, by way -of commentary and review; not by criticising words or sentences, but by -taking a book at a time, considering its general scope, and proceeding -to confirm or confute it. And much of confutation there is, and of -substitution of true for false principle, and the true principle is ever -that of republicanism. I will not venture to say that every sentiment in -the book will be approved, because, being in manuscript, and the French -characters, I have not read the whole, but so much only as might enable -me to estimate the soundness of the author's way of viewing his subject; -and, judging from that which I have read, I infer with confidence that -we shall find the work generally worthy of our high approbation, and that -it everywhere maintains the preëminence of representative government, by -showing that its foundations are laid in reason, in right, and in general -good. I had expected this from my knowledge of the other writings of the -author, which have always a precision rarely to be met with. But to give -you an idea of the manner of its execution, I translate and enclose his -commentary on Montesquieu's eleventh book, which contains the division -of the work. I wish I could have added his review at the close of the -twelve first books, as this would give a more complete idea of the -extraordinary merit of the work. But it is too long to be copied. I add -from it, however, a few extracts of his reviews of some of the books, as -specimens of his plan and principles. If printed in French, it would be -of about 180 pages 8vo, or 23 sheets. If any one will undertake to have -it translated and printed on their own account, I will send on the MS. -by post, and they can take the copyright as of an original work, which it -ought to be understood to be. I am anxious it should be ably translated by -some one who possesses style as well as capacity to do justice to abstruse -conceptions. I would even undertake to revise the translation if required. -The original sheets must be returned to me, and I should wish the work to -be executed with as little delay as possible. - -I close this long letter with assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO ALBERT GALLATIN, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, August 16, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of July 14th, with the welcome paper it covered, has -been most thankfully received. I had before received from your office -and that of State, all the printed publications on the subject of the -batture, that is to say, the opinion of the Philadelphia lawyers and of G. -Livingston himself, the publications of Derbigny, Thierry, Poydras, and -the _pièces probantes_. I had been very anxious to get Moreau's memoire, -which is only in manuscript, having heard it was the best of all. After -waiting long and in vain for it, I was informed by my counsel that they -were ruled to plead, and must be furnished with the grounds of defence. I -was obliged, therefore, to take up the subject--had got through it and put -it into the hands of Mr. Hay, when the observations you were so kind as -to furnish, came to hand. Although it was too late to give to everything -its shape which these, at an earlier stage, might have suggested, I -was still enabled to avail myself of them usefully. The question of the -chancery jurisdiction of the Orleans judges had particularly escaped me, -and entirely. When Mr. Hay returned the paper therefore, I was enabled, by -re-copying a sheet or two at the close, to introduce this question in its -proper place. I had also, till then, been uninformed of the circumstances -under which Bertrand Gravier left France, and therefore had not been aware -of the reasons for which John Gravier had chosen to come in by purchase. -This information enabled me to extend and strengthen much of what I had -before said on that subject; and by interleaving and recopying a part, to -get that also into its proper place. On the whole, you will see, with the -benefit of these amendments, what I had conceived to be a true statement -of the fact and law of the case. But the paper is very voluminous, and I -could not shorten it. It is now in the hands of the President, who will -enclose it to you by the same post which carries this; when you shall have -perused it, be so good as to re-enclose it to me, as I wish to submit -it to our other fellow-laborers, after such amendments as Mr. Madison -and yourself will be so good as to suggest. I wish the ground I take to -meet all your approbations. The uninformed state in which the debates of -the last session proved Congress to be, as to this case, makes me fear -they may, at the next, under the intrigues and urgency of Livingston, -be induced to take some step which might have an injurious effect on -the opinion of a jury. I think, therefore, to ask a member or two of -each house to read this statement, merely to make themselves masters -of the subject, and be enabled to prevent any unfavorable interference -of Congress. Perhaps, if they see the case in the light I do, they may -think of doing more--of having the Attorney General desired to attend to -the case as of public concern: for really it is so. I have no concern -at all in maintaining the title to the batture. It would be totally -unnecessary for me to employ counsel to go into the question at all for -my own defence. That is solidly built on the simple fact, that if I were -in error, it was honest, and not imputable to that gross and palpable -corruption or injustice which makes a public magistrate responsible to a -private party. I know that even a federal jury could not find a verdict -against me on this head. But I go fully into the question of title, -because our characters are concerned in it, and because it involves a most -important right of the citizens, and one which, if decided against them, -would be a precedent of incalculable evil. The detention, too, has been -so long the act of Congress itself, that for this reason I have supposed -they might think it entitled to their attention, and direct the Attorney -General to take care of the public interest in it, as has lately been done -by the House of Commons, in the action of Sir Francis Burdett against -their Speaker. But on this subject I wish to be advised by yourself and -my other friends, rather than trust to my own judgment, too likely to be -under bias. If I send the case to be perused by two or three members, it -will be under a strong injunction not to let its contents get into other -hands, my counsel having strongly advised against apprizing them of the -topics of defence, as well from apprehensions of subornation of witnesses -as to material facts, as from other considerations. Pray advise me on this -head. My counsel are Hay, Wist and Janewell. - -I have seen with infinite grief the set which is made at you in the public -papers, and with the more as my name has been so much used in it. I hope -we both know one another too well to receive impression from circumstances -of this kind. A twelve years' intimate and friendly intercourse must be -better evidence to each of the dispositions of the other than the letters -of foreign ministers to their courts, or tortured influences from facts -true or false. I have too thorough a conviction of your cordial good will -towards me, and too strong a sense of the faithful and able assistance -I received from you, to relinquish them on any evidence but of my own -senses. With entire faith in your assurance of these truths, I shall add -those only of my constant affection and high respect. - - -TO COLONEL WM. DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, September 16, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of August 17th arrived the day after I had left -this place on a visit to one I have near Lynchburg, from whence I am -but lately returned. The history of England you describe is precisely -Baxter's, of which I wrote you; and if you compare him with Hume, you -will find the text preserved verbatim, with particular exceptions only. -The French work will accompany this letter. Since writing to you I have -gone over the whole, and can assure you it is the most valuable political -work of the present age. In some details we all may differ from him or -from one another, but the great mass of the work is highly sound. Its -title would be "A Commentary on Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws;" perhaps -the words "and Review" might be inserted at the----. Helvetius' letter -on the same work should be annexed, if it can possibly be procured. It -was contained in a late edition of the works of Helvetius published by -the Abbé de la Roche. Probably that edition might be found. I never -before heard of Williams' lectures on Montesquieu, but I am glad to -hear of everything which reduces that author to his just level, as his -predilection for monarchy, and the English monarchy in particular, has -done mischief everywhere, and here also, to a certain degree. With respect -to the Notes on Virginia, I do contemplate some day the making additions -and corrections to them; but I am inclined to take the benefit of my whole -life to make collections and observations, and let the editing them be -posthumous. The anecdote respecting the paper put into my hands by Dr. -Franklin has not been handed to you with entire correctness. I returned -from France in December 1789, and in March following I went on to New -York to take the post assigned me in the new government. On my way through -Philadelphia I called on Dr. Franklin, who was then confined to his bed. -As the revolution had then begun, indeed was supposed to be closed by -the completion of a constitution, and he was anxious to know the part -all his acquaintances had taken, he plied me with questions for an hour -or two with a vivacity and earnestness which astonished me. When I had -satisfied his inquiries, I observed to him that I had heard, and with -great pleasure, that he had began the history of his own life, and had -brought it down to the revolution, (for so I had heard while in Europe.) -"Not exactly so," said he, "but I will let you see the manner in which -I do these things." He then desired one of his small grand-children who -happened to be in the room, to bring him such a paper from the table. It -was brought, and he put it into my hands and said, "there, put that into -your pocket and you will see the manner of my writing." I thanked him and -said "I should read it with great pleasure, and return it to him safely." -"No," said he, "keep it." I took it with me to New York. It was, as well -as I recollect, about a quire of paper, in which he had given, with great -minuteness, all the details of his negotiations (informal) in England, -to prevent their pushing us to extremities. These were chiefly through -Lord Howe and a lady, I think the sister of Lord Howe, but of this I am -not certain; but I remember noting the particulars of her conversation -as marking her as a woman of very superior understanding. He gave all the -conversations with her and Lord Howe, and all the propositions he passed -through them to their minister, the answers and conversations with the -minister reported through them, his endeavors used with other characters, -whether with the ministers directly I do not recollect; but I remember -well that it appeared distinctly from what was brought to him from the -ministers, that the real obstacle to their meeting the various overtures -he made was the prospect of great confiscations to provide for their -friends, and that this was the real cause of the various shiftings and -shufflings they used to evade his propositions. Learning, on his death, -which happened soon after, that he had bequeathed all his unpublished -writings to his grandson, W. T. Franklin, with a view to the emolument he -might derive from their publication, I thought this writing was fairly -his property, and notified to him my possession of it, and that I would -deliver it to his order. He soon afterwards called on me at New York, -and I delivered it to him. He accepted it, and, while putting it into his -pocket, observed that his grandfather had retained another copy which he -had found among his papers. I did not reflect on this till suspicions -were circulated that W. T. F. had sold these writings to the British -Minister. I then formed the belief that Dr. Franklin had meant to deposit -this spare copy with me in confidence that it would be properly taken -care of, and sincerely repented the having given it up; and I have little -doubt that this identical paper was the principal object of the purchase -by the British government, and the unfortunate cause of the suppression -of all the rest. I do not think I have any interesting papers or facts -from Dr. Franklin. Should any occur at any time, I will communicate them -freely, nobody wishing more ardently that the public could be possessed -of everything that was his or respected him, believing that a greater -or better character has rarely existed. I am happy to learn that his -blood shows itself in the veins of the two of his great grandchildren -whom you mention. But I should think medicine the best profession for -a genius resembling his, as that of the elder is supposed to do. I have -received information of Pestalozzi's mode of education from some European -publications, and from Mr. Keefe's book which shows that the latter -possesses both the talents and the zeal for carrying it into effect. I -sincerely wish it success, convinced that the information of the people at -large can alone make them the safe, as they are the sole depository of our -political and religious freedom. The idea of antimony in this neighborhood -is, I believe, without foundation. Some twenty or thirty years ago a -mineral was found about ten miles from this place, which one of those idle -impostors, who call themselves mine-hunters, persuaded the proprietor was -gold ore. The poor man lost a crop in digging after it. After fruitless -assays of the mineral, some other person, knowing as little of the matter, -fancied it must be antimony. A third idea was that it was black lead. It -was abandoned, and the mine hole filled up, nor can we at this day hear of -any piece of the mineral in possession of any one. - -You say in your letter that you will send me the _proofs_ of the -commentary on Montesquieu for revisal. It is only the _translation_ -I should wish to revise. I feel myself answerable to the author for a -correct publication of his ideas. The translated sheets may come by post -as they are finished off; they shall be promptly returned, the originals -coming with them. Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO J. B. COLVIN. - - MONTICELLO, September 20, 1810. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 14th has been duly received, and I have to thank -you for the many obliging things respecting myself which are said in -it. If I have left in the breasts of my fellow citizens a sentiment of -satisfaction with my conduct in the transaction of their business, it will -soften the pillow of my repose through the residue of life. - -The question you propose, whether circumstances do not sometimes occur, -which make it a duty in officers of high trust, to assume authorities -beyond the law, is easy of solution in principle, but sometimes -embarrassing in practice. A strict observance of the written laws is -doubtless _one_ of the high duties of a good citizen, but it is not _the -highest_. The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our -country when in danger, are of higher obligation. To lose our country by -a scrupulous adherence to written law, would be to lose the law itself, -with life, liberty, property and all those who are enjoying them with us; -thus absurdly sacrificing the end to the means. When, in the battle of -Germantown, General Washington's army was annoyed from Chew's house, he -did not hesitate to plant his cannon against it, although the property of -a citizen. When he besieged Yorktown, he leveled the suburbs, feeling that -the laws of property must be postponed to the safety of the nation. While -the army was before York, the Governor of Virginia took horses, carriages, -provisions and even men by force, to enable that army to stay together -till it could master the public enemy; and he was justified. A ship at sea -in distress for provisions, meets another having abundance, yet refusing -a supply; the law of self-preservation authorizes the distressed to take -a supply by force. In all these cases, the unwritten laws of necessity, -of self-preservation, and of the public safety, control the written laws -of _meum_ and _tuum_. Further to exemplify the principle, I will state -an hypothetical case. Suppose it had been made known to the Executive of -the Union in the autumn of 1805, that we might have the Floridas for a -reasonable sum, that that sum had not indeed been so appropriated by law, -but that Congress were to meet within three weeks, and might appropriate -it on the first or second day of their session. Ought he, for so great an -advantage to his country, to have risked himself by transcending the law -and making the purchase? The public advantage offered, in this supposed -case, was indeed immense; but a reverence for law, and the probability -that the advantage might still be _legally_ accomplished by a delay of -only three weeks, were powerful reasons against hazarding the act. But -suppose it foreseen that a John Randolph would find means to protract the -proceeding on it by Congress, until the ensuing spring, by which time -new circumstances would change the mind of the other party. Ought the -Executive, in that case, and with that foreknowledge, to have secured -the good to his country, and to have trusted to their justice for the -transgression of the law? I think he ought, and that the act would have -been approved. After the affair of the Chesapeake, we thought war a very -possible result. Our magazines were illy provided with some necessary -articles, nor had any appropriations been made for their purchase. We -ventured, however, to provide them, and to place our country in safety; -and stating the case to Congress, they sanctioned the act. - -To proceed to the conspiracy of Burr, and particularly to General -Wilkinson's situation in New Orleans. In judging this case, we are bound -to consider the state of the information, correct and incorrect, which he -then possessed. He expected Burr and his band from above, a British fleet -from below, and he knew there was a formidable conspiracy within the city. -Under these circumstances, was he justifiable, 1st, in seizing notorious -conspirators? On this there can be but two opinions; one, of the guilty -and their accomplices; the other, that of all honest men. 2d. In sending -them to the seat of government, when the written law gave them a right to -trial in the territory? The danger of their rescue, of their continuing -their machinations, the tardiness and weakness of the law, apathy of -the judges, active patronage of the whole tribe of lawyers, unknown -disposition of the juries, an hourly expectation of the enemy, salvation -of the city, and of the Union itself, which would have been convulsed to -its centre, had that conspiracy succeeded; all these constituted a law of -necessity and self-preservation, and rendered the _salus populi_ supreme -over the written law. The officer who is called to act on this superior -ground, does indeed risk himself on the justice of the controlling powers -of the constitution, and his station makes it his duty to incur that risk. -But those controlling powers, and his fellow citizens generally, are bound -to judge according to the circumstances under which he acted. They are not -to transfer the information of this place or moment to the time and place -of his action; but to put themselves into his situation. We knew here that -there never was danger of a British fleet from below, and that Burr's band -was crushed before it reached the Mississippi. But General Wilkinson's -information was very different, and he could act on no other. - -From these examples and principles you may see what I think on the -question proposed. They do not go to the case of persons charged with -petty duties, where consequences are trifling, and time allowed for a -legal course, nor to authorize them to take such cases out of the written -law. In these, the example of overleaping the law is of greater evil than -a strict adherence to its imperfect provisions. It is incumbent on those -only who accept of great charges, to risk themselves on great occasions, -when the safety of the nation, or some of its very high interests are at -stake. An officer is bound to obey orders; yet he would be a bad one who -should do it in cases for which they were not intended, and which involved -the most important consequences. The line of discrimination between cases -may be difficult; but the good officer is bound to draw it at his own -peril, and throw himself on the justice of his country and the rectitude -of his motives. - -I have indulged freer views on this question, on your assurances that -they are for your own eye only, and that they will not get into the -hands of newswriters. I met their scurrilities without concern, while in -pursuit of the great interests with which I was charged. But in my present -retirement, no duty forbids my wish for quiet. - -Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 22, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--I have wanted the occasion of the present enclosure to perform -the duty of my thanks for the kind communication of papers from your -office in the question between Livingston and myself. These have mainly -enabled me to give a correct statement of facts. I deferred proceeding -to a particular consideration of the case in hopes of the aid of Moreau's -Memoire, which I have understood to be the ablest which has been written. -But I was at length forced to proceed without it, my counsel informing me -they were ruled to plead, and must therefore know the grounds of defence. -You will see what I have made of it by the enclosed, which I forward in -the hope you will consider and correct it. I have done this the rather -because I presume all my fellow laborers feel an interest in what all -approved, and because I think I should urge nothing which they disapprove. -Will you then do me the favor to put on paper such corrections as you -would advise, and forward them to me, handing on the enclosed paper at -the same time to Mr. Rodney? I wrote him by this post that he may expect -it from you, and I ask the same favor of correction from him, and above -all to delay as little as possible, because time presses to give to this -paper its ultimate form. My counsel press me earnestly not to let the -topics of defence get out, so as to be known to the adversary. Although I -know Congress will be strongly urged, yet I hope they will take no measure -which may impress a jury unfavorably, by inferences not intended. And were -the case to be thought to belong to the public, still I believe it better -they should let it come on, on the footing of a private action. I pray you -to be assured of my constant affection and respect. - -September 26th. Sent a P. S. verbatim, the same as that to Mr. Rodney. - - -TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, September 25, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to thank you for your kind letter of June 8th, and the -suggestions it furnished on the question whether Livingston could maintain -an action in Richmond for a trespass committed in Orleans. This being -a question of common law, I leave it to my counsel so much more recent -than I am in that branch of law. I have undertaken to furnish them with -the grounds of my defence under the _lex loci_. I wished for the aid -of Moreau's Memoire because it is understood to be the ablest of any. -However, my counsel being ruled to plead, and pressing me for the grounds -of defence, I proceeded to consider the case, meaning at first only an -outline, but I got insensibly into the full discussion, which became very -voluminous, and the more so as it was necessary not only to enter all -the authorities at large in the text, because few possess them, but also -translations of them, because all do not understand all the languages in -which they are. Believing my late associates in the executive would feel -an interest in the justification of a conduct in which all concurred, -and also in the issue of it, I have thought it a duty to consult them as -to the grounds to be taken, and to take none against their advice. My -statement has therefore been submitted to the President, Mr. Smith and -Mr. Gallatin, and will be forwarded to you by Mr. Smith as soon as he -shall have read it. I have to request your consideration and corrections -of it, and that you will be so good as to furnish them on a separate -paper. I am obliged also to ask an immediate attention to them, because -time presses to give to this paper its ultimate shape, to plead, and -collect the evidence. Its early return to me therefore is urging. I do -not know whether my counsel (Hay, Wist and Tazewell) have pleaded to the -jurisdiction. * * * * * The death of Cushing is opportune, as it gives -an opening for at length getting a republican majority on the supreme -bench. Ten years has the anti-civism of that body been bidding defiance -to the spirit of the whole nation, after they had manifested their will by -reforming every other branch of the government. I trust the occasion will -not be lost; Bidwell's disgrace withdraws the ablest man of the section in -which Cushing's successor must be named. The pure integrity, unimpeachable -conduct, talents and republican firmness of Lincoln, leave him now, I -think, without a rival. He is thought not an able common lawyer. But there -is not and never was an able one in the New England States. Their system -is _sui generis_, in which the _common_ law is little attended to. Lincoln -is one of the ablest in their system, and it is among them he is to -execute the great portion of his duties. Nothing is more material than to -complete the reformation of the government by this appointment, which may -truly be said to be putting the keystone into the arch. In my statement of -the law of Livingston's case, I do not pretend to consider every argument -as perfectly sound. I have, as is usual, availed myself of some views, -which may have a weight with others which they have not with me. I have no -right to assume infallibility, and I present them, therefore, _ut valcant -ubi possint_. Accept the assurances of my constant and affectionate -esteem. - -P. S., September 26. In my letter of yesterday, I have omitted to observe, -with respect to the arrangement of materials in the paper it speaks -of, that it is not such as counsel would employ in pleading a cause. It -was determined by other considerations. I thought it very possible the -case might be dismissed out of court by a plea to the jurisdiction. I -determined, on this event, to lay it before the public, either directly or -through Congress. Respect for my associates, for myself, for our nation, -would not permit me to come forward, as a criminal under accusation, to -plead and argue a cause. This was not my situation. This would naturally -be by way of narrative or statement of the facts in their order of -time, establishing these facts as they occur, and bringing forward the -law arising on them, and pointing to the Executive the course he was -to pursue. I supposed it more dignified to present it as a history and -explanation of what had taken place. It does not, indeed, in that form, -display the subject in one great whole, but it brings forward successively -a number of questions, solving themselves as they arise, and leaving no -one unexamined. And the mind, after travelling over the whole case, and -finding as it goes along that all has been considered and all is right, -rests in that state of satisfaction which it is our object to produce. -In truth, I have never known a case which presented so many distinct -questions, having no dependence on one another, nor belonging even to the -same branches of jurisprudence. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - MONTICELLO, September 27, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 10th came safely to hand, and laid me under new -obligations for the valuable observations it contained. The error of -twelve feet instead of seven, for the rise of the batture, really _sautoit -aux yeux_, and how I could have committed it at first, or passed it over -afterwards without discovery, and having copied Pelletier's plan myself, -is unaccountable. I have adopted also most of your other corrections. -You observe that the arguments proving the batture public, yet prove it -of such a character that it could not be within the scope of the law of -March 4th, against squatters. I should so adjudge myself; yet I observe -many opinions otherwise, and in defence against a spadassin, it is lawful -to use all weapons. Besides, I have no pretensions to be exclusively the -judge of what arguments are sound and what not. I give them, therefore, -that they may weigh with those who think they have weight and have a right -to decide for themselves. That act of Congress, moreover, was evidently -respected, particularly in the order under which the removal was made. - -With respect to the arrangement of materials in my statement, I know it -is not such as counsel would employ in pleading such a cause; it is not -such as I would have made myself in that character; it was determined by -other considerations. I thought it possible the case might be dismissed -out of court by a plea to the jurisdiction. I determined, on this event, -to lay it before the public, either directly or through Congress. Respect -for my associates, for myself, for our nation, would not permit me to -come forward, as a criminal under accusation, to plead and argue a cause. -This was not my situation. I had only to state to my constituents a common -transaction. This would naturally be by way of narrative or statement of -the facts, in their order of time, establishing these facts as they occur, -and bringing forward the law arising on them and pointing to the Executive -the course he was to pursue. I suppose it more self-respectful to present -it as a history and explanation of what had taken place. It does not, -indeed, in that form, display the subject in one great whole, but it -brings forward successively a number of questions, solving themselves as -they arise, and leaving no one unexamined. And the mind, after travelling -over the whole case, and finding as it goes along that all has been -considered, and all is right, rests in that state of satisfaction which -it is our object to produce. In truth, I have never known a case which -presented so many distinct questions, having no dependence on one another, -nor belonging even to the same branches of jurisprudence. After all, I -offer this as explanation, not justification of the order adopted. - - * * * * * - -At length, then, we have a chance of getting a republican majority in the -Supreme Judiciary. For ten years has that branch braved the spirit and -will of the nation, after the nation had manifested its will by a complete -reform in every branch depending on them. The event is a fortunate one, -and so timed as to be a God-send to me. I am sure its importance to the -nation will be felt, and the occasion employed to complete the great -operation they have so long been executing, by the appointment of a -decided republican, with nothing equivocal about him. But who will it -be? The misfortune of Bidwell removes an able man from the competition. -Can any other bring equal qualifications to those of Lincoln? I know he -was not deemed a profound common lawyer; but was there ever a profound -common lawyer known in any of the Eastern States? There never was, nor -never can be one from those States. The basis of their law is neither -common nor civil; it is an original, if any compound can so be called. -Its foundation seems to have been laid in the spirit and principles of -Jewish law, incorporated with some words and phrases of common law, and an -abundance of notions of their own. This makes an _amalgam sui generis_, -and it is well known that a man, first and thoroughly initiated into the -principles of one system of law, can never become pure and sound in any -other. Lord Mansfield was a splendid proof of this. Therefore, I say, -there never was, nor can be a profound common lawyer from those States. -Sullivan had the reputation of preëminence there as a common lawyer. -But we have his history of land titles, which gives us his measure. Mr. -Lincoln is, I believe, considered as learned in their laws as any one -they have. Federalists say that Parsons is better. But the criticalness -of the present nomination puts him out of question. As the great mass of -the functions of the new judge are to be performed in his own district, -Lincoln will be most unexceptionable and acceptable there; and on the -supreme bench equal to any one who can be brought from thence; add to -this his integrity, political firmness and unimpeachable character, and -I believe no one can be found to whom there will not be more serious -objections. - -You seem to think it would be best to ascertain the probable result -before making a proposition to Congress to defend Livingston's suit. On -mature consideration I think it better that no such proposition should -be made. The debates there would fix the case as a party one, and we are -the minority in the judiciary department, and especially in the federal -branch of it here. Till Congress can be thoroughly put in possession of -all the points in the case, it is best they should let it lie. Livingston, -by removing it into the Judiciary, has fairly relinquished all claims -on their interference. I am confident that Congress will act soundly, -whenever we can give them a knowledge of the whole case. But I tire you -with this business, and end therefore with repeating assurances of my -constant attachment and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN ISAAC HILLARD. - - MONTICELLO, October 9, 1810. - -SIR,--I duly received your letter of September 10th, and return you -thanks for that and the pamphlet you were so kind as to enclose me. -The health you enjoy at so good an old age, and the strength of mind -evidenced in your pamphlet, are subjects of congratulation to yourself -and of thankfulness to him who gives them. I am sorry that a professor of -religion should have given occasion for such a censure. It proves he has -much to conquer in his own uncharitableness, and that it is not from him -his flock are to learn not to bear false witness against their neighbor. -But as to so much of his pulpit philippic as concerns myself I freely -forgive him; for I feel no falsehood and fear no truth. That you may -long continue to enjoy health, happiness and a sound mind, is my sincere -prayer. - - -TO COLONEL DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, November 13, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Your third packet is received before the second had been -returned. It is now enclosed, and the other shall go by the next post. -I find, as before, nothing to correct but those errors of the copyist -which you would have corrected yourself before committed to the press. If -it were practicable to send me the original sheets with the translated, -perhaps my equal familiarity with both languages might enable me sometimes -to be of some advantage; but I presume that might be difficult, and of -little use, scarcely perhaps of any. I thank you for the copy of Williams. -I have barely dipped into it a little. Enough, however, to see he is far -short of the luminous work you are printing. Indeed I think that the most -valuable work of the present age. I received from Williams, some years -ago, his book on the claims of authors. I found him to be a man of sound -and true principles, but not knowing how to go at them, and not able to -trace or develop them for others. I believe with you that the crisis of -England is come. What will be its issue it is vain to prophesy; so many -thousand contingencies may turn up to affect its direction. Were I to -hazard a guess, it would be that they will become a military despotism. -Their recollections of the portion of liberty they have enjoyed will -render force necessary to retain them under pure monarchy. Their pressure -upon us has been so severe and so unprincipled, that we cannot deprecate -their fate, though we might wish to see their naval power kept up to -the level of that of the other principal powers separately taken. But -may it not take a very different turn? Her paper credit annihilated, the -precious metals must become her circulating medium. The taxes which can -be levied on her people in these will be trifling in comparison with what -they could pay in paper money; her navy then will be unpaid, unclothed, -unfed. Will such a body of men suffer themselves to be dismissed and to -starve? Will they not mutiny, revolt, embody themselves under a popular -Admiral, take possession of Western and Bermuda islands, and act on the -Algerine system? If they should not be able to act on this broad scale, -they will become individual pirates; and the modern Carthage will end as -the old one has done. I am sorry for her people, who are individually as -respectable as those of other nations--it is her government which is so -corrupt, and which has destroyed the nation--it was certainly the most -corrupt and unprincipled government on earth. I should be glad to see -their farmers and mechanics come here, but I hope their nobles, priests, -and merchants will be kept at home to be moralized by the discipline of -the new government. The young stripling whom you describe is, probably, as -George Nicholas used to say, "in the plenitude of puppyism." Such coxcombs -do not serve even as straws to show which way the wind blows. Alexander -is unquestionably a man of an excellent heart, and of very respectable -strength of mind; and he is the only sovereign who cordially loves us. -Bonaparte hates our government because it is a living libel on his. The -English hate us because they think our prosperity filched from theirs. -Of Alexander's sense of the merits of our form of government, of its -wholesome operation on the condition of the people, and of the interest he -takes in the success of our experiment, we possess the most unquestionable -proofs; and to him we shall be indebted if the rights of neutrals, to -be settled whenever peace is made, shall be extended beyond the present -belligerents; that is to say, European neutrals, as George and Napoleon, -of mutual consent and common hatred against us, would concur in excluding -us. I thought it a salutary measure to engage the powerful patronage of -Alexander at conferences for peace, at a time when Bonaparte was courting -him; and although circumstances have lessened its weight, yet it is -prudent for us to cherish his good dispositions, as those alone which -will be exerted in our favor when that occasion shall occur. He, like -ourselves, sees and feels the atrociousness of both the belligerents. I -salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. JAMES RONALDSON. - - MONTICELLO, December 3, 1810. - -SIR,--I now return you the paper you were so kind as to enclose to me. The -hint to the two belligerents of disarming each other of their auxiliaries, -by opening asylums to them and giving them passages to this country, -is certainly a good one. Bonaparte has mind enough to adopt it, but not -the means. England, again, has the means but not mind enough; she would -prefer losing an advantage over her enemy to giving one to us. It is an -unhappy state of mind for her, but I am afraid it is the true one. She -presents a singular phenomenon of an honest people whose constitution, -from its nature, must render their government forever dishonest; and -accordingly, from the time that Sir Robert Walpole gave the constitution -that direction which its defects permitted, morality has been expunged -from their political code. I think the paper might do good if published, -and could do no harm. It cannot lessen our means of availing ourselves of -the same resource in case of our being at war with either belligerent. The -only difficulty in these cases (and in the revolutionary war we found it -a great one) is the conveying the invitation to the adverse troops. Accept -my salutations and assurances of respect. - - -TO DAVID HOWELL, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, December 15, 1810. - -DEAR SIR,--Our last post brought me your friendly letter of November -27th. I learn with pleasure that republican principles are predominant in -your State, because I conscientiously believe that governments founded -in these are more friendly to the happiness of the people at large, and -especially of a people so capable of self-government as ours. I have been -ever opposed to the party so falsely called federalists, because I believe -them desirous of introducing into our government authorities hereditary -or otherwise independent of the national will. These always consume the -public contributions, and oppress the people with labor and poverty. -No one was more sensible than myself, while Governor Fenner was in the -Senate, of the soundness of his political principles, and rectitude of his -conduct. Among those of my fellow laborers of whom I had a distinguished -opinion, he was one, and I have no doubt those among whom he lives, and -who have already given him so many proofs of their unequivocal confidence -in him, will continue so to do. It would be impertinent in me, a stranger -to them, to tell them what they all see daily. My object too, at present, -is peace and tranquillity, neither doing nor saying anything to be quoted, -or to make me the subject of newspaper disquisitions. I read one or two -newspapers a week, but with reluctance give even that time from Tacitus -and Horace, and so much other more agreeable reading; indeed, I give more -time to exercise of the body than of the mind, believing it wholesome to -both. I enjoy, in recollection, my ancient friendships, and suffer no -new circumstances to mix alloy with them. I do not take the trouble of -forming opinions on what is passing among them, because I have such entire -confidence in their integrity and wisdom as to be satisfied all is going -right, and that every one is doing his best in the station confided to -him. Under these impressions, accept sincere assurances of my continued -esteem and respect for yourself personally, and my best wishes for your -health and happiness. - - -TO MR. LAW. - - MONTICELLO, January 15, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--An absence from home of some length has prevented my sooner -acknowledging the receipt of your letter, covering the printed pamphlet, -which the same absence has as yet prevented me from taking up, but which I -know I shall read with great pleasure. Your favor of December the 22d, is -also received. - -Mr. Wagner's malignity, like that of the rest of his tribe of brother -printers, who deal out calumnies for federal readers, gives me no pain. -When a printer cooks up a falsehood, it is as easy to put it into the -mouth of a Mr. Fox, as of a smaller man, and safer into that of a dead -than a living one. Your sincere attachment to this country, as well as -to your native one, was never doubted by me; and in that persuasion, I -felt myself free to express to you my genuine sentiments with respect -to England. No man was more sensible than myself of the just value of -the friendship of that country. There are between us so many of those -circumstances which naturally produce and cement kind dispositions, -that if they could have forgiven our resistance to their usurpations, -our connections might have been durable, and have insured duration to -both our governments. I wished, therefore, a cordial friendship with -them, and I spared no occasion of manifesting this in our correspondence -and intercourse with them; not disguising, however, my desire of -friendship with their enemy also. During the administration of Mr. -Addington, I thought I discovered some friendly symptoms on the part of -that government; at least, we received some marks of respect from the -administration, and some of regret at the wrongs we were suffering from -their country. So, also, during the short interval of Mr. Fox's power. -But every other administration since our Revolution has been equally -wanton in their injuries and insults, and have manifested equal hatred -and aversion. Instead, too, of cultivating the government itself, whose -principles are those of the great mass of the nation, they have adopted -the miserable policy of teazing and embarrassing it, by allying themselves -with a faction here, not a tenth of the people, noisy and unprincipled, -and which never can come into power while republicanism is the spirit of -the nation, and that must continue to be so, until such a condensation of -population shall have taken place as will require centuries. Whereas, the -good will of the government itself would give them, and immediately, every -benefit which reason or justice would permit it to give. With respect to -myself, I saw great reason to believe their ministers were weak enough -to credit the newspaper trash about a supposed personal enmity in myself -towards England. This wretched party imputation was beneath the notice of -wise men. England never did me a personal injury, other than in open war; -and for numerous individuals there, I have great esteem and friendship. -And I must have had a mind far below the duties of my station, to have -felt either national partialities or antipathies in conducting the affairs -confided to me. My affections were first for my own country, and then, -generally, for all mankind; and nothing but minds placing themselves -above the passions, in the functionaries of this country, could have -preserved us from the war to which their provocations have been constantly -urging us. The war interests in England include a numerous and wealthy -part of their population; and their influence is deemed worth courting -by ministers wishing to keep their places. Continually endangered by a -powerful opposition, they find it convenient to humor the popular passions -at the expense of the public good. The shipping interest, commercial -interest, and their janizaries of the navy, all fattening on war, will -not be neglected by ministers of ordinary minds. Their tenure of office -is so infirm that they dare not follow the dictates of wisdom, justice, -and the well-calculated interests of their country. This vice in the -English constitution, renders a dependence on that government very unsafe. -The feelings of their King, too, fundamentally adverse to us, have added -another motive for unfriendliness in his ministers. This obstacle to -friendship, however, seems likely to be soon removed; and I verily believe -the successor will come in with fairer and wiser dispositions towards us; -perhaps on that event their conduct may be changed. But what England is to -become on the crush of her internal structure, now seeming to be begun, I -cannot foresee. Her monied interest, created by her paper system, and now -constituting a baseless mass of wealth equal to that of the owners of the -soil, must disappear with that system, and the medium for paying great -taxes thus failing, her navy must be without support. That it shall be -supported by permitting her to claim dominion of the ocean, and to levy -tribute on every flag traversing that, as lately attempted and not yet -relinquished, every nation must contest, even _ad internecionem_. And yet, -that retiring from this enormity, she should continue able to take a fair -share in the necessary equilibrium of power on that element, would be the -desire of every nation. - -I feel happy in withdrawing my mind from these anxieties, and resigning -myself, for the remnant of life, to the care and guardianship of others. -Good wishes are all an old man has to offer to his country or friends. -Mine attend yourself, with sincere assurances of esteem and respect, -which, however, I should be better pleased to tender you in person, should -your rambles ever lead you into the vicinage of Monticello. - - -TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. - - MONTICELLO, January 16, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I had been considering for some days, whether it was not time -by a letter, to bring myself to your recollection, when I received your -welcome favor of the 2d instant. I had before heard of the heart-rending -calamity you mention, and had sincerely sympathized with your afflictions. -But I had not made it the subject of a letter, because I knew that -condolences were but renewals of grief. Yet I thought, and still think, -this is one of the cases wherein we should "not sorrow, even as others who -have no hope." - - * * * * * - -You ask if I have read Hartley? I have not. My present course of life -admits less reading than I wish. From breakfast, or noon at latest, to -dinner, I am mostly on horseback, attending to my farm or other concerns, -which I find healthful to my body, mind and affairs; and the few hours I -can pass in my cabinet, are devoured by correspondences; not those with my -intimate friends, with whom I delight to interchange sentiments, but with -others, who, writing to me on concerns of their own in which I have had an -agency, or from motives of mere respect and approbation, are entitled to -be answered with respect and a return of good will. My hope is that this -obstacle to the delights of retirement, will wear away with the oblivion -which follows that, and that I may at length be indulged in those studious -pursuits, from which nothing but revolutionary duties would ever have -called me. - -I shall receive your proposed publication and read it with the pleasure -which everything gives me from your pen. Although much of a sceptic in the -practice of medicine, I read with pleasure its ingenious theories. - -I receive with sensibility your observations on the discontinuance of -friendly correspondence between Mr. Adams and myself, and the concern you -take in its restoration. This discontinuance has not proceeded from me, -nor from the want of sincere desire and of effort on my part, to renew our -intercourse. You know the perfect coincidence of principle and of action, -in the early part of the Revolution, which produced a high degree of -mutual respect and esteem between Mr. Adams and myself. Certainly no man -was ever truer than he was, in that day, to those principles of rational -republicanism which, after the necessity of throwing off our monarchy, -dictated all our efforts in the establishment of a new government. And -although he swerved, afterwards, towards the principles of the English -constitution, our friendship did not abate on that account. While he -was Vice President, and I Secretary of State, I received a letter from -President Washington, then at Mount Vernon, desiring me to call together -the Heads of departments, and to invite Mr. Adams to join us (which, -by-the-bye, was the only instance of that being done) in order to -determine on some measure which required despatch; and he desired me to -act on it, as decided, without again recurring to him. I invited them to -dine with me, and after dinner, sitting at our wine, having settled our -question, other conversation came on, in which a collision of opinion -arose between Mr. Adams and Colonel Hamilton, on the merits of the -British constitution, Mr. Adams giving it as his opinion, that, if some -of its defects and abuses were corrected, it would be the most perfect -constitution of government ever devised by man. Hamilton, on the contrary, -asserted, that with its existing vices, it was the most perfect model -of government that could be formed; and that the correction of its vices -would render it an impracticable government. And this you may be assured -was the real line of difference between the political principles of these -two gentlemen. Another incident took place on the same occasion, which -will further delineate Mr. Hamilton's political principles. The room being -hung around with a collection of the portraits of remarkable men, among -them were those of Bacon, Newton and Locke, Hamilton asked me who they -were. I told him they were my trinity of the three greatest men the world -had ever produced, naming them. He paused for some time: "the greatest -man," said he, "that ever lived, was Julius Cæsar." Mr. Adams was honest -as a politician, as well as a man; Hamilton honest as a man, but, as a -politician, believing in the necessity of either force or corruption to -govern men. - -You remember the machinery which the federalists played off, about that -time, to beat down the friends to the real principles of our constitution, -to silence by terror every expression in their favor, to bring us into -war with France and alliance with England, and finally to homologize our -constitution with that of England. Mr. Adams, you know, was overwhelmed -with feverish addresses, dictated by the fear, and often by the pen, of -the _bloody buoy_, and was seduced by them into some open indications of -his new principles of government, and in fact, was so elated as to mix -with his kindness a little superciliousness towards me. Even Mrs. Adams, -with all her good sense and prudence, was sensibly flushed. And you -recollect the short suspension of our intercourse, and the circumstance -which gave rise to it, which you were so good as to bring to an early -explanation, and have set to rights, to the cordial satisfaction of us -all. The nation at length passed condemnation on the political principles -of the federalists, by refusing to continue Mr. Adams in the Presidency. -On the day on which we learned in Philadelphia the vote of the city of -New York, which it was well known would decide the vote of the State, and -that, again, the vote of the Union, I called on Mr. Adams on some official -business. He was very sensibly affected, and accosted me with these words: -"Well, I understand that you are to beat me in this contest, and I will -only say that I will be as faithful a subject as any you will have." -"Mr. Adams," said I, "this is no personal contest between you and me. -Two systems of principles on the subject of government divide our fellow -citizens into two parties. With one of these you concur, and I with the -other. As we have been longer on the public stage than most of those now -living, our names happen to be more generally known. One of these parties, -therefore, has put your name at its head, the other mine. Were we both -to die to-day, to-morrow two other names would be in the place of ours, -without any change in the motion of the machinery. Its motion is from its -principle, not from you or myself." "I believe you are right," said he, -"that we are but passive instruments, and should not suffer this matter to -affect our personal dispositions." But he did not long retain this just -view of the subject. I have always believed that the thousand calumnies -which the federalists, in bitterness of heart, and mortification at their -ejection, daily invented against me, were carried to him by their busy -intriguers, and made some impression. When the election between Burr and -myself was kept in suspense by the federalists, and they were meditating -to place the President of the Senate at the head of the government, I -called on Mr. Adams with a view to have this desperate measure prevented -by his negative. He grew warm in an instant, and said with a vehemence he -had not used towards me before, "Sir, the event of the election is within -your own power. You have only to say you will do justice to the public -creditors, maintain the navy, and not disturb those holding offices, and -the government will instantly be put into your hands. We know it is the -wish of the people it should be so." "Mr. Adams," said I, "I know not what -part of my conduct, in either public or private life, can have authorized -a doubt of my fidelity to the public engagements. I say, however, I will -not come into the government by capitulation. I will not enter on it, -but in perfect freedom to follow the dictates of my own judgment." I -had before given the same answer to the same intimation from Gouverneur -Morris. "Then," said he, "things must take their course." I turned the -conversation to something else, and soon took my leave. It was the first -time in our lives we had ever parted with anything like dissatisfaction. -And then followed those scenes of midnight appointment, which have been -condemned by all men. The last day of his political power, the last hours, -and even beyond the midnight, were employed in filling all offices, and -especially permanent ones, with the bitterest federalists, and providing -for me the alternative, either to execute the government by my enemies, -whose study it would be to thwart and defeat all my measures, or to -incur the odium of such numerous removals from office, as might bear me -down. A little time and reflection effaced in my mind this temporary -dissatisfaction with Mr. Adams, and restored me to that just estimate -of his virtues and passions, which a long acquaintance had enabled me to -fix. And my first wish became that of making his retirement easy by any -means in my power; for it was understood he was not rich. I suggested -to some republican members of the delegation from his State, the giving -him, either directly or indirectly, an office, the most lucrative in -that State, and then offered to be resigned, if they thought he would -not deem it affrontive. They were of opinion he would take great offence -at the offer; and moreover, that the body of republicans would consider -such a step in the outset as arguing very ill of the course I meant to -pursue. I dropped the idea, therefore, but did not cease to wish for some -opportunity of renewing our friendly understanding. - -Two or three years after, having had the misfortune to lose a daughter, -between whom and Mrs. Adams there had been a considerable attachment, she -made it the occasion of writing me a letter, in which, with the tenderest -expressions of concern at this event, she carefully avoided a single one -of friendship towards myself, and even concluded it with the wishes "of -her who _once_ took pleasure in subscribing herself your friend, Abigail -Adams." Unpromising as was the complexion of this letter, I determined -to make an effort towards removing the cloud from between us. This -brought on a correspondence which I now enclose for your perusal, after -which be so good as to return it to me, as I have never communicated it -to any mortal breathing, before. I send it to you, to convince you I -have not been wanting either in the desire, or the endeavor to remove -this misunderstanding. Indeed, I thought it highly disgraceful to us -both, as indicating minds not sufficiently elevated to prevent a public -competition from affecting our personal friendship. I soon found from -the correspondence that conciliation was desperate, and yielding to an -intimation in her last letter, I ceased from further explanation. I have -the same good opinion of Mr. Adams which I ever had. I know him to be an -honest man, an able one with his pen, and he was a powerful advocate on -the floor of Congress. He has been alienated from me, by belief in the -lying suggestions contrived for electioneering purposes, that I perhaps -mixed in the activity and intrigues of the occasion. My most intimate -friends can testify that I was perfectly passive. They would sometimes, -indeed, tell me what was going on; but no man ever heard me take part in -such conversations; and none ever misrepresented Mr. Adams in my presence, -without my asserting his just character. With very confidential persons -I have doubtless disapproved of the principles and practices of his -administration. This was unavoidable. But never with those with whom it -could do him any injury. Decency would have required this conduct from me, -if disposition had not; and I am satisfied Mr. Adams' conduct was equally -honorable towards me. But I think it part of his character to suspect -foul play in those of whom he is jealous, and not easily to relinquish his -suspicions. - -I have gone, my dear friend, into these details, that you might know -everything which had passed between us, might be fully possessed of the -state of facts and dispositions, and judge for yourself whether they -admit a revival of that friendly intercourse for which you are so kindly -solicitous. I shall certainly not be wanting in anything on my part which -may second your efforts, which will be the easier with me, inasmuch as I -do not entertain a sentiment of Mr. Adams, the expression of which could -give him reasonable offence. And I submit the whole to yourself, with -the assurance, that whatever be the issue, my friendship and respect for -yourself will remain unaltered and unalterable. - - -TO MR. JOHN LYNCH. - - MONTICELLO, January 21, 1811. - -SIR,--You have asked my opinion on the proposition of Mrs. Mifflin, to -take measures for procuring, on the coast of Africa, an establishment to -which the people of color of these States might, from time to time, be -colonized, under the auspices of different governments. Having long ago -made up my mind on this subject, I have no hesitation in saying that I -have ever thought it the most desirable measure which could be adopted, -for gradually drawing off this part of our population, most advantageously -for themselves as well as for us. Going from a country possessing all -the useful arts, they might be the means of transplanting them among the -inhabitants of Africa, and would thus carry back to the country of their -origin, the seeds of civilization which might render their sojournment and -sufferings here a blessing in the end to that country. - -I received, in the first year of my coming into the administration of -the General Government, a letter from the Governor of Virginia, (Colonel -Monroe,) consulting me, at the request of the Legislature of the State, on -the means of procuring some such asylum, to which these people might be -occasionally sent. I proposed to him the establishment of Sierra Leone, -to which a private company in England had already colonized a number -of negroes, and particularly the fugitives from these States during the -Revolutionary War; and at the same time suggested, if this could not be -obtained, some of the Portuguese possessions in South America, as next -most desirable. The subsequent Legislature approving these ideas, I wrote, -the ensuing year, 1802, to Mr. King, our Minister in London, to endeavor -to negotiate with the Sierra Leone company a reception of such of these -people as might be colonized thither. He opened a correspondence with Mr. -Wedderburne and Mr. Thornton, secretaries of the company, on the subject, -and in 1803 I received through Mr. King the result, which was that the -colony was going on, but in a languishing condition; that the funds of the -company were likely to fail, as they received no returns of profit to keep -them up; that they were therefore in treaty with their government to take -the establishment off their hands; but that in no event should they be -willing to receive more of these people from the United States, as it was -exactly that portion of their settlers which had gone from hence, which, -by their idleness and turbulence, had kept the settlement in constant -danger of dissolution, which could not have been prevented but for the aid -of the Maroon negroes from the West Indies, who were more industrious and -orderly than the others, and supported the authority of the government -and its laws. I think I learned afterwards that the British Government -had taken the colony into its own hands, and I believe it still exists. -The effort which I made with Portugal, to obtain an establishment for them -within their claims in South America, proved also abortive. - -You inquire further, whether I would use my endeavors to procure for -such an establishment security against violence from other powers, and -particularly from France? Certainly, I shall be willing to do anything I -can to give it effect and safety. But I am but a private individual, and -could only use endeavors with private individuals; whereas, the National -Government can address themselves at once to those of Europe to obtain -the desired security, and will unquestionably be ready to exert its -influence with those nations for an object so benevolent in itself, and -so important to a great portion of its constituents. Indeed, nothing is -more to be wished than that the United States would themselves undertake -to make such an establishment on the coast of Africa. Exclusive of motives -of humanity, the commercial advantages to be derived from it might repay -all its expenses. But for this, the national mind is not yet prepared. -It may perhaps be doubted whether many of these people would voluntarily -consent to such an exchange of situation, and very certain that few of -those advanced to a certain age in habits of slavery, would be capable -of self-government. This should not, however, discourage the experiment, -nor the early trial of it; and the proposition should be made with all -the prudent cautions and attentions requisite to reconcile it to the -interests, the safety and the prejudices of all parties. - -Accept the assurances of my respect and esteem. - - -TO M. DESTUTT TRACY. - - MONTICELLO, January 26, 1811. - -SIR,--The length of time your favor of June the 12th, 1809 was on its -way to me, and my absence from home the greater part of the autumn, -delayed very much the pleasure which awaited me of reading the packet -which accompanied it. I cannot express to you the satisfaction which I -received from its perusal. I had, with the world, deemed Montesquieu's -work of much merit; but saw in it, with every thinking man, so much of -paradox, of false principle and misapplied fact, as to render its value -equivocal on the whole. Williams and others had nibbled only at its -errors. A radical correction of them, therefore, was a great desideratum. -This want is now supplied, and with a depth of thought, precision of -idea, of language and of logic, which will force conviction into every -mind. I declare to you, Sir, in the spirit of truth and sincerity, that -I consider it the most precious gift the present age has received. But -what would it have been, had the author, or would the author, take up the -whole scheme of Montesquieu's work, and following the correct analysis he -has here developed, fill up all its parts according to his sound views -of them? Montesquieu's celebrity would be but a small portion of that -which would immortalize the author. And with whom? With the rational and -high-minded spirits of the present and all future ages. With those whose -approbation is both incitement and reward to virtue and ambition. Is then -the hope desperate? To what object can the occupation of his future life -be devoted so usefully to the world, so splendidly to himself? But I must -leave to others who have higher claims on his attention, to press these -considerations. - -My situation, far in the interior of the country, was not favorable to -the object of getting this work translated and printed. Philadelphia is -the least distant of the great towns of our States, where there exists -any enterprise in this way; and it was not till the spring following -the receipt of your letter, that I obtained an arrangement for its -execution. The translation is just now completed. The sheets came to me -by post, from time to time, for revisal; but not being accompanied by the -original, I could not judge of verbal accuracies. I think, however, it -is substantially correct, without being an adequate representation of the -excellences of the original; as indeed no translation can be. I found it -impossible to give it the appearance of an original composition in our -language. I therefore think it best to divert inquiries after the author -towards a quarter where he will not be found; and with this view, propose -to prefix the prefatory epistle now enclosed. As soon as a copy of the -work can be had, I will send it to you by duplicate. The secret of the -author will be faithfully preserved during his and my joint lives; and -those into whose hands my papers will fall at my death, will be equally -worthy of confidence. When the death of the author, or his living consent -shall permit the world to know their benefactor, both his and my papers -will furnish the evidence. In the meantime, the many important truths the -work so solidly establishes, will, I hope, make it the political rudiment -of the young, and manual of our older citizens. - -One of its doctrines, indeed, the preference of a plural over a singular -executive, will probably not be assented to here. When our present -government was first established, we had many doubts on this question, -and many leanings towards a supreme executive counsel. It happened that -at that time the experiment of such an one was commenced in France, -while the single executive was under trial here. We watched the motions -and effects of these two rival plans, with an interest and anxiety -proportioned to the importance of a choice between them. The experiment -in France failed after a short course, and not from any circumstance -peculiar to the times or nation, but from those internal jealousies and -dissensions in the Directory, which will ever arise among men equal in -power, without a principal to decide and control their differences. We -had tried a similar experiment in 1784, by establishing a committee of -the States, composed of a member from every State, then thirteen, to -exercise the executive functions during the recess of Congress. They -fell immediately into schisms and dissensions, which became at length -so inveterate as to render all co-operation among them impracticable, -they dissolved themselves, abandoning the helm of government, and it -continued without a head, until Congress met the ensuing winter. This -was then imputed to the temper of two or three individuals; but the wise -ascribed it to the nature of man. The failure of the French Directory, -and from the same cause, seems to have authorized a belief that the form -of a plurality, however promising in theory, is impracticable with men -constituted with the ordinary passions. While the tranquil and steady -tenor of our single executive, during a course of twenty-two years of the -most tempestuous times the history of the world has ever presented, gives -a rational hope that this important problem is at length solved. Aided by -the counsels of a cabinet of heads of departments, originally four, but -now five, with whom the President consults, either singly or altogether, -he has the benefit of their wisdom and information, brings their views -to one centre, and produces an unity of action and direction in all the -branches of the government. The excellence of this construction of the -executive power has already manifested itself here under very opposite -circumstances. During the administration of our first President, his -cabinet of four members was equally divided by as marked an opposition of -principle as monarchism and republicanism could bring into conflict. Had -that cabinet been a directory, like positive and negative quantities in -algebra, the opposing wills would have balanced each other and produced -a state of absolute inaction. But the President heard with calmness the -opinions and reasons of each, decided the course to be pursued, and kept -the government steadily in it, unaffected by the agitation. The public -knew well the dissensions of the cabinet, but never had an uneasy thought -on their account, because they knew also they had provided a regulating -power which would keep the machine in steady movement. I speak with -an intimate knowledge of these scenes, _quorum pars fui_; as I may of -others of a character entirely opposite. The third administration, which -was of eight years, presented an example of harmony in a cabinet of six -persons, to which perhaps history has furnished no parallel. There never -arose, during the whole time, an instance of an unpleasant thought or -word between the members. We sometimes met under differences of opinion, -but scarcely ever failed, by conversing and reasoning, so to modify each -other's ideas, as to produce an unanimous result. Yet, able and amicable -as these members were, I am not certain this would have been the case, -had each possessed equal and independent powers. Ill-defined limits of -their respective departments, jealousies, trifling at first, but nourished -and strengthened by repetition of occasions, intrigues without doors of -designing persons to build an importance to themselves on the divisions -of others, might, from small beginnings, have produced persevering -oppositions. But the power of decision in the President left no object for -internal dissension, and external intrigue was stifled in embryo by the -knowledge which incendiaries possessed, that no division they could foment -would change the course of the executive power. I am not conscious that -my participations in executive authority have produced any bias in favor -of the single executive; because the parts I have acted have been in the -subordinate, as well as superior stations, and because, if I know myself, -what I have felt, and what I have wished, I know that I have never been so -well pleased, as when I could shift power from my own, on the shoulders of -others; nor have I ever been able to conceive how any rational being could -propose happiness to himself from the exercise of power over others. - -I am still, however, sensible of the solidity of your principle, that, -to insure the safety of the public liberty, its depository should be -subject to be changed with the greatest ease possible, and without -suspending or disturbing for a moment the movements of the machine of -government. You apprehend that a single executive, with eminence of -talent, and destitution of principle, equal to the object, might, by -usurpation, render his powers hereditary. Yet I think history furnishes -as many examples of a single usurper arising out of a government by a -plurality, as of temporary trusts of power in a single hand rendered -permanent by usurpation. I do not believe, therefore, that this danger -is lessened in the hands of a plural executive. Perhaps it is greatly -increased, by the state of inefficiency to which they are liable from -feuds and divisions among themselves. The conservative body you propose -might be so constituted, as, while it would be an admirable sedative in a -variety of smaller cases, might also be a valuable sentinel and check on -the liberticide views of an ambitious individual. I am friendly to this -idea. But the true barriers of our liberty in this country are our State -governments; and the wisest conservative power ever contrived by man, is -that of which our Revolution and present government found us possessed. -Seventeen distinct States, amalgamated into one as to their foreign -concerns, but single and independent as to their internal administration, -regularly organized with a legislature and governor resting on the choice -of the people, and enlightened by a free press, can never be so fascinated -by the arts of one man, as to submit voluntarily to his usurpation. Nor -can they be constrained to it by any force he can possess. While that may -paralyze the single State in which it happens to be encamped, sixteen -others, spread over a country of two thousand miles diameter, rise up -on every side, ready organized for deliberation by a constitutional -legislature, and for action by their governor, constitutionally the -commander of the militia of the State, that is to say, of every man in it -able to bear arms; and that militia, too, regularly formed into regiments -and battalions, into infantry, cavalry and artillery, trained under -officers general and subordinate, legally appointed, always in readiness, -and to whom they are already in habits of obedience. The republican -government of France was lost without a struggle, because the party of -"_un et indivisible_" had prevailed; no provincial organizations existed -to which the people might rally under authority of the laws, the seats -of the directory were virtually vacant, and a small force sufficed to -turn the legislature out of their chamber, and to salute its leader chief -of the nation. But with us, sixteen out of seventeen States rising in -mass, under regular organization, and legal commanders, united in object -and action by their Congress, or, if that be in _duresse_, by a special -convention, present such obstacles to an usurper as forever to stifle -ambition in the first conception of that object. - -Dangers of another kind might more reasonably be apprehended from this -perfect and distinct organization, civil and military, of the States; -to wit, that certain States from local and occasional discontents, might -attempt to secede from the Union. This is certainly possible; and would -be befriended by this regular organization. But it is not probable that -local discontents can spread to such an extent, as to be able to face -the sound parts of so extensive an Union; and if ever they should reach -the majority, they would then become the regular government, acquire the -ascendency in Congress, and be able to redress their own grievances by -laws peaceably and constitutionally passed. And even the States in which -local discontents might engender a commencement of fermentation, would be -paralyzed and self-checked by that very division into parties into which -we have fallen, into which all States must fall wherein men are at liberty -to think, speak, and act freely, according to the diversities of their -individual conformations, and which are, perhaps, essential to preserve -the purity of the government, by the censorship which these parties -habitually exercise over each other. - -You will read, I am sure, with indulgence, the explanations of the grounds -on which I have ventured to form an opinion differing from yours. They -prove my respect for your judgment, and diffidence in my own, which have -forbidden me to retain, without examination, an opinion questioned by -you. Permit me now to render my portion of the general debt of gratitude, -by acknowledgments in advance for the singular benefaction which is the -subject of this letter, to tender my wishes for the continuance of a life -so usefully employed, and to add the assurances of my perfect esteem and -respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, March 8, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--On my return from a journey of five weeks to Bedford I found -here the two letters now enclosed, which though directed to me, belong, in -their matter, to you. I never before heard of either writer, and therefore -leave them to stand on their own grounds. - -I congratulate you on the close of your campaign. Although it has not -conquered your difficulties, it leaves you more at leisure to consider -and provide against them. Our only chance as to England is the accession -of the Prince of Wales to the throne. If only to the regency, himself and -his ministers may be less bold and strong to make a thorough change of -system. It will leave them, too, a pretext for doing less than right, if -so disposed. He has much more understanding and good humor than principle -or application. But it seems difficult to understand what Bonaparte means -towards us. I have been in hopes the consultations with closed doors were -for taking possession of East Florida. It would give no more offence -anywhere than taking the Western province, and I am much afraid the -Percival ministry may have given orders for taking possession of it before -they were put out of power. - -We have had a wretched winter for the farmer. Great consumption of food by -the cattle, and little weather for preparing the ensuing crop. During my -stay in Bedford we had seven snows, that of February 22, which was of 15 -inches about Richmond, was of 6 inches here, and only 3½ in Bedford. Ever -affectionately yours. - - -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. - - MONTICELLO, March 10, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of January 21st has been received, and with it the -2d volume of your Memoirs, with the appendices to the 1st, 2d and 4th -volumes, for which accept my thanks. I shall read them with pleasure. -The expression respecting myself, stated in your letter to have been -imputed to you by your calumniators, had either never been heard by me, -or, if heard, had been unheeded and forgotten. I have been too much the -butt of such falsehoods myself to do others the injustice of permitting -them to make the least impression on me. My consciousness that no man -on earth has me under his thumb is evidence enough that you never used -the expression. Daniel Clarke's book I have never seen, nor should I put -Tacitus or Thucydides out of my hand to take that up. I am even leaving -off the newspapers, desirous to disengage myself from the contentions of -the world, and consign to entire tranquillity and to the kinder passions -what remains to me of life. I look back with commiseration on those still -buffeting the storm, and sincerely wish your argosy may ride out, unhurt, -that in which it is engaged. My belief is that it will, and I found that -belief on my own knowledge of Burr's transactions, on my view of your -conduct in encountering them, and on the candor of your judges. I salute -you with my best wishes and entire respect. - - -TO MR. JOHN MELISH. - - MONTICELLO, March 10, 1811. - -SIR,--I thank you for your letter of February 16th, and the communication -of that you had forwarded to the President. In his hands it may be -turned to public account; in mine it is only evidence of your zeal for -the general good. My occupations are now in quite a different line, more -suited to my age, my interests and inclinations. Having served my tour of -duty, I leave public cares to younger and more vigorous minds, and repose -my personal well-being under their guardianship, in perfect confidence -of its safety. Our ship is sound, the crew alert at their posts, and our -ablest steersman at its helm. That she will make a safe port I have no -doubt; and that she may, I offer to heaven my daily prayers, the proper -function of age, and add to yourself the assurance of my respect. - - -TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, March 28, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I learn with sincere concern, from yours of the 15th received -by our last mail, the difficulties into which you are brought by the -retirement of particular friends from the accommodations they had been -in the habit of yielding you. That one of those you name should have -separated from the censor of John Randolph, is consonant with the change -of disposition which took place in him at Washington. That the other, -far above that bias, should have done so, was not expected. I have ever -looked to Mr. Lieper as one of the truest republicans of our country, -whose mind, unaffected by personal incidents, pursues its course with a -steadiness of which we have rare examples. Looking about for a motive, I -have supposed it was to be found in the late arraignments of Mr. Gallatin -in your papers. However he might differ from you on that subject, as I do -myself, the indulgences in difference of opinion which we all owe to one -another, and every one needs for himself, would, I thought, in a mind like -his, have prevented such a manifestation of it. I believe Mr. Gallatin -to be of a pure integrity, and as zealously devoted to the liberties and -interests of our country as its most affectionate native citizen. Of this -his courage in Congress in the days of terror, gave proofs which nothing -can obliterate from the recollection of those who were witnesses of it. -These are probably the opinions of Mr. Lieper, as I believe they are of -every man intimately acquainted with Mr. Gallatin. An intercourse, almost -daily, of eight years with him, has given me opportunities of knowing -his character more thoroughly than perhaps any other man living; and I -have ascribed the erroneous estimate you have formed of it to the want of -that intimate knowledge of him which I possessed. Every one, certainly, -must form his judgment on the evidence accessible to himself; and I -have no more doubt of the integrity of your convictions than I have of -my own. They are drawn from different materials and different sources -of information, more or less perfect, according to our opportunities. -The zeal, the disinterestedness, and the abilities with which you have -supported the great principles of our revolution, the persecutions you -have suffered, and the firmness and independence with which you have -suffered them, constitute too strong a claim on the good wishes of -every friend of elective government, to be effaced by a solitary ease of -difference in opinion. Thus I think, and thus I believed my much-esteemed -friend Lieper would have thought; and I am the more concerned he does not, -as it is so much more in his power to be useful to you than in mine. His -residence, and his standing at the great seat of the monied institutions, -command a credit with them, which no inhabitant of the country, and -of agricultural pursuits only, can have. The two or three banks in our -uncommercial State are too distant to have any relations with the farmers -of Albemarle. We are persuaded you have not overrated the dispositions -of this State to support yourself and your paper. They have felt its -services too often to be indifferent in the hour of trial. They are well -aware that the days of danger are not yet over. And I am sensible that if -there were any means of bringing into concert the good will of the friends -of the "Aurora" scattered over this State, they would not deceive your -expectations. One month sooner might have found such an opportunity in -the assemblage of our legislature in Richmond. But that is now dispersed -not to meet again under a twelvemonth. We, here, are but one of a hundred -counties, and on consultation with friends of the neighborhood, it is -their opinion that if we can find an endorser resident in Richmond, -(for that is indispensable,) ten or twelve persons of this county would -readily engage, as you suggest, for their $100 each, and some of them -for more. It is believed that the republicans in that city can and will -do a great deal more; and perhaps their central position may enable them -to communicate with other counties. We have written to a distinguished -friend to the cause of liberty there to take the lead in the business, as -far as concerns that place; and for our own, we are taking measures for -obtaining the aid of the bank of the same place. In all this I am nearly -a cypher. Forty years of almost constant absence from the State have made -me a stranger in it, have left me a solitary tree, from around which the -axe of time has felled all the companions of its youth and growth. I have, -however, engaged some active and zealous friends to do what I could not. -Their personal acquaintance and influence with those now in active life -can give effect to their efforts. But our support can be but partial, and -far short, both in time and measure, of your difficulties. They will be -little more than evidences of our friendship. The truth is that farmers, -as we all are, have no command of money. Our necessaries are all supplied, -either from our farms, or a neighboring store. Our produce, at the end -of the year, is delivered to the merchant, and thus the business of the -year is done by barter, without the intervention of scarcely a dollar; -and thus also we live with a plenty of everything except money. To raise -that negociations and time are requisite. I sincerely wish that greater -and prompter effects could have flowed from our good will. On my part, no -endeavors or sacrifices shall be withheld. But we are bound down by the -laws of our situation. - -I do not know whether I am able at present to form a just idea of the -situation of our country. If I am, it is such as, during the _bellum -omnium in omnia_ of Europe, will require the union of all its friends to -resist its enemies within and without. If we schismatize on either men -or measures, if we do not act in phalanx, as when we rescued it from the -satellites of monarchism, I will not say our _party_, the term is false -and degrading, but our _nation_ will be undone. For the republicans are -the _nation_. Their opponents are but a faction, weak in numbers, but -powerful and profuse in the command of money, and backed by a nation, -powerful also and profuse in the use of the same means; and the more -profuse, in both cases, as the money they thus employ is not their own but -their creditors, to be paid off by a bankruptcy, which whether it pays a -dollar or a shilling in the pound is of little concern with them. The last -hope of human liberty in this world rests on us. We ought, for so dear a -state, to sacrifice every attachment and every enmity. Leave the President -free to chose his own coadjutors, to pursue his own measures, and support -him and them, even if we think we are wiser than they, honester than they -are, or possessing more enlarged information of the state of things. If -we move in mass, be it ever so circuitously, we shall attain our object; -but if we break into squads, every one pursuing the path he thinks most -direct, we become an easy conquest to those who can now barely hold us in -check. I repeat again, that we ought not to schismatize on either men or -measures. Principles alone can justify that. If we find our government -in all its branches rushing headlong, like our predecessors, into the -arms of monarchy, if we find them violating our dearest rights, the -trial by jury, the freedom of the press, the freedom of opinion, civil or -religious, or opening on our peace of mind or personal safety the sluices -of terrorism, if we see them raising standing armies, when the absence of -all other danger points to these as the sole objects on which they are to -be employed, then indeed let us withdraw and call the nation to its tents. -But while our functionaries are wise, and honest, and vigilant, let us -move compactly under their guidance, and we have nothing to fear. Things -may here and there go a little wrong. It is not in their power to prevent -it. But all will be right in the end, though not perhaps by the shortest -means. - -You know, my dear Sir, that this union of republicans has been the -constant theme of my exhortations, that I have ever refused to know any -subdivisions among them, to take part in any personal differences; and -therefore you will not give to the present observations any other than -general application. I may sometimes differ in opinion from some of my -friends, from those whose views are as pure and sound as my own. I censure -none, but do homage to every one's right of opinion. If I have indulged -my pen, therefore, a little further than the occasion called for, you will -ascribe it to a sermonizing habit, to the anxieties of age, perhaps to its -garrulity, or to any other motive rather than the want of the esteem and -confidence of which I pray you to accept sincere assurances. - -P. S. Absorbed in a subject more nearly interesting, I had forgotten -our book on the heresies of Montesquieu. I sincerely hope the removal of -all embarrassment will enable you to go on with it, or so to dispose of -it as that our country may have the benefit of the corrections it will -administer to public opinion. - - -TO MR. LATROBE. - - MONTICELLO, April 14, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I feel much concern that suggestions stated in your letter -of the 5th instant, should at this distance of time be the subject of -uneasiness to you, and I regret it the more as they make appeals to -memory, a faculty never strong in me, and now too sensibly impaired -to be relied on. It retains no trace of the particular conversations -alluded to, nor enables me to say that they are or are not correct. The -only safe appeal for me is to the general impressions received at the -time, and still retained with sufficient distinctness. These were that -you discharged the duties of your appointment with ability, diligence -and zeal, but that in the article of expense you were not sufficiently -guarded. You must remember my frequent cautions to you on this head, the -measures I took, by calling for frequent accounts of expenditures and -contracts, to mark to you, as well as to myself, when they were getting -beyond the limits of the appropriations, and the afflicting embarrassments -of a particular occasion where these limits had been unguardedly and -greatly transcended. These sentiments I communicated to you freely at the -time, as it was my duty to do. Another principle of conduct with me was -to admit no innovations on the established plans, but on the strongest -grounds. When, therefore, I thought first of placing the floor of the -Representative chamber on the level of the basement of the building, and -of throwing into its height the cavity of the dome, in the manner of the -Halle aux Bleds at Paris, I deemed it due to Dr. Thornton, author of the -plan of the Capitol, to consult him on the change. He not only consented, -but appeared heartily to approve of the alteration. For the same reason, -as well as on motives of economy, I was anxious, in converting the Senate -chamber into a Judiciary room, to preserve its original form, and to leave -the same arches and columns standing. On your representation, however, -that the columns were decayed and incompetent to support the incumbent -weight, I acquiesced in the change you proposed, only striking out the -addition which would have made part of the middle building, and would -involve a radical change in that which had not been sanctioned. I have -no reason to doubt but that in the execution of the Senate and Court -rooms, you have adhered to the plan communicated to me and approved; -but never having seen them since their completion, I am not able to say -so expressly. On the whole, I do not believe any one has ever done more -justice to your professional abilities than myself. Besides constant -commendations of your taste in architecture, and science in execution, -I declared on many and all occasions that I considered you as the only -person in the United States who could have executed the Representative -chamber, or who could execute the middle buildings on any of the plans -proposed. There have been too many witnesses of these declarations to -leave any doubt as to my opinion on this subject. Of the value I set on -your society, our intercourse before as well as during my office, can have -left no doubt with you; and I should be happy in giving further proofs -to you personally at Monticello, of which you have sometimes flattered me -with the hope of an opportunity. - -I have thus, Sir, stated general truths without going into the detail of -particular facts or expressions, to which my memory does not enable me -to say yea or nay. But a consciousness of my consistency in private as -well as public, supports me in affirming that nothing ever passed from me -contradictory to these general truths, and that I have been misapprehended -if it has ever been so supposed. I return you the plans received with -your letter, and pray you to accept assurances of my continued esteem and -respect. - - -TO BARON HUMBOLDT. - - MONTICELLO, April 14, 1811. - -MY DEAR BARON,--The interruption of our intercourse with France for some -time past, has prevented my writing to you. A conveyance now occurs, -by Mr. Barlow or Mr. Warden, both of them going in a public capacity. -It is the first safe opportunity offered of acknowledging your favor of -September 23d, and the receipt at different times of the IIId part of your -valuable work, 2d, 3d, 4th and 5th livraisons, and the IVth part, 2d, 3d, -and 4th livraisons, with the _Tableaux de la nature_, and an interesting -map of New Spain. For these magnificent and much esteemed favors, accept -my sincere thanks. They give us a knowledge of that country more accurate -than I believe we possess of Europe, the seat of the science of a thousand -years. It comes out, too, at a moment when those countries are beginning -to be interesting to the whole world. They are now becoming the scenes -of political revolution, to take their stations as integral members of -the great family of nations. All are now in insurrection. In several, the -Independents are already triumphant, and they will undoubtedly be so in -all. What kind of government will they establish? How much liberty can -they bear without intoxication? Are their chiefs sufficiently enlightened -to form a well-guarded government, and their people to watch their -chiefs? Have they mind enough to place their domesticated Indians on a -footing with the whites? All these questions you can answer better than -any other. I imagine they will copy our outlines of confederation and -elective government, abolish distinction of ranks, bow the neck to their -priests, and persevere in intolerantism. Their greatest difficulty will be -in the construction of their executive. I suspect that, regardless of the -experiment of France, and of that of the United States in 1784, they will -begin with a directory, and when the unavoidable schisms in that kind of -executive shall drive them to something else, their great question will -come on whether to substitute an executive elective for years, for life, -or an hereditary one. But unless instruction can be spread among them more -rapidly than experience promises, despotism may come upon them before they -are qualified to save the ground they will have gained. Could Napoleon -obtain, at the close of the present war, the independence of all the West -India islands, and their establishment in a separate confederacy, our -quarter of the globe would exhibit an enrapturing prospect into futurity. -You will live to see much of this. I shall follow, however, cheerfully -my fellow laborers, contented with having borne a part in beginning this -beatific reformation. - -I fear, from some expressions in your letter, that your personal interests -have not been duly protected, while you were devoting your time, talents -and labor for the information of mankind. I should sincerely regret it for -the honor of the governing powers, as well as from affectionate attachment -to yourself and the sincerest wishes for your felicity, fortunes and fame. - -In sending you a copy of my Notes on Virginia, I do but obey the desire -you have expressed. They must appear chetif enough to the author of the -great work on South America. But from the widow her mite was welcome, and -you will add to this indulgence the acceptance of my sincere assurances of -constant friendship and respect. - - -TO M. PAGANEL. - - MONTICELLO, April 15, 1811. - -SIR,--I received, through Mr. Warden, the copy of your valuable work on -the French revolution, for which I pray you to accept my thanks. That -its sale should have been suppressed is no matter of wonder with me. The -friend of liberty is too feelingly manifested, not to give umbrage to its -enemies. We read in it, and weep over, the fatal errors which have lost to -nations the present hope of liberty, and to reason the fairest prospect of -its final triumph over all imposture, civil and religious. The testimony -of one who himself was an actor in the scenes he notes, and who knew the -true mean between rational liberty and the frenzies of demagogy, are a -tribute to truth of inestimable value. The perusal of this work has given -me new views of the causes of failure in a revolution of which I was a -witness in its early part, and then augured well of it. I had no means, -afterwards, of observing its progress but the public papers, and their -information came through channels too hostile to claim confidence. An -acquaintance with many of the principal characters, and with their fate, -furnished me grounds for conjectures, some of which you have confirmed, -and some corrected. Shall we ever see as free and faithful a tableau -of subsequent acts of this deplorable tragedy? Is reason to be forever -amused with the _hochets_ of physical sciences, in which she is indulged -merely to divert her from solid speculations on the rights of man, and -wrongs of his oppressors? it is impossible. The day of deliverance will -come, although I shall not live to see it. The art of printing secures us -against the retrogradation of reason and information, the examples of its -safe and wholesome guidance in government, which will be exhibited through -the wide-spread regions of the American continent, will obliterate, in -time, the impressions left by the abortive experiment of France. With my -prayers for the hastening of that auspicious day, and for the due effect -of the lessons of your work to those who ought to profit by them, accept -the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - MONTICELLO, April 15, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of January -20 and September 14, 1810, and, with the latter, your observations on the -subject of taxes. They bear the stamps of logic and eloquence which mark -everything coming from you, and place the doctrines of the Economists -in their strongest points of view. My present retirement and unmeddling -disposition make of this _une question viseuse pour moi_. But after -reading the observations with great pleasure, I forwarded them to the -President and Mr. Gallatin, in whose hands they may be useful. Yet I do -not believe the change of our system of taxation will be forced on us so -early as you expect, if war be avoided. It is true we are going greatly -into manufactures; but the mass of them are household manufactures of -the coarse articles worn by the laborers and farmers of the family. -These I verily believe we shall succeed in making to the whole extent -of our necessities. But the attempts at fine goods will probably be -abortive. They are undertaken by company establishments, and chiefly in -the towns; will have little success and short continuance in a country -where the charms of agriculture attract every being who can engage in it. -Our revenue will be less than it would be were we to continue to import -instead of manufacturing our coarse goods. But the increase of population -and production will keep pace with that of manufactures, and maintain the -quantum of exports at the present level at least; and the imports need be -equivalent to them, and consequently the revenue on them be undiminished. -I keep up my hopes that if war be avoided, Mr. Madison will be able to -complete the payment of the national debt within his term, after which -one-third of the present revenue would support the government. Your -information that a commencement of excise had been again made, is entirely -unfounded. I hope the death blow to that most vexatious and unproductive -of all taxes was given at the commencement of my administration, and -believe its revival would give the death blow to any administration -whatever. In most of the middle and southern States some land tax is now -paid into the State treasury, and for this purpose the lands have been -classed and valued, and the tax assessed according to that valuation. -In these an excise is most odious. In the eastern States land taxes are -odious, excises less unpopular. We are all the more reconciled to the -tax on importations, because it falls exclusively on the rich, and with -the equal partition of intestate's estates, constitute the best agrarian -law. In fact, the poor man in this country who uses nothing but what is -made within his own farm or family, or within the United States, pays not -a farthing of tax to the general government, but on his salt; and should -we go into that manufacture as we ought to do, we will pay not one cent. -Our revenues once liberated by the discharge of the public debt, and -its surplus applied to canals, roads, schools, &c., and the farmer will -see his government supported, his children educated, and the face of his -country made a paradise by the contributions of the rich alone, without -his being called on to spare a cent from his earnings. The path we are now -pursuing leads directly to this end, which we cannot fail to attain unless -our administration should fall into unwise hands. - -Another great field of political experiment is opening in our -neighborhood, in Spanish America. I fear the degrading ignorance into -which their priests and kings have sunk them, has disqualified them from -the maintenance or even knowledge of their rights, and that much blood may -be shed for little improvement in their condition. Should their new rulers -honestly lay their shoulders to remove the great obstacles of ignorance, -and press the remedies of education and information, they will still be -in jeopardy until another generation comes into place, and what may happen -in the interval cannot be predicted, nor shall you or I live to see it. In -these cases I console myself with the reflection that those who will come -after us will be as wise as we are, and as able to take care of themselves -as we have been. I hope you continue to preserve your health, and that -you may long continue to do so in happiness, is the prayer of yours -affectionately. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - MONTICELLO, April 13, 1811. - -MY DEAR GENERAL AND FRIEND,--My last letter to you was of the 26th of -February of the last year. Knowing of no particular conveyance, I confided -it to the department of State, to be put under the cover of their public -despatches to General Armstrong or Mr. Warden. Not having been able to -learn whether it ever got to hand, I now enclose a duplicate. - -Knowing your affections to this country, and the interest you take in -whatever concerns it, I therein gave you a tableau of its state when -I retired from the administration. The difficulties and embarrassments -still continued in our way by the two great belligerent powers, you are -acquainted with. In other times, when there was some profession of regard -for right, some respect to reason, when a gross violation of these marked -a deliberate design of pointed injury, these would have been causes of -war. But when we see two antagonists contending _ad internecionem_, so -eager for mutual destruction as to disregard all means, to deal their -blows in every direction regardless on whom they may fall, prudent -bystanders, whom some of them may wound, instead of thinking it cause to -join in the maniac contest, get out of the way as well as they can, and -leave the cannibals to mutual ravin. It would have been perfect Quixotism -in us to have encountered these Bedlamites, to have undertaken the redress -of all wrongs against a world avowedly rejecting all regard to right. -We have, therefore, remained in peace, suffering frequent injuries, but, -on the whole, multiplying, improving, prospering beyond all example. It -is evident to all, that in spite of great losses much greater gains have -ensued. When these gladiators shall have worried each other into ruin or -reason, instead of lying among the dead on the bloody arena, we shall have -acquired a growth and strength which will place us _hors d'insulte_. Peace -then has been our principle, peace is our interest, and peace has saved to -the world this only plant of free and rational government now existing in -it. If it can still be preserved, we shall soon see the final extinction -of our national debt, and liberation of our revenues for the defence and -improvement of our country. These revenues will be levied entirely on -the rich, the business of household manufacture being now so established -that the farmer and laborer clothes himself entirely. The rich alone -use imported articles, and on these alone the whole taxes of the general -government are levied. The poor man who uses nothing but what is made in -his own farm or family, or within his own country, pays not a farthing -of tax to the general government, but on his salt; and should we go into -that manufacture also, as is probable, he will pay nothing. Our revenues -liberated by the discharge of the public debt, and its surplus applied to -canals, roads, schools, &c., the farmer will see his government supported, -his children educated, and the face of his country made a paradise by the -contributions of the rich alone, without his being called on to spend a -cent from his earnings. However, therefore, we may have been reproached -for pursuing our Quaker system, time will affix the stamp of wisdom on it, -and the happiness and prosperity of our citizens will attest its merit. -And this, I believe, is the only legitimate object of government, and the -first duty of governors, and not the slaughter of men and devastation -of the countries placed under their care, in pursuit of a fantastic -honor, unallied to virtue or happiness; or in gratification of the angry -passions, or the pride of administrators, excited by personal incidents, -in which their citizens have no concern. Some merit will be ascribed -to the converting such times of destruction into times of growth and -strength for us. And behold! another example of man rising in his might -and bursting the chains of his oppressor, and in the same hemisphere. -Spanish America is all in revolt. The insurgents are triumphant in many of -the States, and will be so in all. But there the danger is that the cruel -arts of their oppressors have enchained their minds, have kept them in the -ignorance of children, and as incapable of self-government as children. If -the obstacles of bigotry and priest-craft can be surmounted, we may hope -that common-sense will suffice to do everything else. God send them a safe -deliverance. As to the private matter explained in my letter of February -26, the time I shall have occasion for your indulgence will not be longer -than there stated, and may be shortened if either your convenience or will -should require it. God bless you, and give you many years of health and -happiness, and that you may live to see more of the liberty you love than -present appearances promise. - -P. S. Mr. Barnes is now looking out for bills for your usual annual -remittance. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - MONTICELLO, April 16, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I felicitate you sincerely on your destination to Paris, -because I believe it will contribute both to your happiness and the public -good. Yet it is not unmixed with regret. What is to become of our past -revolutionary history? Of the antidotes of truth to the misrepresentations -of Marshall? This example proves the wisdom of the maxim, never to put off -to to-morrow what can be done to-day. But, putting aside vain regrets, -I shall be happy to hear from you in your new situation. I cannot offer -you in exchange the minutiæ of the Cabinet, the workings in Congress, -or under-workings of those around them. General views are all which we -at a distance can have, but general views are sometimes better taken at -a distance than nearer. The working of the whole machine is sometimes -better seen elsewhere than at its centre. In return you can give me the -true state of things in Europe, what is its real public mind at present, -its disposition towards the existing authority, its secret purposes and -future prospects, seasoned with the literary news. I do not propose this -as an equal barter, because it is really asking you to give a dollar for -a shilling. I must leave the difference to be made up from other motives. -I have been long waiting for a safe opportunity to write to some friends -and correspondents in France. I troubled Mr. Warden with some letters, -and he kindly offered to take all I could get ready before his departure. -But his departure seems not yet definitely settled, and should he no go -with you, what is in your hands will be less liable to violation than in -his. I therefore take the liberty of asking your care of the letters now -enclosed, and their delivery through confidential hands. Most of them are -of a complexion not proper for the eye of the police, and might do injury -to those to whom they are addressed. Wishing to yourself and Mrs. Barlow a -happy voyage, and that the execution of the duties of your mission may be -attended with all agreeable circumstances, I salute you with assurance of -my perfect esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - MONTICELLO, April 24, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--A book confided to me by a friend for translation and -publication has for a twelvemonth past kept me in correspondence with -Colonel Duane. We undertook to have it translated and published. The -last sheets had been revised, and in a late letter to him, I pressed -the printing. I soon afterwards received one from him informing me that -it would be much retarded by embarrassments recently brought on him by -his friends withdrawing their aid who had been in the habit of lending -their names for his accommodation in the banks. He painted his situation -as truly distressing, and intimated the way in which relief would be -acceptable. The course I pursued on the occasion will be explained to you -in a letter which I have written to the President, and asked the favor of -him to communicate to you. - -A difference of quite another character gives me more uneasiness. No -one feels more painfully than I do, the separation of friends, and -especially when their sensibilities are to be daily harrowed up by -cannibal newspapers. In these cases, however, I claim from all parties the -privilege of neutrality, and to be permitted to esteem all as I ever did. -The harmony which made me happy while at Washington, is as dear to me now -as then, and I should be equally afflicted, were it, by any circumstance, -to be impaired as to myself. I have so much confidence in the candor and -good sense of both parties, as to trust that the misunderstanding will -lead to no sinister effects, and my constant prayer will be for blessings -on you all. - - -TO ROBERT SMITH, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, April 30, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I have learnt, with sincere concern, the circumstances -which have taken place at Washington. Some intimations had been quoted -from federal papers, which I had supposed false, as usual. Their first -confirmation to me was from the National Intelligencer. Still my hopes and -confidence were that your retirement was purely a matter of choice on your -part. A letter I have received from Mr. Hollins makes me suppose there was -a more serious misunderstanding than I had apprehended. The newspapers -indeed had said so, but I yield little faith to them. No one feels -more painfully than I do the separation of friends, and especially when -their sensibilities are to be daily harrowed up by cannibal newspapers. -Suffering myself under whatever inflicts sufferance on them, I condole -with them mutually, and ask the mutual permission to esteem all, as I -ever did; not to know their differences nor ask the causes of them. The -harmony which made me happy at Washington, is as dear to me now as it -was then, and I should be equally afflicted were it by any circumstance -to be impaired as to myself. I have so much confidence in the candor and -liberality of both parties, as to trust that the misunderstanding will not -be permitted to lead to any sinister effects, and my constant prayer will -be for blessings on you all. - - -TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, April 30, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--When I wrote you my letter of March 28, I had great confidence -that as much at least could have been done for you as I therein supposed. -The friend to whom I confided the business here, and who was and is -zealous, had found such readiness in those to whom he spoke, as left no -other difficulty than to find the bank responsible. But the Auroras which -came on while this was in transaction, changed the prospect altogether, -and produced a general revulsion of sentiment. The President's popularity -is high through this State, and nowhere higher than here. They considered -these papers as a denunciation of war against him, and instantly withdrew -their offers. I cannot give you a better account of the effect of the -same papers in Richmond than by quoting the letter of a friend who there -undertook the same office, and with great cordiality. In a letter to me of -April 17, he says, "yours of the 15th, in reply to mine of the 10th inst., -has been brought to me from the office this instant. On showing it to ---- -the effect of it was to dispose him to lend $500, and I wrote my letter -of the 10th to you in a persuasion produced by that incident, as well as -by its effect on my own feelings, that something important might be done -for D. in spite of the adverse spirit, or at least distrust, which the -equivocal character of his paper has lately excited, equivocal in relation -to Mr. Madison. But D.'s three or four last papers contain such paragraphs -in relation to Mr. Madison, that even your letter cannot now serve him. -The paper is now regarded as an opposition one, and the republicans -here have no sympathy with any one who carries opposition colors. Every -gentleman who mentions this subject in my hearing, speaks with the warmest -resentment against D. Believe me, Sir, it is impossible to do anything -for him here now; and any further attempts would only disable me from -rendering any service to the cause hereafter. I am persuaded that you -will see this subject in its true light, and be assured that it is the -impracticability of serving him, produced by himself, as well as the -violation which I feel it would be of my sentiments for Mr. Madison, that -prevents me from proceeding." The firm, yet modest character of the writer -of this letter gives great weight to what he says, and I have thought it -best to state it in his own terms, because it will be better evidence to -you than any general description I could give of the impression made by -your late papers. Indeed I could give none, for going little from home, -I cannot personally estimate the public sentiment. The few I see are very -unanimous in support of their Executive and legislative functionaries. I -have thought it well, too, that you should know exactly the feelings here, -because if you get similar information from other respectable portions of -the union, it will naturally beget some suspicion in your own mind that -finding such a mass of opinion variant from your own, you may be under -erroneous impressions, meriting re-examination and consideration. I think -an Editor should be independent, that is, of personal influence, and not -be moved from his opinions on the mere authority of any individual. But, -with respect to the general opinion of the political section with which he -habitually accords, his duty seems very like that of a member of Congress. -Some of these indeed think that independence requires them to follow -always their own opinion, without respect for that of others. This has -never been my opinion, nor my practice, when I have been of that or any -other body. Differing, on a particular question, from those whom I knew to -be of the same political principles with myself, and with whom I generally -thought and acted, a consciousness of the fallibility of the human mind, -and of my own in particular, with a respect for the accumulated judgment -of my friends, has induced me to suspect erroneous impressions in myself, -to suppose my own opinion wrong, and to act with them on theirs. The want -of this spirit of compromise, or of self-distrust, proudly, but falsely -called independence, is what gives the federalists victories which they -could never obtain, if these brethren could learn to respect the opinions -of their friends more than of their enemies, and prevents many able and -honest men from doing all the good they otherwise might do. I state these -considerations because they have often quieted my own conscience in voting -and acting on the judgment of others against my own; and because they -may suggest doubts to yourself in the present case. Our Executive and -legislative authorities are the choice of the nation, and possess the -nation's confidence. They are chosen because they possess it, and the -recent elections prove it has not been abated by the attacks which have -for some time been kept up against them. If the measures which have been -pursued are approved by the majority, it is the duty of the minority to -acquiesce and conform. It is true indeed that dissentients have a right -to go over to the minority, and to act with them. But I do not believe -your mind has contemplated that course, that it has deliberately viewed -the strange company into which it may be led, step by step, unintended -and unperceived by itself. The example of John Randolph is a caution to -all honest and prudent men, to sacrifice a little of self-confidence, -and to go with their friends, although they may sometimes think they are -going wrong. After so long a course of steady adherence to the general -sentiments of the republicans, it would afflict me sincerely to see you -separate from the body, become auxiliary to the enemies of our government, -who have to you been the bitterest enemies, who are now chuckling at the -prospect of division among us, and, as I am told, are subscribing for your -paper. The best indication of error which my experience has tested, is -the approbation of the federalists. Their conclusions necessarily follow -the false bias of their principles. I claim, however, no right of guiding -the conduct of others; but have indulged myself in these observations from -the sincere feelings of my heart. Retired from all political interferences -I have been induced into this one by a desire, first of being useful to -you personally, and next of maintaining the republican ascendency. Be its -effect what it may, I am done with it, and shall look on as an inactive, -though not an unfeeling, spectator of what is to ensue. As far as my good -will may go, for I can no longer act, I shall adhere to my government -executive and legislative, and, as long as they are republican, I shall go -with their measures, whether I think them right or wrong; because I know -they are honest, and are wiser and better informed than I am. In doing -this, however, I shall not give up the friendship of those who differ from -me, and who have equal right with myself to shape their own course. In -this disposition be assured of my continued esteem and respect. - -P. S. Be so good as to consider the extract from my friend's letter as -confidential, because I have not his permission to make this use of it. - - -TO MR. WIRT. - - MONTICELLO, May 3, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--The interest you were so kind as to take, at my request, in -the case of Duane, and the communication to you of my first letter to -him, entitles you to a communication of the 2d, which will probably be -the last. I have ventured to quote your letter in it, without giving -your name, and even softening some of its expressions respecting him. -It is possible Duane may be reclaimed as to Mr. Madison. But as to Mr. -Gallatin, I despair of it. That enmity took its rise from a suspicion -that Mr. Gallatin interested himself in the election of their governor -against the views of Duane and his friends. I do not believe Mr. Gallatin -meddled in it. I was in conversation with him nearly every day during -the contest, and never heard him express any bias in the case. The -ostensible grounds of the attack on Mr. Gallatin are all either false or -futile. 1st. They urge his conversations with John Randolph. But who has -revealed these conversations? What evidence have we of them? merely some -oracular sentences from J. R., uttered in the heat of declamation, and -never stated with all their circumstances. For instance, that a cabinet -member informed him there was no cabinet. But Duane himself has always -denied there could be a legal one. Besides, the fact was true at that -moment, to-wit: early in the session of Congress. I had been absent from -Washington from the middle of July to within three weeks of their meeting. -During the separation of the members there could be no consultation, and -between our return to Washington and the meeting of Congress, there really -had arisen nothing requiring general consultation, nothing which could -not be done in the ordinary way by consultation between the President -and the head of the department to which the matter belonged, which is the -way everything is transacted which is not difficult as well as important. -Mr. Gallatin might therefore have said this as innocently as truly, and -a malignant perversion of it was perfectly within the character of John -Randolph. But the story of the two millions. Mr. Gallatin satisfied us -that this affirmation of J. R. was as unauthorized as the fact itself -was false. It resolves itself, therefore, into his inexplicit letter to a -committee of Congress. As to this, my own surmise was that Mr. Gallatin -might have used some hypothetical expression in conversing on that -subject, which J. R. made a positive one, and he being a duellist, and -Mr. Gallatin with a wife and children depending on him for their daily -subsistence, the latter might wish to avoid collision and insult from such -a man. But they say he was hostile to me. This is false. I was indebted -to nobody for more cordial aid than to Mr. Gallatin, nor could any man -more solicitously interest himself in behalf of another than he did of -myself. His conversations with Erskine are objected as meddling out of -his department. Why, then, do they not object Mr. Smith's with Rose? the -whole, nearly, of that negotiation, as far as it was transacted verbally, -was by Mr. Smith. The business was in this way explained informally, -and on understandings thus obtained, Mr. Madison and myself shaped our -formal proceedings. In fact, the harmony among us was so perfect, that -whatever instrument appeared most likely to effect the object, was always -used without jealousy. Mr. Smith happened to catch Mr. Rose's favor -and confidence at once. We perceived that Rose would open himself more -frankly to him than to Mr. Madison, and we therefore made him the medium -of obtaining an understanding of Mr. Rose. Mr. Gallatin's support of the -bank has, I believe, been disapproved by many. He was not in Congress -when that was established, and therefore had never committed himself, -publicly, on the constitutionality of that institution, nor do I recollect -ever to have heard him declare himself on it. I know he derived immense -convenience from it, because they gave the effect of ubiquity to his money -wherever deposited. Money in New Orleans or Maine was at his command, -and by their agency transformed in an instant into money in London, in -Paris, Amsterdam or Canton. He was, therefore, cordial to the bank. I -often pressed him to divide the public deposits among all the respectable -banks, being indignant myself at the open hostility of that institution to -a government on whose treasuries they were fattening. But his repugnance -to it prevented my persisting. And if he was in favor of the bank, what is -the amount of that crime or error in which he had a majority save one in -each House of Congress as participators? yet on these facts, endeavors are -made to drive from the administration the ablest man except the President, -who ever was in it, and to beat down the President himself, because he is -unwilling to part with so able a counseller. I believe Duane to be a very -honest man and sincerely republican; but his passions are stronger than -his prudence, and his personal as well as general antipathies render him -very intolerant. These traits lead him astray, and require his readers, -even those who value him for his steady support of the republican cause, -to be on their guard against his occasional aberrations. He is eager for -war against England, hence his abuse of the two last Congresses. But the -people wish for peace. The re-elections of the same men prove it. And -indeed, war against bedlam would be just as rational as against Europe in -its present condition of total demoralization. When peace becomes more -losing than war, we may prefer the latter on principles of pecuniary -calculation. But for us to attempt, by war, to reform all Europe, and -bring them back to principles of morality and a respect for the equal -rights of nations, would show us to be only maniacs of another character. -We should, indeed, have the merit of the good intentions as well as of -the folly of the hero of La Mancha. But I am getting beyond the object of -my letter, and will therefore here close it with assurances of my great -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. WIRT. - -I have rejoiced to see Ritchie declare himself in favor of the President -on the late attack against him, and wish he may do the same as to Mr. -Gallatin. I am sure he would if his information was full. I have not an -intimacy with him which might justify my writing to him directly, but the -enclosed letter to you is put into such a form as might be shown to him, -if you think proper to do so. Perhaps the facts stated in it, probably -unknown to him, may have some effect. But do in this as you think best. -Be so good as to return the letter to Duane, being my only copy, and to be -assured of my affectionate esteem and respect. - - MONTICELLO, May 3, 1811. - - -TO JOHN HOLLINS, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, May 5, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April 17th came duly to hand. Nobody has -regretted more sincerely than myself, the incidents which have happened -at Washington. The early intimations which I saw quoted from federal -papers were disregarded by me, because falsehood is their element. The -first confirmation was from the National Intelligencer, soon followed -by the exultations of other papers whose havoc is on the feelings of the -virtuous. Sincerely the friend of all the parties, I ask of none why they -have fallen out by the way, and would gladly infuse the oil and wine of -the Samaritan into all their wounds. I hope that time, the assuager of -all evils, will heal these also; and I pray from them all a continuance of -their affection, and to be permitted to bear to all the same unqualified -esteem. Of one thing I am certain, that they will not suffer personal -dissatisfactions to endanger the republican cause. Their principles, I -know, are far above all private considerations. And when we reflect that -the eyes of the virtuous all over the earth are turned with anxiety on -us, as the only depositories of the sacred fire of liberty, and that our -falling into anarchy would decide forever the destinies of mankind, and -seal the political heresy that man is incapable of self-government, the -only contest between divided friends should be who will dare farthest into -the ranks of the common enemy. With respect to Mr. Foster's mission, it -cannot issue but as Rose's and Jackson's did. It can no longer be doubted -that Great Britain means to claim the ocean as her conquest, and to suffer -not even a cock-boat, as they express it, to traverse it but on paying -them a transit duty to support the very fleet which is to keep the nations -under tribute, and to rivet the yoke around their necks. Although their -government has never openly avowed this, yet their orders of council, in -their original form, were founded on this principle, and I have observed -for years past, that however ill success may at times have induced them -to amuse by negotiation, they have never on any occasion dropped a word -disclaiming this pretension, nor one which they would have to retract when -they shall judge the times ripe for openly asserting it. Protraction is -therefore the sole object of Foster's mission. They do not wish war with -us, but will meet it rather than relinquish their purpose. - -With earnest prayers to all my friends to cherish mutual good will, to -promote harmony and conciliation, and above all things to let the love of -our country soar above all minor passions, I tender you the assurance of -my affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, May 5, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor on your departure from Richmond, came to hand in due -time. Although I may not have been among the first, I am certainly with -the sincerest, who congratulate you on your entrance into the national -councils. Your value there has never been unduly estimated by those -whom personal feelings did not misguide. The late misunderstandings at -Washington have been a subject of real concern to me. I know that the -dissolutions of personal friendship are among the most painful occurrences -in human life. I have sincere esteem for all who have been affected by -them, having passed with them eight years of great harmony and affection. -These incidents are rendered more distressing in our country than -elsewhere, because our printers ravin on the agonies of their victims, -as wolves do on the blood of the lamb. But the printers and the public -are very different personages. The former may lead the latter a little -out of their track, while the deviation is insensible; but the moment -they usurp their direction and that of their government, they will be -reduced to their true places. The two last Congresses have been the theme -of the most licentious reprobation for printers thirsting after war, some -against France and some against England. But the people wish for peace -with both. They feel no incumbency on them to become the reformers of -the other hemisphere, and to inculcate, with fire and sword, a return -to moral order. When, indeed, peace shall become more losing than war, -they may owe to their interests what these Quixotes are clamoring for on -false estimates of honor. The public are unmoved by these clamors, as -the re-election of their legislators shows, and they are firm to their -executive on the subject of the more recent clamors. - -We are suffering here, both in the gathered and the growing crop. The -lowness of the river, and great quantity of produce brought to Milton this -year, render it almost impossible to get our crops to market. This is the -case of mine as well yours, and the Hessian fly appears alarmingly in our -growing crops. Everything is in distress for the want of rain. - -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Monroe, and accept yourself assurances of -my constant and affectionate esteem. - - -TO M. JOHN SEVERIN VATER, PROFESSOR AT KONIGSBERG. - - MONTICELLO, May 11, 1811. - -SIR,--Your favor of November 4, 1809, did not get to my hands till -a twelvemonth after its date. Be pleased to accept my thanks for the -publication your were pleased to send me. That for Dr. Barton I forwarded -to him. His researches into the Indian languages of our continent being -continued, I hope it will be in his power to make to you communications -useful to the object you are pursuing. This will lessen to me the regret -that my retirement into an interior part of the country, as well as -my age and little intercourse with the world, will scarcely afford me -opportunities of contributing to your information. It is extremely to be -desired that your researches should receive every aid and encouragement. -I have long considered the filiation of languages as the best proof -we can ever obtain of the filiation of nations. With my best wishes -for the success of your undertaking, accept the assurances of my high -consideration and respect. - - -TO COUNT POTOCKI. - - MONTICELLO, May 12, 1811. - -SIR,--I have received your letter of August 19th, and with it the volume -of chronology you were so kind as to send me, for which be pleased -to accept my thanks. It presents a happy combination of sparse and -unconnected facts, which, brought together and fitted to each other, -forms a whole of symmetry as well as of system. It is as a gleam of -light flashed over the dark abyss of times past. Nothing would be more -flattering to me than to give aid to your inquiries as to this continent, -and to weave its ancient history into the web of the old world; and with -this view, to accept the invitation to a correspondence with you on the -subject. But time tells me I am nearly done with the history of the world; -that I am now far advanced in the last chapter of my own, and that its -last verse will be read out ere a few letters could pass between St. -Petersburg and Monticello. I shall serve you therefore more permanently, -by bequeathing to you another correspondent, more able, more industrious, -and more likely to continue in life than myself. Dr. Benjamin S. Barton, -one of the Professors of the college of Philadelphia, is learned in the -antiquities of this country, has employed much time and attention on -researches into them, is active and punctual, and will, I think, better -fulfil your wishes than any other person in the United States. If you will -have the goodness to address a letter to him on the subject, with the -inquiries you wish to make, he will, I am sure, set a just value on the -correspondence proposed, for which I shall take care to prepare him, and -in committing to better hands an honor which in earlier life I should have -taken a pleasure in endeavoring to merit, I make a sacrifice of my own -self-love, which is the strongest proof I can give you of the high respect -and consideration of which I now tender you the assurance. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, July 3d, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I have seen with very great concern the late address of Mr. -Smith to the public. He has been very ill-advised, both personally and -publicly. As far as I can judge from what I hear, the impression made is -entirely unfavorable to him. Every man's own understanding readily answers -all the facts and insinuations, one only excepted, and for that they -look for explanations without any doubt that they will be satisfactory. -What is Irving's case? I have answered the inquiries of several on this -head, telling them at the same time what was really the truth, that -the failure of my memory enabled me to give them rather conjectures -than recollections. For in truth, I have but indistinct recollections -of the case. I know that what was done was on a joint consultation -between us, and I have no fear that what we did will not have been -correct and cautious. What I retain of the case, on being reminded of -some particulars, will reinstate the whole firmly in my remembrance, and -enable me to state them to inquirers with correctness, which is the more -important from the part I bore in them. I must therefore ask the favor -of you to give me a short outline of the facts, which may correct as well -as supply my own recollections. But who is to give an explanation to the -public? not yourself, certainly. The Chief Magistrate cannot enter the -arena of the newspapers. At least the occasion should be of a much higher -order. I imagine there is some pen at Washington competent to it. Perhaps -the best form would be that of some one personating the friend of Irving, -some one apparently from the North. Nothing labored is requisite. A short -and simple statement of the case will, I am sure, satisfy the public. We -are in the midst of a so-so harvest, probably one-third short of the last. -We had a very fine rain on Saturday last. Ever affectionately yours. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - MONTICELLO, July 22, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I had not supposed a letter would still find you at Washington. -Yours by late post tells me otherwise. Those of May 2d and 15th had been -received in due time. With respect to my books, lodged at the President's -house, if you should see Mr. Coles, the President's Secretary, and be -so good as to mention it, he will be so kind as to have them put on -board some vessel bound to Richmond, addressed to the care of Gibson -& Jefferson there, whom he knows. Your doubts whether any good can -be effected with the emperor of France are too well grounded. He has -understanding enough, but it is confined to particular lines. Of the -principles and advantages of commerce he appears to be ignorant, and -his domineering temper deafens him moreover to the dictates of interest, -of honor and of morality. A nation like ours, recognizing no arrogance -of language or conduct, can never enjoy the favor of such a character. -The impression, too, which our public has been made to receive from the -different styles of correspondence used by two of our foreign agents, has -increased the difficulties of steering between the bristling pride of the -two parties. It seems to point out the Quaker style of plain reason, void -of offence:--the suppression of all passion, and chaste language of good -sense. Heaven prosper your endeavors for our good, and preserve you in -health and happiness. - - -TO COLONEL DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, July 25, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 5th, with the volume of Montesquieu -accompanying it, came to hand in due time; the latter indeed in lucky -time, as, enclosing it by the return of post, I was enabled to get it into -Mr. Warden's hands before his departure, for a friend abroad to whom it -will be a most acceptable offering. Of the residue of the copies I asked, -I would wish to receive one well bound for my own library, the others in -boards as that before sent. One of these in boards may come to me by post, -for use until the others are received, which I would prefer having sent -by water, as vessels depart almost daily from Philadelphia for Richmond. -Messrs. Gibson & Jefferson of that place will receive and forward the -packet to me. Add to it, if you please, a copy of Franklin's works, bound, -and send me by post a note of the amount of the whole, and of my newspaper -account, which has been suffered to run in arrear by the difficulty of -remitting small and fractional sums to a distance, from a canton having -only its local money, and little commercial intercourse beyond its own -limits. - -I learnt with sincere regret that my former letters had given you pain. -Nothing could be further from their intention. What I had said and done -was from the most friendly dispositions towards yourself, and from a -zeal for maintaining the republican ascendency. Federalism, stripped -as it now nearly is, of its landed and laboring support, is monarchism -and Anglicism, and whenever our own dissensions shall let these in upon -us, the last ray of free government closes on the horizon of the world. -I have been lately reading Komarzewski's coup d'œil on the history of -Poland. Though without any charms of style or composition, it gives a -lesson which all our countrymen should study; the example of a country -erased from the map of the world by the dissensions of its own citizens. -The papers of every day read them the counter lesson of the impossibility -of subduing a people acting with an undivided will. Spain, under all her -disadvantages, physical and mental, is an encouraging example of this. She -proves too, another truth not less valuable, that a people having no king -to sell them for a mess of pottage for himself, no shackles to restrain -their powers of self-defence, find resources within themselves equal to -every trial. This we did during the revolutionary war, and this we can do -again, let who will attack us, if we act heartily with one another. This -is my creed. To the principles of union I sacrifice all minor differences -of opinion. These, like differences of face, are a law of our nature, -and should be viewed with the same tolerance. The clouds which have -appeared for some time to be gathering around us, have given me anxiety -lest an enemy, always on the watch, always prompt and firm, and acting in -well-disciplined phalanx, should find an opening to dissipate hopes, with -the loss of which I would wish that of life itself. To myself personally -the sufferings would be short. The powers of life have declined with me -more in the last six months than in as many preceding years. A rheumatic -indisposition, under which your letter found me, has caused this delay -in acknowledging its receipt, and in the expressions of regret that I -had inadvertently said or done anything which had given you uneasiness. -I pray you to be assured that no unkind motive directed me, and that my -sentiments of friendship and respect continue the same. - - -TO MR. OGILVIE. - - MONTICELLO, August 4, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of May 24th was very long on its passage to me. -It gave us all pleasure to learn from yourself the progress of your -peregrination, and your prospect of approaching rest for awhile, among -our Western brethren--of "rest for the body some, none for the mind." -So that action is said to be all its joy; and we have no more remarkable -proof of it than in yourself. The newspapers have kept us informed of the -splendid course you have run, and of the flattering impressions made on -the public mind, and which must have been so grateful to yourself. The new -intellectual feast you are preparing for them in your Western retirement, -will excite new appetites, and will be hailed like the returning sun, -when he re-appears in the East. Your peripatetic enterprise, when first -made known to us, alarmed our apprehensions for you, lest the taste of -the times, and of our country, should not be up to the revival of this -classical experiment. Much to their credit, however, unshackled by the -prejudices which chain down the minds of the common mass of Europe, -the experiment has proved that, where thought is free in its range, we -need never fear to hazard what is good in itself. This sample of the -American mind is an additional item for the flattering picture your letter -presents of our situation, and our prospects. I firmly believe in them -all; and that human nature has never looked forward, under circumstances -so auspicious, either for the sum of happiness, or the spread of surface -provided to receive it. Very contrary opinions are inculcated in Europe, -and in England especially, where I much doubt if you would be tolerated in -presenting the views you propose. The English have been a wise, a virtuous -and truly estimable people. But commerce and a corrupt government have -rotted them to the core. Every generous, nay, every just sentiment, is -absorbed in the thirst for gold. I speak of their cities, which we may -certainly pronounce to be ripe for despotism, and fitted for no other -government. Whether the leaven of the agricultural body is sufficient to -regenerate the residuary mass, and maintain it in a sound state, under any -reformation of government, may well be doubted. Nations, like individuals, -wish to enjoy a fair reputation. It is therefore desirable for us that the -slanders on our country, disseminated by hired or prejudiced travellers, -should be corrected; but politics, like religion, hold up the torches of -martyrdom to the reformers of error. Nor is it in the theatre of Ephesus -alone that tumults have been excited when the crafts were in danger. You -must be cautious, therefore, in telling unacceptable truths beyond the -water. You wish me to suggest any subject which occurs to myself as fit -for the rostrum. But your own selection has proved you would have been -aided by no counsel, and that you can best judge of the topics which open -to your own mind a field for development, and promise to your hearers -instruction better adapted to the useful purposes of society, than the -weekly disquisitions of their hired instructors. All the efforts of these -people are directed to the maintenance of the artificial structure of -their craft, viewing but as a subordinate concern the inculcation of -morality. If we will be but Christians, according to their schemes of -Christianity, they will compound good-naturedly with our immoralities. - -Cannot your circuit be so shaped as to lead you through our neighborhood -on your return? It would give us all great pleasure to see you, if it be -only _en passant_, for after such a survey of varied country, we cannot -flatter ourselves that ours would be the selected residence. But whether -you can visit us or not, I shall always be happy to hear from you, and -to know that you succeed in whatever you undertake. With these assurances -accept those of great esteem and respect from myself and all the members -of my family. - -P. S. Since writing the above, an interesting subject occurs. What would -you think of a discourse on the benefit of the union and miseries which -would follow a separation of the States, to be exemplified in the eternal -and wasting wars of Europe, in the pillage and profligacy to which these -lead, and the abject oppression and degradation to which they reduce -its inhabitants? Painted by your vivid pencil, what could make deeper -impressions, and what impressions could come more home to our concerns, or -kindle a livelier sense of our present blessings? - - -TO JUDGE STEWART. - - MONTICELLO, August 8, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I ask the favor of you to purchase for me as much fresh timothy -seed as the enclosed bill will pay for, pack and forward, and that you -will have the goodness to direct it to be lodged at Mr. Leitch's store -in Charlottesville by the waggoner who brings it. You see how bold your -indulgencies make me in intruding on your kindness. - -I do not know that the government means to make known what has passed -between them and Foster before the meeting of Congress; but in the -meantime individuals, who are in the way, think they have a right to fish -it out, and in this way the sum of it has become known. Great Britain -has certainly come forward and declared to our government by an official -paper, that the conduct of France towards her during this war has obliged -her to take possession of the ocean, and to determine that no commerce -shall be carried on with the nations connected with France; that, however, -she is disposed to relax in this determination so far as to permit the -commerce which may be carried on through the British ports. I have, for -three or four years, been confident that, knowing that her own resources -were not adequate to the maintenance of her present navy, she meant with -it to claim the conquest of the ocean, and to permit no nation to navigate -it, but on payment of a tribute for the maintenance of the fleet necessary -to secure that dominion. A thousand circumstances brought together left -me without a doubt that that policy directed all her conduct, although -not avowed. This is the first time she has thrown off the mask. The answer -and conduct of the government have been what they ought to have been, and -Congress is called a little earlier, to be ready to act on the receipt of -the reply, for which time has been given. - -God bless you. From yours affectionately. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - POPLAR FOREST, August 14, 1811. - -DEAR GENERAL AND FRIEND,-- * * * * * - -I am happy to learn that your own health is good, and I hope it will -long continue so. The friends we left behind us have fallen out by the -way. I sincerely lament it, because I sincerely esteem them all, and -because it multiplies schisms where harmony is safety. As far as I have -been able to judge, however, it has made no sensible impression against -the government. Those who were murmuring before are a little louder now; -but the mass of our citizens is firm and unshaken. It furnishes, as an -incident, another proof that they are perfectly equal to the purposes of -self-government, and that we have nothing to fear for its stability. The -spirit, indeed, which manifests itself among the tories of your quarter, -although I believe there is a majority there sufficient to keep it down -in peaceable times, leaves me not without some disquietude. Should the -determination of England, now formally expressed, to take possession of -the ocean, and to suffer no commerce on it but through her ports, force a -war upon us, I foresee a possibility of a separate treaty between her and -your Essex men, on the principles of neutrality and commerce. Pickering -here, and his nephew Williams there, can easily negotiate this. Such a -lure to the quietists in our ranks with you, might recruit theirs to a -majority. Yet, excluded as they would be from intercourse with the rest -of the Union and of Europe, I scarcely see the gain they would propose to -themselves, even for the moment. The defection would certainly disconcert -the other States, but it could not ultimately endanger their safety. They -are adequate, in all points, to a defensive war. However, I hope your -majority, with the aid it is entitled to, will save us from this trial, -to which I think it possible we are advancing. The death of George may -come to our relief; but I fear the dominion of the sea is the insanity of -the nation itself also. Perhaps, if some stroke of fortune were to rid us -at the same time from the Mammoth of the land as well as the Leviathan -of the ocean, the people of England might lose their fears, and recover -their sober senses again. Tell my old friend, Governor Gerry, that I gave -him glory for the rasping with which he rubbed down his herd of traitors. -Let them have justice and protection against personal violence, but no -favor. Powers and preëminences conferred on them are daggers put into the -hands of assassins, to be plunged into our own bosoms in the moment the -thrust can go home to the heart. Moderation can never reclaim them. They -deem it timidity, and despise without fearing the tameness from which -it flows. Backed by England, they never lose the hope that their day is -to come, when the terrorism of their earlier power is to be merged in -the more gratifying system of deportation and the guillotine. Being now -_hors de combat_ myself, I resign to others these cares. A long attack -of rheumatism has greatly enfeebled me, and warns me that they will not -very long be within my ken. But you may have to meet the trial, and in -the focus of its fury. God send you a safe deliverance, a happy issue out -of all afflictions, personal and public, with long life, long health, and -friends as sincerely attached as yours affectionately. - - - - -INDEX TO VOL. V. - - - ADAMS, JOHN--His relations with Jefferson, 559, 560. - Difference between his political opinions and Hamilton's, 559. - - AGRICULTURE--The science of, 224. - Implement of, 226. - Products of, adapted to U. S., 314. - - ALEXANDER, EMPEROR--Bust of, presented to Jefferson, 6. - His character, 7, 526. - His intervention in favor of neutral rights, 8. - - ARMS--When loaned by Government, 168, 238, 240. - - ASTRONOMY--Its application to navigation, 374. - - - BANKS--Excess of, 516. - - BANK OF UNITED STATES--Question of its constitutionality, 412. - - BARLOW, JOEL--His Columbiad, 238. - His History of U. S., 496. - His departure for Paris, 587. - - BASTROP'S CASE--231. - - BLOODWORTH--His bankruptcy, 49. - - BONAPARTE--His great victories, 173. - His plans of conquest, 512. - His character, 601. - - BOTTA, M.--His history of revolution, 527. - - BRAZIL, EMPEROR OF--285. - - BURR, AARON--His conspiracy, 24, 26, 28, 38, 40. - His accomplices, 34, 45, 60, 99, 305. - Efforts in Ohio to suppress conspiracy, 37. - His arrest and trial, 55, 57, 65, 66, 81, 84, 86, 95, 96, 98, 174. - His views and objects, 64, 128, 129, 130. - Federalists come to his rescue, 64, 65, 66, 67. - Proofs and witnesses against, 72, 78, 81, 95, 96, 109, 112, 190. - His forgeries, 86. - His acquittal, 187, 199. - - - CABINET, EXECUTIVE--Mode of transacting business in, 94. - Of Washington and Jefferson, 568, 569. - - CHESAPEAKE, THE--Capture of, 113, 114. - Executive action relative to, 116, 118, 120, 122, 123, 126, 131. - Preparations for war, 120, 122, 123, 126, 127, 132, 146. - - CHESAPEAKE BAY--Defence of mouth of, 180. - - CHINA--Chinese mandarin relieved from Embargo, 325. - - CLAIBORNE, GOV.--Wounded in duel, 137. - - CLAY, HENRY--His opposition to Jefferson, 183. - - CLIMATE--Changes of, in U. S., 487. - - COLLEGES--How should be arranged, 521. - - COLONIZATION--Of negroes, 564. - - COMMERCE--Impulse to, by Embargo, 441. - Coasting and carrying trade, 505. - - CONTRACTS--Should not be given to members of legislature, 50. - - CUBA--Acquisition of, 444. - - - DEARBORNE, GEN.--Urged by Mr. Jefferson to continue in office, 295. - - DEBT--Evils of National debt, 477. - - DECIUS--His false statements, 20. - - DELAWARE RIVER--Defense of, against English, 244. - - DESERTERS--Should not be enlisted, 173. - - DICKINSON, JOHN--His death, 249. - - DRAWBACKS--426. - - DUANE, WILLIAM--His opposition to Madison's administration, 590. - His embarrassments, 574, 590. - - - EDITORS--Their duties, 591. - - EDUCATION--225. - Plan of popular education, 525. - - EMBARGO, THE--227, 252, 299. - War preferable to continuance of, 258. - Our citizens allowed to withdraw property from foreign countries, 259. - Draft of law by Gallatin, 267. - Measures to enforce, 271, 272, 297, 336, 341, 343, 352, 359. - Its operation, 275. - Cases arising under, 277. - When to be suspended, 279. - Evasions of, 286, 287, 290, 297, 317, 334, 335, 336, 340, 413. - Construction of, 287, 290, 292, 307, 317, 324, 327, 344, 346, 355, 398. - Resistance to, in Massachusetts, 341, 343, 347, 384, 424. - Cases arising under, 292, 307, 317, 324, 327, 344, 346, 355, 363, 368, - 369, 370, 375, 382, 386, 387, 396, 399, 405, 418. - Its unpopularity in the east, 293, 384. - Its popularity elsewhere, 296, 384. - Bonaparte's position relative to, 370. - War the only alternative, 384, 387. - Views in Congress relative to, 404. - A temporary measure, 410. - Action of Congress relative to, 419, 421, 424. - Repeal of, 433, 529. - - ENGLAND--Treaty with, objectionable, 52. - Its ratification suspended, 54. - Hostilities commenced by, 113, 117, 118, 123, 131, 134, 139. - Hull retires from Hampton Roads, 135. - Probability of war with, 134, 135, 139, 189, 197, 211, 215, 266. - Relative to certain captives, 142. - The conduct of the English in our waters, 143, 145, 195, 196. - Relations with, during this quasi state of war, 151, 155, 167, 170, 174, - 191, 202. - Notice to our merchant vessels of danger of war, 184, 185, 186, 194. - Her violations of maritime law, 200, 468, 501, 511, 551. - Her orders in council, 442. - Repeal of, 443. - Relations of peace restored, 455. - Domination on the Ocean, 530. - Condition of, 552, 557. - Relations with, 556. - War with, inevitable, 464. - Character of Kings of, 514. - - ENLISTMENTS--When binding on infants, 282, 372. - - EUROPE--Not to be permitted to interfere in American affairs, 381. - Condition of, 511. - Insignificancy of Kings of, 514. - - EXECUTIVE--Question between a single and plural executive, 449, 567, 581. - Executives should be removable, 569. - - - FEDERALISTS--Their disorganization as a party, 101. - Their conduct in reference to Embargo, 304. - Their bitterness of feeling, 608. - - FLORIDAS, THE--Necessity of their acquisition, 18. - - FRANCE--Views of her revolution, 133, 582. - Our relations with, 266. - War with England, 214. - Berlin and Milan decrees, 444. - - FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN--His last autobiography, 540. - - - GALLATIN, ALBERT--His character, 574. - Jefferson dissuades him from leaving Madison's cabinet, 477. - False imputations against, 593, 594. - His views on U. S. Bank, 595. - - GOVERNMENT--Best works on, 91. - - GUN-BOATS--As means of defence, 41, 42, 202, 228, 234, 316. - Improvements in, 189. - - - HAMILTON, ALEXANDER--Difference between his political principles and J. - Adams', 559. - - HARPER'S FERRY--The scenery there, 446. - - HISTORY, NATURAL--Fossil remains, 46, 219, 220, 261, 310, 467. - - HOLLAND, KING OF--Congratulations on his accession to the throne, 47. - - HUMBOLDT, BARON DE--His work on Spain, 435. - - HUNDREDS--Division of counties into, 525. - - - IMPRESSMENT--Efforts to suppress by treaty, 55, 63. - Refusal to sign treaty not providing for suppression of, 56, 63. - - INCORPORATION--The power of, not granted by constitution, 412. - - INDIANS--Improvement of, 212, 278, 302. - Their languages, 6, 469, 599. - Best articles of trade with, 44. - Relations with, 162, 184, 330, 348, 350. - Danger of war with, 175. - Policy towards, in a war with England, 176, 276, 348. - Trade with, 269. - General policy towards, 348, 350. - How to proceed in case of murders by, 354. - Settlement of boundaries with Kickapoos, 400. - Efforts to prevent the use of spirituous liquors by, 407. - Best mode of civilizing, 440. - Efforts to civilize, 484. - - IRVING'S CASE--600. - - - JEFFERSON, THOMAS--Efforts to alienate his cabinet from him, 23. - His retirement at end of second term, 62, 88. - Calumnies against, 80, 264, 503, 504. - Resigns Presidency of American Philosophical Society, 392. - Is re-elected, 40, 494. - Refuses all presents while President, 392. - Resolution to retire at end of second term, 407. - Reception of, by people, on his retirement, 431. - His pleasure at retiring, 432. - Letter to people of Albemarle at end of Presidential term, 439. - All prosecutions for libels against him dismissed, 452. - Franking privilege allowed him, 453. - His writings, 465. - Relations with Hamilton, 496. - His habits, 508, 558. - Made member of Royal Institute of Amsterdam, 517. - Relations with Adams, 559, 560. - - JUDICIARY--Always federal, 549. - - - LATROBE, MR.--Relations with Jefferson, 578. - - LANDS, PUBLIC--Intrusions on, 382. - - LAWS--Rules for construing, by executive, 158. - Degeneracy of law, 524. - Some cases above law, 542. - Law of New England not common law, 550. - - LAWYERS--Of New England not good common law lawyers, 547. - - LEWIS, GOV.--His papers, 480. - - LIBRARIES, PUBLIC--Benefit of, 448. - - LOGWOOD, THOMAS--Pardon of, 385. - - LOUIS XVI.--His character, 423. - - LOUISIANA--Boundaries of, 110, 178. - - - MADISON, JAMES--Divisions in his cabinet, 509, 589, 596, 598, 600, 607. - - MAIL--Robberies of, 406. - - MANUFACTURES--Impulse to from embargo, 415, 456. - How far should be protected, 415, 417, 440. - Condition of, in U. S., 583. - - MARSHALL, JOHN--His life of Washington, 476. - Notes on, by Jefferson, 476. - - MARQUE, LETTERS OF--Their character, 273. - - MEDICINE--Views of science of, 105. - - METEORIC STONES--245. - - MILITIA--Organization of, 16, 76. - Called out to defend Norfolk and Hampton, 118, 138. - Disbanded, 143. - Militia of Ohio, 206. - When to be called out, 409. - - MINES--Rent of Indiana lead mines, 207, 210. - Silver mines of La Platte, 246. - - MINTS--Appointment of assistant engraver to, 61. - - MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION--Not countenanced by our government, 476. - - MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY--British claims in, 274. - - MONROE, JAMES--His relations to Madison's administration, 247, 482. - Offered government of Orleans or Louisiana, 11. - Explanations in relation to English treaty, 254. - - MONTESQUIEU'S SPIRIT OF LAWS--Commentary on, 525, 539, 566. - - MOOSE ISLAND--Within jurisdiction of U. States, 317. - - MUSEUM--Foundation of one at Williamsburg, 79. - - - NEGROES--Their capacity relative to white races, 429, 475. - - NEUTRALITY--No breach of, to assist vessels in distress, 35. - Invasions of, by France and England, 217. - Frauds on our flag, 223, 250. - We determine to side with the party which shall respect our neutrality, 258. - What the rights of neutral vessels, 425, 426. - Wisdom of our neutral policy, 585. - - NICHOLAS, WILSON C.--Sent on special mission to France, 3. - Declines it, 5. - Mr. Jefferson wishes him to take leadership of House of Representatives, 48. - - - OFFICES--Should not be given to relations, 90, 498. - Principles on which conferred, 136. - - ORLEANS, NEW--Claim to public common, 26. - Scheme for defence of, 36, 46. - Public property there, 251. - Canal at, 288, 306, 318, 321. - Title to Batture, 291, 319, 518, 519, 536, 545, 546, 548. - Conspiracies against U. States, 378. - - ORLEANS, TERRITORY OF--Discontents in, 29, 32. - - - PATENTS--Interpretation of patent law, 75. - What should be duration of, 75, 76. - - PLOUGHS--Improved model of, 313. - - POLAND--Partition of, 603. - - POLYGRAPH, THE--Its value, 17. - - PRESIDENT--Presidential tour objectionable, 102. - Not bound to obey subpœna duces tecum, 103, 191. - Cannot present memorial to Congress from State legislature, 203. - Candidates for Presidency in 1808, 247, 321. - - PRINTING--Extension of, in U. States, 475. - - PRESS--Liberty of, 43. - Its falsehoods, 92. - Its license, 362. - - - QUAKERS--Their English affinities, 492, 494. - - QUARANTINE--Views on, 193. - - - RANDOLPH, JOHN--Turns against Jefferson's administration, 9. - - RANDOLPH, T. J.--Letter of advice to, 388. - - RELIGION--President no right to prescribe day for prayer and fasting, 237. - Views on, 416, 471, 492. - - REPUBLICAN PARTY--Split in, 9, 121, 204. - Massachusetts Republicanised, 14. - Increase of, 450. - Importance of union in, 577. - - RICE--Upland, 393. - - RITCHIE, THOMAS--Relations to Madison's administration, 596. - - RIVERS--Rights of all nations inhabiting its banks to free navigation, 115. - - RUSSIA--Emperor of, his character, and policy, 140. - Mission to, 329, 358, 360. - Negatived by Senate, 435. - - - SEAMEN--Employment of foreigners in Navy, 69, 70. - - SECESSION--Not to be apprehended, 571. - - SHEEP--Introduction of Merino breed, 479, 522. - - SOUTH AMERICAN STATES--Revolt of, against Spain, 530, 584, 586. - - SPAIN--Our relations with, 27, 164, 181, 211, 337, 367. - Questions of navigation and boundary with, 278, 294. - Plan to seize our territory in possession of, 337, 339. - Conquest of, by Spain, 442. - Defense against French, 603. - - STATES--Sovereignty of, a high conservative feature in our government, 560. - - - TARIFF--On wines, 76. - - TAXES--Of United States how imposed, 586. - - TOMBIGBEE--Memorial from, 140. - - TORPEDOES--Invented by Fulton, 165, 516. - - TRUXTON, COMMODORE--Medal for, 300. - - - UNITED STATES--Condition of parties in Senate and House of Representatives, 5. - Relations with England, 12. - Political revolution of 1800, 256. - Conduct of, in relations with European powers, 472. - Prosperity of, 604. - - - VETERINARY COLLEGE--Policy of, 402. - - VINCENNES--Loyalty of French inhabitants of, 240, 243. - - VIRGINIA--Collection of laws of, 31. - Defence of seaboard and against English in 1807, 113, 117, 123, 131, 134, - 139, 150, 166. - Her exertions in Revolutionary war, 461. - Revision of her Code, 459. - - VOLUNTEERS--33, 51, 153, 158, 179, 423. - Construction of law relative to, 159. - Offers of, 408, 414, 423. - - - WAR--Prospect of, 214, 215, 437. - Preparations for, 58, 280, 283, 506. - Feeling of eastern States relative to, 488, 607. - Jefferson opposed to, 598. - (See France and England.) - - WASHINGTON, GEN.--Mode of doing business in his cabinet, 510. - - WASHINGTON CITY--Improvement of, 50. - Sale of certain city lots, 395. - - WATERHOUSE, DR.--His appointment to Marine Hospital, 222. - - WEIGHTS AND MEASURES--Improvements proposed, 235, 377. - - WEST POINT--Complaint of Cadets of, 332. - - WESTERN ROAD--The route of, 332, 333. - - WIRT, WILLIAM--Urged by Mr. Jefferson to accept seat in Congress, 233. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Vol -5 (of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON *** - -***** This file should be named 53767-0.txt or 53767-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/7/6/53767/ - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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