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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ad9992c --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #54346 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54346) diff --git a/old/54346-0.txt b/old/54346-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c4ac6ca..0000000 --- a/old/54346-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13370 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Queens of the Renaissance, by M. Beresford Ryley - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Queens of the Renaissance - -Author: M. Beresford Ryley - -Release Date: March 12, 2017 [EBook #54346] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK QUEENS OF THE RENAISSANCE *** - - - - -Produced by Irma Spehar, Sam W. and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note. - -Bold text is indicated with =equals signs=. Italic text is indicated -with _underscores_. - -Further transcriber's notes may be found at the end of the book. - - - - - QUEENS OF THE - RENAISSANCE - - BY - M. BERESFORD RYLEY - - -WITH TWENTY-FOUR ILLUSTRATIONS - - - METHUEN & CO. - 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. - LONDON - - - _First Published in 1907_ - - - - - [Illustration: BEATRICE AND LUDOVICO KNEELING - ALTAR-PIECE BY ZENALE] - - - - -To B---- - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - PREFACE ix - - CATHERINE OF SIENA 1 - - BEATRICE D'ESTE 53 - - ANNE OF BRITTANY 104 - - LUCREZIA BORGIA 150 - - MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME 202 - - RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA 251 - - - - -PREFACE - - -There are no two people who see with the same kind of vision. It is -for this reason that, though twenty lives of the six women chosen for -this book had been written previously, there would still, it seems to -me, be room for a twenty-first. For though the facts might remain -identical, there is no possible reiteration of another mind's exact -outlook. Hence I have not scrupled to add these six character studies -to the many volumes similar in scope and subject. - -The book is called "Queens of the Renaissance," but Catherine of Siena -lived before the Renaissance surged into being, and Anne of Brittany, -though her two husbands brought its spirit into France, had not -herself a hint of its lovely, penetrating eagerness. They are included -because they help, nevertheless, to create continuity and coherence of -impression, and the six leading, as they do naturally, one to the -other, convey, in the mass, some co-ordinated notion of the -Renaissance spirit. - -The main object, perhaps, in writing at all lies in the intrinsic -interest of any real life lived before us. For every existence is a -_parti pris_ towards existence; every character is a personal opinion -upon the value of character, feeling, virtue, many things. No -personality repeats another, no human drama renews just the same -intricate complications of other dramas. In every life and in every -person there is some element of uniqueness, some touch of speciality. -Because of this even the dullest individuality becomes quickening in -biography. It has, if no more, the pathos of its dulness, the didactic -warnings of its refusals, the surprise of its individualizing -blunders. - -All the following lives convey inevitably and unconsciously some -statement concerning the opportunity offered by existence. To one, it -seemed a place for an ecstasy of joy, success, gratification; to -another, a great educational establishment for the soul; to a third, -an admirable groundwork for practical domestic arrangements and -routine; to Renée of Ferrara, a bewildering, weary accumulation of -difficulties and distress; to her more charming relative, an enigma -shadowed always by the still greater and grimmer enigma of mortality. -And lastly, for the strange, elusive Lucrezia, it is difficult to -conceive what it must have meant at all, unless a sequence of -circumstances never, under any conditions, to be dwelt upon in their -annihilating entirety, but just to be taken piecemeal day by day, -reduced and simplified by the littleness of separate hours and -moments. - -In a book of this kind, where the intention is mainly concerned with -character, and for which the reading was inevitably full of bypaths -and excursions, a complete bibliography would merely fill many pages, -while seeming to a great extent to touch but remotely upon the ladies -referred to, but among recent authors a deep debt of gratitude for -information received is due to the following: Jacob Burckhardt, Julia -Cartwright, Augusta Drane, Ferdinand Gregorovius, R. Luzio, E. Renier, -E. Rodoconarchi, and J. Addington Symonds. - -Finally, in reference to the portraits included in the life of -Beatrice D'Este, a brief statement is necessary. For not only that of -Bianca, wife of Giangaleazzo, but also those of Il Moro's two -mistresses, Cecilia Gallerani and Lucrezia Crivelli, are regrettably -dubious. The picture of Bianca, however, by Ambrogio da Predis, is -more than likely genuinely that of Bianca, though some writers still -regard it as a likeness of Beatrice herself. It is to be wished that -it were; her prettiness then would have been incontestable and -delicious. But in reality there is no hope. One has but to look at the -other known portraits of Beatrice to see that her face was podgy, or -nearly so, and that her charm came entirely and illusively from -personal intelligence. It evaporated the moment one came to fix her -appearance in sculpture or on canvas. Nature had not really done much -for her. There was no outline, no striking feature, no ravishing -freshness of colouring. On a stupid woman Beatrice's face would have -been absolutely ugly. But she, through sheer "aliveness," sheer -buoyant trickery of expression, conveyed in actuality the equivalent -of prettiness. But it was all unconscious conjuring,--in reality -Beatrice was a plain woman, with sufficient delightfulness to seem a -pretty one, while the portrait of Bianca is unmistakably and lovingly -good-looking. - -As regards the portraits, again, of Il Moro's two mistresses, Cecilia -Gallerani and Lucrezia Crivelli, there is no absolute certainty. The -portrait facing page 6 in the life of Beatrice has been recently -discovered in the collection of the Right Hon. the Earl of Roden, and -in an article published by the _Burlington Magazine_ it has been -tentatively looked upon as that of Lucrezia Crivelli. This does not, -however, appear probable, because Lucrezia, at the time of Il Moro's -infatuation, was a young girl, and the picture by Ambrogio da Predis -is certainly that of a woman, and a woman, moreover, whose experiences -have brought her perilously near the verge of cynicism. - -At the same time, the portrait is not only beyond doubt that of a -woman loved by Il Moro, but was presumably painted while his affection -for her still continued, as not only are the little heart-shaped -ornaments holding together the webs of her net thought to represent Il -Moro's badge of a mulberry-leaf, but painted exquisitely in a space of -⅜ by ⅝ inch upon the plaque at the waistbelt is a Moor's head, -another of Ludovico's badges, while the letters L. O. are placed on -either side of it, and the two Sforza S. S. at the back. A discarded -mistress, if Ambrogio--one of Il Moro's court painters--had painted -her at all, would have had the discretion not to wear symbols -obviously intended only for one beloved at that moment. - -There seems--speculatively--every reason to suppose that the picture -represents Cecilia Gallerani, who was already beyond the charm of -youth before Ludovico reluctantly discarded her, and whom he not only -cared for very greatly, but for quite a number of years. Cecilia -Gallerani, besides, to strengthen the supposition, was an -exceptionally intellectual woman, and the portrait in the possession -of the Earl of Roden expresses above everything to an almost -disheartened intelligence. To think deeply while in the position of -_any_ man's mistress must leave embittering traces, and Cecilia became -famous less even for physical attractions than because her mind was so -intensely rich and receptive. - -The other two--the pictures of "La Belle Ferronière" and the "Woman -with the Weasel,"--by Leonardo da Vinci, have both a contested -identity. But since the first is now almost universally looked upon as -being the portrait of Lucrezia Crivelli, the second must surely -represent her also. For in both there is the same beautiful oval, the -same youth, the same unfathomable eyes and gentle deceit of -expression. Both, besides, represent to perfection the kind of -beautiful girl likely to have drawn Ludovico into passionate -admiration. He was no longer young when he cared for Lucrezia, and if -Leonardo's paintings are really portraits of her, she was like some -emblematical figure of perfect youthfulness,--unique and unrepeatable. - - M. B. R. - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - TO FACE PAGE - BEATRICE AND LUDOVICO KNEELING. ALTAR PIECE BY - ZENALE AT BRERA _Frontispiece_ - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - STATUE IN WOOD OF ST. CATHERINE, BY NEROCCIO LANDI 2 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Lombardi_ - - ST. CATHERINE'S HOUSE AT SIENA 16 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Lombardi_ - - CATHERINE PRAYING AT AN EXECUTION. FRESCO BY SODOMA 18 - - THE BRIDGE AT PAVIA 61 - - BEATRICE D'ESTE. BUST IN THE LOUVRE 64 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Levy_ - - PORTRAIT, PROBABLY OF CECILIA GALLERANI, SAID TO BE BY - AMBROGIO DA PREDIS 90 - _From the Collection of the Earl of Roden_ - - LUCREZIA CRIVELLI, BY LEONARDO DA VINCI 96 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Mansell_ - - PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF BIANCA SFORZA, WIFE OF GALEAZZO - SANSEVERINO 98 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Mansell_ - - CHURCH OF ST. MARIA DELLE GRAZIE AT MILAN 100 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Brogi_ - - EFFIGY OF BEATRICE D'ESTE AT SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM 102 - - FROM THE CALENDRIER, IN ANNE'S BOOK OF HOURS IN THE - BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE, PARIS 120 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud_ - - ANNE KNEELING. FROM THE BOOK OF HOURS IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE - NATIONALE 128 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud_ - - ST. URSULA. FROM ANNE'S BOOK OF HOURS IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE - NATIONALE 140 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud_ - - PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF LUCREZIA IN "ST. CATHERINE AND THE - ELDERS," BY PINTORRICCHIO 152 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Brogi_ - - VIRGIN AND CHILD, BY PINTORRICCHIO, IN THE HALL OF ARTS - AT THE VATICAN 159 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - THE ANNUNCIATION. FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED - BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN 171 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS. FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES - PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN 188 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - HEAD OF GASTON DE FOIX 206 - _From the Monument at Milan_ - - CHARLES V. 226 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME. FROM A DRAWING AFTER CORNEILLE - DE LYON 248 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - RENÉE OF FERRARA, AGED FIFTEEN, BY CORNEILLE DE LYON 254 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - THE CASTELLO AT FERRARA 260 - - RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA. FROM A DRAWING AT THE - BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE 294 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - - - -QUEENS OF THE RENAISSANCE - - - - -CATHERINE OF SIENA - -1347-1380 - - -Catherine of Siena does not actually belong to the Renaissance. At the -same time she played an indirect part in furthering it, and she -represented a strain of feeling which continued to the extreme limits -of its duration. During the best period of the desire for culture, a -successor--and imitator--of Catherine's, Sister Lucia, became a craze -in certain parts of Italy. Duke Ercole of Ferrara, then old and -troubled about his soul, took as deep and personal an interest in -enticing her to Ferrara as he did in the details of his son's marriage -to Lucrezia Borgia, just then being negotiated. The atmosphere -Catherine created is never absent from the Renaissance. She fills out -what is one-sided in the impression conveyed by the women who follow. -She was also the contemporary of Petrarch and Boccaccio, the -acknowledged forerunners of the intellectual awakening that came after -them, and being so, is well within the dawn, faint though it still -was, of the coming Renaissance day. Finally, in her own person she -contained so much power and fascination that to omit her, when there -exists the least excuse for inclusion, would be wilfully to neglect -one of the most enchanting characters among the women of Italian -history. - -The daughter of a well-to-do tradesman, Giacomo Benincasa, Catherine -was born in Siena in 1347. Her father possessed several pleasant -qualities, and a great reserve of speech, hating inherently all -licence of expression. Catherine's mother, Lapa, on the other hand, -belonged to an ordinary type of working woman--laborious, but -irritable and narrow. She brought twenty-five children into the world, -and her irascibility may have been not unconnected with this heroic -achievement. The sons also, after their marriages, continued to live, -with their wives--it being the custom at that time--under the parental -roof. Even a sociable temperament would easily have found such a -community difficult always to handle cordially. - - [Illustration: STATUE IN WOOD OF ST. CATHERINE - BY NEROCCIO LANDI] - -Catherine was Benincasa's youngest child. As a baby she proved -extraordinarily attractive. She was, in fact, so sweet and radiant -that the neighbours nicknamed her Euphrosyne, and her little person -was much enticed and humoured. Unfortunately, like all children of -that period, she became bewilderingly precocious, and with the first -development of intelligence, the religious passion revealed itself. -With Catherine the desire for spirituality was inborn. At five years -old she formed the habit of going upstairs on her knees, reciting the -"Hail, Mary," at every step. She delighted in being taken to churches -and places of devotion, and at the age of six years her deliberate and -piteous self-martyrdom commenced. - -The child, during an errand on which she was sent, believed herself to -have seen a holy vision. The incident had nothing extraordinary, for -her imagination was keen, and her temperament nervous. In a later -century, fed upon fairy stories, she would have seen gnomes, sprites, -or golden-haired princesses. Instead, saturated in religious legends, -she perceived Jesus Christ in magnificent robes, and with a tiara on -His head, while on each side of Him stood a saint, and several nuns in -white garments. This unchallenged vision produced colossal -consequences. The child went home convinced that God Himself had come -to call her to a better life; proud, frightened, and exultant, she set -her mind to find out, therefore, how she might best become as good as -God wanted her to be. - -This beginning of Catherine's religious life is painful to remember. -She decided primarily that she must give up childish amusements; in -addition, she determined to eat the least possible amount of food, and -to fill up her life with penances in the manner of the grown-up holy -men and women about her. She also procured some cord, and, having -knotted it into a miniature scourge, formed the habit of secretly -scourging herself until her back was lined with weals. Describing -these first spiritual struggles of a child of six years old, -Cafferini, her contemporary and biographer, says, "Moreover, by a -secret instinct of grace, she understood that she had now entered on a -warfare with nature, which demanded the mortification of every sense. -She resolved, therefore, to add fasting and watching to her other -penances, and in particular to abstain entirely from meat, so that -when any was placed before her, she either gave it to her brother -Stephen, who sat beside her, or threw it under the table to the cats, -in such a manner as to avoid notice." - -This pitiable "warfare with nature" continued until she reached the -age of twelve. Her parents, so far, had been pleased at her religious -fervency. But at twelve years old the girl became marriageable. The -comparative freedom of childhood ceased; Catherine was kept secluded -in the house, besides being harried with injunctions concerning the -arrangement of her hair and her dress. - -She had, as a matter of fact, charming, warm brown hair. -Unfortunately, a shade of gold was then fashionable, and Lapa, -ambitious for a good marriage, insisted that the girl should do like -others, and have it dyed that colour. Catherine resisted with all the -strength of her frightened soul. But in the end, apparently through -the persuasions of a favourite married sister, she allowed her hair to -become golden. It was no sooner done than conscience suffered -passionate remorse. In fact, to the end of life this one backsliding -remained almost the sharpest regret Catherine possessed. She could -never refer to it without sobbing, from which it is at least -presumable that a canary-coloured head had its attractions for a saint -of twelve years old. - -Meanwhile, the choice of a husband became imminent. At this -Catherine's semi-passivity turned into actual panic. It was not -possible both to marry and to give up one's life to God. Only, who -would listen to the refusals of so young a girl? Following the -practice of the Roman Catholic religion, she took her difficulties to -her confessor, and was saved through the proposal of a rather -questionable trick. She had only to cut her hair off to make marriage -impossible: no Italian would marry a woman with a shaven head. -Catherine rushed home, and at once did as she was told, covering her -work, when she had finished, with a white linen coif. Virgins in Italy -wore their hair flowing; the stratagem, therefore, did not exist an -hour before discovery took place. Then followed a passionate domestic -scene. The whole family appears for once to have unanimously agreed -that Catherine's piety had overstepped the bounds of common sense. The -loss of her child's hair left Lapa infuriated. Exasperation grew so -intense that for a time, with the view to breaking her stubborn -spirit, Catherine was deliberately ill-treated. A servant had been -kept for rough work in the kitchen; she was dismissed, and Catherine -made to take her place. But the girl had not a temperament that could -be cowed. She was a true Sienese, and Boccaccio, as well as others, -speaks of the virile character of the people of Siena. The name -Euphrosyne also still expressed her disposition. With a pretty -childishness of imagination, she made religious play out of their -harshness. Her father, she pretended, was Jesus Christ, Lapa she made -the Virgin Mary, and her brothers and sisters the apostles and -disciples. The kitchen became the innermost tabernacle of the temple -where sacrifices were offered to God. In consequence, she went about -diffusing radiance and a sober joy, and bewildering those who wanted -to see her crushed and penitent. - -In the end Giacomo interfered. He had the instinct of kindness, and -was himself sincerely religious. Both the question of marriage and the -system of ill-treatment were abandoned. A little later he gave consent -to the pursuance of a religious vocation, and Catherine, still a -child, became a member of the order of St. Dominic. It was not a -strict community. The sisters did not live in retirement, but in their -own homes, merely wearing a white veil and a black habit called -_Mantellate_. - -Just before this Catherine experienced a very human temptation. She -became possessed by the longing to dress herself in the pretty -clothes of a rich married woman, and to go out flaunting in silks and -extravagance. The wish is more likeable than her physical -self-torturings. The latter gain their power to distress, in fact, to -some extent because her few temptations show that Catherine had all -the average longings of humanity, and was not devoid of the -companionable frailties of ordinary men and women. - -The temptation was, of course, conquered, and from the glad moment of -taking her vows Catherine intensified every austerity of conduct. As a -child she had been robust and hardy. But the frightful treatment to -which she subjected her system would have ruined any constitution, and -from the time she grew up she became more and more delicate, -suffering, and neurotic. The desire to suppress her excesses is very -great. One could write abundantly and give only a life overflowing in -fragrant incidents. But in the case of Catherine, to pass over -foolishness would entail not only a falsification of character, but a -falsification also of the curious atmosphere from which she drew the -principal inspirations of her conduct. - -From the age of twelve she forced herself gradually to eat so little, -that her stomach became finally incapable of retaining solid food at -all. How she kept life in her body for the last half of her existence -is difficult to understand. Her bed, from the time she became a nun, -consisted of a few planks with a log of wood for pillow. An iron band -made part of her wearing apparel, and her discipline--if the one now -shown as hers in the sacristy of St. Dominico is genuine--consisted of -an iron chain with sharp projections for piercing and tearing the -flesh. The idea was monstrous and horrible; nevertheless, its -fortitude uplifts it into heroism. To pursue unflinchingly martyrdom -such as this may be grotesque and ridiculous, but no invertebrate -creature could contemplate it. Of all the violences, however, which -Catherine did to her body, the one under which she suffered most -acutely was her refusal of proper sleep. It is said, though it is -extremely hard to believe, that for a certain length of time she took -only half an hour's sleep in the twenty-four hours, and that--only -every other day. - -Notwithstanding this, a picture given of her at the time by Father -Thomas Antonio Cafferini, also a member of St. Dominic, and an -intimate friend of the family, is altogether charming. He asserts that -her face was always gay and smiling, more especially if she were -called upon to help those troubled or out of health. Other -contemporaries bear out this possession of an effulgent gladness. -When she spoke her face became illuminated, and her smile was like -some living radiance passing into the hearts of those she looked at. -The same writer mentions her delight in singing and her love of -flowers. A certain Fra Bartolomeo of Siena bears similar witness. He -wrote, "She was always cheerful, and even merry." He mentioned, -besides, that she "was passionately fond of flowers, and used to -arrange them into exquisite bouquets." Catherine's personal writings -are strewn with references to plants and blossoms. It was also part of -the fulness of a character unusually rich in finer fascinations that -she was constantly singing. Melancholy she scarcely knew. The -spirituality which did not produce happiness, she could only feel as a -spurious effort. Either it lacked love or understanding. - -For years she lived as a recluse in her father's house, but while -still in her teens it appeared to her--presumably through a natural -wisdom of character--that God needed less personal worship than -continuous benefits to others, out of her religious exaltation, and -from that time Catherine's public career commenced. Almost the first -result of her belief in being called to an active existence was her -constant attendance at the hospitals and among the lepers. One of the -prettiest of all the stories told about her deals with her nursing -labours. Pity had very small vitality either during the Middle Ages or -the Renaissance; it was almost a dead quality of character, and the -Sienese were particularly hardened by harsh experiences. - -A woman who had lived a notoriously bad life lay dying in one of the -hospitals, absolutely and deliberately neglected. A sinner laid low -was scum to spit at for most people. Catherine saw no scum on earth. -She smiled with all her native inborn softness at the dying woman, -listened to her desolate complainings, her maundering reminiscences, -gave her the nourishment she liked best, coddled her with sweet -attentions, and finally, without any violent denunciations, brought -her to repentance and tranquillity. A child might as tenderly have -been coaxed out of a phase of naughtiness. - -The incident brings one naturally to Catherine's reputation as a -peacemaker. She was still a young girl when tales of her -persuasiveness were told to amazed, arrested audiences throughout the -country. The Sienese temper was fundamentally savage; nothing, -therefore, could touch fancy more than stories of a nature capable of -acting as a gentle and cooling balm upon outrageousness. Catherine, as -a matter of fact, possessed both the magnetism of intense belief and -the power of innate urbanity. The first awed superstition by -incomprehensible achievements. Forestalling the Christian Scientists, -she had healed the sick by prayer, while her mere enticements brought -about the end of many virulent dissensions. - -To dabble with mystical methods is an old and universal weakness. The -wife of a certain Francesco Tolomei, head of one of the noblest -families in Siena, heard of Catherine's miracles, and being hard -pressed by domestic difficulties, turned to the dyer's daughter for -assistance. Madonna Tolomei was herself a profoundly religious woman, -but she anguished with the consciousness that the rest of her family -were damned. The eldest son, Giacomo, had murdered two men before he -was grown up, and his cruelty had now become diabolical, ingenious, -and systematic. There were also two daughters, bitten with worldliness -to the marrow of their bones. Both were fast, dyed, and painted. -Catherine offered to see the girls, but expressed no confidence as to -the consequences. She found them with the garish hair that always -touched her to the quick, and possibly felt more yearningly because of -it. No account has been given of the interview. The two sisters, with -the Tolomei blood in their veins, could hardly have been easy natures -to lure out of worldliness; but at the end of Catherine's visit, they -were like lambs in the hands of a skilful shepherd. According to -Cafferini, they threw their cosmetics into the gutter, cut off their -gleaming hair, and in a few days joined the Sisters of St. Dominic. -This is the kind of triumph of which Catherine's life is full. Her -personal magnetism was extraordinary, her insight actually a touch of -genius. At this time also she was young, and herself a living exponent -of how seductively gay goodness could make one. To the end, in truth, -she remained less a nun than a woman, and as a woman she was the -embodiment of enchanting sympathies and comfort. Merely to see -her,--soft, sweet, mysteriously comprehending,--was like a cordial to -an aching heart. But the most astounding part of the Tolomei story is -still to be told. Giacomo, with his mad and bloody passions, was away -when his sisters' conversion took place. He came home to cow the house -with terror. A lunatic let loose would have been less persistently -dangerous. Donna Tolomei, shaken now with physical and not spiritual -forebodings, immediately sent a messenger to warn Catherine that no -danger was too horrible to anticipate; in his present condition he was -capable of doing anything. Catherine did not feel a quicker -heart-beat. She was steeped in intuitions and spontaneous knowledge. -Ostensibly as an act of exquisite courtesy, she sent Fra -Bartolomeo--who must have been a brave man--to explain matters, while -she prayed with all her heart and soul for the unmanageable sinner. -Some hours later Bartolomeo came back. Catherine met him smiling; she -knew already the news he brought. Her prayers--so passionately -eager--had already been answered. Giacomo--the diabolical, murderous, -implacable Giacomo--was already meek as a lamb under the shock of a -new and overwhelming emotion. It is not the least curious part of the -story that he remained a changed character, and continued to abominate -wickedness with the same intensity that in his earlier days he had -practised it. Towards the end of his life he even took the habit of a -Dominican of the Tertiary Order, the obligations of this third order -not being excessive. - -There is another story of this earlier period more enchanting still, -in its original and tragic graciousness. Only before telling it the -question of Catherine's miracles should, perhaps, be dealt with, for -they also commenced when she was scarcely out of childhood, and helped -enormously to render her a recognized celebrity. They and her -austerities are the unlikeable side of Catherine's holiness. At the -same time no saint of the period could have obtained a hearing without -them, and no human system could have endured the strain put upon it by -a mediæval religious enthusiast, without producing self-hypnotism and -catalepsy. Catherine, at an early age, fell into trances, described by -her biographers as "ecstasies at the thought of God." Describing one -of these ecstasies, her friend Raymond wrote "that on these occasions -her body became stiff, and raised in the air, gave out a wonderful -fragrance." All the old Catholic writers, to whom miracles were an -integral part of saintship, were generous in multiplying supernatural -details. A good deal has to be deducted from these statements; but -even then there remain a good many so-called miracles attested by -other and more critical witnesses. That she was seen raised from the -ground while she prayed, is a fact sworn to by a number of people. A -man called Francesco Malevolti affirms that he saw her "innumerable -times" raised from the ground as she prayed, and remaining suspended -in the air more than a cubit above the earth. He mentions, to give -weight to his evidence, that in order to test the reality of the -occurrence, he and some others passed their hands between her and the -floor--a thing perfectly easy to do. As this occurred in broad -daylight, modern spiritualistic _séances_ become clumsy in comparison. -Catherine could do better in the fourteenth century. - -The most important miracle of all was, of course, the stigmatization. -That alone definitely assured her position as one with authority from -God; it constituted the final and irrefutable sign of Divine and -miraculous intervention. At the time of its occurrence Catherine was -twenty-eight, and suffered extreme agony from it. The most curious -circumstance about the stigmata in Catherine's case was that they were -not properly visible during her lifetime, but became perfectly clear -after her death. In this one matter her successor, St. Lucia, the -religious celebrity of Lucrezia Borgia's day, outdid the woman she -tried to follow. Her stigmata were always visible--bleeding wounds -anybody could look at. - - [Illustration: ST. CATHERINE'S HOUSE AT SIENA] - -Returning to the loveliest of all the stories concerning Catherine's -girlhood, it must be remembered that the prisons of Siena were almost -more filled with political prisoners than criminals. During the whole -of the Renaissance political prisoners were in themselves almost -sufficient in number decently to fill Italian dungeons. Catherine, who -had the understanding to love sinners, habitually visited condemned -offenders. Those forlorn of any hope in this world she insidiously -replenished with winning dreams of hope hereafter. She did more. When -the day of execution came, she joined the procession to the scaffold. -What it meant, in the unconveyable desolation of that last public -outgoing, to have the company of this woman, with her sweet, -contagious promises in the name of Christ, would be hard to -overestimate. She was at all times embodied comfort to be with, and -even a sharp and reluctant death must have been easier when she was -there to pour out pity and encouragement. - -Among the prisoners at one time was a certain Nicholas di Toledo, who -had spoken irreflectively against the Riformatori--the strong -Government party. This Riformatori consisted of a council chosen -originally at a tense political crisis for purposes of urgent -amendments. The nobility had no part in it. Siena, since 1280, when a -reconciliation occurred between the Sienese Guelfs and Ghibellines, -had been a merchant oligarchy, first governed by the _Nove_, then by -_Dodici_, and after both these had been swept away, by the -_Riformatori_, into which some members of both the previous -Governments had been included. The _Riformatori_ began well and ended -badly. The _Noveschi_ and _Dodicini_ members almost immediately worked -against it; civil trouble became interminable. The new power, -exasperated, fell back upon repressive horrors. People were arrested -upon simple suspicion of disapproval, and then publicly tortured in -order to appal others. A common habit was to tear a criminal slowly to -pieces with red-hot pincers while he was bound upon a cart driven -slowly through the principal streets. - - [Illustration: ST. CATHERINE PRAYING AT AN EXECUTION - FRESCO BY SODOMA] - -In the case of Nicholas di Toledo, he had barely gone from the place -of his impulsive utterance before he was arrested, and he was barely -arrested before he was condemned to death. Such a sentence had never -risen in his thoughts for one sickening moment even; it came with so -awful an unexpectedness that his mind for an interval whirled to the -verge of insanity. Nicholas di Toledo was scarcely more than a boy, -and the first warmth of life ran in every pulse. This bitter, -inconceivable end unnerved him--he could not make up his mind to die. -Suddenly he thought of Catherine, of whom other prisoners may have -babbled, and sent a messenger imploring her to come to him. She wrote -afterwards to her confessor a full description of the brief drama. Her -presence almost immediately calmed and heartened him. Both were young, -and Catherine, if not actually pretty, was delicious with overflowing -tenderness. For Nicholas, besides the optimism communicated to him by -her spiritual promises, there must have been the unconsidered but -poignant fact that she was a woman and he a man. It is undeniable that -no monk, however good, could have helped his dying to the same extent. -Catherine not only rendered it possible to go through with courage, -but in the end tinged it with something almost blessed. She was with -him, it would seem, most of the time, and not only promised to -accompany him to the scaffold when the day of execution came, but -previously took him to Mass, and persuaded him to communicate for the -first occasion in his life. - -Nicholas had been nothing deeper than a young society man, and the -wrench of this merciless conclusion was all the greater because of -it. Catherine, in her account of the circumstance, went on to say -that he grew quite resigned, his only dread being lest his courage -should fail him at the supreme moment. He repeated constantly, "Lord, -be with me; abandon me not." To help him she reiterated her assurance -that she would be with him at the last. In a moment his face -brightened, and he asked her with a boyish impulsiveness how it was so -great a sweetness was being vouchsafed to him. With this to look -forward to he could face the end, not only with courage, but with -something strangely akin to pleasure. - -They met, as she had promised, at the scaffold next day. Catherine -wrote concerning it that when he saw her his face broke into a smile, -and that he begged her to make the sign of the cross upon his -forehead. She did so, whispering that soon, very soon, he would have -passed to a life that never ends. Then occurred the unforgettable -incident of the story. At the best Nicholas was a creature not -disciplined to suffering, and the worst moment had yet to come. -Leaping to obey an intuition in itself exquisite, Catherine did what -the prudery alone of most religious women would have made unthinkable. -She took the boy's head in her thin, soft hands, and herself laid it -in position upon the block. The action was like a caress in which his -last impressions melted. He murmured the words "Jesus and Catherine." -The knife ripped through the air to his neck, and his head fell into -the same trembling hands that had guided it during its last activity. - -On its human side Catherine's spirituality was seldom less than -perfect. Character and beauty emanated from her every spontaneous -action. Nicholas di Toledo was only one of the many men she -fascinated, and the fact renders the question of her personal -appearance peculiarly interesting. The triumphs of a plain woman are -always more stirring than those achieved by a simple success of -feature. The "divine plainness," immortalized by Lamb, can convey -subtleties not possible to the simple regularities of well-cut -features. Catherine proved adorable to most people, but from her -portraits it is practically impossible to receive any impression save -that of dulness. This, at any time, was the last thing she could have -been, but the conventions of the Roman Catholic Church in dealing with -the portraits of saints opposed any lifelike treatment. The picture of -her in the church of St. Domenico at Siena, said to be by Francesco -Vanni, might do equally well for any other emaciated sister. There is -no temperament in it, no illumination, no visible sweetness. The eyes -are half closed, the expression is inert and apathetic. The mouth is -small but meaningless, the nose is long and well formed, the oval of -the face delightful. Vanni did slightly better on another occasion. -There is an engraving by him which is very nearly attractive. The -eyes, owing to the religious demand for humility, are again half -closed, but the mouth is both delightful and winning, and a half-smile -plays about her expression. Given the glamour of vivacity, the -kindling changes of life, and Catherine when young must have been -delightful to look at. Certainly many men loved her. She had the power -of being poignant in recollection, and disturbingly sweet in her -bodily presence. - -Even the painter Vanni, wicked enough to have been conversion-proof, -yielded to the disquieting need she roused in him. He had been a great -hater, and the men he hated were assassinated without after-remorse. -For some amazing reason--probably that of curiosity--he consented to -interview Catherine. She was out when he called, and her Confessor -Raymond received him. According to Raymond, who describes the -incident, Vanni soon grew bored, and presently remarked bluntly that -he had promised to call upon Catherine, but since she was out, and he -was a busy man, he could not wait for her any longer. - -At that moment Catherine appeared--according to Raymond, much to -Vanni's disgust. But Catherine was all smiles, comfortableness, and -simple ease of manner. Vanni's chances, in fact, of not being -converted ended with her entrance. The manner of his surrender was -humorously characteristic of the man himself. Catherine--she was -always so clever when she was good--presently left the room. No woman -ever knew better when another word would have been too much. She had -hardly gone when Vanni broke out that, for the sake of courtesy, he -could not wholly refuse her some gratification. At the moment he had -four virulent hatreds, but to please Catherine he would give up, in -the case of one of them, all thoughts of vengeance. He then started to -leave the house, but before he reached the door stopped suddenly and -declared he could hardly draw his breath, so intense was the sense of -peace and ecstasy this one small action of the right kind had given -him. Evidently it was useless to hold out against her influence, and -he then and there declared himself conquered, and ready to abandon all -the vices he could under Catherine's gentle guidance. - -Thus came an end to Vanni's murders. Catherine held him for the rest -of his days. It is only to be regretted that he did not paint her -portrait before instead of after his conversion. He would have -attended less to her reputation as a saint, and more to what was -lovely and pictorial in her person. - -Catherine no longer lived at home. She had instituted an informal -sisterhood at Siena, where "Mantellate" sisters from every part of -Lombardy lived in community. Her work still continued among the sick, -the lepers, and prisoners. But rumours of her miracles, and of an -almost miraculous gift of persuasion, were spreading to many parts of -Italy. Talk of the dyer's daughter had already reached the ears of the -Pope at Avignon, and was paving the way to further political -successes. Before Catherine had passed out of her teens she employed -four secretaries to cope with the colossal inflow of correspondence -that reached her. It was through the urgency of help in answering -letters in fact that Catherine made the great friendship of her life, -and drew under her influence the man who largely contributed towards -keeping natural feelings alive in her. - -Stephen Marconi never cast off a cheerful and innate earthliness. He -came across Catherine originally, as so many people did, over the -matter of a Sienese family feud. Stephen, headstrong and exuberant, -had roused ill-feeling in both the Tolomei and Rinaldini families. -Torrents of blood loomed as the sole termination. Mutual acquaintances -had made useless attempts to produce peace; at the last crisis before -violence Stephen's mother implored him to go to the "Mantellate" -sister. The suggestion drew some contemptuous comments. But the woman -persisted, and essentially good-natured, Stephen went in order to -pacify her. He had every reason subsequently to thank the -solicitations that overbore derision. Catherine settled everything -with absolute successfulness, Stephen himself speaking of the -reconciliation that followed as truly miraculous. - -More extraordinary than the reconciliation even was the effect of -Catherine's individuality upon Stephen Marconi. He possessed no -natural aptitude for spirituality. Handsome, irresponsible, sought -after, he epitomized effervescent worldliness. But, having once seen -Catherine, he could not keep away. Excuses were raked together for -further interviews, and one day, finding her overburdened with -correspondence, he wrote a letter at her dictation. It was the -beginning of the end. At first informally, and later explicitly, he -became one of her secretaries; presently also a member of what was -called her "spiritual family." - -Siena relished as a joke the dandy converted by the ascetic, but -Stephen was unconcerned. An irrepressible humourist, he appreciated to -the full the oddity of the situation; though if jocose, he was also -deeply contented. Catherine had become almost instantly the -instigating motive of his life, the one precious thing his heart -needed. Catherine, on her side, was known to care for him more than -for almost any other person. Her relations with him became those of a -deep and exciting friendship. Towards the end of her life she heard a -report that Stephen had definitely cast off his semi-worldliness and -taken ascetic vows. Catherine should have known an exquisite and -glowing comfort. Instead of it, her letter to him on the subject is -very nearly petulant. That any action should have been taken without -first becoming a matter of confidences between them clearly -unspeakably hurt her. She wrote that of course it was a great joy to -hear that he desired to lead a better life, but that she was "very -surprised" that he should have made any decision without previously -having said a word to her about it. She added further that there was -something in the matter that she could not understand, though she -prayed that whatever he did would prove to be for the benefit of his -soul. - -There is more sign in this of a woman stung by an unexpected neglect, -than any religious exaltation at a soul saved. Stephen had not become -a monk, and the misunderstanding swiftly passed over. But the letter -is pleasant reading, because it was written at a time when Catherine's -mysticism threatened to overshadow the purely human kindnesses of her -earlier years. The idea of Christ as the heavenly Husband had -developed from vague symbolism into a definite expression of spiritual -familiarity. It was an unrealized element of good fortune that -Stephen's whimsical frivolity kept alive in her a strain of normal -sensations. She suffered whenever they were separated, and among the -last letters she ever wrote, moreover, was one to Stephen with the -pathetic, dependent cry, "When will you come, Stephen? Oh, come soon!" - -Another secretary closely associated with Catherine's life for many -years was Neri di Landoccio, a poet belonging to the group of dawning -Renaissance writers. He suffered from melancholy, and having once met -Catherine, naturally clung to the heartening radiance of her -presence. From his letters, his youth appears to have been vicious. He -was, at any rate, haunted by the notion that his misdemeanours were -greater than God would be likely to forgive. He worried himself into a -dangerous dismalness--a gloom perceiving no remedy. Then Catherine -wrote him a long letter. She reiterated that God was far more ready to -forgive than humanity to offend; that He was the Physician, and -mankind His sick and ailing children. She told him that sadness -constituted the worst fault of all in a disciple of Christ. To believe -in the unplumbable love of God, and still persist in disheartenment, -was a form of unrighteousness. - -Neri did his best, but a gentle wistfulness penetrated his -disposition, and not even Catherine could give him gaiety of thoughts. -He and Stephen Marconi--the extreme opposites in temperament--became -deeply attached to one another. They corresponded when apart, and -Stephen, after Catherine's death, called Neri "among those whom the -Lord has engrafted in the very innermost depths of my heart." A third -man constantly in Catherine's society was her Confessor Raymond. Two -small incidents told by himself, and against himself, suggest a -perfectly honest and rather pleasant temperament, but a somewhat -limited spiritual capacity. In the first, he confesses that when on -their journeys great multitudes thronged to Catherine for confession -and comfort, and that the fact of having to go for hours without food -or rest greatly annoyed as well as wearied him. - -From the other, both issue rather sweetly, but Catherine with almost a -touch of greatness. Raymond, who again tells the story, says that she -loved to talk to him upon spiritual matters, but that, not having the -same mystical sensibility, these conversations frequently sent him to -sleep. Catherine, absorbed in her subject, would continue for some -time talking without perceiving that she lacked a listener, but when -she did, she would merely wake the other, and good-humouredly tease -him for allowing her to talk to the walls. - -Catherine had by nature the sanest and tenderest common sense. It was -she who wrote of prayer that everything done for the love of God or of -our neighbours was a form of prayer, and those who were always doing -good were always, as it were, at prayer. Love of one's fellow-creatures -was practically one long-continued lifting of the heart to God. - -When Catherine came to the political portion of her life, the point -at which she may be said to have indirectly affected the Renaissance -in Italy was reached. The popes were still at Avignon, while Rome -clamoured for a return of the papacy to its original capital. -Petrarch, in a letter, pictured Rome as a venerable matron standing -desolate and in rags at the gate of the Vatican. "I asked at last," he -wrote, "her name, and she murmured it forth. It reached me through the -void, in the midst of sobs--it was Roma." Certainly, since the removal -of the popes to France, Rome, as a city, had gone to pieces. The -churches were in ruins, grass grew through the pavements up to the -very steps of St. Peter's, peaceful sheep used its environments for -pasturage. As the two great families of the town, the Colonna and -Orsini fought unceasingly for supremacy, while the people were equally -pestered, tortured, and destroyed by both. Save for those who fancied -murder as a profession, life had grown a nightmare; decency and quiet -were as things of which even the ashes had been scattered. - -Catherine, like Petrarch, flung the weight of her eloquence on the -side of the Romans, and Gregory's return to Italy is always attributed -by Roman Catholics to her influence. But before this question had -become poignant between them, Gregory had already tested Catherine's -good sense in two political missions--one to Lucca, and one to Pisa. -Both were successfully concluded, and in consequence, when Florence -rose openly against the authority of the Pope, Catherine was chosen -for a third time to conduct mediation. The employment of any woman as -a diplomatic agent as early as 1370, was an extraordinary -circumstance. During the Renaissance, frequent use was made of the -intellectual adroitness of women. But, in Catherine's day, females, as -Boccaccio states definitely, had few occupations besides house-bound -duties and the excitements of intrigue. - -Catherine created an admirable impression in Florence. On her arrival -she was formally met by the principal men of the city. The Florentine -Republic had itself invited her to come to their assistance. At the -same time pure enthusiasm would have effected nothing. Consummate -intelligence only could move the Florentines. Each Bull that came from -the French Court, and from a pope with every personal interest in a -foreign country, newly exasperated them. Catherine watched warily, -judging character and manipulating it, until Guelfs and Ghibellines, -acute in unfailing antagonisms, equally authorized her to commence -peace negotiations at Avignon. Catherine immediately started for -France. Stephen Marconi went with her, and the actual journey must -have filled her with many unavoidable pleasures. To begin with, she -loved the country. In addition, the gypsy travelling of the day -entailed perpetual chance incidents and unexpected humanizing -makeshifts. A week of gentle progress among Italian scenery would keep -the joy of life stirring in most people, if only unawares. - -At Avignon her story becomes, even more than before, the dramatic -triumph of personality. When she came nobody wanted her. The cardinals -had strong reasons for not wishing an ascetic's influence in the -palace; Gregory, inert and ailing, flinched at the thought of a person -noted for arousing qualities. She was received, notwithstanding, with -ceremony. At her first audience, Gregory sat dressed in full -canonicals, and surrounded by the entire conclave of cardinals, like a -brilliant jewel in a purple case. Catherine behaved meekly, though in -all likelihood her thoughts were less quiet than usual. For the papal -residence was a gorgeous place; there were galleries, marble -staircases, colonnades, magnificent gardens, elegant fountains. The -ultimate possibility of luxury lay before Catherine's sober eyes, the -very air itself being perfumed. - -This was sufficient to have perturbed her, for a markedly unclerical -influence emanated from so much comfort. But the women who filled the -palace jarred still more emphatically. Their sumptuous persons were -obviously at home--the very atmosphere indicated femininity. A large -number were, in fact, mistresses of the cardinals; the rest, relatives -and friends of the Pope, who had been granted apartments in the palace. -Gregory's own morals have never been questioned. He sanctioned, by -ignoring them, the scandals of his household, but his own life was that -of an innocent and cultivated gentleman, with a liking for expensive -living. Raynaldus, in his "Ecclesiasticus Annals," says that he was of -an affectionate and domestic nature, loving his own people, and, in -fact, too much led by them, especially in the matter of benefices. His -private life was above reproach,--chaste, kindly, and generous. A -scholarly man, he delighted in the society of other scholars. At Rome -he instantly remitted all the duties on corn, hay, wine, etc., which -the clergy had previously levied, and which fell most heavily on the -poor people. But the troubles and anxieties that followed his return -to Italy, added to an internal disease, from which he had for some time -suffered, brought about his death at the age of sixty-seven. - -This internal disease had something to do with the gentle inertia of -Gregory's conduct. Once roused by Catherine to a certitude as to where -his duty lay, he did it regardless of every personal inclination and -affection. - -But at the commencement of Catherine's visit, the question was solely -how best to deal with the disaffected Florentines. The issue did not -prove gratifying. The Government had promised Catherine to send -ambassadors to Avignon, suing for peace. New dissensions leaping up -between Guelfs and Ghibellines, none were sent, and negotiations -collapsed. In the mean time the ladies at Avignon had grown interested -in the attenuated sister, who passed them constantly on her way to and -from an audience. They started primarily with the frank indifference -of society women to another of a lower class. But indifference became -painful interest when in a few days it was breathed tempestuously that -this pale woman had come almost solely in order to persuade the Pope -to return to the Vatican at Rome. Scared and disordered, the papal -ladies ceased to look insolent; they set themselves instead to -conciliate the "Mantellate" woman. Led by the Pope's sister, the -Countess Valentinois, they made religion fashionable. Discarding all -dancing, they instituted afternoon parties for pious conversation. The -Countess Valentinois also visited Catherine in her own room, and after -a few days, whenever Catherine went to the chapel to pray, she found -all the court ladies following her example. Raymond, never very -perspicacious, owns to being moved by "such unexpected signs of -grace." He even admired the lovely gowns and misleading courteseys of -the seemingly repentant ladies. Clearly a little susceptible, -Catherine's churlish indifference greatly annoyed him. As her -confessor, he had the opportunity of chiding her for this -incivility--it was painful to see such pretty, graceful creatures -repulsed so sternly. But Catherine upon this subject was adamant, and -merely replying that had he the smallest inkling of the true -dispositions of these mistresses of the cardinals, he would be nothing -less than horrified. - -Raymond, one imagines, still privately clung to a more pacific opinion; -but if the story generally attributed to the Pope's niece is true, his -eyes were soon opened to the real sanctity of these ladies. Catherine -had fallen into one of the trances frequent with her when at prayer. -Elys de Beaufort Turenne happened to be kneeling conveniently near, and -the opportunity to expose a spurious absorption thrilled her with -pernicious pleasure. The temptation was too exceptionable to resist, -and bending over, she presently ran a big pin into the Mantellate's -toe. The joke, as far as she was concerned, spurted into no more life -than saturated fireworks. Catherine never stirred--unaware of the -incident until afterwards. But Raymond realized for the future that -some courtesies are means of concealment only. - -The women of the Pope's household were not alone in disliking -Catherine. The cardinals objected to her as strongly. She had come to -labour against everything pleasing in their lives. Those won over, -besides, praised immoderately, and the instinct to strike a balance is -natural and intuitive. - -Her spiritual pretensions had not even, as far as they were concerned, -been proved to be genuine. They solicited from the Pope, therefore, an -interview with the Mantellate nun, in which the soundness of her -theology might be tested. This encounter lasted from noon until late -in the evening, during the whole of which time they endeavoured to -confuse her into foolishness. But Catherine had a very clear brain and -a very quick one. She knew her subject, and, being a clever woman, in -a few minutes also, roughly, the temperaments of the men she was -dealing with. The thought is a purely personal one, but it is -difficult not to believe that she enjoyed the excitement. Catherine -was humble through instinct, but she must have realized that she was -considerably more capable than most people. Stephen Marconi, present -during the interview, says that two of them were enticed over almost -immediately, and took sides with Catherine against their own party. -The questions put, however, were anything but easy to deal with. Among -other points they queried how she knew that she was not really in the -subtle clutches of Satan; it was no uncommon trick for the Evil One to -change himself into an angel of light, or sham to be a vision of -Christ himself. All this time her extraordinary manner of life might -be simply a cunning prelude to damnation. - -Catherine neither wavered nor deliberated; her calm was gracious and -simple; she was exquisitely willing to be interrogated. The cardinals -gave in; the struggle over, they had even the grace to admit that -"they had never met a soul at once so humble and so illuminated." -Gregory, inherently a gentleman, afterwards apologized to Catherine -for having permitted her to be molested by them, and from that time -her troubles with the cardinals at any rate terminated. - -Gregory himself had from the beginning been openly impressed by her. -She left Avignon before the actual journey to Rome was made, but her -passionately eager persuasions were the fire at which Gregory's -conscience chiefly ignited. For his household became desperate and -loquacious at the mere suggestion. Gregory also had been born in -France; all his roots were in the genial soil of Avignon. But -Catherine would not let the matter rest. In a yearning and courageous -letter, beginning, "Holy Father, I, your miserable little daughter -Catherine," she urged him to be overborne by nobody against doing his -duty, for if God was with him, nobody could be against him. - -Gregory went, and in a man old, fearsome, and extremely out of health, -the action has an element of greatness. For the reputation of Rome, -constantly reiterated by those about him, was very much like that of a -den of wild beasts. Ser Amily, a provincial poet, who gives a rhymed -description of the journey from Avignon, says, further, that all the -physicians and astrologers prophesied a fatal termination to the -expedition, but adds that they had apparently misread the -constellations, as after some terrifying storms they sailed for the -rest of the way upon a tranquil sea. - -The fatal termination merely tarried somewhat, though the entrance -into Rome proved a triumphant pageant. The streets had been laid with -carpets, white flowers rained from every window--no welcome could have -looked more cordial or inspiriting. The entry once over, however, -Gregory found himself alone in an inimical country. Catherine wrote -encouraging letters to him to discard all fears and strenuously to do -all he could. But Gregory _had_ done all he could. Rome, depraved and -indocile, required a sterner nature at its head. He was ill and -overtired, and fourteen months after having reached Italy, died, -lonely and disheartened, at the age of sixty-seven. - -Urban VI., by birth a peasant, short, squat, unpolished, succeeded -him. The election was instantly unpopular. Half the people desired a -French pope, residenced at Avignon and keeping French interests -uppermost. The rest writhed under the truculent uncouthness of the -new Pope, hating him personally. Matters became so envenomed that the -most acutely aggrieved presently declared his election to have been -illegal, and proceeded to place another pope at Avignon, known as -Clement VII. - -There were, in consequence, two popes--one at Rome, and the other in -France. Both claimed supreme authority, and the confusion produced by -them brought the papacy very near to the ridiculous. Then commenced, -according to Muratori, a long series of terrible scandals in the -Church. The result was unceasing private and public dissensions, -incessantly culminating in murder. Urban excommunicated Clement and -his cardinals. Clement, on his part, excommunicated Urban and his -followers. The same benefices were conferred on different persons by -the rival popes, each appointing his own bishop to every vacant see. -Urban had been one of the cardinals during Catherine's momentous stay -at Avignon, and knowing his character, she wrote him after his -election some very wistful counsel. The necessity of behaving -benevolently was like a cry wrung out of her involuntarily; again and -again, in different phraseology, she begged him to "restrain a little -those too quick movements with which nature inspires you." - -This puts matters prettily--with an innate tact of feeling. Urban, in -reality, was a man destitute of pleasant impulses. Fundamentally -irritable, he possessed no control of utterance. Towards the cardinals -his manners were inexcusable. He shouted the word "Fool!" at them upon -the least hint of contradiction: over a difference of opinion he -blurted furiously, "Hold your tongue; you don't know what you are -talking about." Having determined to put down the rampant cupidity and -immorality of these same cardinals, he raided their palaces as the -quickest method of exposing them. On the other hand, he was a man of -absolute probity, austerity, and courage. Petrarch had several times -attacked the gluttony of high ecclesiastics. Urban ordered that one -course only was ever to be seen upon the table of any prelate -whatsoever, and adhered to the rule himself even upon occasions of -hospitality. The following incident is a good example of his courage. -As a result of the schism and his own extreme unpopularity, the people -of Rome broke into open rebellion. The mob rushed to storm the -Vatican. At the first rumour the household had fled to take refuge in -other places. Only Urban refused to move, and remained alone in the -great empty palace. When the mob stormed the doors and made for the -Pope, they found him sitting motionless upon the throne, dressed in -full pontifical splendour and holding the cross in solemn defiance in -one upraised hand. The sight of his immovable figure, dramatic, -repellent, denunciatory, broke the nerve of the impressionable Romans. -They saw before them the representative of God, and with incoherent -noises, fearful of eternal wrath, they fled, leaving the rigid figure -impassive as an image, alone once more. - -It was with Urban that Catherine went through the last exciting -interview of her life. The impression left by her personality at -Avignon must have been considerable, for when the election of Clement -VII. took place and divided the Church into two disordered and -querulous factions, the man who could not support a single adverse -suggestion actually sent for Catherine to come and help him render the -people of Rome at least loyal to the true Head of the Church. -Catherine, though by now very frail in body, set out immediately, -taking twenty helpful people with her, but, for some reason not given, -leaving Stephen Marconi behind. Then, when she had got to Rome, and -had recovered from the exhaustion of the journey, Urban insisted that -she should give an address upon the schism before the entire assembly -of cardinals. - -She could only have looked a rather wan and paltry object set against -the lace and silk and breadth of the well-fed cardinals. She was by -this time nothing but a narrow line of black draperies and a thin -white face. But the moment she began to speak the old warmth leapt -into her voice, and the nun became more deeply rich in colour than all -the scarlet and purple she fronted. Catherine never lost her head or -her courage. She was there to rouse the sluggish morals of the -cardinals, but she was quite aware that Urban stood almost as much in -need of improvement as they did. With admirable clarity she laid -stress upon the fact that the only weapons suitable for a pope were -patience and charity. Urban owned neither, but the pluck and eloquence -of the woman reached some responsive feeling, and he praised her then -and there in a generous abundance of phrases. Unfortunately he did -nothing else, and the following Christmas Catherine sent him another -cajoling reminder--the kind of reminder only a subtle woman, and one -with charming ways in private life, would have thought of. She -preserved some oranges, coated them with sugar, and having gilded -them, sent them to the Pope. With the present came a note, explaining -that in the preserving all the acidity of the orange had been drawn -out, and that, like the orange, the fruit of the soul, when prepared -and sweetened and gilded on the outside with the gold of tenderness, -would overcome all the evil results of the late schism, or, as with a -careful selection of an unhurtful word, she put it--"the late -mischance." - -Urban had previously empowered her to invite to Rome in his name -whoever she considered would be useful to the divided Church in its -hour of need. Among those Catherine wrote to William of England and -Anthony of Nice, two friends, who lived in a pleasant convent at -Lecceto, a few miles from Siena. A quaint correspondence resulted, for -the two old men were sadly shaken in their comfortable habits by -Catherine's letter. Yet the letter itself was a singularly good one. -She states in it plainly that the Church was in such dire necessity -that the time had come to give up all questions of peace and solitude -in order to succour her. - -There were few characters that Catherine could not understand; -certainly she understood her two friars perfectly. For the peace and -quiet of their country retreat, where they sat and talked in the shady -woods, had made them absolutely flabby of spirit. The thought of -change and bustle flustered them from head to foot. Catherine had to -write again, and this time she wrote with some directness that this -was a crisis when character became visibly tested, and when there was -no mistaking who really were the true servants of God, and who were -merely seekers of a way of life personally congenial to them. These -latter, she said, seemed to think that God dwelt in one particular -place, and could not be found in any other. This letter must have -harried the two old gentlemen sadly. Friar Anthony came to Rome at -last, and though it is not clear whether Friar William accompanied him -or not, it is probable that, when one gave in, both did. - -Catherine endured great fatigue in Rome; it drained the remnant of -strength left in her. Nevertheless she sent a letter from there to -Stephen that was still almost playful. It is in this letter that -occurred the winning petulance concerning the rumours of Stephen's -conversion. How little she could do without him issued again in a -still later epistle, when she wrote to him, "Have patience with me." -At this time she was ill, in pain, tired to breaking-point with the -Roman risings against the Pope. The schism had spread rapidly. Queen -Joanna of Naples, to whom Catherine wrote regrettably stern letters, -had flung her influence upon the side of Clement. Urban grew so -uncertain that there was talk of sending Catherine--nearly dead -through the strain already--to Paris, as the only ambassador likely to -draw the French king over to the true Pontiff. She wrote instead, and -while her letter was on its way, Charles V. joined the Anti-pope -party. - -When Rome, at least, had grown comparatively reconciled to Urban, -Catherine returned to Siena. She was thirty-three, and the radiance -that had magnetized men into contemplating even death with -tranquillity, if she was only with them, had to a great extent gone -out of her. Nevertheless, her correspondence shows that she never lost -her fine discernment of character. Some of her letters are still -masterpieces of practical understanding. - -For a short time still she lived quietly with the men and women who -loved and made much of her, though had she for a second realized how -subtly indulged she was, a panic of dismay would have shaken her -strenuous spirit. Physical strength, however, was almost exhausted. -She suffered greatly, and with a touching foolishness--touching -because of its presence in so much wisdom--she repeated again and -again that God permitted demons to distress her, and, in consequence, -bent her failing strength to wrestle with their torments. That a -natural disease was killing her did not seem credible to imagination. -Nevertheless, except during intolerable pain, her expression continued -pathetically joyous. When she was well enough they carried her out -into a neighbouring garden, lent for her use. Catherine never, after -the first excesses of her childhood, repudiated out-of-door pleasures. -She died in 1380, surrounded by a very passion of regret and -tenderness. On her death-bed she confessed quaintly that in the early -days of her spiritual career she had yearned for solitude, but that -God would have none of it. Each creature possessed a cell in their own -souls, where the spirit could live as solitarily and as enclosed in -the world as out of it. - -Stephen Marconi was with her when she died, and just before the end -she entreated him to enter the Order of the Carthusians. Neri she -begged to become a hermit. The injunction for a moment appears to lack -her usual intuition. Yet it was probably the result of a very deep -understanding. Neri's nerves may have been more tranquil when not -played upon by other people. - -To the last she prayed, dying peacefully towards the "hour of Sext," -one Sunday evening, according to Stephen, the body until her burial -retained a wonderful beauty and fragrance. - -Her last request to the latter was reverently complied with, and for -the future he carried on, with the grace of nature that made him so -lovable, the most endearing of his dead friend's labours--he became -famous as a healer of feuds. The cult of Catherine's memory gave a -sentimental happiness to his days. He remembered her with the painful -delight of a faithful lover. Nothing in their companionship had been -too trivial for a living recollection. Being elected Father Superior -to his monastery, he "invariably added the delicacy of beans to the -fare of his religious on Easter Day." He did this because one Easter -Day he had dined with Catherine on beans, there having been nothing -else in the house, and as Friar Bartholomew puts it, "the remembrance -of that dinner stuck fast to the marrow of his spine." As an old man, -Stephen still cherished the smallest details of her life, and on one -occasion, at the sudden recall of some little incident illustrative -of her loving-kindness, he burst abruptly into tears, seeming as if -his heart would break. The brothers were obliged to lead him gently to -a seat out-of-doors, where a freshening wind restored him. - -Neri also did as she wished. But his life as a hermit did not -interfere with his literary labours, nor did it by any means leave him -without society. Once he seems to have gone out of his mind for a -time. Stephen mentions in one letter that he was told that he had been -_alienato_, but that it is evident, since he had now heard from him, -that he had recovered. - -An account of his death, written by a monk to a certain friend of the -dead man, Ser Jacomo, and given in the English version in Miss Drane's -life of Catherine, is sufficiently unusual to quote. It falls to the -lot of few people to have their deaths recorded in quite such a -superfluity of phrases. - - "Dearest Father of Christ, - - "My negligence--I need say no more--but yet with grief and - sorrow I write to you, how our Father and our comfort, and our - help, and our counsel, and our support, and our refreshment, - and our guide, and our master, and our receiver, and our - preparer, and our writer, and our visitor, and he who thought - for us, and our delight, and our only good, and our entertainer; - and his meekness, and his holy life, and his holy conversation, - and his holy teachings, and his holy works, and his holy words, - and his holy investigations. Alas, miserable ones, alas poor - wretches, alas orphans, where shall we go, to whom shall we have - recourse? Alas, well may we lament, since all our good is - departed from us! I will say no more, for I am not worthy to - remember him, yet I beg of you that, as it is the will of God, - you will not let yourself be misled by the news; know then alas, - I don't know how I can tell you--alas, my dear Ser Jacomo, alas, - my Father and my brother, I know not what to do, for I have lost - all I cared for. I do not see you, and I know not how you are. - Know then that our love and our father--alas, alas, Neri di - Landoccio, alas, took sick on the 8th of March, Monday night, - about daybreak, on account of the great cold, and the cough - increasing, he could not get over it, alas. He passed out of his - life, confessed, and with all the sacraments of the Holy Church, - and on the 12th of March was buried by the brethren of Mount - Olivet, outside the Porta Tufi, and died in the morning at the - Aurora at break of day." - -According to the writer, Neri did not die until some hours after he -had been buried at the Porta Tufi! - -Catherine's influence lingered in almost all those who had once -responded to it. But the quality that remains rousing to the present -day was her unremitting remembrance that one cannot be good without -being happy. Though due to a different source, the spirit of the -Renaissance seemed to emanate from her--the spirit that laboured so -hard, in a world rich in all manner of things, to be joyful every -minute. In Catherine's case, it was the result, not only of a -realization of life's inherent wondrousness, but of an unconscious -knowledge that heroism is never anything but smiling; that the -acceptance which is not absolute, composed, and tendered in fulness of -heart, is but a semi-acceptance after all. - -In addition, Catherine had the one supreme characteristic that no age -can render less superb or less inspiring. She was a nature drenched in -loving-kindness. Consciously and unconsciously love streamed out of -her, penetrating and unifying every soul she came in contact with. At -all times there is nothing the world stands more in need of than -loving saints,--at all times there is nothing that brings more -creatures out of mistakenness, intractability, and mean-souled egoism -than a glowing greatness of heart. And finally, there is nothing so -vividly illuminating upon the intense and vital beauty of life and -human efforts than the persons who, like Catherine, have but to enter -a room, and,--satisfied, aflame, compassionate,--instantly transpose -its atmosphere into delicious, renewing goodness. - - - - -BEATRICE D'ESTE - -1475-1497 - - -Beatrice D'Este could never have been a beautiful woman, though most -contemporary writers affirmed that she was. Neither was she -particularly good; nevertheless, very few women of the Renaissance -make anything like the same intimacy of appeal. Nothing in her life -has become old-fashioned. She suggests no reflections peculiar merely -to the time in which she lived. The drama of her domestic existence is -so familiar and modern, that it might be the secret history of half -the charming women of one's acquaintance. - -At the same time she was vividly typical of the Renaissance. Nobody -expressed more completely what the determined quest for beauty and joy -could do. And as far as she was concerned it could do everything--except -make a woman happy. Her life, in fact, is one of the most absorbing -instances of the tragedy that lies in wait for the majority of women -after the pleasantness of youth is over. - -Born at Ferrara on June 24, 1475, Beatrice was the younger sister of -the great Isabella D'Este, who became one of the chief connoisseurs of -the Renaissance. There is always some pain entailed in being the -plainer sister of a beauty. Triumph also, in those days, was entirely -for the precocious. Isabella embodied precocity itself. Though only a -year older than Beatrice, she showed herself incomparably the more -graceful, the more receptive, the more premature of the two. At six -she had become the talk of the Ferrarese court circle. As a future -woman was desired to do, she already showed signs of culture, of tact, -of fascination. A pretty little prodigy, with hair like fine spun -silk, her hand was constantly being asked for in marriage; and no -visitor ever came to the court but Isabella was sent for to show off -her premature accomplishments. - -There is little said about Beatrice. A second girl had been so frankly -unneeded that at her birth all public rejoicings were omitted. She -passed her babyhood with her grandfather, the King of Naples, and when -she came back, a round contented child, with a chubby face and black -hair, she served chiefly as a foil to Isabella, who was like some fine -and dainty flower, with her pale soft hair and finished elegancies of -behaviour. At Ferrara education had become a hobby. A son of the great -Guarino, who with Vittorino da Feltre practically laid the foundations -of modern schooling, had the chief control of their education. It was -not a bad one, perhaps, save for its excess. These two mites were at -lessons of some kind from the time they got up to the time they went -to bed. Happily, the Renaissance was all for the open air, and a good -deal of their education took place in the garden of a country villa -belonging to the D'Estes. Petrarch's sonnets were among the lighter -literature allowed them, and a good many of the sonnets were set to -music especially for their thin incongruous voices. Guarino was their -master for Cicero, Virgil, Roman and Greek history; other teachers -took them in dancing, deportment, music, composition, and the -rudiments of French. Isabella, indeed, is said to have spoken Latin as -easily as her native tongue. - -Though a little severe, Leonora was a capable and conscientious woman. -Most of the qualities that Beatrice could have inherited from her -mother would have been very good for temperament--presence of mind, -courage, intelligence, decision. The girl's light-heartedness she -probably got from her Uncle Borso, Ercole's brother and predecessor, -whose fat and smiling face Corsa's painting has made the very type of -cruel joviality. Ercole was not jovial, and the chief characteristics -he transmitted to his daughters were strong artistic and literary -passions, a gift for diplomacy, and, perhaps, a little elasticity in -the matter of conscience. - -Culture pervaded the atmosphere at the court of Ferrara. And though -Leonora saw to it that the children were strictly trained in religious -observances, it was essentially life, and a full and engrossing life, -that they were being prepared for. At six Isabella was already engaged -to the future Duke of Mantua. Some time afterwards, Ludovico Sforza of -Milan, uncle and regent for the young Duke Giangaleazzo, wrote and -asked for her in marriage. He was not a person to refuse lightly. The -real duke everybody knew to be foolish almost to the point of mental -deficiency. Il Moro, as Ludovico was called, held the power of Milan, -and politically an alliance with Milan would be good for Ferrara. -Ercole answered the request by saying that his eldest daughter was -already promised to Mantua, but that he had another daughter a year -younger, and if the King of Naples, who had adopted her, gave his -consent, Ludovico could have her instead. The political value of the -marriage remained the same, and Ludovico accepted without demur the -little makeshift lady. Hence, at nine years old, Beatrice, as a -substitute for her more elegant sister, became engaged to a man of -twenty-nine. She was then still living with her grandfather at Naples. -But when, in the following year, she returned to Ferrara, to be -educated with Isabella, she was publicly recognized as Ludovico's -future wife, and known as the Duchess of Bari, the title to be hers -after marriage. - -It was over this engagement that Beatrice was made acutely to realize -the difference of life's ways with the plain and the bewitching. The -young Marquis of Mantua soon became an ardent lover of his -golden-haired lady. He wrote to her, he sent her presents; a slight -but pretty love affair went on between the two during all the years of -their engagement. And when in due course they were married, it was -with every show of eagerness upon the side of the handsome bridegroom. -Ludovico, on the other hand, took no notice whatever of the childish -Beatrice; there was no interchange of winning courtesies, no -presents, no letters. Twice, when the marriage was definitely settled, -Ludovico put it off; and on the second occasion, at any rate, no girl -could avoid the sting of wounded vanity. Everybody had been eager to -marry Isabella. Beatrice also, according to the notions of her time, -was grown up, and far too clear-witted not to understand the gossip -following upon Ludovico's second withdrawal. Unmistakably she was not -wanted. Her future husband had his heart already filled. There was -another woman in the case, and a woman loved with such intensity that -Il Moro literally had not the courage to face marriage with a -different lady. On the arrival of the ambassadors asking for a second -delay, an agent of the court wrote that everybody was annoyed and the -Duke of Ferrara extremely angry. - -This was in April, 1495, and for several months Beatrice lived on -quietly in the Castello at Ferrara. To deepen the dulness, not only -Isabella, but her half-sister Lucrezia, was now married. Among the -people of the court it was openly said that the marriage with Ludovico -would probably not take place at all. Beatrice went back to lessons, -music--she was all her life a great lover of music--and to needlework -in the garden. But she probably felt fiercely dispirited and without -hope. Thankfulness for life itself cannot exist in youth. At fifteen -it is not possible to thank God for just the length of time ahead. -Most likely, also, she hated Ludovico. No girl of any spirit could -have done otherwise, and Beatrice had more spirit than most. - -Then, suddenly, in August, another ambassador arrived from Milan, and -even then hopes began to float again. The ambassador had come this -time with a present from the bridegroom to his betrothed. It was -exquisite--a necklace of pearls made into flowers, with a pear-shaped -pendant of rubies, pearls, and diamonds. The ambassador came also to -fix a day for the wedding. Ludovico had at last made up his mind to -the rupture with his mistress, Cecilia Gallerani, the rare and -beautifully mannered woman, who has been compared, with Isabella -D'Este and Vittoria Colonna, as among the most cultured women of the -Renaissance. - -Now, at last, Beatrice became brusquely a person of importance. The -subject of Cecilia Gallerani was dropped like a burning cinder, and -outwardly everything smoothed to a satin surface. There was more money -than in the Mantuan marriage, and no expense was consequently spared -in Beatrice's trousseaux. Only Leonora still worried a little. -Ludovico came of a bad stock--the only one among the family to show -fine qualities had been the famous Francesco Sforza, founder of the -dynasty. - -As for the present duke's father, and Ludovico's brother, Galeazzo -Maria, he had been a fiend, whose very soundness of mind was -questionable. True, Ludovico's own ability was indubitable. The skill -with which he had steered himself from exile into the regency could -not be questioned. Moreover, though nominally only Regent, he had -already commenced to drive in the thin end of the wedge of usurpation. -The real duke was old enough to control his own state, and had -recently been married to Isabella, daughter of the King of Naples. -Notwithstanding this, the regency continued with a grasp tightened, -rather than loosened, upon the affairs of Northern Italy. Meanwhile -preparations for the marriage were rapid and luxurious, and as soon as -possible, though it was then in the depth of winter, Beatrice and her -suite started for the wedding. At Pavia Ludovico was waiting to -receive them, and as soon as Beatrice had been helped on to a horse, -wonderfully caparisoned for the occasion, the two rode slowly side by -side from the water's edge--she had come by boat up the Po--across -the bridge that spans the river Ticino, and through the gates of the -Castello of Pavia. - - [Illustration: THE BRIDGE AT PAVIA - _Alinari_] - -It would be interesting to know what lay in the minds of both. In the -case of Ludovico one surmise has as much likelihood as another. He was -a man much experienced in women, and to a person whose mistresses were -always beautiful and interesting, Beatrice, at first sight, could have -offered very small attractions. She had not the features to possess -beauty of the finest quality. At the same time she was compensated by -almost all the minor enticements. The smooth and delicate freshness of -youth was fragrant in her, and, like Isabella, she was extremely -graceful in body. But the chief attraction of her face sprang from its -oddity, and the inner rogue it suggested. According to rigid canons -she was plain, but her plainness was so near to prettiness that it was -as often as not over the border. - -The first impression given by her portrait in the Altar-piece, said to -be Lemale's, is disappointing. From her personality the expectation is -of something different--a little more distinguished, a little more -wanton, and a little more incontestably seductive. But a mild -fascination comes with familiarity. Waywardness and intelligence are -both in the face; the gift of humour is clear as day. Her expression -radiates a mixture of sauciness and wisdom. In certain clothes and in -certain moods she must have looked adorable, more especially before -she was actually dressed, when her curls hung upon her shoulders. - -What Beatrice thought of Ludovico is more easily hazarded. The man was -handsome, and bore every sign of a personal force of character. His -profile formed too straight a line, but in the general effect his -features were impressive and masterful. Beatrice was fifteen, and as -Isabella's plain sister had never yet been incensed with too much -flattery. Ludovico had in fact reached at her childlike heart with -unequal advantages; confronted by this suave and dignified person a -girl's imagination had everything to feed upon. - -They were married next morning, and a few days later Beatrice made her -state entry into Milan--Ludovico, Giangaleazzo, the real duke, his -wife Isabella, and every Milanese person of importance, meeting her at -the gates. She and Ludovico then rode side by side in a procession -through the town, the horses being decorated and the streets lined -with people to cheer them as they passed. - -But the really interesting incident of the day was the meeting of the -two girls, the reigning duchess and the duchess of the Regent. The -situation pushed them into antagonism, and into mean and agitated -rivalries. Isabella's was the position of easier righteousness, -Beatrice's the one of more colossal temptations. Everything moreover -in the future was to help them into unfairness. The wife of the futile -duke was cringed to by nobody. All Milan cossetted and flattered the -wife of the Regent who held the power, and suggested still greater -power in the future. To have been meek and secondary would have -required a temperament of great spiritual vitality. Beatrice came of a -worldly family, and the reasons for not tethering ambition grew to be -very specious. Giangaleazzo, as head of the State, was too clearly -incapable. Il Moro did all the work, bore all the responsibility, and -when necessary, all the execration. Why should an idle, dull-witted -boy, who did nothing, enjoy the benefit of public precedence? Why -should Beatrice and her husband walk humbly behind these two, whose -importance was as a balloon inflated for the occasion? - -Corio says that from the first days of her arrival in Milan, Beatrice -chafed at yielding place to Isabella. But Corio, who wrote many years -after the death of Beatrice and Ludovico, was bent upon making the -worst of them. And to contradict him there is a good deal of -correspondence which goes to show that at the beginning the girls were -glad enough to have each other for companionship. Some writers of the -struggle between Beatrice and Isabella also urge that it was Beatrice -who drove Ludovico to schemes of usurpation. This is one of the -statements that are introduced in the heat of advocacy. Ludovico had -made his mark as a dangerous personality years before he married -Ercole's second daughter. The Ferrarese ambassador had written of him -long before his marriage that he was a great man, who intended later -on to make himself universally recognized as such. - -The day before her state entry into Milan, Beatrice's brother Alphonso -was married to the gentle Anna, who, after her death, was to be -succeeded by the enigmatic Lucrezia Borgia. A week of public rejoicing -followed, after which Leonora returned to Ferrara, and Beatrice -commenced the routine of her new existence. But the reports of -Ludovico, sent shortly afterwards, were pleasant reading for the -girl's father. - - [Illustration: BEATRICE D'ESTE - BUST IN THE LOUVRE] - -The Ferrarese representative at the court of Milan wrote that Ludovico -was incessantly singing his wife's praises, and a few days later -added that he was brimming over with admiration both for his wife and -his sister-in-law, and that he reiterated incessantly the extreme -delight their society gave him. Then, some time after the last of -Beatrice's people had left, Trotti once more repeated that Ludovico -appeared to have no thought but how to captivate and amuse his wife, -and that every day he repeated how much he loved her. - -Not only Trotti, but Palissena D'Este, a cousin, and one of Beatrice's -elder ladies-in-waiting, wrote enthusiastic accounts of the Milanese -_ménage_ at the commencement. Palissena's letter was to Isabella, and -not to Beatrice's parents. She wrote that Beatrice was unceasingly -made much of by her husband, and that every possible tender attention -was paid to her by him. According to her accounts the two were -delightful to see together, the man being evidently as delighted to -spoil the pretty child, as the child was to be spoilt by him. And -since Beatrice had been the plain member of the family, with uncertain -prospects of future beauty, the writer mentions, with an evident sense -of conveying good news, that in the new climate the girl had grown not -only very much stronger, but very much better looking. - -Beatrice was certainly very happy at this time--nothing in life -compares with the first days of the first love affair--and Ludovico as -a lover has already been insisted upon. Muratori, writing of her after -the shyness of her arrival had worn off--she is mentioned as being -timid at first--describes her as young and always occupied in dancing, -singing, or in some kind of amusement. Muratori also touches upon one -of Beatrice's weaknesses. Truly never was a woman more intelligently -fond of dress. She came to Milan a child, but within a year she knew -her woman's business like her alphabet, and of that, one of the -serious items is to understand that a woman is most frequently -rendered attractive by her clothes. In dress, Beatrice had one -peculiar predilection--she loved ribbons. She liked to have her -sleeves tied with them; she liked them, in fact, almost everywhere. In -the Altar-piece portrait her gown is extremely ugly, but little -superfluous-looking ribbons are tied all over it. She also grew -certainly to be extravagant. On one occasion, when her mother went -over her country house, she was shown the Duchess of Bari's wardrobe. -There were eighty-four gowns, pelisses, and mantles, besides many more -that had been left in Milan. There is no doubt that eighty-four gowns -and mantles were too many at one period. Beatrice grew over-rich for -the finer qualities of character to keep exercised. To desire a thing, -if only in passing, was to have it. - -During the first months after her arrival in Milan, however, she was a -child, and too much cossetted to realize more than a very limited -responsibility. Her life for some time was little more than a perfect -example of the winning freshness belonging to the Renaissance -conception of happiness. Open-air pleasures were a large part of its -delight. Every man who was rich enough had a country residence with -shady places and pools of water. Beatrice constantly went picnics into -the country. A certain Messer Galeazzo Sanseverino, who later married -Ludovico's illegitimate daughter Beatrice, wrote a description of one -of them. He said--it was in a letter to Isabella--that they started -early in the morning, and as they drove--he, Beatrice, and another -lady--they sang part-songs arranged for three voices. Having arrived -at their destination--Ludovico's country house at Cussago--they -immediately commenced fishing in the river, and caught so many fish -that they were obliged to fling some back into the water. A portion of -the rest was cooked for their midday meal, and afterwards, the writer -says, for the sake of their digestions, they played a vigorous game of -ball. This finished, they made a tour over the beautiful palace, and -after that once more started fishing. This might well have been -occupation enough for one day, but when fishing had grown wearisome -horses were saddled, and they first flew falcons by the river-side, -and then started hunting the stags on the duke's estate. It was not -until an hour after dark that the indefatigable and cheerful party got -back to Milan. - -When Rabelais wrote his description of a day in Pantagruel's life, he -might well have had this pleasure outing in remembrance. - -Ludovico took no part in these outings; affairs of state, he said, -absorbed his time. To have instantly suspected these affairs of state -would have needed the sharpened wits of worldly knowledge. But -presently, since everybody but the bride knew or guessed from the -beginning how the duke really occupied himself, comments began to -circulate. In the end Beatrice realized the truth. There are no -letters showing how she first grasped the fact that Ludovico still -gave tenderness to another woman; but she knew at last that Cecilia -Gallerani was not only shortly expecting to be confined, but was also -still lodged in apartments at one end of the Castello. The last fact -in itself must have sufficed to be insufferable. Whether Beatrice made -a scene or not, she could only have felt burnt up with anger as well -as with sickness of heart. A crisis became inevitable. The particular -motives were trivial, but the triviality occurred when anything would -have been too much for her. Ludovico gave his wife a gown of woven -gold. The moment she wore it curious expressions flickered over the -faces of her household--Cecilia Gallerani was going about in its -counterpart. Only one inference presented itself. Beatrice soon knew, -and by this time had borne as much as the unseasoned endurance of her -years was able. What followed is summarized in a letter by Trotti to -the Duke of Ferrara--a letter which he begs the duke to burn -immediately. Trotti speaks of the garment as a vest, showing that it -was only part of a dress, and he says that Madonna Beatrice had -refused to wear hers again if Madonna Cecilia was allowed to appear in -another similar. The attitude was a bold one for a child of fifteen, -and Beatrice must have made it with the most unhindered courage. For -immediately afterwards Ludovico himself went to interview Trotti, and -so make sure that something more soothing than a mere statement of -Beatrice's grievance went to Ferrara. He gave an actual promise that -the liaison should come to a conclusion. He would either find a -husband for the lady or send her into a nunnery. - -Beatrice won, and, indeed, won handsomely. Political expediency was on -her side, but the girl's own likeableness must be counted for -something in the matter. Ludovico was among the most cunning men of -Italy, yet upon this occasion he did exactly what he promised. As soon -as Cecilia had recovered from the birth of a son the two alternatives -were considered. Her tastes were not for convents, and she married a -Count Ludovico Bergamini. With this, as far as Il Moro was concerned, -the episode closed. Beatrice would probably have preferred the -convent, for, as things remained, Cecilia was not in any sense removed -out of society. She continued to receive all the notable men of that -part of the world at the beautiful palace a little way out of Milan -which Ludovico had given her as an inheritance for his son, and at all -court functions she appeared as usual. - -Beatrice's triumph may have come to her a little through her courage. -It was a quality Ludovico admired above all things, though his own was -not to be relied upon. Commines says of him, "Ludovico was very wise, -but extremely timid, and very slippery when he was afraid. I speak as -one well acquainted with him, and who has arranged much diplomatic -business with him." - -Few characters of the Italian Renaissance are more difficult to get at -than Ludovico's. Like Cæsar Borgia, he had much of the magnificent -adventurer in his blood, and though he never cut the figure in Italy -that Cæsar Borgia did, he was in many ways the more interesting of the -two. Cæsar Borgia outshines him easily as a schemer, as a fighter, as -a man nothing stopped and nothing staggered; but Cæsar Borgia was -known as a being more eager to conquer towns than to govern them, and -Il Moro was above all admirable at the head of a state. His politics -were over-cunning, but as a ruler of Milan he went consistently for -improvement and for more humanity than was customary. In personal -charm he must have run the Borgia close. All those who knew him -intimately liked him. There was dignity of presence and an eloquent -habit of speech. Leonardo da Vinci could not be reckoned an easy man -to satisfy, but he lived for sixteen years contentedly under the -patronage of Ludovico. Ludovico's ambitions did not drive him at the -same furious pace as the other's, and he worked for a city and the -future along with and in the interval of his own deep plots. A -contemporary writer, Cagnola, says of him that he improved to an -extraordinary degree the town of Milan, by enlarging and embellishing -the streets and squares, and by the erection of many fine buildings, -the fronts of which were decorated with frescoes. He did the same at -Pavia, until both towns, previously hideous and filthy, were scarcely -recognizable. Corio adduces further evidence in his favour by saying -that every man of culture and learning, wherever he could be found, -was enticed by Ludovico to Milan, and in some flowery phrases writes -that all that was sweetest in music and finest in art and literature -was to be found in the court of Il Moro. - -This, put in plainer language, was very nearly true. Ludovico had a -passion for having great men as company. His library, too, was famous. -He collected books in France, Italy, and Germany. He had manuscripts -printed, copied, illuminated wherever he could find them. In -connection with this library, besides, a pleasant trait in his -character comes out. He allowed scholars to borrow his books for -purposes of study, and even gave facilities to them for using his -library. The universities of both Milan and Pavia were saved by his -energy, and his attitude towards education was always generous and -impersonal. - -To a man so full of temperament Beatrice's own nature was very much in -tune, and after the disposal of Cecilia Gallerani there came to her -the really good time of her life. It seems more than probable, in -fact, that Ludovico had already grown fond of the round-faced girl -with the audacious expression and the inexhaustible vitality of ways. -Some of her earlier escapades were like a schoolboy's home for the -holidays, but Ludovico referred to them invariably with a touch of -pride. He wrote on one occasion to Isabella that his wife, the Duchess -of Milan, and their suites, had, at Beatrice's instigation, been -dressing up in Turkish costumes. These dresses, also under Beatrice's -impetuous influence, were finished in one night's labour. She herself -sewed vigorously with the rest, and Ludovico wrote that upon the -duchess expressing surprise at her energy, replied that she could do -nothing without flinging her whole soul into it. That was like -Beatrice; she had no impulses that were not glowing, tremendous, -whole-hearted. Some of her nonsense at this time, nevertheless, was -not so pleasing, though Ludovico does not appear to have realized its -naughtiness. He wrote on another occasion, and still with an air of -pride, that one of her amusements in the country was to ride races -with the ladies of her suite, when she would gallop full speed behind -some of them in the hope of making them tumble off their excited -horses. - -Of Beatrice's pluck many instances are given, but at this time, -undoubtedly, she was a little drunk with youth and happiness. Trotti -wrote to Ferrara of a wrestling match between her and Isabella of -Milan, in which Beatrice succeeded in throwing Isabella down. And the -tirelessness of the creature came out also in a letter of her own to -Isabella of Mantua, in which she told her sister how every day after -their dinner she played ball with some of her courtiers. In the same -letter there is another assurance that she was really happy, not only -because she was young and vigorous, but because her heart was -satisfied, for she mentions, as if it brimmed over spontaneously from -a joy still fresh enough to be marvelled at, how tender her husband -was to her. She added a pretty and affectionate touch by mentioning a -bed of garlic which she had planted on purpose for her sister when she -should come to stay with them, garlic being evidently a flavouring of -which Isabella was extremely fond. - -Beatrice's statement of Ludovico's affectionate habits is largely -corroborated. Once, when she was ill, Trotti reported to Ferrara that -Ludovico left her bedside neither night nor day, but spent his entire -time trying to soothe and distract her. - -As far as Beatrice was concerned, this illness could not consequently -have been entirely lamentable. It is in the nature of women not to -begrudge the price paid for visible assurances of being beloved, and -to Beatrice Ludovico had soon become the integral requirement of life. - -Some time after this the real duchess, Isabella, gave birth to a son. -At last Giangaleazzo was not only duke, but possessed an heir to come -after him. This child destroyed the Regent's prospects. Giangaleazzo, -weak as well as foolish, had not the making of old bones in him. Until -now the able and popular Regent stood with an easy grace, one day to -be persuaded to step into his nephew's shoes. Isabella's son put -girders to her house, and thrust Ludovico's future back to that of -simple service, gilded and honourable, but yet, after all, merely -service to the house of which he was not head. For Beatrice and -Ludovico, moreover, this new-born infant tinged the situation either -with flat mediocrity or with a new and secret ugliness. No change -showed, however, upon the surface. Public rejoicings took place to -celebrate the birth of an heir, and life then fell back into its -customary habits. There is a picture of these days given many years -after by Beatrice's secretary, the _elegantissimo_ Calmeta, as he was -called at the time. He wrote that her court was filled with men of -distinction, all of whom were expected to use their talents for her -intellectual pleasure. When she had nothing else to do, a secretary -read Dante or some minor poet out loud to her, on which occasions -Ludovico would more often than not come and listen with her. - -Calmeta mentions some of the men who made Beatrice's court remarkable, -but the greatest of all, Leonardo da Vinci, is not included. From what -it is possible to ascertain, Leonardo came very little into Beatrice's -private existence. His life was enclosed by what Walter Pater calls -"curiosity and the desire of beauty," and the passion for humanity was -very slightly developed in him. He believed in solitude, and, in a -limited and cordial fashion, indulged in it. - -In reference to his coming to Milan, Pater, referring to the facts -given by Vasari, says, "He came not as an artist at all, or careful of -the fame of one; but as a player on the harp, a strange harp of silver -of his own construction, shaped in some curious likeness to a horse's -skull. The capricious spirit of Ludovico was susceptible also to the -power of music, and Leonardo's nature had a kind of spell in it. -Fascination is always the word descriptive of him." - -Leonardo's letter to Ludovico about his coming to Milan is written in -a very different mood, and, read in the light of his fame, is wholly -humorous. He says, "Having, most illustrious lord, seen and pondered -over the experiments of all those who pass as masters in the art of -constructing engines of war, and finding that their inventions are not -one whit different from those already in use, I venture to ask for an -opportunity of acquainting your excellency with some of my secrets. - -"Firstly, I can build bridges, which are light and strong and easy to -carry, so as to enable one to pursue and rout the enemy; also others -of a stouter make, which, while resisting fire and assault, are easily -taken to pieces and placed in position. I can also burn and destroy -those of the enemy. - -"Secondly, in times of siege I can cut off the water supply from the -trenches, and make pontoons and scaling ladders and other contrivances -of a like nature." - -Seven other paragraphs follow, explaining contrivances for ensuring -success in warfare by land or sea. It was only at the end of the tenth -that he touched upon less military matters. Then he wrote: "In times -of peace, I believe that I could please you as completely as any one, -both in the designing of public and private buildings, and in making -aqueducts. In addition, I can undertake sculpture in marble, bronze, -or clay. In painting I am as competent as any one else, whoever he may -be. Moreover, I would execute the commission of the bronze horse, and -so give immortal fame and honour to the glorious memory of your father -and the illustrious house of Sforza." - -Leonardo had painted Cecilia Gallerani for Ludovico before the time of -Beatrice's arrival, but, as far as one knows, never painted Beatrice. -Mrs. Cartwright suggests, and the opinion has been repeated elsewhere, -that the reason for this sprang from Beatrice's jealousy of the -beautiful woman who had preceded her. But this is not in keeping with -her nature. Beatrice loved all beautiful pictures, and was far too -intuitive not to know that if any one could give her portrait beauty, -Leonardo was that man. Whatever strangeness exhaled from within he -would have drawn upon the surface. That he should never have painted -her is extraordinary, but, at the same time, it is absolutely certain -that he would never have felt any inclination to. Leonardo did not -care for any woman's face that could look happy and be satisfied with -that mere possession. And the Regent's wife had no withholdings in her -expression, and no subtleties, save perhaps the subtlety of audacity -and laughter. - - * * * * * - -Presently Beatrice gave birth to a son, and whatever sinister thoughts -had ebbed and flowed in Ludovico's brain before, now became permanent -and concrete. Beatrice's confinement was in itself the first open -threat at Isabella. The arrangements for the child's arrival were a -menace in their unfitness. A queen's son could not have been received -into the world with more elaborate ceremony. The layette and cradle -were exhibited to ambassadors as if a future monarch were being waited -for. The cradle was of gold, its coverlet of cloth of gold. With no -restraint as to cost, three rooms had been decorated--one for the -mother, one for the child, and one for the presents, which poured in -every hour. The boy was no sooner born than public rejoicings were -ordered. Bells were rung for six days, processions were held, -prisoners for debt were released, and ambassadors, councillors, and -all important officials entered to congratulate the slender girl in -her magnificent bed, with its mulberry and gold coloured hangings. - -At the court of Giangaleazzo meanwhile Isabella must have felt as if -bitterness stifled her--bitterness and the sick despair of any -creature conscious suddenly that it is trapped. Everybody remembered -that when the real heir to the duchy had been born two years before, -there had been less extravagance and formality than for the entry of -the Regent's infant. And when a week later Isabella also went to bed -and brought a second child into the world, the torture of the body -must have been little in comparison to the torture of the mind that -knew its children already marked out for disinheritance. Even her -confinement became a convenience to Ludovico, who was able to inform -the ambassadors that the rejoicings were for a double joy, though the -statement was not made with any intention to deceive. The thin end of -the wedge had been driven in, and Ludovico desired men to grow -prepared and seasoned for what would one day be thrust upon them as an -accomplished policy. - -When both duchesses had recovered, ceremonies of thanksgiving were -organized. They drove together in wonderful clothes and as part of a -gorgeous procession to the church of St. Maria della Grazie. Beatrice -may have uttered some light gratitude as she knelt, but to Isabella -the day must have been a burning anguish, wearying to the very fibre -of her nature. She and Beatrice sat side by side, and their dresses -were almost equally extravagant. The public only saw two bejewelled -and magnificent figures, but one of the two women already hated the -other, with a heart swollen by the wrongs she did not dare to utter. - -From this day forward Isabella's life is ill to think of; for -Ludovico's plans were soon no longer secret. The King of the Romans -was to marry his niece--Giangaleazzo's sister--and to receive with her -an immense dowry. In return he was to give Ludovico the investiture of -Milan. On paper this change of dukes did not read as a flagrant -usurpation. Giangaleazzo had been cleverly thrust into the position of -sinner. It was seemingly abruptly discovered that he had no right to -the dukedom at all without the consent of Maximilian. The Viscontis -held it in fief from the empire. When they died it should have passed -back into the keeping of Germany. The duchy belonged to the emperor, -and the Sforzas holding it on their own authority made them nothing -less than adventurers. Il Moro, confirmed as duke by the King of the -Romans, would possess the duchy upon legal and unimpeachable grounds, -and have only dispossessed therefore a creature without any rights to -hold it at any time, and incapable into the bargain. - -Isabella fought with an impassioned fury for her child and her -position. It was brave, heart-rending, and useless. Giangaleazzo could -not be made even to understand Ludovico's treachery. In a fit of -temper he could beat his wife, as a child strikes what offends it. But -he could not grasp any more than a child that a person, who had never -given it an unkind word, should nevertheless intend to do it evil. -Sometimes driven beyond control, Isabella would fix the story of -Ludovico's coming usurpation into his wandering attention. For a -moment her burning phrases stimulated some dim perception. But -presently Ludovico and the boy would meet, and Giangaleazzo, in -reality bewildered and helpless without the support of this capable, -pleasant relative he had leant on since infancy, would blurt out all -his wife's accusations and come back to her soothed into the implicit -faith of before. Not a soul that would, had the capacity to help her, -whilst the crowd had gone over to the light-hearted, triumphant -duchess who was stepping remorselessly into her place. - -Of all the women of the Renaissance there are none more piteous and -more innocently forlorn than this girl Isabella, married to the futile -son of a madman and pitted against the unrighteous cravings of a -Ludovico. He and Beatrice between them made her life a nightmare, but -they never abased her courage. The letter to her father, given by -Corio as hers, but generally looked upon as worded by the historian, -shows the noble fierceness that ran through her body. In burning -phrases she laid bare the unjust misery of her position. Giangaleazzo -was of age, and should have succeeded some time back to the duchy of -his father. But so far was this from being the case that even the bare -necessities of existence were doled out to them by Ludovico, who not -only enjoyed all political power, but who kept them practically both -helpless and unbefriended. The bitter hurt she endured through -Beatrice came out in the mention of the latter's son and the royal -honours paid to him at birth, while she and her children were treated -as of no importance. In truth she added--and there is something so -hot, so passionately and recklessly sincere in the whole letter that -it is difficult to believe that anybody but Isabella herself wrote -it--they remained at the palace in actual risk of their lives, the -deadly envy of Ludovico aching to make her a widow. But her letter, -for all its despair and anger, was imbued with an unbreakable spirit. -When she had laid bare the danger, the loneliness, and humiliation of -her position, explaining that she lacked even one soul she dared speak -openly to, since all her attendants were provided by Ludovico, she -closed with a brave and defiant statement that in spite of everything -her courage still endured unshaken. - -Beatrice, it is true, does not show bravely in this one matter. True, -from the worldly standpoint of the time, it was not as ugly as it -seems to-day. Position during the Renaissance was legitimately to -those indomitable enough to seize it. But the private intuitions of -the heart do not alter greatly at any period, and in these Beatrice -was not by nature deficient. She had strong affections and abundant -fundamental graces of temperament--laughter, courage, insight, -whole-heartedness, multiplicity of talents. But during the first years -of her married life she had too many happinesses at once. There was -nothing in her life to quicken the spiritual qualities, nor to foster -the more delicate undergrowths of character--pity, compassion, the -living sense of other sorrows. She lived too quickly, and there was no -time for conscience to hurt her. That she could be tender there are -little incidents to bear witness. Her motherhood, for instance, was -both charming and childlike. She wrote to her mother, in sending the -baby's portrait, that though it was only a week since the picture had -been painted, the baby was already bigger, but that she dared not send -his exact height because everybody told her that if she measured him -he would never grow properly. - -The innocent foolishness of this disarms harsh judgment. And in -judging Beatrice's relations to Isabella of Milan there is no need to -deduce a bad disposition from one bad action. No individuality stands -clear from some occasional unworthinesses. In this one matter Beatrice -was inexcusable, heartless, driven by nothing but an unjust ambition. -But in others she was charming, affectionate, thoughtful, and -moreover, under circumstances of colossal temptations and a great deal -too much wealth, she remained a devoted wife, a faithful friend, and a -woman capable in the end of a sorrow deep enough, practically, to kill -her. In addition, it was harder for Beatrice than for most people to -be really very saintly. She had too much of everything--vitality, -intelligence, charm of person--and the call of life in consequence -became too loud and too insistent. It is partly because of this that -one loves her. For she had enough grace to be lovable, but not enough -to be above the need of a regretful compassion and understanding. It -is, of course, possible to be extraordinarily robust--to feel life -_sing_ in one's body through sheer physical well-being--and yet be all -aflame in spirit also. But it is certain that when for a woman -considerable personal fascination is added, this extreme vitality -makes it much harder to retain only a sweet and limpid thinking. Each -actual moment becomes too engrossing and sufficient. - -There is, of course, no use in denying that from the time Ludovico was -immersed in disreputable politics, Beatrice knew a great deal about -them. To help, in fact, in their fulfilment she was herself presently -sent as envoy to Venice. The Venetians were reluctant to fit in with -Il Moro's intentions, and it was realized at Milan that what may be -lost by argument may be won by unuttered persuasion. In any case, a -pretty woman, all gaiety, tact, and responsiveness, could only be a -pleasant incident for a party of elderly gentlemen. So Beatrice, with -all the clothes that most became her, went to Venice, where she set -the teeth of the women on edge with the wicked excess of her personal -splendour. But though the feminine society of Venice did not love her, -Beatrice knew that her business was with men, and that to fascinate, -therefore, she must give out the charm the eye perceives immediately. - -During her visit she wrote long letters to her husband, telling him -everything save the information not wise to trust on paper. She even -gave a description of the clothes she wore on each occasion. The fact -is interesting, because nothing could constitute a clearer revelation -of the closeness of their married relationship. Only when a husband -and wife are on the tenderest terms of comradeship does a man care to -hear what his wife wears, and even then he must possess what might be -called the talent for domesticity. - -The wedding of Bianca, sister of Giangaleazzo, became the next step in -Ludovico's policy. It was during the pageants organized to show the -greatness of the match that the Duchess Isabella made her last brave -show in public. She knew exactly what lay at the back of the marriage, -but maintained to the end the fine endurance of good breeding. Through -all the ceremonies that preceded Bianca's departure into Germany, -Isabella outwardly bore herself as any tranquil-hearted woman, who -was the first lady of Milan, should do. Later on, some at least of the -anguish surging within was to overflow in a sudden torrent. But in -public nothing broke her wonderful composure. Not until Charles VIII. -came to see her privately did her accumulated sorrows openly express -themselves. - -Previously to this Louis XII., then Duke of Orleans, had been sent -into Italy, to discuss plans with Ludovico. Nobody thought much then -of the man who was later to destroy Il Moro. A contemporary wrote -sneeringly that his head was too small to hold much in the way of -brains, and that Ludovico would find it easy enough to outwit him. -Charles followed, when Beatrice and her court journeyed from Milan to -Asti in order to fascinate and amuse him. Beatrice even danced for his -pleasure, and she was an exquisite dancer. As a result Charles -metaphorically fell at her pretty feet, which was only natural, -considering that her appearance must have been gay and young -enough--in a dress of vivid green and with a bewildering blaze of -jewels--to have fascinated anybody. - -Coming after a duchess all radiance and light-heartedness, Isabella, -on the other hand, empty of everything but desolation, could only -appear a disagreeable interlude. Giangaleazzo was already ill at -Pavia when Charles VIII. crossed into Italy, but after Ludovico and -Beatrice had done everything possible to amuse the French king, he -passed on to the town of Pavia. Here the real duke lay in bed, and it -was Isabella who received the king and Ludovico at the entrance to the -Castello, dramatically beautiful in her forlorn observance of social -obligations. Commines gives a detailed account of Isabella's sudden -outcry against the downfall being prepared for her house. In this -account he says that the king told him that he would like to have -warned Giangaleazzo had he not feared the consequences with Ludovico. -Commines adds that, disregarding the Duke of Bari's presence, Isabella -threw herself on her knees before the French king, and piteously -besought him to have pity on her father and brother, in answer to -which, the situation being a very awkward one for him, he could only -beg her to think of her husband and herself, she being still so young -and lovely a woman. - -That Charles pitied these two, as lambs lying in the paws of a wolf, -is very clear from Commines' statement. - -And a few days later Giangaleazzo died. His life had been useless, -but he took leave of it with an arresting gentleness. After a serious -illness he had rallied, taken a fair amount of nourishment, and slept -a little. That same evening he asked to see two horses Ludovico had -sent him, and they were brought into the great stone hall, out of -which his room opened. He talked of Ludovico, his confidence remaining -childlike and unshaken to the end. His uncle, he said, would have been -sure, would he not, to come and see him, if the French business had -not swallowed up attention? As he grew weaker, he asked his favourite -attendant--much as a woman might ask about her lover, for the pleasure -of the answer--if he thought his uncle loved him, and grieved at his -serious illness. Satisfied, he begged to see his greyhounds, and then, -all his little interests tranquillized, quietly fell asleep. He was -dead next morning, and Ludovico's path was made easier than before. He -was, in fact, instantly proclaimed head of Milan. Guicciardini says of -it, "It was proposed by the heads of the council that, considering the -importance of the duchy, and the dangerous times dawning for Italy, it -would be extremely undesirable that a child not yet five years old -should succeed his father.... Ambition getting the better of honesty, -the next morning, after some pretence of reluctance, he accepted -the name and arms of the Duke of Milan." - - [Illustration: PORTRAIT,--PROBABLY OF CECILIA GALLERANI - SAID TO BE BY AMBROGIO DA PREDIS] - -At the time Ludovico was almost universally credited with having -murdered Giangaleazzo, but the accusation has since fallen to the -ground. Practically it was based upon the fact that the moment of the -duke's passing was too opportune to wear an air of naturalness. In -spite, moreover, of what men thought, nothing dared be uttered openly, -and Ludovico, blazing in cloth of gold, rode to the church of St. -Ambrozio to give public thanks for his accession. The wind was with -him for the moment. Beatrice, too, had become the first lady of Milan, -and her soul stood in a more perilous state than ever. She had reached -the place of her desire by ways too shady for loveliness of thought to -have had much hold in her. - -Isabella meanwhile, from this time onwards, passes into a desolate -private existence. But there is an incident which occurred first that -remains very difficult to penetrate. Literally at Ludovico's mercy -after her husband's death, she still bore herself bravely. For a time -she refused to leave Pavia. When she did, we are told that Beatrice -drove out to meet her, and that when they came together, some two -miles from town, she got out of her own carriage and entered -Isabella's, both women sobbing bitterly as she did so. That Isabella -should cry was natural; she was weak with the weariness of sorrow. But -Beatrice's was not the nature to weep either easily or falsely. -Clearly face to face with the price paid for her own position, it beat -back upon her for a moment as an utter heaviness, and she cried -because Isabella was the living expression of despair, and they had -once been intimate and companionable. God knows what they said to each -other in this drive together, or whether through the passing grace of -a sudden penitence Beatrice found anything the widow could hear -without a sense of nausea. For how dire Isabella felt her life to have -become is revealed in a singularly tender reference made to her by the -court jester Barone, who wrote that she was so changed, and so thin -and grief-stricken, that the hardest heart could not have seen her -without compassion. - -But the Duchy of Milan was to yield little happiness to the two who -had acquired it so shabbily. Charles' Italian campaign soon thrust -Ludovico into both difficulty and danger. At the commencement of it he -had been a great man. But when one Italian town after another became -as a doormat for Charles to walk over, he perceived suddenly the flaw -in his French invasion policy. Ferrante of Naples wrecked was one -thing; Italy given over to Charles VIII. another. - -He was not even personally safe with Louis of Orleans at Asti. A -league was formed, in which the Pope, the King of the Romans, the King -and Queen of Spain, Henry VII. of England, the Signory of Venice, and -the Duke of Milan all combined. Isabella D'Este's husband was made -captain, with the express duty of cutting off Charles' triumphant -return into France. This fight against the king, so cajoled at the -beginning, and the subsequent peace patched up between him and -Ludovico, is purely a matter of history. In the attack against Asti, -made by Louis of Orleans, however, Beatrice showed a magnificent and -practical courage. Ludovico's own astuteness had died in a sickly -terror, and he had rushed back to his fortified castle at Milan. At -the time there is little doubt that he was suffering from nervous -exhaustion; but it was Beatrice whose courageous eloquence roused -Milan, and it was Beatrice who ordered the steps necessary to defend -the town and Castello. - -It was about this time, also, that she showed a disarming and -warm-hearted rightness of feeling. Among the booty her sister -Isabella's husband, Francesco, had acquired from the French were some -hangings that had belonged to Charles VIII.'s own tent. They were -originally forwarded to Isabella, but presently Francesco asked her to -send them back, as he wished to give them to Beatrice. That made -Isabella angry. She had some degree of reason, but her expression of -it was repellantly ungracious. The hangings, notwithstanding, were -sent to Beatrice. Happily, she would not have them. As keenly as -Isabella, she loved beautiful and notable things, but with the simple -statement that, under the circumstances she felt she ought not to have -them, she returned the draperies to her sister. In doing so she was -beginning to practise the little niceties that help to keep existence -lovable. Had she lived, she would almost surely have weathered the -over-eager selfishnesses of her married life. They were after all -largely due to the absorption that all youth suffers during the first -unsettled, uncertain period, when life is still all newness and -personal excitements. But her time was short, and after the settling -of peace with France, the end drew horribly near to her. - -For five years she had been happy. Ludovico constituted the integral -part of heaven for her, and after the first fierce struggle she had -lived in the soft security of an equal affection. Nature had given her -brains and seductiveness. To have both in one person, and then, as -crowning grace, to possess a genius for light-heartedness, was more -than most women can rely upon in the unceasing labour of retaining a -husband's affectionateness. But Beatrice was bolstered by even more -than this. The tastes of husband and wife were similar--Ludovico had -no hobbies outside the radius of her understanding. Nevertheless, at -twenty she stumbled upon the disheartenment that for most wives lurks -about the forties. She could not keep her husband from the charm of -other women. She had been everything, but the time had come when a -pretty face was to sweep her peace down like a house of flimsy -cardboard. - -She had grown stale--observation, dulled by familiarity, could receive -no fresh impression. The very years they had handled life together -worked not for, but against, her. All her ways had grown a parrot-cry; -those of other women were new and half mysterious. Further, she was at -that time physically in a peculiarly defenceless condition. When -Ludovico's last passion swept him away from her, Beatrice was once -more expecting to be a mother. - -Among the members of her household at this time there had been -included the daughter of a Milanese nobleman, a girl called Lucrezia -Crivelli. This Lucrezia Crivelli was far too beautiful to be a safe -person in the house of any man susceptible to all precious or lovely -objects. Could anything, indeed, be more exquisite than her face as -painted by Leonardo da Vinci? At the same time, to look for long at -the beautiful oval is to see that its meekness is purely a sham -expression. The eyes too, so gentle, undisturbed, observant, are just -a little, though illusively, unscrupulous. It is essentially the face -of a young girl with all the delicate finenesses and sweet, reliant -placidities of inexperience; but it is also a face already rich in -power, reservations, and a silent deliberateness of conduct. In -addition to all this, her hair was golden, her head almost perfectly -outlined. In any court she must have created a sensation--she was so -dazzling, and yet so quiet, so self-contained, and so demurely and -subtly dignified. The temperament was probably cold. There is more -thought than feeling in its gracious quietude--thought and a dim -suggestion of pain, not in the present, but for the future. Small -wonder she drew Ludovico. To be young, beautiful--a sweet wonder to -look at--and, in addition, to strain at men's heartstrings by just a -hint of wistfulness, is to be dangerous beyond bearing. - - [Illustration: LUCREZIA CRIVELLI - BY LEONARDO DA VINCI] - -Ludovico's admiration became rapidly unmistakable. From being -constantly pin-pricked, Beatrice saw the friendship between the two -spring suddenly into something mortal to her heart. The two were -thrown hourly into each other's society--the man with the inflammable -response to beauty, and the girl with the discreet and tantalizing -loveliness. It was a tense drama of three. For Beatrice was always -there as the tortured third. From the commencement nothing was spared -her. Each day some new incident shook her with unutterable -anticipations. Slowly existence, as she watched these two, became a -solidifying terror. There must have been some scenes at the -commencement. No woman could accept a crisis such as this and not cry -out for mercy. But Beatrice, with the innate wisdom that so soon grew -strong in her, quickly realized that to plead was like a voice trying -to be heard above a tempest. Ludovico was infatuated. Everybody knew, -and talked of the affair, both at the Court of Milan and beyond it. -In 1496, a Ferrarese ambassador wrote that the latest news from Milan -was the duke's infatuation for one of his wife's ladies-in-waiting, -with whom he passed the greater part of his time--a fact which was -widely condemned there. - -That same autumn Ludovico's natural daughter, whom Beatrice had -adopted when she came to Milan, and whom she loved dearly, died. Only -a few months back she had been married to the Galeazzo di Sanseverino, -who had helped so largely to keep Beatrice merry in the first months -of her marriage. Her name was Bianca, and in her portrait by Ambrogio -da Predis--a portrait sometimes said to be of Beatrice D'Este--she -looks adorable. Her death struck Beatrice when she was already -heartsick. A dozen times between daylight and bedtime Lucrezia and -Ludovico had acquired the power to drive the blood to her temples. -Muralto, who mentions Il Moro making the girl his mistress, says, with -the simplicity characteristic of the period when touching anything -emotional, that though it caused Beatrice bitter anguish of mind, it -could not alter her love for him. It is very evident that Beatrice -dared nothing against this later mistress. With an admirable -wisdom--the wisdom of an intelligence which had deepened upon the -facts of experience--she did not struggle, after five years of married -life, against the fever of this tempestuous passion. But a passionate -restlessness wore her out. She looked upon days unending and -unbearable. In a few weeks her manner changed entirely. She, who had -been like an embodied joy for years, grew to have tears always near -the surface. In the end she became too weary to control them; for -there is no weakness like that brought about by a forlornness -constantly goaded into fresh sensations. Both her ladies and her -courtiers, in the inevitable publicity of court habits, saw her eyes -frequently blinded by silent tears. But she said nothing, and they -could not be certain whether they fell because of her husband's -conduct or because of the death of Bianca. - - [Illustration: PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF BIANCA SFORZA - WIFE OF GALEAZZO SANSEVERINO] - -To some extent she had become abruptly absorbed by a new outlook. All -her life previously she had been a frank materialist; the question of -death had loomed too distant to need attention. But suddenly life had -betrayed her, and in the bitter knowledge of its cruelties the soul -stirred to tragic wakefulness. - -The Renaissance, as far as she was concerned, had shown itself -inadequate. It had promised, with artistic and philosophic culture, -to bring happiness. But in practice it provided nothing for the heart -of women. It could not make men faithful, nor help the warm and simple -ways of domesticity from the denudations of instability. There -remained only the question of the afterlife to fall back upon, and -Beatrice, enfevered and tortured, tried to fix her mind upon this -prospect. Bianca had been buried in the church of St. Maria delle -Grazie, and during the last months of her existence Beatrice formed -the habit of going constantly to her tomb, and of staying there for -hours at a time. In fact, shipwrecked as far as life was concerned, -and brought by her approaching motherhood to the nearness and -possibility of death, her soul sprung at last into a quivering -alertness, drawing her to silent introspections in the dark and -restful church, where the girl who had been alive a short time back, -now lay quietly buried. Only the most unshaken agnostics can come -close to death and not suddenly feel an overwhelming necessity for -some preparatory equipment--some consciousness of a clean and -justified existence. And Beatrice, whose manner hinted to those about -her the possession of a secret foreboding of what was coming, had -reached very close to the moment when this peace, both of -remembrance and of hope, would be tragically necessary. - - [Illustration: THE CHURCH OF ST. MARIA DELLE GRAZIE AT MILAN] - -On January 2, 1497, she drove as usual to the church of St. Maria -delle Grazie. She remained there for hours, as if only in this one -sombre place could she obtain a little respite and tranquillity. Her -ladies--who probably disliked these outings beyond expression--had -difficulty in coaxing her at last from the building. They got her -home, and she seemed much as usual until about eight o'clock in the -evening, when the agony of child-birth suddenly commenced in her. - -Her pains only lasted three hours. Then she gave birth to a still-born -child, and shortly after midnight she died. For a short hour she lay -in her canopied bed, worn in body and uncomforted in soul. Then she -died, and whom Ludovico loved or did not love mattered not one whit to -her. - -But her death had been brutal, unexpected, sudden, and acted upon -Ludovico like a douche of icy water. Passion for Lucrezia died -brusquely through the shock. Beatrice, had she known it, had never -been profoundly discarded, and the thought of life without her had not -formed part of the Lucrezia madness. - -And suddenly she was dead. There had been no reconciliation. In the -abruptness of her collapse, there had not been an interval in which to -endear her back to joy. She had suffered great pain, and then, in a -forlorn and piteous weakness, passed from existence. - -Ludovico's grief became intense. His passionate prostration was so -unusual in the callousness of the period, that every one talked about -it. He refused to have her name mentioned in his presence, and when -most widowers of that time would have been thinking of a second wife, -he was still spoken of as caring nothing any longer for his children, -or his state, or for anything on earth. - -Seven months after her death he continued still apparently a changed -man. He had become religious, recited daily offices, observed fasts, -and lived "chastily and devoutly." His rooms were still draped in -black, he took all his meals standing, and every day went for a time -to his wife's tomb in the church of St. Maria delle Grazie. - - [Illustration: THE EFFIGY OF BEATRICE D'ESTE - AT SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM] - -His last action in connection with Beatrice has a certain moving -sentimentality. It was when the miserable end of his adventure had -commenced, and he was obliged to escape from Milan with all the haste -he could. His safety depended upon his swiftness. Knowing this, he -nevertheless stopped at the church of St. Maria delle Grazie, and -stayed so long by the tomb of his wife that the small group with him -became anxious for their own skins as well as his. He came out at last -with the tears streaming down his face, and three times, as he rode -away, he looked back towards the church, as if all his heart held dear -lay there behind him. - -Not long afterwards he was captured, and his captivity at Loches is -one of the few inexcusable stains upon Louis XII.'s character. - - - - -ANNE OF BRITTANY - -1476-1514 - - -With Anne of Brittany the Renaissance entered France. She herself, -though she had her little fastidiousnesses, hardly belongs to it. No -artistic strain ran through her temperament. She was an intelligent, -but excessively practical woman, who twice married men of opposite -dispositions from her own. Anne, it is certain, never glowed at the -thought of a beautiful thing in her life, but both her husbands did, -and both, as a result of their Italian campaigns, brought into France -a variety of new and educative lovelinesses. Charles VIII., Anne's -first husband, and Louis XII., her second, gave the primary impulse to -the Renaissance movement in France. - -As for Anne herself, though in the end she appeals through a colossal -weight of sorrow, one feels her chiefly as a warning. Almost every -quality a woman ought to spend her strength in avoiding, she hugged -unconsciously to her soul, and every quality a woman needs as the -basis of her personality, she had not got. A woman should be -indulgence itself, and Anne indulged nobody; a woman should be as a -brimming receptacle of sympathy, toleration, and forgiveness, and Anne -forgave no one, and tolerated nothing that went against her. A woman -should be--it is without exaggeration her great essential--good to -live with, cosy, accommodating, an insidious wheedler, almost without -premeditation, not only into happiness, but into righteousness of -living. Now, Anne could never have been cosy, and it is doubtful -whether, once safely married for the second time, she would have -condescended to wheedle any one. She had not sufficient love to have a -surplus for distribution. Duties of some kinds she could observe -excellently, but there was no sub-conscious sense that in marrying she -was accepting one of the subtlest posts of influence in the world. She -had not the capacity for understanding that it is a woman's adorable -privilege to be _in herself_ so much, that the atmosphere of the house -she controls must in the end express principally her personality. And -nothing was more remote from Anne's intelligence than the secret -triumph of realizing how greatly the building up of character is the -charge intrusted to her sex by destiny. - -It was not her gift to make any house feel warmer when she entered -it. Her second husband loved her--contrast is a frequent motive for -falling in love--but she could do nothing for temperament. Character -is not upheaved by violences, and Anne was all imperatives and -despotism. Practical organizations are often admirably conducted with -these methods, and as a housewife Anne attained considerable -proficiency; but the more immaterial achievements are beyond the -reaching power of a chill autocracy. - -Born in 1476, she was the daughter of Francis II. of Brittany, enemy -of Louis XI. of France. Her mother, Marguerite de Foix, died when she -was little more than a baby, and the first thing one hears about the -child Anne was, as usual, concerned with the question of marriage. At -eight years old more than one suitor already desired her hand. The -English Prince of Wales had been accepted, when his murder put an end -to the engagement. Then the widowed Archduke of Austria, Maximilian, -was seriously considered, and for a short time Louis, Duke of Orleans, -subsequently her second husband, numbered among those said to be -possibly acceptable. He was married already to Jeanne, daughter of -Louis XI., but his dislike to the woman forced upon him by her -sinister parent had never been disguised. A dispensation from the Pope -could at any time make another marriage possible. - -The notion did not hold attention long, but the man and the child, -after all one day to come together, were excellent friends during the -period when Anne was in the schoolroom. Louis of Orleans, restless and -discontented, could bear anything better than the presence of his own -wife. Jeanne, who was not only deformed but hideous, had wrung from -her own father on one occasion the remark, "I did not know she was so -ugly." Curtained behind physical ungainliness, her nature was white as -snow and soft as the breast of a bird; but though every thought that -came to her fused into tenderness, she lacked the common gaieties -needful for ordinary existence. She had wanted to be a nun, and -instead they made her the wife of a boy who felt for her nothing but -an uncontrollable physical repulsion. - -Louis, when he fled to Brittany, did not take her with him, and every -writer is agreed that the pretty, precocious child whom he found -there, and the dissatisfied husband, became the best of comrades. One -chronicler mentions that Anne was flattered by the _hommage_ paid to -her by Louis, but it is very much in keeping with his character to -have been amused by a little creature with all the airs and graces, -and all the feminine obstreperousnesses, that Jeanne did not possess. -Louis admired character, and even at nine years old Anne must have -required no trifling efforts to manage. - -In 1488, her father, worsted at last by the French, was obliged to -come to terms with them. Almost immediately afterwards he died, and -Anne, at twelve years old, became Duchess of Brittany. - -It was, under the circumstances, a tragic position for any child to be -placed in, and Anne's little baby face and thin childish voice, at the -head of so forlornly placed a duchy, becomes suddenly pathetic. She -was no sooner proclaimed her father's successor, moreover, than France -sent to state that, since there were differences of opinion concerning -their respective rights to Brittany, she should, pending the decision -of arbitrators, not take the title of duchess. The reply--firm but -cautious--amounted to the statement that Anne had already convoked the -states of Brittany, in order to have the recent treaty made by her -father with France ratified. - -This answer the child probably had nothing to do with, but, in the -vital question of her marriage, she suddenly revealed herself very -definitely the authoritative head of her own dominions. All her -ministers desired a marriage with the Comte D'Albret, thought to be in -a position to help Brittany against the claws of its enemy. D'Albret -was a widower, old, ugly, bad tempered, and the father of twelve -children. Anne hated him--he is said to have had a spotty face--and -the shrinking antipathy of children is not controllable by reasons. -Primarily she must have felt a little frightened when both her -governess, and the great bearded men who controlled affairs, informed -her that, whatever her feelings, the marriage must take place. -Happily, she was not timid, and she understood perfectly that she had -succeeded to the power of her father. She refused point-blank to marry -D'Albret. They argued, coaxed, laboured with interminable -explanations, but the girl merely became mulish. When their -importunities allowed no other outlet, she declared that sooner than -marry him she would enter a nunnery and become a nun. Obstinacy such -as this, when the child owed subjection to nobody, was a thing to gasp -at. The tempers of her ministers must have been sorely tested, but -the D'Albret marriage had in the end to be abandoned. - -Maximilian was then brought forward once more--a suitor towards whom -Anne appears to have been more tractable. It was necessary to marry -somebody. Maximilian she had never seen, and therefore could regard to -some extent optimistically. At the worst he would be better than -D'Albret, and there was the chance that he might be actually charming. -Once she had consented they gave her no time to change her mind. -Maximilian sent his favourite, Baron de Polhain, to Brittany, and a -marriage by proxy, according to the German fashion, took place there. -The bride, having been dressed in her best frock, was placed in her -canopied bed, with the best pillows at her head, and the best -counterpane over her small person, and in the presence of the -necessary witnesses, Polhain bared one leg to the knee and introduced -it into the bed. This brief and simple ceremony rendered Anne a -married woman, wife of the King of Germany. For a year afterwards in -all proclamations she was called Queen, and Maximilian Duke, of -Brittany. - -Had he been rich, Maximilian might have kept his wife and changed -history. He was, however, too poor to send assistance, and France -inordinately wanted Brittany. Anne's position, therefore, grew month -by month more desperate, until, after the town of Nantes had fallen, -ultimate defeat became inevitable. Brittany, unaided, was a pigmy -standing up to a colossus. What facts the little duchess's childish -mind grew to understand during the two years she ruled in Brittany are -hard to imagine. Every night her people put her to bed knowing that -the enemy crept, hour by hour, nearer to her person. Every morning -fresh perplexities of state were tumbled into her strained, embittered -understanding. She learnt by heart the cheerless vicissitudes of life -before she knew its kindling compensations. And by nature Anne was -proud, obstinate, prematurely intelligent. This little thing was no -dazed creature propped up as a mere figure-head of state by powerful -officials. No one knew better than Anne the value of her own position. -If she cried when the lugubriousness of her household grew more -patent, she cried, not from terror, but from the bitter knowledge of -utter powerlessness. The mere thought of being conquered roused a -tempest in the fiery spirit of the child-duchess. - -She was fourteen when a compromise saved her. Charles VIII., to settle -matters more securely than could be done by any temporary conquest, -proposed to marry his past antagonist. When the proposal was first -laid before her, Anne naturally refused with a sickened fury and -vehemence. No extremity should drive her to think submissively of the -man whose ambition had been the bane of her short existence. She -argued, moreover, that she was already the wife of King Maximilian of -Germany. But Brittany was in sore distress, and once more all those -with power to persuade urged her to consider this proposal as a -godsend to her country. She would not listen; every nerve in her body -revolted against this man, whose very proposal carried a threat behind -it. Finally a priest was called upon to help the troubled counsellor, -and the poor girl, whose happiness throughout had been the one thing -nobody considered, was informed that the Holy Church demanded this -sacrifice for the welfare of her people. She gave in then; there -remained no alternative open to her. An interview took place, when the -enemies of yesterday fumbled with reluctant courtesies. Three days -later they were betrothed, the Duke of Orleans being among the -witnesses of the ceremony. - -Anne at this time was, it is said, a pretty, fresh-looking girl, with -an admirable carriage, for all that one leg was slightly shorter than -the other. Charles VIII., on the other hand, could hardly have been -uglier. His head was too big for his body, his eyes were prominent and -expressionless, his lips flabby. There was nothing in his lethargic -appearance to disarm Anne's sullen misery, and during their first -poignant meeting one can feel with certainty that she did nothing to -render easier the polite apologies stammered out by the uneasy lover. -But Charles's manner was gentleness and simplicity itself. Even -Commines, who considered him futile and childish, says of it, "No man -was ever more gentle and kindly in speech. Truly I think he never in -his life said a thing to hurt any one; small of body and ill-made, but -so good, a better creature it would be impossible to find." - -The marriage once accomplished, Anne and her husband started upon a -triumphal journey through Brittany. The marriage had been a brutal -necessity, and, for all her determination, the girl of fourteen was in -it only the tool of the men and women who called themselves her -subjects. But once married, Charles showed the utmost tactfulness. In -the "History of the Dukes of Brittany" we read, "The king, having -against his will, as it were, become her husband, omitted nothing -that could assuage the unhappiness their marriage had caused her, -behaving so well that in the end she was quite satisfied with her new -life, and felt for this prince the greatest love and tenderness." But -to have hated Charles would seem to have been impossible. All writers -are unanimous as to the sweetness of his character in personal -intercourse. - -A good deal is known about Anne's equipment for her first journey as a -married woman. Her travelling dress was of black velvet trimmed with -zebeline, and her gown for best occasions of gold material lined with -ermine. Among the furniture also were two beds--a serviceable one, -draped with black, white, and velvet cloth; and another hung with gold -brocade and bordered with a heavy fringing of black. - -During the journey Anne received innumerable wedding presents, and at -the gates and squares of every town plays were acted for the two young -people. Most of these were mystery plays, but a certain number of -farces were introduced for variety. What these comic plays were like -can be gathered from the _Farce du Cuvier_, famous a little later. It -deals with a hen-pecked husband, whose wife had provided a written -list of his household duties in order to jog his harried memory. - -One day, while washing the linen, his wife fell into the copper. The -conversation between them is the dramatic moment of the play. I quote -it as given in Mr. Van Laun's interesting "History of French -Literature." - - _Wife_ (_in the copper_). Good husband, save my life. I am - already quite fainting; give me your hand a while. - - _Jacquemet._ It is not in my list.... - - _Wife._ Alas! oh, who will hear me? Death will come and take me - away. - - _Jac._ (_reading his list_). "To bake, to attend to the oven, to - wash, to sift, to cook." - - _Wife._ My blood is already quite changed. I am on the point of - death. - - _Jac._ (_continuing to read_). "To rub, to mend, to keep bright - the kitchen utensils ..." - - _Wife._ Come quickly to my assistance. - - _Jac._ "To come, to go, to bustle, to run ..." - - _Wife._ Never shall I pass this day. - - _Jac._ "To bake the bread, to heat the oven ..." - - _Wife._ Ah, your hand; I am approaching my last moment. - - _Jac._ "To bring the corn to the mill ..." - - _Wife._ You are worse than a mastiff. - - _Jac._ "To make the bed early in the morning ..." - - _Wife._ Oh, you think this is a joke. - - _Jac._ "And then to put the pot on the fire ..." - - _Wife._ Oh, where is my mother, Jacquette? - - _Jac._ "And to keep the kitchen clean...." - - _Wife._ Go and fetch the priest. - - _Jac._ My paper is ended, but I tell you, without more ado, that - it is not on my list. - -In the end, having wrung from her a promise of docility, he helped her -out. The farce concluded with the joyful murmur, "For the future, -then, I shall be master, for my wife allows it." - -But the great day of Anne's youth was the day of her coronation in -France. No toy lay so dear to her heart as a crown, and no one could -have felt more unspeakably proud and great when, before an immense -crowd of nobles and people, her crowning took place at the church of -St. Denis. She wore a gown of pure white satin, and hung her -hair--which was long and beautiful--in two great plaits over her -shoulders. St. Gelais de Montluc said of her at this time, "It did one -good to look at her, for she was young, pretty, and so full of charm -that it was a pleasure to watch her." - -Afterwards followed the unavoidable reaction, when the ordinary -routine of existence had to be confronted. Anne's position, once the -glamorous days of public functions were over, revealed innumerable -drawbacks. She was a little girl in a strange country, surrounded by -persons unwilling to surrender either power or precedence. Anne of -Beaujeu, the former Regent--harsh, efficient, domineering--was the -first power with whom Anne suffered combat. Small questions of -precedence kindled the tempers of both. The elder Anne loved power as -much as the younger, and was a woman few people cared to defy. But the -juvenile bride had been modelled a little bit after the same pattern; -she also possessed indomitable qualities, and had no intention of -being a queen for nothing. The Regent--her surprise must have been -overwhelming--found herself worsted. Sensible as well as proud, she -retired before any pronounced unseemliness had occurred, and left the -two young people to manage the kingdom for themselves. - -But the period of domesticity between Charles and Anne did not -continue long. There was a little love-making, a little house -decorating, and then came the momentous first invasion of Italy. -Commines, a shrewd and plain-spoken observer, says a good deal about -this Italian campaign, which he accompanied. Both he and the Italian -historian Guicciardini refer with pronounced contempt to Charles's -mismanagement of it, while Commines goes so far as to state -practically that nothing but the grace of God kept the army from -annihilation. - -While Charles was away time passed wearily for Anne. Previously to -her husband's departure, when barely fifteen years old, she had given -birth to her first baby, the needful son and heir. But to make the -days more empty and interminable, the child was taken from her at the -beginning of hostilities. For safety's sake he remained at the castle -of Amboise, strongly guarded by a hundred of the Scottish guard. So -carefully was he protected, in fact, that when one of his godfathers, -François de Paule, came to see him, he was only allowed to bring one -other priest with him--a man born in France, and one who had never -been to Naples. Unfortunately, no guards could save a life so feeble -as this child's of a child-mother. Almost immediately after Charles -had come back from Italy the little creature fell ill and died with -tragic suddenness. - -Before this, and after her husband's safe arrival, Anne is said to -have been unprecedently light-hearted. To exist for months, as she had -been doing, waiting hour after hour for the daily courier's arrival, -was to become drained at last of every feeling except a tortured -expectancy. Charles's death would not only have made her a widow, it -would have taken her cherished crown away from her also. To hold both -safe again relaxed even Anne's cherished decorum of manner. But the -death of the Dauphin struck the newly arisen gaiety abruptly out of -her. She grieved passionately, bewildered that God should do this -inexplicable and bitter thing to her. How fiercely she rebelled is -shown by the following incident. Her friend of childish days, Louis, -Duke of Orleans, was now once more heir to the throne. In a court of -mourning he struck Anne as unduly blithe and cheerful, and instantly -her sore heart revolted and hated him. Commines, who mentions the -circumstance, says that "for a long time afterwards they did not -speak." As a matter of fact, Anne insisted upon his removal from the -court circle. Louis retired to his own home at Blois, where he fell -back upon the hobbies of his father, the childlike poet Louis of -Bourbon, whose poems he collected while he waited for his old friend's -nerves to tranquillize. - -Charles meanwhile gladdened his spirit with architectural interests. -He had come back deeply influenced by the beauty of Italian methods, -and having brought with him a crowd of Italian artists and craftsmen. - -How the tumultuous Anne struck him after the subtlety of Italian -womenfolk is not mentioned. The women of the Italian Renaissance were -an education in themselves. Charles had been cajoled by Beatrice, had -been knelt to by Isabella of Aragon, had been flattered delicately and -unceasingly. His path to Rome had been strewn with gracious ladies, -all more consummate, more complex, more highly wrought, as it were, -than his own house-bound countrywomen. Anne, besides, could never have -been a person of irresistible daily whimsicalities. Fortunately, -Charles possessed strong domestic instincts, and in justice to Anne it -should be mentioned that she did not show the same indifference to -personal graces usually associated with women of her practical -temperament. She had a few dainty vanities--was particular about baths -and washing in basins all of gold; and had shoals of little scented -sachets placed between her linen and in the clothes she wore, violets -being her favourite perfume. - - [Illustration: FROM THE _CALENDRIER_ - IN ANNE'S "BOOK OF HOURS"] - -In the April after the Italian campaign the two were at Amboise -Castle, Charles, it is said, having grown from an irresponsible youth -into a ruler actuated by definite tenderness for his people. And then -a tragic thing happened. On the Saturday before Easter some of the -household were playing tennis in the courtyard. Anne and Charles went -to watch them play, but in passing through a corridor known as the -_Galerie Hacquelebac_--about to be pulled down--Charles hit his -head against the low frame of a doorway. The accident seemed trivial, -and for some time he watched the players as if unaffected by it; but -suddenly, in the middle of a phrase, he dropped mysteriously to the -ground. Placed upon a mattress, he lingered until the evening, and -died at eleven o'clock at night. He was then twenty-eight, and Anne, -struck brusquely from placid trivialities to the supreme incident of -existence, was twenty-four. - -Louis of Orleans had become King of France. Anne, huddled in a -darkened room at Amboise, cried for hours without ceasing. She sat -forlornly on the floor, and knew the uselessness of wordy -consolations. Charles had been good to her; the future would have been -full of pleasant habits. Now he was dead, and there remained nobody -whose interests and hers were identical. Many would be brazenly glad -that she was cast down. She who yesterday had been Queen of France, -was now nobody--a widow--whose crown, that salient, exalting -possession, belonged to the wife of Louis. True, she was still Duchess -of Brittany, but she had suffered sufficient baneful experience to -know that they would soon try and wrench that honour from her also. - -No efforts could appease her grief. A contemporary nobleman, writing -to his wife four days after Charles's death, remarked, "The queen -still continues the same mourning, and they cannot pacify her." How -could they, when all that she craved had been subtracted from her -life? For days she crouched upon the floor of a black-draped room, -desolately rebellious against the stupid harshness of life. Hour after -hour she moaned, and cried, and wrung her hands. Nevertheless, for all -her stricken gestures, her brain worked well enough. She began to -write letters the day after Charles's death, and as soon as she had at -last been induced to eat, she signed an order to re-establish the -Chancellorship of Brittany. Courage and intelligence continued intact -for all the abasement of her attitude. She wept, but as she wept she -thought out practical behaviour for the future. - -At the same time, there is no doubt that she was genuinely disturbed -and disconsolate. When, after some days, they brought her the usual -charming white of royal widows, her pitiable and comfortless thoughts -mutinied instinctively against its serenity and calm. She would not -wear it: black was the only hue that could meet the blackness of her -life--white revolted her as an equal offence and mockery. With a -dogged insistence upon the hurt that tortured her, she set an -undesirable fashion, and through a tumultuous intolerance of pain did -away with an old prettiness of custom. - -Three days after her widowhood her old friend the new king called to -express condolence. Anne still repined in her darkened chamber. The -only light that fell upon her came from two great candles. She had not -risen when a bishop came to offer consolation, but she probably did so -now, and made a grudging obeisance to the man who had suddenly climbed -above her. - -Louis XII.'s manners, to every woman save his wife, were notoriously -deferential. Anne, moreover, was still very youthful, and in the -semi-darkness her great mass of shining hair could not but have looked -soft, and young, and movingly incongruous with her sorrow. They spoke -of the dead man's funeral. Anne expressed the wish that nothing that -could do honour to his memory should be omitted. Louis answered -instantly that all her wishes were sacred, and did, in fact, pay all -the funeral expenses out of his private purse. Then she stated her -desire to wear black as mourning, and once more Louis acquiesced with -a visible desire to spare her feelings to the utmost of his capacity. -In the soft, uncertain candlelight a new emotional quality may well -have appertained to the girl so harshly and abruptly widowed. -Surrounded by darkness, her desolate youthfulness, and her pitiful -desire to obscure her youth in still more blackness, might easily have -stirred an old admirer to a renewal of tenderness. - -Anne continued to moan a good deal for several days, but it is -questionable whether the hidden excursions of her mind were so -storm-beaten after this visit as before it. The majority of women have -an intuitive knowledge of the emotions felt by men when in their -company, and Anne possessed great powers of discernment. She could -perfectly understand that Louis XII. wished desperately to retain -Brittany. By the terms of her marriage settlement it now indisputably -belonged to her once more. She also knew, with an acute sense of the -potentialities flung open by the fact, that the idea of having his own -marriage annulled had become an invincible necessity of his nature. -The wayward brutality of her conduct to him after the death of the -Dauphin might have chilled original kindliness of feeling; but he had -thought her charming previously, and the desire for Brittany would -naturally facilitate the effort to find her charming henceforward. - -There is no doubt that Louis's visit, at least in some degree, -alleviated depression; for a little later, with the impetuosity that -kept Anne from being a totally dull woman, she said, in answer to some -remark of one of her ladies, that sooner than stoop to a lower than -her husband she would be a widow all her days, adding, in the same -breath, that she believed she could still one day be the reigning -Queen of France if she should wish it. A quaint writer of that time -described Anne accurately, but kindly, when he said, "The greatness of -heart of the queen-duchess was beyond all belief, and could yield in -nothing that belonged to her, neither suffer that she should not have -entire control of it." - -But her statement was literally correct. While she lived in the strict -retirement of mourning, writing lucid, emphatic letters to Brittany, -the new king flung himself into the business of repudiating Louis -XI.'s daughter. It is an episode that considerably smirches the -propriety of Anne--afterwards a great upholder of propriety--for -several further visits took place between the black-robed widow and -the new king, and that they did not meet merely to extol the merits of -the dead husband soon became apparent. Charles died in April, and in -August two acts, dated on the same day, were passed. In the one Anne -consented to marry Louis so soon as his present marriage should be -annulled in Rome, and in the second Louis agreed to give back to the -duchess the two towns of Nantes and Fougeres, if by death or other -impediment he should prove unable to marry her within a year. - -The divorce was not a difficult one to obtain. Alexander needed French -assistance for the aggrandisement of Cæsar Borgia, and sent him -personally with the Bull to Louis. Then a tribunal, formed of a -cardinal, two bishops, and other minor dignitaries, sat upon the case -and called upon the queen to appear in person. Both she and the -council knew that the inquiry was a degrading and unmerciful farce. -Nevertheless, for form's sake, endless questions were put to the woman -who was at one and the same time both so ugly and so beautiful. They -questioned her concerning her father, Louis XI., pressing to obtain -involuntary exposures. Jeanne's sensitive and finely poised reserve -could not be splintered by insistence. "I am not aware of it," or "I -do not think so," were all that her lips yielded. She rendered even -distress a little lovely by the silence in which she sheltered it. In -reality, Louis's memory must have been essentially painful. For, like -her husband, he had unremittingly hated her. As a child her tutor was -even in the habit of hiding her in his robe for safety if by chance -Louis met them in a corridor. - -From family discords the court passed to the question of her marriage. -Bluntly, they informed the martyred woman that she was a deformity. "I -know I am not as pretty or as well made as most women," was the -answer, that seemed to carry a lifetime's tears below its -plaintiveness. They insisted further that she was not fit for -marriage. Then a little anguished humanness seems to have fluttered -for a moment through her patient spirit. "I do not think that is so. I -think I am as fit to be married as the wife of my groom George, who is -quite deformed, and yet has given him beautiful children." But all the -while both she and those who questioned her knew with perfect clarity -that neither questions nor answers could affect the ultimate issue. -They were but a mean and vulgar form gone through to blind the -judgment of the people. Louis XII. denied that their union had ever -passed beyond the marriage service. Once more Jeanne fell back upon -grave words conveying nothing. "I want," she answered, "no other -judges than the king himself. If he swears on oath that the facts -brought against me are true, I consent to condemnation." - -That gave all they needed, and the marriage was declared null and -void. For the last time Jeanne and Louis went through the discomfort -of an interview, and for once, and once only, Jeanne's consummate -self-immolation drew tears from her husband. Then she passed out of -his existence, and became, what she had always desired to be, a nun. -In one of the sermons preached on the anniversary of her death, it was -said of her, "She was so plain that she was repudiated by her husband; -she was so beautiful that she became the bride of Jesus Christ." - -Anne and Louis were then delivered from all impediments, and in the -year after Charles's death were married at the Nantes Cathedral. The -marriage settlement drawn up was entirely advantageous to Anne. -Undoubtedly Louis loved her. In his time many kinds of women had -engrossed him, for he was a man who, as one writer puts it kindly, -"did not disdain the pastime of ladies." But after many love affairs, -and much knowledge of women's subtleties, he finally surrendered to -the charms of a woman possessed of no subtleties of any sort. - - [Illustration: ANNE KNEELING - FROM THE "BOOK OF HOURS"] - -The attraction is difficult to account for. Possibly Anne held him -through his domestic leanings, and through her own indomitable force -of character. The monotonies of guilty love episodes may have given a -restful grace to placid respectability; Louis knew by heart every -cankering perversity inherent to the women who are not virtuous, and -probably, therefore, set additional store by one possessing at least a -steadfast and limpid purity. How much virtue in a woman, when she was -not Jeanne, appealed to him is clear from a remark made some years -later. It had reference to Anne's aggressiveness. Some one complained -of it to Louis. His answer offered no consolation, but expressed a -definite attitude of mind. He remarked merely, "One must forgive much -to a virtuous woman." - -Anne's affection for Louis is more immediately comprehensible. He was -peculiarly lovable, though almost as ugly as Charles himself. He had a -low forehead, prominent ruminating eyes, a sensual, affectionate -mouth, high cheek-bones, and a flabby skin. It was the face of a man -who liked life as it was, and people as they were; there appeared in -it no desire for illusions of any kind. He had in his own nature all -the sympathetic weaknesses, and his expression conveyed the easy -tolerance of a nature which had at least used experience as a school -of understanding. A Venetian ambassador once called him "a child of -nature," and he was essentially natural, with an almost childlike -trustfulness, not so much of manner as of opinion. He ruled--save for -his unfortunate passion to possess a piece of Italy--like a man -preoccupied with the happiness of his children. The people adored him. -If money had to be raised, he made personal sacrifices rather than -burden the poor with additional taxation, while his home policy was -persistently humane and sensible. Historians rarely do him justice. -Because he failed to prove a great diplomatist, they ignore his -possession of a delightful personality. In regard to Italy, he was -plainly foolish; but then Italy stood for the romance of life--the -adventure that drew the commonplace out of existence. Even specialized -astuteness could have blundered easily in the cunning complications of -international politics at that crisis, and Louis went to Italy, not -out of policy, but literally because he could not keep himself away -from it. - -Though in private life his interests were largely intellectual, he had -always a certain strain of cordial earthliness. The "pastime of -ladies" he is said to have given up entirely after his second -marriage, but good dinners and good wine he liked to the end of life. -When Ferdinand of Aragon was told that Louis complained of being twice -cheated by him, he exclaimed exultantly, "He lies, the _drunkard_; I -have cheated him more than ten times." - -Anne stood for his antithesis. She was regrettably without small -weaknesses, and she forgave nobody. When Louis came to the throne he -remarked, "It would ill become the King of France to avenge the wrongs -of the Duke of Orleans." But if any one hurt Anne, she could not rest -until a greater hurt had been flung back upon the offender. Once a -grown woman, and married to Louis, she was, except from the point of -view of housewifery, almost completely a failure. She might have had -more flagrant vices and aroused compassionate affection. But she was -pre-eminently respectable, pious, hedged in by sedate rules of -conduct. And all the time one of the most corroding sins possible -flourished in her to offend posterity. Anne's revengefulness is like a -blight, destroying the grace of her femininity. - -Happily she was generous, and generosity is a sweet redemption of much -crookedness. She loved to give presents. After her second marriage -she kept a gallery full of jewellery and precious stones, which she -gave from time to time to the "wives of the captains or others who had -distinguished themselves in the wars, or faithfully served her husband -Louis." Also, she never denied the tragic clamour of the poor. Mezerai -wrote: "You saw thousands of poor waiting for her alms, whenever she -left the palace." - -Of the private life led by Anne and Louis an unusual amount is known. -They got up at six in summer and seven in winter. They had their -dinner at eight or nine in the morning. At two o'clock they took some -light refreshments. By five or six supper was served, and either at -eight or nine o'clock they went to bed, after having a glass of wine -and some spiced cakes. An old rhyme of the period might have been -written for them-- - - "To rise at five, and dine at nine, - Sup at five, and sleep at nine, - Keeps one alive until ninety-nine." - -Louis passed the larger part of the day occupied with state matters. -To quicken recognition of the gravity of a ruler's efforts, he read -fragmentarily but constantly Cicero's "Treatise on Duties;" it was to -him like a spring of stimulating waters. When he had nothing else to -do, he made love to his "Bretonne"--the name, for intimate use, given -by him to Anne. She could have stirred no poetic imaginings, but she -was comfortable to his nature. Domesticity and the hearthside -securities were expressed by her. - -Meanwhile, Anne ruled her household after the manner of an austere -schoolmistress. Like all unimaginative people, she shrank from any -form of waywardness, and none was permitted near her person. Her court -grew to be spoken of as a school of good conduct for girls of the -upper classes. Whether because she took so many or not, the beds for -the rooms of the maids of honour were six feet long by six feet wide, -so that several girls slept in the same bed--a little row of heads on -one long pillow. No maids of honour were allowed to address a man save -with an audience in the room. When the king went hunting, Anne sat -surrounded by intimidated ladies, all sedately at work upon huge -pieces of tapestry. - -Even their recreations had to be of a sober and cautious nature. -Françoise D'Alençon, the sister-in-law of Margaret D'Angoulême, is -reported to have kept intact the traditions of Anne's court, and the -following quotation is a description of how her household was -managed. "She made all her ladies also come into the room, and after -having looked at them one by one, she called back any whose bearing -struck her as plebeian or wanting in propriety. She scolded any whose -dress was not as it should be. Then she examined each one's work, and -if there was a fault, righted it, and if the little progress made -showed negligence and laziness, scolded the worker pretty sharply. As -to their morals, she allowed none of them to have any conversation -alone with any man, nor suffered any conversation before them not -strictly proper and honourable.... As to their pastimes and festivals, -this prudent princess did not keep them so strictly but that they were -allowed to walk about, and play in the gardens or in some honourable -house; or that they '_balassent_,' or played the guitar, -_d'espinettes_, or other musical instruments, recommended by the -nobility and other honourable minds; or that they should sing modestly -and religiously in their room, which she often made them do in her -presence, and while she herself joined them. But she never allowed -them to sing other songs than the Psalms of David, or the songs of the -dead Queen of Navarre. She did as much for their literature, for as -she herself only read the Scriptures, or some historical biography -which contained no false doctrine, so she would not allow her ladies -to read anything else either." - -With insignificant alterations the picture conveys as accurately -Anne's method of management as that of the inflexible Françoise -D'Alençon. Perhaps of the two Anne's control permitted more brightness -to stray through its severity. There were occasional dances at the -court, as well as journeys from one town to another. But it was not -Anne's destiny to retain either of her husbands comfortably at her -elbow. Though Louis loved both his wife and his people, the desire for -adventure fretted the surface of his domestic life. Before Anne gave -birth to their first baby, he had already gone to struggle for a piece -of the country which perpetually ensnared him with abnormal and -inexplicable longings. - -During the first expedition Ludovico Sforza was taken prisoner. In -this one matter Louis's conduct freezes one's blood. He brought Il -Moro to France, and imprisoned him underground at the castle of -Loches, while to increase safety he was placed every night in an iron -cage. For ten years Ludovico endured this extreme limit of mental and -physical privation, his magnificent physique refusing to admit Death -sooner. But even at this distance of time it is not possible to think -without unhappiness of the destroying agony of such imprisonment. - -While Louis was in Italy, Anne wrote to him daily. A little letter -from her proving that Louis was both affectionate and in love is still -in existence. It commenced, "A loving and beloved wife writes to her -husband, still more beloved, the object both of her regrets and her -pride, led by the desire of glory far from his own country. For her, -poor _amante_, every moment is full of terrors. To be robbed of a -prince more lover than husband, what a terrible anguish it is!" The -words "more lover than husband" reveal the practice of constant minor -and endearing attentions. - -A miniature painting of the period discloses Anne writing one of these -daily letters. She sits in her bedroom, clearly used as a sitting-room -as well. Her black gown trails consequentially upon the floor, but her -table and seat are both perfectly unpretentious. Round her, on the -ground, sit her ladies-in-waiting, intensely docile and industrious. -Besides being disciplined in an outward meekness, they were, it would -seem, obliged to adopt a court uniform, since in all the pictures they -are dressed absolutely alike. Anne's inkstand and pen are both gold, -and a little handkerchief is set conveniently near to wipe the seemly -tears that should blur her eyes as she writes. At the back is a -charming four-poster, rich and radiant with opulent gold hangings. - -When Louis returned to France, society flung its eager frivolity into -a series of organized rejoicings. But already to Anne life was -beginning to imply unrestfulness. Louise de Savoie had a son Francis; -and unless Anne gave birth to one later, this child became heir to the -throne of France. The two women hated each other with an almost -equally tortured intensity; certainly from this time forward Louise -spoiled the peace of Anne's existence. Even without the poignant -person of Francis, Duc D'Angoulême, some friction would still have -been unavoidable. Anne clung to sober and steadfast if uninspired -propriety; Louise de Savoie in conduct had no morals, no restraint, -and no delicate prejudices whatsoever. Her brain teemed with -complexities, exaggerations, and superlatives. She saw everything -through a falsifying excitement, while to weave a lie was one degree -more comfortable to her than to speak veraciously. In appearance also -the advantages were on her side, and possessing an intuitive gift for -understanding the worst of men, her society was dangerously -flattering and easy to them. - -Anne flinched, both at the other's conduct and at her possession of an -heir to the French throne. Fleurange, who knew Anne well, said that -there was never an hour but these two houses were not quarrelling. -Both women, as the years passed, grew to have a constant piercing -apprehension that killed all abiding buoyancy of feeling. In Anne's -case the anguish was far the sharper and the more pitiful. Again and -again she throbbed at the expectation of motherhood, and after nine -overwrought months, when to both women the suspense had grown almost -more than they could suffer, a girl, or a boy born dead, came to crush -the vitality out of Anne's brave spirit. - -After the birth of Claude a still keener edge was given to -disquietude. Almost immediately arose the question of a marriage -between the girl and Francis. For years, with all the passionate -fierceness of her nature, Anne fought to ward off this triumph for her -adversary and to marry the child to a different husband. In 1501 a -temporary victory expanded her heart. The baby became promised to the -Duke of Luxembourg, afterwards Charles V., son of the Archduke Philip -of Austria. This engagement continued for several years. Then Louis -realized that the probability of his having a son had grown very -small, and that under these conditions the Austrian marriage would be -in the last degree impolitic. For some reason not stated, he and Anne -stumbled at this period into a serious breach of tenderness. His -attitude to the question of Claude's marriage may have roused her to a -despairing fury. To surrender the little plain girl she delighted in, -to the son of the woman she abominated, was a hard thing to do--too -hard for a heart already contracted with useless yearnings. Louis met -her strenuous obstinacy with an implacable conclusiveness. The pulse -of the nation beat, he knew, for the young D'Angoulême, who was "all -French;" and his own opinion could be summed up in one sentence--that -"he preferred to marry his mice to rats of his own barn." - -A chill, destroying discord rose between the married lovers, who had -once known such warmth in each other's presence. Louis, stung out of -placidity, even commenced to snub the proud and suffering woman -struggling against his wishes. During one of the recurring discussions -upon the same subject, he informed her that "at the creation of the -world horns were given to the doe as well as to the stag, but the doe -venturing to use these defences against her mate, they were taken -from her." If he had whipped Anne, the sense of stinging humiliation -could hardly, one imagines, have been sharper. For no woman bore -herself with a more unyielding dignity before witnesses, and the -remark was not made beyond the reach of auditors. - -In 1505, Anne, fretted, sore of heart, beaten and discouraged, went to -Brittany. The actual reason of her going is not given, but having gone -she stayed there, and more, wrote no longer daily letters to "her -loving and beloved." Outwardly she was happy--held magnificent -receptions, and went interesting journeys from one town to another. -Clearly it was rest of heart to be away. Home had become a place of -piercing bitterness, of rending and exhausting antagonisms. On a vital -question she and Louis pulled different ways. Here in Brittany -friction and sorrow lulled a little. Her nerves took rest, and her -heart forgot at intervals. - - [Illustration: ST. HELENA - FROM ANNE'S "BOOK OF HOURS"] - -That she flinched from return as from a renewal of intolerable -provocation is unmistakable. In the September of 1505 she was at -Rennes; and while she was there, Louis's friend, the Cardinal -D'Amboise--upon whose death Pope Julius II. "thanked God he was now -Pope alone"--wrote with a hint of distraction concerning the -gravity of her prolonged absence from France. He said, "The king sent -for me this afternoon, madame. I have never seen him so put out, as -also I understand from Gaspar, to whom he spoke in my presence." The -letter concluded with an urgent appeal that she should return and "so -satisfy the king and also stop strangers from gossiping." - -Four days afterwards he wrote again: "Although wonderfully pleased at -the assurance you send me of making all possible haste to return to -court, I am deeply distressed that you do not mention any date. I do -not know what to answer the king, who is in the greatest -perplexity.... I wish to God I was with you.... I can only say that I -grieve with all my heart that you and the king no longer speak frankly -to one another." Still she lingered, like a person bathing weary limbs -in warm and soothing waters. Amboise, seeing the oncoming of permanent -alienation, wrote again, "For God's sake don't fall, you and the king, -into these moods of mutual distrust, for if it lasts neither -confidence nor love can hold out, not to speak of the harm that can -come of it, and the contempt of the whole Christian world." - -In the end Anne drew upon her tired courage and came back. Once -together again, moreover, she and Louis must have yielded to gentler -feelings, for two children were born afterwards. But from this time to -the end Anne never again felt the glow of life really stream upon -her--a chill loneliness sapped capacity for pleasure. Once Louis -exchanged the lover for the husband, they possessed no mental -companionableness to fall back upon. They saw few things with the same -emotion, and for successful marriage this is the primal necessity. Anne -was intuitively religious, and Louis had been excommunicated--without -visible disturbance--for his exploits in the second Italian campaign. -To increase a marked sense of the difference between their views, -Brittany had been excluded from the excommunication. - -Everything for Anne had grown a little out of gear--a little hurtful -and antagonistic. Claude was lame and not pretty--Louise's handsome -son and daughter were adored by everybody. - -Moreover, she had been coerced and disregarded; for all her excessive -stateliness men knew her as a humiliated and beaten woman. Before -Louis left for the third Italian campaign, the betrothal of Claude to -Francis had been ratified. Deputies from the different departments -had visited Louis at Plessis-les-Tours. They called him "Father of his -people;" then upon bent knees begged that he would "give madame your -only daughter to Monsieur François here present, who is a thorough -Frenchman." Both Louis and the kneeling deputies shed tears, but -though a sentimental emotion fluttered them in passing, the scene was -essentially an organized drama, gone through in order to cut the last -possible ground of resistance from under Anne's feet. Two days later -Francis, aged eleven, and Claude, aged six, were formally promised to -one another. - -There is one more outstanding incident in Anne's life--her bitter -warfare with the great Marechale de Gie. It has been called the -inexcusable stain upon her reputation. The story certainly leaves her -nakedly crude, fiercely elemental, but at least upon this occasion a -glaring provocation roused her to fury. Louis fell ill. He had enjoyed -his youth too coarsely, and paid heavily in after years for the -absence of more delicate cravings. Anne nursed him with an affection -made quick through terror. "She never left his room all day, and did -everything she was able herself." But Louis failed to get better. Each -day he drew nearer the purlieus of finality; his doctors perceived no -possibility even of return. Then Anne, sitting wearily by the bedside -of the sick man, did undoubtedly think of practical matters. She -remembered Louise and their mutual hatred. Historians express disgust -at what followed, but in reality there is nothing to be deeply -disgusted about. The brain in times of tense, overwrought excitement -is assailed by many discordant and trumpery remembrances. Anne, alert -and nervous both, gazed at the sinking patient, and recalled the -valuable furniture, jewellery, and plate, whose possession might be -contested later. Had she been a woman of momentous feeling, the -knowledge could equally have flashed through her kindled intelligence, -but would have left it bitterly indifferent. Anne was not strung with -overwhelming affections, and her predominating common sense saw that -after this man's death she had still a future to organize. Without -relaxing one personal nursing labour, she gave rapid orders to the -household, until all the articles stated as hers in the marriage -contract were despatched by ship to Brittany. - -Gie had long ago placed his interests upon the side of the power to -follow. Being informed of the queen's arrangements, he stopped her -vessels, definitely refusing to allow them to leave the country. - -There was a certain reckless temerity in the action; but Louis, it was -understood, could not live more than a few hours, and the new king -would know how to reward such strenuous adroitness in his interests. -But in this matter Gie was unlucky. - -Louis suddenly--and apparently unreasonably--abandoned the notion of -dying. From extreme collapse he rapidly recovered, and immediately -afterwards banished Gie from court. There are slight variations in the -story--in one account Anne was labouring to remove Claude to Brittany -as well--but the above is the account given by the greatest number. - -For a short time Gie remained thankfully at his magnificent place in -the country, clutching at the fact that his punishment went very -comfortably with his instincts. But Anne's heart was too primitive for -trivial retaliations. Mezerai did not say for nothing, "She was -terrible to those who offended her." Presently Gie received a summons -to answer to the charges of _lèse-majesté_ and peculation, was -arrested, and after being treated with a shameless brutality, received -a verdict of guilty, with a loss of all honours and five years' -banishment from court. The ugliest part of a story--in which from the -beginning everybody behaved with a rather ignoble sagacity--is the -report that Anne openly stated that she did not desire the Marechale's -death, since death gave relief from suffering, and she chafed for him -to live and feel all the misery of being low when he had been high; in -other words, that she craved a long and cankering duration to his -discomfiture. - -After the birth of another daughter--the child Renée, subsequently to -be Duchess of Ferrara--Anne's last fragment of happiness died in her. -Jean Marot, father of the famous Clement Marot, referred to her in -some verses with a singular realism and comprehension. He wrote-- - - "At this time was in Lyons - The uneasy queen. Always in grief - For the regrets her tired heart - Bore incessantly." - -She was, in truth, tired to death of the involved labour of life. -Thoughts of the complacent, unprincipled, mendacious Louise de Savoie, -whose son was heir to the throne of France, fermented in her blood, -and kept her heart from beating contentedly. From the time of Renée's -birth she surrendered to an uncontested weakliness. Though she became -_enceinte_ again shortly afterwards, hope scarcely fluttered, and her -physical condition bore witness to a mind past any salutary optimism. -She had already given birth to three sons, not one of whom had lived, -and throughout the household it was recognized that she lacked good -fortune in motherhood. - -In 1512, some one wrote: "The queen is in great pain, and her baby is -expected at the end of this month or the beginning of next. But there -is not the fuss and excitement here that was made over the others." - -The child came, but the triumphant Louise records the event in her -diary with cynical cheerfulness: "... His birth will not hinder the -exaltation of my Cæsar, for the infant was born dead." - -Anne, worn and heartbroken in her second best bed--always used for -_accouchements_--becomes at last entirely touching. She was by this -time ultimately and irremediably beaten. The child had been a son, but -was dead. "She took pleasure in nothing afterwards," said D'Argentre, -while she continued so ill that most of the time she had to stay in -bed. Louis, back from renewed disasters in Italy, found her there on -his return. Shortly afterwards--on the 9th of February, 1514--she -died. - -Louis grieved considerably. The flaring heat of latter quarrels had -burnt up much original tenderness, but De Seyssel's statement that -Louis "loved her so that in her he had placed all his pleasure and -delight," was an approximate interpretation of their position until -vital antagonisms sharpened the tongues of both. - -Anne was given a sumptuous funeral. The arrangements for it, could she -have known them, would have caused her exquisite pleasure. For six -days she lay in her own room, prayed for unceasingly. Then she was -placed upon a _Lit de Parade_, and covered with a pall of gold cloth -bordered with ermine, the fur represented by the coat-of-arms of -Brittany. She lay underneath this, with white gloves upon her hands, -and a crown upon her head; her dress was of purple velvet, and on each -side were cushions holding the Sceptre and the Hand of Justice. - -After the funeral Louis sent her heart in a golden case to be entombed -in Brittany. On the casket was written-- - - "In this small vessel - Of pure, fine gold - Rests the greatest heart - Of any woman in the world." - -But as a matter of fact, the one great drawback to Anne was that she -had not heart enough. Her presence inspired neither tenderness nor -laughter, her society neither encouraged nor comforted. And the -consequence was that nobody could have been missed less. On the whole -she had been a good woman; except in times of tumultuous temper, she -had endeavoured to live conscientiously and reasonably. Only she -possessed no deep-dwelling sympathies; consequently when she died she -was dead immediately. It is the people who kindle perpetually at the -needs of others who live for years in the hearts of those they have -penetrated. - - - - -LUCREZIA BORGIA - -1480-1519 - - -Of all the famous women of the Renaissance, Lucrezia Borgia is, in one -sense, though in one sense only, the most disappointing. There are a -great number of books dealing with her personality, but little real -information. Few personal friends reveal more of themselves than -Margaret D'Angoulême, Anne of Brittany, or Beatrice D'Este. What is -evasive about them is pleasantly evasive, since every woman should -retain a little that is inexplicable. But Lucrezia Borgia evades -altogether. There is nothing, from beginning to end, comprehensible to -seize upon. All the facts of her life are ascertainable, but never a -word concerning the temperament that to a certain extent gave life to -them. The events of the first half of her existence are begrimed with -evil, but the evil is so involved and extraordinary, so little in -keeping with the second half of her existence, and in many instances -so dubious, that it scarcely adheres to her. In the end she emerges -with such inherent calm, such effulgent gentleness, that the whole -story of her Roman days has an air, not only of inapplicability, but -of extraneousness. The actions of that early period seem to cling to -her little more than the unconscious proceedings of a sleep-walker. - -To disarm once and for all any preconceived prejudice, it is only -necessary to look at the supposed portrait of her as St. Catherine, -painted by Pintorricchio. In that she is adorable. To believe in the -absolute baseness of a creature with such an expression is not -possible. Looking at it, do we see anything save a child, nearly grown -up in years, but with a little brain absolutely muddled and -unreasonable? Exquisitely plaintive and helpless, the figure seems -surely as if its youth appealed against it knew not what. The creature -is all prettiness, weakness, and grace. Standing with slender hands in -a useless attitude, her expression appears destitute of any vital -understandings, but conveys instead the very essence of the sweetness -and dependence possible to femininity. The little mouth is weak but -endearing, the little chin weak but tender-hearted. The whole face, -framed in its loose and volatile hair, exhales a gentle, childish -passivity. Only in the eyes lurks an unconscious wistfulness, as if -they knew or foreboded being involved in many tragic contemplations. -There is no evil anywhere--there is no _parti pris_, in fact, of any -sort. A soft perplexity is perhaps the strongest impression given. - -The other likeness of her, stamped upon a medal, and known -incontestably to be a portrait, is not so lovable. But no woman's -charm could be conveyed in the few hard lines of a profile struck upon -a medal. There is no possible opportunity to convey more than an -accentuated impression of nose, chin, and forehead. In the medal -Lucrezia's gift of gaiety, here almost saucy, is the chief -characteristic visible. - - [Illustration: PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF LUCREZIA IN ST. CATHERINE - AND THE ELDERS - BY PINTORRICCHIO] - -This power to be continuously gay, which was so markedly to -distinguish her all her life, was perhaps the only good quality -Alexander was able to transmit to his daughter; but by this one -quality alone, almost, Lucrezia finally lifted herself away--as if it -had been solely a cloak thrust about her by the brutality of -others--from the darkness of her original reputation. Now one is -chiefly conscious of a creature courageously cheerful; a creature -continuously desirous to please, to convey gentle impressions, to -smooth out everything into pleasantness. Having carefully and -repeatedly read the various books upon her, the feeling left is -actually of a woman who understood, up to a point, her woman's -business uncommonly well, but who suffered sore mishandling during the -early crucial years of her existence. The moment they took her out of -the undesirable surroundings in which she had been reared, nothing but -brave, becoming laughter and comfortable domesticity--Ruskin's demand -that a woman should bring "comfort with pleasantness"--issued from -her. Obviously there were no roots of evil to renew themselves; at the -worst there had been only a nature over-adaptable to outside forces, -and a temperament not forceful in powers of resistance. - -Born in 1480, she was the daughter of Alexander, then known as -Cardinal Rodriguez, and Vanozza Cataneri, a woman whose origin is -obscure, but who was certainly educated, and who had two husbands, -Giorgio di Croce, and later, when Alexander had turned to younger -idols, a certain Carlo Canali, an author of some reputation in his -day. During her babyhood Lucrezia remained with her mother in a house -close to the cardinal's. But later, though why or when is not known, -she was taken from Vanozza and given into the care of Madonna -Adrienne, a widow, and a connection of the cardinal's, said by -Gregorovius to be also "very deep" in the Spaniard's confidence. The -atmosphere of Madonna Adrienne's house could not have created for -Lucrezia early impressions of delicate or winning conduct--she had no -groundwork afterwards of moving ideals to fall back upon. There is one -incident which lets in all the daylight necessary upon the character -of Lucrezia's guardian. Julia Farnese was her son's wife, and it was -with her mother-in-law's complete acquiescence that the girl became -Alexander's acknowledged mistress. There is something, therefore, -under the flagrant circumstances of the case almost offensive in the -fact that Adrienne had the child carefully instructed in religious -observances, though, for that matter, they were all religious, these -women of undesirable conduct. Vanozza, for instance, built a chapel, -and was looked upon as deeply devout long before Alexander's death. - -Lucrezia's intellectual education took the same surface quality as her -spiritual one. The Renaissance ideas of culture for women had not -penetrated to Rome, and the child underwent a very different schooling -from the D'Estes, the Gonzagas, and so many others. Her chief -facility appears to have been in the matter of languages. Bayard, in -1512, said of her, "She speaks Spanish, Greek, Italian, and French, -and a little and very correctly Latin; she also writes and composes -poems in all these languages." Moral sense must have remained -absolutely sheathed. None of the set who brought her up would have -dared to instil so dangerous and disturbing a quality. In -Pintorricchio's portrait there is no sign of a living conscience, -though she might well from her expression be wistfully looking for it, -aware of something wanting. - -When Lucrezia was eleven years old, besides, a new impropriety was -added to the number already submersing ordinary moral comprehension. -It was then that Julia Farnese, aged sixteen, became Alexander's -mistress. There was no concealment, and Lucrezia became unhesitatingly -involved in the new arrangements. To her the circumstance wore no more -unnatural air than marriage. The child had never been in an atmosphere -of customary domesticity since she was born; her playfellows were -almost all the children of other cardinals, and in thinking of her -life it should be remembered that few minds question easily the -standards of conduct grown familiar since early childhood. - -She was herself already engaged to two people. Alexander, looking at -this time to his own country for a good match for his daughter, had -formally promised her hand to a Spaniard. In the same year, -considering it a better bargain, he also affianced her to a certain -Don Gasparo; so that the child had actually two prospective husbands -at one time. Nothing came of either. In 1492, Innocent VII. died, and -Rodriguez Borgia was elected Pope in his place, assuming the name of -Alexander. He had always notably pleasant manners, but Giovanni de -Medici, looking at the new Pope, remarked, nevertheless, under his -breath, "Now we are in the jaws of a ravening wolf, and if we do not -flee he will devour us." He devoured a good many, though his primary -policy was widespread propitiation. - -For Lucrezia, her father's elevation from cardinal to Pope proved -immediately significant. The two previously chosen husbands were -dropped; neither was good enough for a Pope's daughter. And in 1493 -they married her to Giovanni Sforza, who was an independent sovereign, -and a relation also of the powerful Ludovico Sforza of Milan. She was -then thirteen years of age, and was to remain, after the marriage, one -more year in Rome before her husband took her away to his own -possessions. Ostensibly, however, they made a woman of her -immediately. She received a house of her own close to the Vatican, -Madonna Adrienne passed from governess into lady-in-waiting, and the -whole weariness of formal social life became a part of the child's -ordinary duties. She had to receive all important visitors to Rome, -and behave with the effortless dignity of a great lady. Alphonso of -Ferrara, come to render homage to the new Pope, had also to pay his -court to this thirteen-year-old bastard, whom he was himself later to -marry. He brought her, in fact, as a wedding present from the duke his -father, two large and beautifully worked silver washing jugs and -basins. - -Curiously enough, in the comments made about the marriage, there are -none at all concerning the girl herself. At that age she had clearly -no distinguishing precocities. The Ferrarese ambassador dismissed her -with a phrase, and that referring more to Alexander than the newly -made bride. He wrote that the Pope loved his daughter in a superlative -degree. It may have been so: it is a fact most biographers lay stress -upon. Nevertheless, almost every single known incident tells against -much affection, and it is very certain that he sacrificed her whenever -it was necessary, either for Cæsar's ambition or his own purposes. - -Another brief reference made to her at this time is in the well-known -letter by Pucci. From his statement it would almost seem as if Julia -Farnese and Lucrezia were housed together. For he mentioned going to -call upon Julia at the Palace of Santa Maria in Porlica, and wrote, -"When we got there she had just been washing her hair. We found her -sitting by the fire with Madonna Lucrezia, the daughter of his -Holiness, and she welcomed both my companions and myself with every -appearance of delight.... She desired me to see the child, who is -already quite big and as like the Pope _adeo ut vere ex ejus semine -orta dici possit_. - -"Madonna Julia has grown fatter, having developed into a very -beautiful woman. While I was there she unbound her hair and had it -dressed. Once loose it fell to her feet; I have never seen anything to -compare with it. Truly she has the most beautiful hair imaginable. She -wore a thin lawn head-dress, and over it the lightest of nets -interwoven with gold threads, shining like the sun.... Her dress was -made after the style of the Neapolitans, and trimmed with fur. So was -Madonna Lucrezia's, who after a while went and changed hers, coming -back in a gown made of purple velvet." - - [Illustration: VIRGIN AND CHILD - BY PINTORRICCHIO, IN THE HALL OF ARTS AT THE VATICAN] - -The reference to Lucrezia is singularly meaningless, but the letter -itself is interesting. The child of fourteen and the deliberate wanton -were evidently, at least, in constant companionship. "Wanton" is a -strong expression, but Julia Farnese belonged to the type for whom no -other word is equally applicable. She was young, fresh, beautiful, and -Pope Alexander was an old corrupt man of sixty. But she became his -mistress with the same tranquil publicity with which a woman might -become the consort of a reigning sovereign. The fact of her soiled -youth and abandoned domestic decencies weighed no more upon -imagination, than the casual discarding of an uncared-for garment. - -Pintorricchio, in his series of frescoes at the Vatican, is said to -have painted her as well as Alexander and Lucrezia. There is, above -the door of the Hall of Arts, a madonna and child, the madonna of -which is supposed to have been Julia. If so--and it looks essentially -like a portrait--she was very interesting as well as exquisite. There -is character and a sort of intelligent carelessness about the -face--the kind of carelessness that suggests an intuitive -consciousness of the insignificance of most minor occurrences. The -error made by Julia was in including ethics among the non-important -contingencies. - -As regards the question whether she and Lucrezia were really painted -by Pintorricchio, there seems little doubt that, since the portrait of -Alexander is incontestable, those of the two girls would have been -included somewhere in the series of frescoes. Alexander must so -certainly have desired them painted, and both would have been about -the ages they look in the frescoes at the time Pintorricchio was at -work upon the private apartments of the Pope. As a matter of fact, -Pintorricchio laboured quietly for years in the rooms through which -Lucrezia was constantly passing, and he must have become so much part -of unchanging daily impressions, that one imagines all her after -memories of life in Rome held as a sort of background the -consciousness of the wonderful pictures in which the painter -expressed, with perhaps more completeness than anywhere else, his -special sense of loveliness. - -Lucrezia must have known Pintorricchio from the time when she was -little more than a child until her third marriage, though it is -probable that she was at this period too engrossed and light-headed to -take much notice of the wistful-looking man making beauty upon every -side of her. Certainly the complicated nature of her own domestic -drama was in itself sufficient to absorb anybody. Not long after her -marriage Il Moro had drawn France into the Neapolitan adventure. -Alexander VI. was vehemently opposed to this invasion, and was, -besides, close friends with the King of Naples. Instantly the -situation became difficult for Lucrezia's husband; the policy of his -house and that of his father-in-law had grown brusquely antagonistic. - -Giovanni himself was acutely alive to the awkwardness of his own -position. In 1494 he wrote to Ludovico that he had been asked by the -Pope what he had to say to the situation, and had answered, "Holy -Father, everybody in Rome believes that you are in agreement with the -King of Naples, who is the enemy of Milan. If it is so, I am in a very -difficult position, for I am in the pay of your Holiness and of the -last-named state. If things are to follow this course, I do not see -how I can serve the one without abandoning the other, though I desire -to detach myself from neither." He concluded the letter by a -statement very unflattering to Lucrezia. "If I had known, monseignor," -wrote the distracted Sforza, "that I should find myself in my present -position, I would sooner have eaten the straw of my bed than have made -this marriage." - -As a young girl, Lucrezia obviously arrested nobody's notice. This -alone suggests that she was not wicked: wickedness always at least -produces attention. To her first husband, when he wrote the above -letter, she could have held no kind of significance. Shortly after -sending it, however, Giovanni left Rome for his own town, Pesaro, -taking the girl he so much regretted marrying with him. He was not yet -openly on bad terms with the Vatican: in addition to his own wife, he -had been given charge of quite a collection of the Pope's ladies. -Julia Farnese, Madonna Adrienne, and Madonna Vanozza were all -included, an outbreak of the plague in Rome having terrified Alexander -as to the safety of the two younger women. Giovanni, probably, would -have preferred Lucrezia to have been less accompanied. Involved always -in this crowd of feminine connections, she must, as a young girl, have -worn almost a mechanical air of manipulation--have seemed little -better than a mouthpiece for the Vatican opinions. While they were at -Pesaro, however, husband and wife went through the momentarily uniting -experience of falling equally under the Pope's displeasure. They had, -it seems, permitted Madonna Julia and Madonna Adrienne to leave them. -Julia's brother was seriously ill, and the two women had gone to nurse -him. Upon this matter, Alexander, who could be very petulant when -thwarted, wrote himself, and not at dictation, to Lucrezia. He wrote -that he was much surprised at not having heard more often from them, -and in a tense and irritated sentence ordered the girl to be more -punctilious for the future. But this was not the real grievance, and -he passed instantly to the departure of Julia and her mother. Lucrezia -and Giovanni were both held to have behaved equally inexcusably in -letting them go without permission from Alexander. He wrote as if they -had been two disobedient children, whose deliberate frowardness had -resulted, as they must have known perfectly from the beginning, in -great annoyance to him personally. At the end of exasperated -remonstrance, they were warned that for the future they would never -again be trusted. A letter like this, including both in mutual -disgrace, might easily have fugitively roused a slight bond of -friendliness between so young a couple. The general opinion is, -notwithstanding, that they were never sympathetic. At Pesaro, besides, -though Lucrezia remained there a year, they were very seldom together. -Giovanni held the position of officer in the Pope's army, and it was a -year of sharp anxiety for Alexander. It required Charles VIII.'s -feeble return journey to France before the papal ground felt once more -solid under the pontiff's feet. - -Then Lucrezia was recalled to Rome, and the old wayward existence at -her palace near the Vatican was taken up once more. From this time -onwards the Borgia scandals thickened with extraordinary rapidity, -becoming the interested gossip of every other court in Italy. -Alexander's youngest son, Jofre, had married a Spanish girl several -years older than himself, and upon the return of political quietude -brought her back with him to Rome. This Madonna Sancia alone piled up -a staggering accumulation of scandals for Italy to gasp at. She had a -passion, in her most innocent moments, for the less tranquil pleasures -of life. Her arrival whipped up the gaiety of social Rome into an -extremity of worldliness. She was openly flagrant: the word -"wickedness" seemed to have no more unpleasant meaning to her than -another. Both her husband's brothers, Giovanni and Cæsar Borgia, were -said to be among her lovers. Giovanni Borgia's subsequent murder, in -fact, was looked upon by many people as the outcome of her lack of -moral reasonableness, Cæsar's jealousy, it was thought, driving him to -thrust the other prematurely upon eternity. Between the gorgeous -wickedness of Sancia and Julia Farnese, Lucrezia was trailed like some -insignificant and unconsidered appendage. She is mentioned constantly -as in the society of Sancia, but no impropriety is even suggested -concerning her, until the divorce with Giovanni involved her in the -hate universally nourished against the rest of the family. - -This divorce had been shaping ever since the French invasion had -rendered the Sforzas politically useless to Alexander. One day -Giovanni Sforza was bluntly requested to abandon Lucrezia. Should he -refuse, extreme measures were threatened, and no man so intimate with -the family could possibly have been unacquainted with the kind of -coercion likely to be employed should he maintain obduracy. For a few -days he went about hoarding rather more bitterness than he knew how to -deal with. Then a dramatic urgency brought indecision to an abrupt -conclusion. According to most accounts of the story, Jacomino, -_camerière_ to Giovanni Sforza, was in Lucrezia's room one day when -they heard Cæsar Borgia's footsteps outside. Lucrezia had already been -made cognizant of the pending divorce. Alexander and Cæsar never -regarded the soft and pliant creature as likely to need concealments. -She was to them obviously the perfect tool, childlike, flighty, -inherently docile, and moved by the least enticement to new -anticipations. But Lucrezia even then had some instincts her people -did not know of, and to deprive a man of the delight of living was not -endurable to her. She must have suspected some sinister communication, -for on hearing Cæsar's footsteps she thrust Jacomino behind some -tapestry. In the course of conversation, Cæsar stated that the order -to assassinate her husband had already been given. It sounds -incredible, but then the whole Borgia history has the same quality of -impossible melodrama. The moment he had gone Lucrezia rushed to the -curtains: the man must go at once and save his master. Twenty-four -hours later Giovanni Sforza reached Pesaro. His horse fell dead as he -arrived. - -Gregorovius states that Lucrezia was not agreeable to the divorce. It -fits in pleasantly with one's conception of her to believe that this -was true. The Lucrezia of recent discovery would have been bound by a -light and gentle affection to any one not unkind to her, and all her -instincts would have been against giving pain to anybody. Certainly, -after Giovanni's escape, she felt the weight of some unpleasantness at -the Vatican. And shortly afterwards she either went, or was sent in -disgrace, to the convent of San Sisto on the Appian Way. In a letter -written that June by Donati Aretino to Cardinal Hippolyte D'Este, he -says: "Madonna Lucrezia has left the palace _insalutato hospite_, and -has gone to stay at a convent called San Sisto, where she still is. It -is rumoured by some that she desires to become a nun herself, but -there are a number of other rumours as well, of a nature not possible -to trust to a letter." - -These "other rumours" are presumably the scandals which leapt into -belief after the divorce, and which Giovanni, embittered to the marrow -of his bones, is credited with having started. - -But the divorce obtained, a new marriage was instantly negotiated for -the girl, whose ideas of customary conduct must have been so piteously -topsy-turvy. The new match contemplated was solely intended to -benefit Cæsar--in it Lucrezia became purely a means of assistance. -Cæsar, having renounced the priesthood after the mysterious murder of -his elder brother, which had taken place while Lucrezia was in the -convent, had conceived the scheme of marrying Charlotte of Aragon, and -through this marriage of becoming King of Naples. Since the French -invasion the present reigning dynasty crumbled visibly. Cæsar had -already asked for Princess Charlotte's hand, and had been emphatically -refused. It was hoped at the Vatican that Lucrezia's marriage to -Charlotte's brother, Don Alphonso, would pave the way for the other -and more important wedding. Lucrezia was eighteen at the time of her -second marriage, and, according to the ambassador of Mantua, really in -love with the handsome boy who made her Duchess of Biselli. - -Unfortunately they remained in Rome, in the undesirable set Lucrezia -had belonged to from babyhood, and from this time horrible scandals -grew as thickly round Lucrezia as the rest of her family. According to -one of them, she had given birth to an illegitimate son, by a certain -favourite of Alexander's, Perotto. This unfortunate is another person -whom Cæsar is credited with having murdered. He did it apparently in -the Pope's very presence, and splashed the blood all over the old -man's garments. The existence of a child by Perotto is not -corroborated, and the truth of later scandals, since discussed with -bated breath, is less ascertainable still. At the same time, that -Lucrezia should have given birth to an illegitimate baby is very -feasible. In a society where lovers were more normal than husbands, it -is difficult to conceive that she should have escaped with flawless, -untarnished innocence--probably took a lover because she was young, -affectionate, and nobody she knew thought it grievous behaviour. -Nevertheless, though there is every reason for this individual scandal -to have had roots in truth, the evidence for its genuineness is -equally flimsy and unsupported. - -For a year the Biselli marriage wore an air of ordinary -successfulness. Then the politics of the Vatican veered once more, and -tragically and brutally, Lucrezia's fate changed with them. Louis XII. -had started the second Italian campaign, and Alexander was now upon -the side of the French. Once more, therefore, the awkward factor in -the situation became Lucrezia's husband. It seemed, indeed, as if she -was to have a knack of possessing awkward spouses. In this second -crisis Lucrezia, however, did not wait to be warned of danger, and one -day Alphonso disappeared. A Venetian writer in Rome remarks: "The Duke -of Biseglia, husband of Madonna Lucrezia, has secretly fled, and is -gone to Genazzano, to the Colonnas. He has left his wife six months -_enceinte_, and she does nothing but cry." The statement is at last a -lifting of the veil for a second from the girl's character. She loved -this second husband; at the hint of danger she sent him away, but once -gone she cried for him all day. This is the whole conduct-sheet of any -normal, tender woman. - -Alphonso wrote and urged her to follow him, but Alexander, it is said, -forced her to beg Alphonso to return instead. There is some confusion -at this point. Certainly, in the end, Lucrezia was sent away into the -country--to Spoleto--and here, after a little while, Alphonso joined -her. It was dangerous, but they were at the age when evil -anticipations are sustained with an effort. It is not natural in one's -teens to hold for ever a problematical foreboding. Death in fulness of -physical well-being is a dark midnight possibility, not a permanent -obsession for broad and cheerful daylight. Foolishly, and yet so -naturally, their fears gradually fell away, and Cæsar Borgia being at -Forli, fighting, by the following October they were back in Rome, -where Lucrezia gave birth to a son, and where, for another year, they -lived undisturbed, while Michelangelo was at work upon his Pieta -Copernicus, and Pintorricchio continued to make pictures round the -walls of the Vatican. - - [Illustration: THE ANNUNCIATION - FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE - VATICAN] - -In 1500, the year of Alexander's jubilee, Cæsar returned, and the -calamity, which had practically been a foregone conclusion for a year, -came upon the Biselli household. Before it occurred, however, an -incident occurred which is another strong testimony to gentleness of -heart in Lucrezia. A chimney fell upon Alexander, and during his brief -illness it was not his mistress, nor any of the many persons whose -business it was more or less to attend to him, who undertook the -nursing, but the girl Lucrezia herself. It is said the old man refused -to have anybody else about him. Clearly, then, she had more tender -ways, more naturally capable and patient methods, than the rest, and -to a patient made herself the comfortable embodiment of motherliness, -sympathy, control, and unselfishness. No woman would be clamoured for -in a sick-room who did not possess all the finer and warmer qualities -of character. - -Soon after this the inevitable happened. Alphonso, walking up the -steps of the Vatican, was set upon by a group of masked men with -daggers. Grievously wounded, he managed to tear past them into the -Pope's own apartments, where Lucrezia was sitting with her father. As -the bleeding man staggered into the room she fainted dead away. So -would any normally tender woman, dragged suddenly from the trivial -conversation into this new horror of desolation. - -The dying man was put to bed, and joyfully given the last absolution. -But Lucrezia, ill herself with a fever brought on by shock, made a -desperate struggle to save the life belonging to her. Here again she -shows as a perfectly natural woman. Driven at last into revolt by -those she dared not openly defy, and heartsick, shaken, burning with -terror, impotence, and distress, she yet fought them with all the -pitiful means at her disposition. Nobody but herself or his sister -Sancia were allowed to attend the wounded man; all his food these two -cooked between them, probably with their hearts racing in perpetual -fearfulness. It is said--and there seems always a vague suggestion -behind these circumstances that Alexander was a weak man in the power -of Cæsar--that the Pope himself sided with the two aching, troubled -women, and helped to keep dangerous persons out of the sick-room. But -Alphonso once convalescent, Cæsar could not be refused admittance. He -had no recognized hand in the crime; none could openly accuse him. -Nevertheless, his visit accentuated sinister anticipations. After -making it he remarked grimly, "What was unsuccessful at noon may be -successful at night." - -He took every care that it should. One evening the two women--why is -difficult to understand, for both were soaked in heartbreaking -suspicions--left the room for a moment. Cæsar himself must surely have -seen to their absence, for instantly afterwards he slipped in with his -throttler Michelletto, and in a minute or two Lucrezia was a widow. -The agony, sharp enough, had at least been brief. - -This time, though there is not a single intimate statement written -about her, Lucrezia must have made some primary outcry, some first -plaint against the cruelty of such a widowhood. The Venetian -ambassador refers to trouble between Lucrezia and her father. He -writes: "Madonna Lucrezia, who is generous and discreet, was formerly -in high favour with the Pope, but he seems no longer to care for her." -The girl was then at Nepi. What had previously occurred no one knows, -but she and her father would certainly not have fallen out if her -meekness had remained predominant. Something must have overstrained -docility and sent her once more out of Rome, either in a spirit of -bitterness or because she exasperated those who controlled her -existence. - -But negotiations for a third marriage were not allowed to linger. When -Cæsar had subdued the plucky and intensely wicked Catherine Sforza, -and taken the town of Pesaro, Collenuccio mentions at the end of a -letter, "The Pope intends to give this town as a dowry to Madonna -Lucrezia, and to secure her an Italian husband who will always keep on -good terms with the Valentinois. I do not know if this is the truth, -but it is at least generally believed to be." In the same letter there -is a sketch of Cæsar himself. Collenuccio says, "He is looked upon as -brave, powerful, and generous, and they say he takes care to make much -of wealthy people. He is pitiless in his vengeances; many people have -told me this. He is a man with a great spirit, and set on greatness -and glory, but it seems he prefers to conquer provinces than to -pacify and organize them." - -Nevertheless, because the Borgia was a man with an unrelaxed purpose, -he stood, even for a good many of his enemies, as a type of greatness. -Machiavelli actually made him the ideal of governing princedom--the -subtle combination of the lion and the fox. - -Machiavelli--himself so extraordinarily interesting--belongs to the -history of Florence and not to that of Rome and Alexander. He never -came actually into contact with Lucrezia, but the following -description of his days, when he was living on his own small estate, -given in a letter to a friend, is so luminously expressive of the -spirit of the age in which he and Lucrezia lived that there seems more -than sufficient reason for including it. He wrote that he got up at -sunrise, and after a couple of hours in the woods, where he examined -the work of the previous day and chatted with the wood-cutters, he -walked to a certain grove with a volume of Dante, Petrarch, or one of -the Latin poets, to read. Subsequently he strolled to the inn, -gossiped with the people there, and by direct intercourse with many -kinds of temperaments studied human nature. For dinner, which he spoke -of as being very simple fare, he returned home; but the meal over, he -made his way back to the inn, where he passed the afternoon playing at -_cricca_ and _tric-trac_ with the host or any one else who happened to -be there. It was not apparently desired to be a peaceful recreation. -Machiavelli states, with a sort of cheerful glow, that they quarrelled -incessantly, and shouted at each other like infuriated lunatics. But -this boisterousness was for the day. When the evening came he once -more went homewards, and this time, having discarded his muddy country -clothes, and having dressed himself with as much care as if he were at -court, he retired to his library till bedtime, and became absorbed in -the works of past writers. This was in reality the intense portion of -his days; all his nature, he wrote, became immersed in the joy of this -intellectual companionship, everything else, every care, every thought -for the present or the future, slipping away from him while he read. - -Machiavelli's day contains the whole substance of Renaissance -behaviour--absolute immersion of personality in fine art or good -literature, and along with it the extreme of physical tempestuousness. -These people almost panted with vitality; they were not yet subdued -and wearied through the evil and sorrows of too many past generations. - -Lucrezia, like the rest, responded to life far too instinctively to -hold grief for any period. She took the interest of a giddy child in -the suggestions for her third marriage, and this time Alexander had -chosen Alphonso of Ferrara as the person essentially desirable. It was -aiming ambitiously. The besmirched, divorced, and widowed daughter of -a Pope did not constitute a suitable bride for the future Duke of -Ferrara. In fact, the proposal created nothing less than a panic when -laid before the chosen bridegroom and his father. Lucrezia's -reputation was unspeakable. - -The charge of incest was among others laid against her. It has been -repeated by Machiavelli, Guicciardini, and the poets Sanozzo and -Pontanus. Nevertheless, nobody now believes it. Neither Alexander nor -Cæsar's conduct makes it supposable. Secondly, all those who spread it -had either personal animosity against the Borgias or repeated it -solely from hearsay. The two poets, besides, were friends and subjects -of the house of Aragon, and in Naples, after the murder of Alphonso, -the word "Borgia" stood for abomination. - -But in Ferrara the accusation was unquestioned, and Alphonso -immediately and violently refused to entertain the idea of the -suggested marriage for a second. The old Duke Ercole, though no less -nauseated than his son, was even more harassed and more fearsome. To -offend Alexander involved the security of his duchy. To make matters -worse, when the Pope's proposal reached Ferrara, other wifely -negotiations had already been started with France. And suddenly all -pleasant plans were made parlous and uncertain. Distressed out of -circumlocution, Ercole wrote plainly and rather piteously to the -French ambassador, begging that the French king would not take the -side of the Pope, but would write and support him by stating, which -would have been almost the truth, that another marriage had already -been arranged for. The whole letter was full of stress and pleading, -and though ending with the statement that consent to the union would -in any case never be wrung out of him, and that in addition nothing -would induce his son to take the lady, it showed in every line the -anguish of a revolt that knows its own futility. - -Ercole found no friend to help him. His letters, after Louis had -slithered out of the responsibility of abetting him, revealed the -agitation this acceptance of a virtueless future duchess caused at -Ferrara. Exasperated and miserable, he showed openly that he regarded -the king's conduct as a mean refusal of good-fellowship. He gave in -finally, as he was bound to do, but spoke of it with a tragic veracity -as an act "postponing" the honesty of his most ancient house. - -The news caused an almost outrageous joy at the Vatican, though -Lucrezia's delight is perhaps the most inexplicable of the abundantly -inexplicable facts of her existence. She could not have believed -herself welcome, and she could not have conceived Alphonso as a -genial, heart-stirring companion. He was emphatically a man satisfied -with men's society. His appearance, besides, was in itself sufficient -to terrorize a woman of light reputation. Lucrezia had seen him and -the remorseless type of the straight, down-reaching nose, the tip -almost touching the upper lip. Physically he was a fine creature, but -cold suspicion glared out of him, and only excessive courage or -excessive obtuseness would have dared to be wholly at ease in his -presence. True, the marriage offered Lucrezia the great opportunity of -her life--the opportunity to retrieve, which should follow everybody's -primary misdemeanours. She rose, moreover, magnificently to the -occasion, and through that fact alone made her life of deep and -touching value. For no past human backsliding should be allowed to -blur the smoothness of a changed and nobler future. There is no object -in life if improvement is to be hindered by cast-off failings. But -though Lucrezia wiped out a bad beginning by the finest possible -maintenance of contrary behaviour, she was not the woman to think of -this beforehand, or to plan deeply and carefully the development of a -new character. She possessed too strongly the wisdom of living in the -moment, and her retrievement came, not from any long-considered -purpose, but _naturally_ when once removed from the constant, forceful -on-thrust of evil people. - -The instant the engagement had been brought about, a correspondence -began between her and Ercole. Certainly men were practised liars in -those days. When Ercole wrote to Cæsar Borgia accepting the proposed -marriage, he stated that he did so "on account of the reverence we -feel for the holiness of our Lord, and the admirable character of the -most illustrious Madonna Lucrezia, but even more for the great -affection we have for your Excellence." - -When the marriage by proxy had taken place, he further wrote to -Lucrezia herself that not only was the marriage a great happiness and -comfort in his old age, but that he had loved his new daughter-in-law -from the first, both because of the exceptional goodness of her -character, and because of her relationship to the Pope and to Cæsar -Borgia. Just at the end a grain of truth slipped in, when he stated -that he hoped that posterity through her would be assured to his house -in Ferrara. - -In spite of these protestations of affection, the D'Estes were -anything but comfortable. What they feared is clear from a letter of -the Ferrarese ambassador, written after a long interview with -Lucrezia. He wrote that she showed nothing but excellent qualities, -and appeared extremely modest, gracious, and decorous, as well as -fervently religious. He adds, "She is very pretty, but doubly so -through the charm of her manners. To be brief, her character seems to -me to warrant no evil anticipations, but to raise rather the most -pleasant expectations." Another writer says of her at this same period -that though she was not regularly beautiful, her golden hair, white -skin, and gentle manners made her a most attractive person. Also he -mentions, "She is very joyous and light-hearted, and is always -laughing." The radiance of a sunny temperament was in reality one of -the best things she brought to her reluctant husband. - -At Ferrara, Isabella of Mantua came to help her brother to receive -the Roman widow. Her letters to her husband give a graphic description -of the first days of Lucrezia's third marriage. Isabella--a keen lover -of admiration--was a little put out by rivalry with the new-comer. -Every reference to Lucrezia holds the suspicion of a sting. Even the -simple phrase, "I need not describe Lucrezia's appearance, as you have -already seen her," placed in Isabella's context, conveys an -unfavourable impression. - -The irritation of a certain insecurity acidified opinion. Isabella was -an acknowledged beauty; from babyhood she had been accustomed to be -looked upon as a pearl among women. This disreputable Borgia, with -hair equally as golden and with her incomparably magnificent clothes -and jewellery, might produce a division of opinions. Even Isabella's -own lady-in-waiting mentioned to the Marquis of Mantua that the bride -was sweet and attractive in appearance. At any rate, the marchesana -wrote: "Your Excellency enjoys more pleasure in being able to see our -baby son every day than I am able to get out of these festivities.... -Bride and bridegroom slept together last night, but we omitted the -usual morning visit, since, to be frank, this is a very chill -marriage. I think that both my suite and I compare favourably with -the rest here, and we shall, at any rate, win the prize for -card-playing, Spagnali having already won 500 gold pieces off the Jew. -To-day there is dancing till four o'clock, after which another play is -to be given...." She wrote again next day, and jealousy had evidently -not been alleged in the interval. "We passed yesterday shut up in our -rooms until four o'clock, as, being Friday, there was no dancing, and -Madonna Lucrezia, in order to outdo the Duchess of Urbino and myself, -insisted upon spending all these hours over her toilet.... Your -Excellency has no cause to envy my presence at this wedding, for never -was a more spiritless and unemotional an affair." - -Isabella was a great, lusty creature, and Lucrezia a frail, slight -woman, just arrived from an exhausting journey, after having been -overtired before she started. If she could not charm, besides, in -these first crucial days, her case was lost. Who cares at any time to -champion an ugly woman with every fragment of evidence against her? -But a fresh, smiling, childlike creature disarms antagonism through -sheer contagion of joy. And Lucrezia, as one knows, could be like -sunshine itself in her soft urbanity and good humour. She did her best -to create a pacifying impression, and succeeded. Nevertheless, the -marriage remained, as Isabella had said, a cold one. The bride was so -lightly thought of that not even a pretence of affection could be -asked from Alphonso. Alexander himself only required that he should -actually be her husband, and, satisfied upon that point, remarked to -the Ferrarese ambassador, "It is true that being young he wanders here -and there after pleasure during the day, but he does well." - -From the first, however, Lucrezia proved herself wonderful. She had no -sooner reached Ferrara than she shed the soiled Roman personality, as -she might have done a dirty garment. Without slow gradations, she -showed herself a pleasant, sober housewife, lacking even the -self-assurance to make demands upon fidelity. Intellectually, she -could not compete with Isabella of Mantua or Elizabeth of Urbino; but -she had, at least, sufficient vitality of character to turn her back -in one bound, as it were, on her entire past life, as if she were -trying to prove herself an alien personality. - -Ercole she conquered immediately. He was old, and this girl, whose -coming had so agitated him, possessed a very graceful attitude towards -her elders. Also he was tired, and those nearing the tragic -termination of existence are always fugitively warmed by the presence -of attentive youthfulness. These two, at least, got on excellently. -Once she fell ill, and had to go away for the sake of her health. -During her absence the old man insisted upon receiving daily notes of -her condition. They are the simplest, most disarming little letters -imaginable. Of all things about Lucrezia, artfulness appears the most -conspicuously absent. Her sins could never have been of the -deliberate, prearranged order. She must have stumbled into them, more -than anything, as a strayed, unshepherded lamb falls over a precipice. - -Presently came the customary baby. It was a girl, thus thwarting the -wishes of everybody. But Lucrezia knew some comfort, notwithstanding. -For a time she was dangerously ill, and during this period Alphonso -could hardly be drawn from her bedside. Evidently he had grown aware -that she suited him, and the weak girl in her stuffy bed must have -experienced an inflow of pleasure. She had not been good for nothing. - -Her recovery brought her to one of the most fateful events of her -fateful and dramatic existence. Alexander suddenly died. He and Cæsar -had fallen ill simultaneously. Every one spoke of poison, but -Alexander's symptoms were perfectly consistent with apoplexy. His -death, however, placed the new Ferrarese lady in the utmost social -peril. She had become Don Alphonso's wife solely because he and Ercole -deeply feared her father. Now that he was dead, nothing could be -easier than to draw upon the hoard of former scandals and to repudiate -her upon the strength of them. Alexander was no sooner buried, in -fact, than Louis XII. remarked diplomatically to the Ferrarese -ambassador, "I know you never approved of this marriage. Madame -Lucrezia has never been, in fact, the wife of Don Alphonso." - -Lucrezia must have grown cold with terror; but nothing calamitous -occurred. Fortunately she had been given sufficient time to show _how_ -good she could be. By now neither Ercole nor Alphonso desired to -change the gentle-mannered woman, who was needed to give an heir to -the family. Her placid, light urbanity suited both, and the danger -that threatened for a moment to overwhelm her drew off quietly like -calm, receding waters. But in connection with it one of the principal -friendships of Lucrezia's life at Ferrara comes into prominence. -Bembo, at the time of her mourning--a year after her marriage--had -become intimate enough to give the advice no man troubles to offer to -a woman entirely indifferent to him. He wrote, referring to -Alexander's death, that having been informed that her sorrow was -terrible and extreme, he had called the day before in the hope of -being able, in some small degree, to comfort her. But he owned -regretfully that his visit had proved useless, for he had no sooner -seen her than her forlorn unhappiness, and her piteous, black -draperies, had stricken him with such an overwhelming heartache, that -he had been literally unable to utter a single coherent sentence. He -then went on to beg her--and he wrote with a kind of tender -directness--to try and control her misery, for fear, the circumstances -being evidently not absolutely straightforward, it should be thought -she wept less for her father than for the possible insecurity of her -present position. He reminded her gently that this was not the first -dire calamity that a harsh fate had thrust upon her, and in some -admirably sincere phrases he practically beseeched her, for her own -sake, to show a brave and composed demeanour. He closed the letter by -an almost ingratiating apology for having said so much, and with the -request--so customary with a man in love--that she should take every -care of her health. - -Apart from the distress at seeing Lucrezia unhappy, the second part -of the letter shows a man who had received confidences. Lucrezia's -version--perhaps the true one--of the turbid past, was to some extent -in his keeping, and he gave her what warning he could to save her from -adding to her present precarious position in Ferrara. - -The friendship of these two is another of the uncertainties in which -everything intimately concerning Lucrezia lies. It has been dragged -unnecessarily into a false appearance of shadiness. A lock of her hair -was found among a packet of her letters to him, and though it is -extremely doubtful that the hair could have been hers even, the -intimacy because of it was immediately regarded as having passed the -bounds of virtue. Yet why should a lock of hair incriminate anybody? -The desire to soften the pains they see is strong in all mothering -women. Lucrezia wore her hair about her shoulders; scissors must have -been conveniently near owing to the amount of needlework done at that -period. Bembo, then a young man, was also for a time very much in -love, therefore capable of little sentimental comforts. A woman's hair -is a fragment of her very personality. To grant a boon like that, -under circumstances of such facility, would need merely a softened or -impulsive moment. Lucrezia, besides, with a husband absorbed in the -manufacture of explosives, may reasonably have been a little grateful -that somebody at least loved her. - - [Illustration: SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS - FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE - VATICAN] - -There is no habit so pernicious as that of deducing evil from trivial -whimsicalities. No judgment that is unaware of the inner -subtleties--the whole complex growth of any given circumstance--does -aright to suppose harmfulness. A lock of hair may be the result of -sheer frowardness, or it may be the outcome of the most unaccompanied -compassion: it may be the meaningless consequence of sudden -unconsidered laughter, or the proffered comfort of a heart with -nothing else to offer. But in all cases it is entirely destitute, by -itself, of anything justifying a condemnatory construction. - -Bembo is too well known among Renaissance celebrities to need personal -explanations. Vasari says of him: "The Italians cannot be sufficiently -thankful to Bembo for having not only purified their language from the -rust of ages, but given it such regularity and clearness that it has -become what we see." Few men have known a life of more sustained -triumph. At the time of his friendship with Lucrezia he was young--a -good-looking man of about twenty-eight--but already he had attained a -widespread appreciation. - -He was not the only clever man in the duchess's society at Ferrara; -the traditions of the house were intellectual. Lucrezia, at last, had -fallen into excellent hands, and was being formed in the best school -possible. Men, notable not only for genius, but for serious qualities -of temperament, educated her by companionship. Bembo, Castiglione, -Aldo Manuce, were all men who thought with some profundity and -breadth. Ariosto, from 1503 in the service of Hippolyte D'Este, was -another man of genius she must have known intimately, and among minor -intellects the two Strozzi poets, as well as Tebaldeo and Callagnini, -sang her praises from personal acquaintance. - -It was not altogether, however, an easy-minded society. Alphonso, -though he mixed little with his wife's _entourage_, formed a -constantly dangerous background to it. His suspicions were always -alert. The murder of the poet Strozzi is put down to him, and in 1505 -Tebaldeo wrote to Isabella: "This duke hates me, though I do not know -why, and it is not safe for me to stay in the town." Even Bembo, in -his relations to his friend, had to be girded with the uttermost -caution, and finally for him also it became unadvisable to remain -longer in Ferrara. With his going one of the most delicate affections -of Lucrezia's life fell to pieces. And yet not altogether; Bembo, -though he took mistresses he loved to distraction, continued for -fifteen years to correspond with his Ferrarese duchess. Unless their -friendship had been very real and very rich in sincerities, it would -have crumbled into nothingness within a year. - -Lucrezia's intimacy with Castiglione was a slighter affair. He had no -importance in her life, save as being among those who helped to give -her culture. That she should have known him is interesting, however, -because in his great book Castiglione expressed with a limpid -particularity the Renaissance ideal of womanhood. On the whole it was -an unimaginative conception--at least expressed as Castiglione -expressed it. For no book ever avoided more completely than "The -Courtier" any obliqueness or any individual frankness of idiosyncrasy. -Tact, according to Castiglione, was the essential mainspring of -feminine fascination--tact and the art of conversation. One wise point -he insisted upon--suavity. That, he said, should be inseparable from -every woman's society. The remark lingers in the memory,--suavity, a -soft and soothing composure, having so nearly passed out of even the -conception of good manners. Scandals, especially of her own sex, it -was unpardonable for a woman either to utter or to attend to. Dancing -and other accomplishments he urged as a necessary part of education; -but, on the other hand, he did not encourage naturalness. He wrote: -"When she cometh to dance or to show any kind of music, she ought to -be brought to it with suffering herself somewhat to be prayed, and -with a certain bashfulness that may declare the noble shamefastness -that is contrary to headiness." The early Victorian code of good -manners was therefore only a return to a former fashion, and a fashion -instigated by men and not by women at all. - -Castiglione wrote at length upon the question of dress. Here his -common sense is unimpeachable: "Women ought to have a judgment to know -what manner of garments set her out best, and be most fit for the -exercise she intendeth to undertake at that instant, and with them -array herself." He urged keenly that lean and fat should pay attention -to their peculiarities. Every woman, he insisted, ought to do all in -her power to keep herself "cleanly and handsome." - -Upon the subject of morality, Castiglione possessed no grave feelings. -He advocated virtue, but not because conduct is vital, far-reaching, -touching momentarily the character and fate of so many besides the -doer, but almost entirely on account of the greater safety attaching -to circumspection. Intrigue involved so many dangers. Consequently, he -urged women "to be heedful, and remember that men with less jeopardy -show to be in love than women." He begged a woman to "give her lover -nothing but her mind when either hatred of her husband or the love he -beareth to others inclineth her to love." Words were so much vapour, -but a definite action was perilously apt to produce definite -consequences. Husbands had a knack of revenging in their own wives -what they asked from the wives of others. - -A quaint and almost subtle stipulation ends the list. The perfect -lady, according to Castiglione, "must not only be learned, but able to -devise sports and pastimes." All active brains need rest. The -desirable woman should know, in consequence, how to relax the tension -of absorbing thoughts, as well as how to tender the encouragement of -sympathy. Health demands some intervals for relaxation and -foolishness. - -Castiglione himself married a child called Ippolyta Torelli, whose -life was tragically brief. As a husband, nothing is known of him -except that he was a good deal away from home. His wife wrote _one_ -exquisite letter--one loves her because of it--and that is practically -all that remains of their domestic existence. The note was written -just before her death, which took place through the birth of her third -child. She lay in bed, and put on paper-- - - "My dear Husband, - - "I have given birth to a little girl, which I do not think you - will be displeased to hear. I have suffered this time much more - than before, and I have had three bad bouts of fever. But now I - am better, and hope to suffer no more pain. I will not write - more to you lest I overtax my strength. But with all my heart I - commend myself to your lordship. - - "In Mantua, the 20th of August, 1520. - - "Your wife, who is a little weary with pain." - -The caressing prettiness of the last phrase is like the feel of a -tired child's hand slipped into one's own. Castiglione felt her death -acutely, and wrote that he never dreamt his wife, whom he referred to -with great tenderness, would have died before him, and all he now -prayed for was that the Almighty might not leave him long before he -followed her. - -Lucrezia needed friends at Ferrara. Her life was one almost without -respite from harassments, internal troubles and political insecurity -being always present. Plague and famine devastated the well-being of -the duchy. Twice Lucrezia was left in charge of a famine-stricken -district, and twice proved herself capable, resourceful, -self-forgetting. On the first occasion she was ill, but, -notwithstanding, absolutely refused to leave the town as ordered by -the doctors. She worked for the unhappy people starving about her, in -a flaming rush of pity. Jews and Christians were alike to Lucrezia; -her protection of Jews was strenuous in a period when the mere name -roused men's ferocity. That her heart throbbed in response to the -right instincts is proved by the whole compassionate fabric of her -later life. Any human being, intuitively conscious that pain equalizes -all things, cannot be encased in the callousness of the really bad or -cold nature. During all the years Lucrezia lived in Ferrara her care -for charitable institutions was personal and active. - -And it should be remembered that philanthropy had not yet become a -fashionable occupation; sympathy of attitude by those in high places -was still unusual and undemanded. The management of the few existing -charitable houses during the Renaissance was deplorable. But Alphonso -and Lucrezia not only built a new and improved hospital for infectious -diseases, but took, besides, sufficient personal interest in its -patients to dismiss a man for neglecting the invalids entrusted to his -care. - -This phase of Lucrezia's life ought to be dwelt upon at length. It -lifts her from a flighty extravagance and immorality into positive -goodness of behaviour. Depth she probably had not--deep, brooding -persons are not necessary in great abundance--and the woman who left -her only child, the son of the murdered Don Alphonso, could not have -been fiercely tenacious of heart. In all Lucrezia's life, in fact, -this is the worst incident--this abandonment of her baby. So much was -thrust upon her; this surrender itself was so to a certain extent. But -not the manner of it, the effortless blitheness, the impulsive -acquiescence. It is this one revealing episode that chiefly keeps her -from the region of supremely wronged and tragic persons. - -In 1507 her brother Cæsar died. Alphonso was away at the time, fighting -with Louis XII. A letter, despatched at once, told him how she took the -news. According to the writer, "she showed great grief, but with -constancy and without tears." This phrase "without tears" carries a -certain poignant implication. Surely the hearer was at last sinking -through shallowness to find some deep places in her nature. Shallowness -can always shed tears. Had Lucrezia even been indifferent to Cæsar's -death--and indifference is the least likely sensation--shallowness -would have dropped a few tears of excitement, silliness, shock. There -is a moving weariness of grief in any tearless conduct. - -Isabella D'Este, who was with her at the time, wrote as well. She said -that Lucrezia "immediately went to the monastery of the Corpo di -Cristo, to offer up prayers for his soul. At the monastery she -remained for two nights, and having left it, she found herself so much -indisposed that her physician, for security, insisted on her keeping -her bed, to which she is still confined." - -Lucrezia had several children after her third marriage, and in the -year following Cæsar's death she gave birth to the desired heir, -Ercole, afterwards to marry the poor, cheerless Renée of France. But -she had been a delicate, frail creature all her life, and when, in -1519, she gave birth to a dead child, the case immediately became -hopeless. As a Roman Catholic, she was told at once how near Death -loomed, though the information seems a cruel thing to give to any -person not yet old enough to have wearied of existence. But Lucrezia, -who had never yet made a fuss about anything, did not make a fuss over -the last great unpleasantness of all. This composure at dying touches -all her past serenity with something almost effulgent. It makes her -suddenly full of strange wisdom and singular comprehensions; as if -unconsciously she understood the real value of individual mortality, -and knew it just sweet enough for smiles and laughter, but at the same -time too slight, unstable, and finite for great commotions or -disturbances. - -Having been told that she could not live any longer, and seeing -Alphonso suddenly attentive, the exhausted woman wasted no strength -contesting the unalterable, but simply lay quietly in her bed and -tried to think of God, the Virgin, and the world beyond. A few days -before her death she wrote to Pope Leo X. Her letter is sedateness -itself and courage. Nothing was further from its utterance than -discomposure or demur. If forlornness reached her at leaving the -lovely homeliness of mortal life, she was too magnanimously courteous -to burden another person with a private sorrow. She wrote-- - - "Most Holy Father and Worshipful Lord, - - "With all reverence I kiss your Holiness's feet, and humbly - commend myself to your good will. Having been in great pain for - more than two months, early on the morning of the 14th day of - the present month, according to the will of God, I gave birth to - a little daughter. I hoped then to get alleviation from my - sufferings, but the contrary took place, and I have to pay my - debt to nature. And through the grace of God I am conscious that - the end of my life is near, and that in a few hours, having - received the holy sacraments of the Church, I shall have passed - away. And having came to this state, as a Christian, although a - sinner, I beseech your Holiness in your goodness to give me from - the heavenly treasures spiritual consolation and your holy - benediction for my soul. This I most devoutly pray for, and to - your great mercy I commit my husband and my children, who are - all faithful servants of your Holiness. - - "In Ferrara, the 22nd of June, 1519, at the fourteenth hour. - - "Your Holiness's humble servant, - - "Lucrezia da Este." - -No braver letter, nor one more touching in its noble staidness of -expression, was ever written by a woman, knowing that in a few hours -life would have ceased for her. Two days after writing it she died, -and Alphonso wrote after her death that it was hard to face the loss -of so sweet a companion, the gentleness of her conduct having made the -bond between them a very close and tender one. No single individual -can possess the whole round of virtues--a fact too often ignored in -current judgment of character--but every writer lingered upon -Lucrezia's gentleness. There is no more winning thing than a gentle -woman. Persistent gentleness not only excludes harsh thoughts, but is -a force constantly wooing men out of turbulent bitterness and acrimony -of spirit. - -Alphonso fainted at his wife's funeral, and nothing could protest more -eloquently against assertions of her wickedness. Grim men of -Alphonso's fibre do not, after nine years of marriage, faint for a -woman who has not known how to bring to life the softer undergrowths -of character. Lucrezia must have possessed a more than normal degree -of conciliatory seduction. And she charms still, in spite of much -calumniating gossip, not only because she expressed undeviatingly the -heartening value of good cheer, and set so fine an example of how to -discard bad yesterdays, but to a certain extent because, as far as one -knows, she babbled nothing for biographers to seize upon, and so left -herself perpetually among the engrossing enigmas of European history. - - - - -MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME - -1492-1549 - - -The Renaissance in France has not the same degree of charm as the -Renaissance in Italy. It misses the radiance and the sense of open-air -sweetness that clings to the original movement. The women of the -Italian Renaissance were constantly adventuring into the country; the -enchantment of the climate lingers in all recollections of them. The -Renaissance in France conveys a different impression--one colder, more -troubled, more half-hearted. The large frescoed palaces, with their -adorable colonnades, are gone, and the sensation given is of a -bleaker, darker, and more housed existence. The entranced -light-heartedness of the Italian period did not travel into France. -When the Renaissance came into that country the Reformation came too, -and the labours of the Sorbonne robbed it of the youth and -irresponsibility that made the other so vital and complete. The -Italian Renaissance breathed out the exultation of adolescence; the -French, the reflectiveness of maturity. - -Of the French Renaissance, Margaret D'Angoulême is the central female -figure. She was born on April 11, 1492, when her mother, Louise de -Savoie, was only fifteen. Louise had been a poor relation at court -before she married, and her aunt, Anne of Beaujeu, had arranged her -marriage. Louise de Savoie was among the women who had not been given -a fair start in life. The bridegroom, Charles D'Angoulême, had already -an attachment; he loved greatly a certain Jeanne de Polignac. He did -his best not to marry Louise, and so remain unharassed in the service -of his lady friend. But Anne de Beaujeu was very masterful, and -Charles surrendered through necessity. He married Louise, then a child -of twelve, and made Jeanne de Polignac one of her ladies-in-waiting. - -When Louise was fifteen, Margaret was born, and two years afterwards, -Francis--"My Cæsar, my lord"--came into the world. A year later -Louise's husband died. She mentions the fact in her journal without -expressions of regret. Not but that she had been happy enough in his -lifetime. Charles, absorbed by his own love affairs, allowed his wife -moderate freedom to indulge in hers. But his death made such -amusements less anxious and more easy. The complaisance of husbands -has always an element of uncertainty. - -There was another trait in Louise's character to which her husband's -death gave fuller scope--her ardent maternal instincts. The quality of -her love for her children was vehement, jealous, and primitive. -Margaret, as a result of this, became educated in an atmosphere -unusual at that period. An indulged tenderness steeped her juvenile -days in pleasantness. There were no severities at Cognac. Of Francis, -Louise made an idol, but Margaret, though trained from the days she -could lisp to worship this idol along with her mother, was also -herself a treasured person. The glow of these early days left their -influence upon her for a lifetime. She never shook off the warmliness -of heart all her upbringing had encouraged. - -Upon Louise's widowhood, Louis XII. was for a short time very kind to -her and to her children. This mood suddenly changed--in a few days, it -is said--and a certain Jean de St. Gelais, a friend of Louise's, is -credited with having caused the alteration. Louise was ordered to -retire to the castle of Blois, and there was talk of taking the -children away from her. In the end, the Marechale de Gie, whose tragic -downfall has been told in the life of Anne, was given practical -control of her household. His first act--presumably under Louis's -orders--consisted in the dismissal of St. Gelais. It was this action -which Louise is supposed never to have forgiven. De Gie became her -most devoted supporter; all his interests were on the same side as -hers, all his aims were to place Francis subsequently upon the throne -of France. But when the catastrophe of Anne's luggage occurred, Louise -flung the weight of her evidence remorselessly against him, and lied -with a sinister heartiness. - -At Blois, Margaret was brought up with boys. A number of _pages -d'honneur_ were being educated with the heir-presumptive. Margaret -grew to know at an early age a good deal about the temperaments of the -other sex, and a good deal about flirtation. At nine years old she -went through her first love affairs. No wonder that later she knew, as -Brantome put it, more about the art of pleasing (_galanterie_) than -her daily bread. - -The playfellow to whom Margaret lost her childish heart was the -fascinating Gaston de Foix, but there were several others among her -brother's pages who were momentous in her after existence. There was, -for instance, Charles de Montpensier, afterwards Connétable de -Bourbon, whom Louise de Savoie, by unduly persecuting--it is said -because he refused to marry her--drove to the side of Charles V. Of -this Connétable, Henry VIII. of England made a shrewd observation when -he saw him at the Field of the Cloth of Gold. "If he was a subject of -mine," he said, "he would not keep his head." There was also, among -the pages at Blois, Anne de Montmorency, for whom Margaret's -friendship continued long after both were grown up. He owed his -subsequent position in a large measure to her assistance, but desirous -of possessing the supreme influence over Francis himself, he grew to -hate the woman who also possessed so much. The unworthy termination of -the friendship began in the light-hearted childhood at Blois--it was -Montmorency who made the famous remark to Francis: "If your majesty -wants to rid the country of heretics, you must begin with your own -sister"--which was among the sharpest disillusions of Margaret's -existence. - - [Illustration: HEAD OF GASTON DE FOIX - _Alinari_] - -But as a child her affection for Montmorency was as nothing to the -adoration she felt for the gentle, endearing Gaston, who could do -everything well, and whose manners won people's hearts perpetually. -Unfortunately, at ten Margaret was marriageable, and she had no sooner -reached that age than Louis XII. tried to arrange a marriage for her -with the English Prince of Wales--afterwards Henry VIII. Happily, -Henry wanted some one nearer the throne than a cousin, and the little -group at Blois remained unbroken. But the question of marriage was -always in the air--the sense that the enfolded home life might cease -at any moment could never be entirely shaken off. Later, Margaret -narrowly escaped another English husband. Henry VII., then an old -widower, wanted a second wife. He made a formal proposal for Louise. -She refused point-blank, and the ambassador then asked for the -daughter. This was accepted, and arrangements were in progress, when -Margaret herself suddenly set everybody agape by declining an old and -decrepid husband. The marriage came to nothing, though probably not -because of the small girl's protest; there were political reasons -against it as well. - -Meanwhile, Margaret's childish lover, Gaston, had left the château at -Blois. The modest-mannered boy, known familiarly as "the Dove," had -gone to take up a man's business, leaving his little weeping friend -behind him. But Margaret had grown by now into an interesting-looking -girl. Her face, at the age of sixteen, must have been singularly -arresting. She had the charm that is rarest of all--the charm of -strangeness. Her appearance was not like other people's. The portrait -of her, painted when she was about twenty, leading Francis to the -crucified Christ, is full of subtleties. The face is round, with the -sweet fulness of young things, but the chin is tiny, lovable, -incongruous--the chin of soft assents and surrenders. The nose is -long, the over-long nose of Francis I.; the mouth deliciously curved -and tender. All the lower half of the face expresses a desire for -gentle pleasures and soft and caressing habits. But the eyes belong to -a different temperament. They gaze out of the happy face with -unexpected wistfulness and mysticism. Their expression is almost -tired, as if so many difficult matters had vexed their understanding -that they were weary before their time. The preoccupied eyes, the -love-needing chin, the long, cold nose, and the charming outline of -the head, make an extraordinary combination. - -Every contemporary writer agreed that Margaret had the gift of -fascination, and she had also in youth the kind of looks that linger -in the imagination. It is, consequently, not surprising that while she -sighed for the absent Gaston, some one else should have sighed for -her. This second love affair is one of the interesting experiences of -Margaret's life; it is rich in information about Margaret, about -Louise, about the habits and customs of Margaret's times. Using -fictitious names, she tells it herself, as well as her early affection -for Gaston, in the "Heptameron." Bonnivet was a lieutenant when he -first saw Margaret, and he fell in love with her immediately. -Immediately also he set himself to try and arouse a corresponding -emotion. She was a princess, and he was a simple gentleman of good -family; marriage was out of the question. But one could live without -marriage, and Bonnivet set to work instantly to realize a plan by -which he could remain permanently near his enticing lady. There was a -rich and ugly heiress who lived close to the castle of Amboise, and -whose parents belonged to the royal circle. Bonnivet made love to her -and married her. To further facilitate his own reception at the -castle, his brother about this time received a post in Louise's -household. Bonnivet then saw Margaret constantly. The girl considered -herself forlorn. Her round blue eyes were plaintive under their first -experience of a heartache. Bonnivet, fascinating and determined, -became her friend. She confided to him all her innocent little -love-story. He took the part of sympathizer. Margaret could never hate -any one who liked her, and she was at the age when to be loved easily -stirs a vague and evanescent fluttering. - -Presently Bonnivet had to go away also--Louis was at war with -Italy--and for two years Margaret saw nothing of either Gaston or her -newer comrade. When Bonnivet returned he was warmly welcomed at the -castle of Amboise. But apparently--it may have been a ruse--he had -come back visibly dejected through the weight of some great sorrow. -Margaret commenced to ask questions. This was clearly only out of a -desire for flirtation, for Bonnivet's feelings had never known -secrecy, and Margaret was more than ordinarily intelligent. One day -they leant together at one of the windows of the castle. Bonnivet -ceased to talk of Gaston, and confessed the reason of his own -melancholy. Having done so, he stated that he must go away. -Margaret--to suspect that she enjoyed all this is unavoidable--replied -that there was no need, "she trusted utterly in his honour, she was -not angry at all;" which last statement, at any rate, strikes one as -being unmistakably accurate. - -The confession, nevertheless, was an error. Margaret wanted to be -loved, and she adored the glow of a sentimental friendship. But -Bonnivet desired more than this, and showed that he did. The situation -lost its grace and easiness. The girl found herself pressed by an -emotion tired of simple playfulness; she grew uncomfortable, and -Bonnivet, seeing that the situation had become untenable, went away. A -wise, grave woman would have let him stay away. It is part of -Margaret's appeal to us that she was never entirely sensible. She -liked Bonnivet, and she felt that a young creature left destitute of -love has lost a large part of the exquisiteness of youth. Gaston had -faded by now into a sentimental and rather plaintive memory; she -wrote, therefore, to Bonnivet to come back. Away among other women he -could not be trusted to remain the same--he was one of those who love -vehemently and often. He came in answer to her call, but shortly -afterwards another Italian expedition removed him once more from her -influence. In this war he was taken prisoner, and Margaret is said to -have both fasted and gone pilgrimages in order to win God into -releasing the prisoner. She had also promised him before he left that -wherever she went after her marriage she would take his wife as one of -her ladies, thereby assuring a re-meeting. - -And marriage had become at last unavoidable. The Duc D'Alençon had -asked the king and queen for her hand, and she had refused so many -husbands that it was impossible to continue obdurate. Margaret hung -back, but could not ultimately resist the wishes of the king, and -though it is said she declared that she would rather have had death -instead, the marriage took place at the court of Anne and Louis on -October 9, 1509. - -The match was in all ways unsuitable. The Duc D'Alençon was -good-looking, but invertebrate, jealous, and very stupid. This was -exactly the type of character to depress Margaret, who at -seventeen--or, for that matter, all her life--showed herself an ardent -seeker after a cheerful way of living. The mystic strain in her -temperament was involuntary. She troubled about the soul, death, and -the after life because she could not help herself; questions of -conduct and the future came unasked, and shook her with uncontrollable -distresses. But of her own desires she was all in tune with the -Renaissance. She says of herself that "she was _de moult joyeuse -vie_," and her contemporaries bear her out in the statement. - -Life at Alençon proved more than uncongenial to her. Separated from -her mother and Francis, the two people Margaret loved best in the -world, and from all congenial society, the girl fretted visibly. It -was at this time that, in her correspondence with the Bishop of Meaux, -she called herself "worse than dead." - -But her love-story with Bonnivet was far from being terminated. Some -time after her marriage, when Margaret, her husband, and her -mother-in-law were together, Bonnivet once more returned from foreign -service. He at once went to Alençon, presumably to see his wife. -Margaret watched him arrive from an upper window, for fear that in the -brusqueness of a sudden meeting she might betray the tumult of her -heart. It had been left to grow so cold, this little hot heart, since -her marriage. They met, and when they were alone she slipped back -joyfully into the old habit of confidence. She told him about her -marriage, she talked of Gaston, and cried. Bonnivet grew hopeful that -she loved him, when a sudden untoward event once more flung them -apart. Bonnivet's wife died; he had no longer any excuse for hanging -about Margaret's person. The king also sent orders for his departure. -But this renewed separation--his lady had grown more than ever -seductive and engrossing--affected his health. He fell ill and took to -his bed. - -Margaret--for the age permitted these acts of intimate -graciousness--went to pay him a visit. He looked so ill that she cried -once more. They both cried, and the girl, whose instincts were always -mothering, put her arms round her ailing friend. Intelligence should -have warned her against the action. But Margaret, whose intelligence -was so markedly above the average, seldom used it when love scenes -were in question--they fascinated her too much. Bonnivet lost his -head, and his visitor, frightened, began to scream. Plain speaking had -grown unavoidable. The invalid urged her loveless marriage, his own -despair and constancy. Margaret became sad and reproachful. "In her -sorrow," she said wistfully, "she had thought to have found a friend." -They separated for the third time; after which, Margaret did nothing -but cry for several days. - -After further fighting, Bonnivet received a post at home. The Duchesse -D'Alençon had gone to pay a visit to her mother, and Bonnivet knew -that Louise was his friend--she hated anybody, it would seem, to be -more fastidious than herself upon questions of morality. One evening, -when passing upon state business, he asked permission to call, and -Louise at once told her daughter to be ready when sent for. Margaret -knew the disposition of her mother; instead of obeying, she ran to the -castle chapel, and prayed, with all her heart flowing into the words -upon her lips, for the help of Heaven. She did more; she took a stone -and tore her face with it until the cheeks were swollen and scratched -and bleeding. The action is wholly beautiful. No girl disfigures and -hurts herself unless driven by a fundamental instinct of the soul into -an extremity for salvation. Margaret was afraid--terribly afraid. She -liked Bonnivet, she hated her husband, and she was not made of stone; -after all, she was the daughter of Louise and Charles of Savoie, and -the sister of Francis. But she wanted more ardently to be good than -anything, and she knew no surer way than this to defend herself while -the youth ran so hot in her pulsing body. - -Louise found her torn and bleeding, but remained inexorably upon the -side of unrighteousness. The girl's face having been hastily attended -to, she was sent straight into the presence of Bonnivet. The naïve -grace of the action demanded, in truth, a more pitiful generation -than Margaret's for appreciation. Her little hands were roughly -seized, and the scene developed into an inexcusable and ungentle -struggle. - -Margaret screamed for her mother. Louise, who was undisturbedly -holding her usual evening court, had in the end to go to them. -Embarrassing explanations brought the incident to a close, but there -is no doubt that Margaret once more wept a good deal. Louise was very -angry, and in refusing to have Bonnivet as a lover, the Duchesse -D'Alençon lost her friend. She had to go back to the chill life of her -husband's court with the one soft thread drawn out of existence. But -when it came to more than words--Margaret had no prejudices of -speech--she never made vital mistakes. Conduct was the one ultimate -test by which the mystery of life became beautiful and tranquillizing. - -For six years Margaret lived at Alençon, and it is said that her -mystical and Protestant sympathies were principally developed in these -years. But there is very little known of this period, and nothing that -is at all intimate. She emerged into prominence only from the year -1515, when Louise wrote in her journal, "The first day of November, -1515, my son was King of France." - -This event brought some improvement into Margaret's life. Francis -cared for both his mother and sister; nobody flattered him with the -same undoubted sincerity as these two. After his accession the -Duchesse D'Alençon was often with her brother's court at Paris. But -the intervals between these visits were still dull and melancholy. Her -famous correspondence with the Bishop of Meaux, Guillaume Briconnet, -could not have commenced until some five years after her brother's -accession, when Martin Luther had uprisen to preach against the Pope. -These letters are steeped in complainfulness. Written from Alençon, -they read as the letters of a young person--unhappy, but not too -unhappy to make a sort of pretty plaintiveness out of melancholy. -Questions of the soul had begun to vex her. According, also, to the -new and curiously convincing doctrines, it was not so easy to elude -punishment for this life's licences as the priests protested. The new -theories found obscure, hesitant acquiescences in her own -intelligence. Their spiritual clearness possessed a renewing freshness -after the iniquities into which the old religion had fallen. Margaret -was insatiably curious; she craved to know everything, and when she -started her correspondence with Briconnet--at that time sympathetic -to the new religion--she both desired more knowledge of the Lutheran -doctrine, and some one who could attune conflicting uncertainties. - -The correspondence is extraordinary. Briconnet--impassioned of -complexity in style--was half the time not comprehensible. In answer -to some letter of Margaret's dealing with spiritual bewilderments, he -wrote to her: "The extent of your kingdom's goods and honours should -be a voice to stimulate, and a great breath to light a torrent of fire -of love for God. Alas, madam, I fear that it is in some uneasiness; -for, as Jeremiah said, the bellows that should light the fire has -failed--_defect sufflatorium in igne_!... Madam, who is deserted in a -desert, in a desert is lost, seeking solitude and cannot find it; and -when he finds it is then prevented, is a bad guide to guide others out -of the desert and lead them to the desired desert. The desert starves -them with mortal hunger, even though they should be full up to the -eyes, sharpening desire only to satiate it, and impoverish him to -hunger." - -Margaret could make no sense of this. She wrote back -humorously--nobody was more quickly moved to laughter--"The poor -wanderer cannot understand the good which is to be found in the -desert for lack of knowing she is benighted there. I pray you that in -this desert, out of affection and pity, you will not hasten forwards -so swiftly that you cannot be followed, in order that the abyss, -through the abyss which you invoke, may not engulf the poor wanderer." - -But the request for clarity passed unheeded. Briconnet seized the word -"abyss," and the following paragraph was his answer. I give it in the -original French, as translation is almost impossible. "_L'Abysme, qui -tout abysme présent, pour en le désabysment l'abysmes en l'abysme -(sans l'abysmes). Auquel abysme est fond sans fond voie des errants_," -etc. - -Margaret must have abandoned hope of enlightenment; but Briconnet, -happily, had intelligible intervals. When he chose he could write with -the same lucidity as other people. Once, for instance, after Margaret -had written more sadly than usual, he replied sensibly enough: -"Madame, you write to me to have pity on you because you are lonely. I -do not accept this proposition. Who lives in the world and has her -heart in it remains alone through being badly accompanied. But she -whose heart sleeps to the world and lives for the gentle and debonnair -Jesus, lives in all that is necessary, and certainly is not alone." -Margaret refused to respond to this; she had such need of men and -women, of friendship, of intellectual friction, of a perpetual output -of loving-kindnesses. She wrote again to Briconnet, saying, "It is so -cold--one's heart is frozen;" and signed herself, "Worse than dead." - -Briconnet may have been moved; young women should not be neglected and -unhappy. But he remained sensible, and reproved the method of -signature. Then Margaret, with a defiant meekness, signed her next -letter, "Worse than ill." - -This humorous docility shows that the depression she complained of was -not yet grief--merely the illusive melancholy of juvenility. After the -days of Alençon there was no repetition of it. Youth once traversed, -the realities of death, of irretrievable sorrow--nothing is -irretrievable until thirty--put an end to imaginative melancholy. -Conscious of the familiar agonies always so close, the intelligent -grow to hug what gaiety they can. Certainly there is no longer the -playfulness in regard to sorrow, to sign "Worse than death" in a mood -of amused defiance. - -Some time before Francis started upon the disastrous Italian campaign, -Margaret went through the last episode in her love-story with -Bonnivet. Except for the light it throws upon the morals of the -period, it would be as well omitted; and but for Monsieur de -Claviere's assertion of its veracity, one would gladly leave the story -at its last dramatic moment. Bonnivet had married again, and during -one of Margaret's visits to Paris he invited royalty to pay a visit at -his estate in the country, in order to take part in a great hunt he -had organized. Margaret gives in the "Heptameron" a very full account -of what occurred; but, condensed, it comes to this--that Bonnivet, -having previously made a trap-door for the purpose, penetrated one -night into the princess's bedroom. This time Margaret did not scratch -her own face, but her adversary's. Before her lady-in-waiting rushed -into the room, and her conscienceless admirer fled back through the -carefully arranged trap-door, Bonnivet's appearance had been rudely -disfigured. He could not appear next day; it was necessary to plead -illness to avoid unanswerable questions, and Margaret never saw him -again. He was killed at the battle of Pavia. They had fought, but she -grieved at his death, and to the end of her life loved to talk of him -as one dear and tender in her memory. - -Among other friends of this period, the poet Marot ought to be -included. Marot's father, also a poet, had been attached first to the -court of Anne, and then to that of Francis. Marot himself had been -brought up in an atmosphere of royalty. He was an interesting -personality--incurably light and incurably honest. His poetry, of -which Sainte Beuve remarked that good manners in poetry were born with -him, was never deep, but always fascinating, natural, light-hearted. -He wrote many verses to Margaret, in the gay and witty manner which -was peculiarly his own. An excellently condensed impression of -Margaret's temperament is given in the following lines:-- - - "Tous deux aimons la musique chantes, - Tous deux aimons les livres fréquenter, - Tous deux aimons d'aucun ne médire, - Tous deux aimons un meilleur propos dire, - Tous deux aimons gens pleins d'honnêtete. - - * * * * * - - Tous deux aimons a visites les heux - On ne sont point gens mélancoleux - Que diraj plus? Ce mot, la dire j'ore - Je le disaj! Que presque en toute chose, - Nous ressemblons, fois que j'ai plus d'envoi, - Et que tu as le cœur plus dur que moi." - -As a personality, Marot only came into prominence later, when the -religious persecutions had begun. He leant towards Lutheranism, and -Margaret had twice to save him from the sinister machinery of the -Sorbonne. Later still, after her second marriage, she sheltered him -at Navarre, and when even that became a place of doubtful security, -she sent him to Renée in Ferrara. To translate Clement Marot's poetry -is to destroy all impression of its delicate and witty pleasantness. -The following example is typical of his manner at its lightest. They -are verses to - - "UNE DEMOISELLE MALADE. - - "Ma Mignonne, - Je vous donne - Le bon jour. - Le séjour - C'est prison. - Guerison - Recouvrez, - Puis ouvrez - Vostre porte, - Et qu'on sorte - Vistement. - Car Clement - Je vous mande - Va, friande - De ta bouche - Qui se couche - En danger - Pour manger - Confitures. - Si tu dures - Trop malade - Couleur fade - Tu prendras. - Et perdras - L'Embonpoint. - Dieu te doint - Santé bonne - Ma Mignonne." - -It was characteristic of a strain of cheerful callousness in the poet -to tell his friend that to continue ill would be to lose the pretty -plumpness which made her so attractive. - -In 1524, Francis started to reconquer Milan, and from that time a -great change came into Margaret's way of life. When he went, her -husband went with him; also Bonnivet, Anne de Montmorency, and many -others who were her friends. Margaret then moved to Paris to keep her -mother company; also the poor queen Claude, who was in the last stages -of consumption, and who died before Francis had gone far upon his -journey. The disaster of Pavia came as an almost inconceivable blow to -those in Paris. Francis was the prisoner of Charles V., and it was -said the calamity had taken place, to a great extent, owing to the -stupidity of Margaret's husband, who, as leader of the vanguard, had -failed to come to the king's rescue. La Palice, Bayaret, and Bonnivet, -among her friends also, were dead, and Marot and Montmorency were -prisoners. In reference to Palice's death some ridiculous verses were -sung in the streets by the people-- - - "Hélas, La Palice est mort, - Il est mort devant Pavie. - Hélas, s'il n'etait pas mort - Il serait encore en vie." - -From the moment of Francis's capture Margaret commenced a -correspondence of almost impassioned tenderness with him and about -him. The poet Dr. Bellay refers to Margaret, Louise, and Francis as -one heart in three bodies, and they were known as The Trinity, -Margaret, upon one occasion, referring to herself as the last corner -in it. She wrote to Francis, after he had been taken to Madrid: "If I -can be of service to you, even to the scattering of the ashes of my -bones to the winds, nothing will be amiss, difficult, or painful, but -consolation, repose, and honour." - -The next incident was to fling Margaret upon the colossal failure of -her life. Charles V. would agree to no terms of peace in which Francis -did not surrender Burgundy as well as all claims to Milan and Naples. -Francis was willing to give up claim to the last two places, but to -relinquish Burgundy, which meant giving up a slice of France, was out -of the question. - -Margaret had meanwhile become a widow. The Duc D'Alençon died shortly -after the disaster of Pavia--it is said, in a great measure, from want -of will to live. Everybody--including his wife--looked upon him with -abhorrence, since he had been, in some measure, responsible for the -capture of the king. The knowledge helped to destroy vitality, though, -in the end, Margaret nursed and coddled and forgave him, as she ought -to have done--the ultimate necessity for every woman being to possess -the power to forgive interminably. - -But D'Alençon was scarcely cold before Louise de Savoie offered -Charles V. Margaret's hand, and proposed Charles's sister, the widowed -Queen of Portugal, as wife for Francis. Margaret, however, was not to -feel flattered at any period of her acquaintance with the -self-contained Spaniard. He took no notice of Louise's proposal as -regards her daughter. Nevertheless, when Margaret started upon her -famous embassy to Spain, there was in the minds of all those concerned -the almost secure anticipation that her personal enticement would have -a good deal of influence in bringing about a swift and satisfactory -release of the French prisoners. - - [Illustration: CHARLES V.] - -Neither Margaret nor her counsellors knew anything of the nature of -the man she had gone to deal with. A woman was the last person to -negotiate successfully with the suspicious and comprehending emperor. -From the first he was opposed to her coming. His opinion, and that of -his entourage, is frankly expressed by the English ambassador at -the Spanish court: "Being young, and a widow, she comes, as Ovid says -of women going to the play, to see and to be seen, that perhaps the -emperor may like her, and also to woo the Queen-Dowager of Portugal -for her brother.... Then, as they are both young widows, she shall -find good commodity in cackling with her to advance her brother's -matter, and if she finds her inclined thereto, they will help each -other." - -Happily, Margaret was unaware of the Spanish views upon her embassy, -for, even without the knowledge, her nerves could only have been tense -with the crucial uncertainties of her expedition, and the gravity of -the issues hanging practically upon her personal fascination and -diplomacy. If this man could be made to feel attraction, her mission -was half secured already. All France looked upon success as a certain -prospect. She was held to be so clever, so fascinating, so superior -and intelligent, that beyond doubt, it was thought, she would achieve -in a few interviews what a man would require a month to bring to a -conclusion. She had hardly reached Spain before she received premature -congratulations--"_A vous, madame, l'honneur et la merite._" - -But Margaret was to fail--bitterly, completely, and inevitably. -Charles had pointedly ignored the question of marriage in his answer -to Louise de Savoie's letter. After seeing Margaret, it had still no -attraction for him. That in itself was, in some measure, failure, and -a thrust at pride as well. As a matter of fact, Charles found her, not -only no longer very young or very pretty, but far too clever. "She is -more of a prodigy than a woman," remarked the man, who had every kind -of astuteness himself, and needed contrast for fascination. - -The negotiations took place in Toledo, but from the beginning Margaret -had no chance of producing the smallest change of outlook. Charles -refused to have any witness to their interviews; whatever he said -could therefore be denied, if necessary. Margaret wrote to Francis -from Toledo: "I went yesterday to visit the emperor. I found him very -guarded and cold in his demeanour. He took me apart into his room with -one lady to await me"--(this was outside)--"but when there, his -discourse was not worth so great a ceremony, for he put me off to -confer with his council, and will give me an answer to-day." - -The poor ambassadress soon grew baffled and exasperated. She had -hoped great things from gaining over the Queen of Portugal. But -Eleanor was cleverly sent upon an unwilling pilgrimage, concerning -which Margaret wrote to Francis: "It is true that she sets out on her -journey to-morrow. Before her departure I shall take leave of her. I -believe she acts thus out of obedience more than in compliance with -her own will, for they hold her in great subjection." - -A later letter showed that Margaret had now grown utterly -disheartened. And before the end of her embassy, to express how deeply -inimical and unworthy she considered the emperor's conduct to be, she -left the palace placed by him at her disposal, and moved into a -convent, so as to destroy all obligations of hospitality. - -The negotiations, as one knows, came to nothing. Charles was resolute -not to abate one demand for the woman who had all the facile -sweetnesses of her brother, all the glib and cunning adroitnesses he -knew so well in his intercourse with the other. The family resemblance -between them was over-strong; Charles could not avoid suspecting the -sister of the same deep, inherent duplicity as the brother. - -Margaret had failed, and all her life this sharp and public failure -must have remained a hidden sore in memory. She had also, after her -defeat, ungracefully to rush back into safety. The period of her safe -conduct had almost expired, and information had been received that -Charles intended to detain her as prisoner if she exceeded it. - -The consequent release of Francis and the terms of the agreement are -matters of history. Margaret had no hand in them, and the next -momentous incident in which she figured was her own re-marriage with -the King of Navarre. - -This marriage is among Margaret's foolishnesses. Henri D'Albret, who -had been another of the prisoners taken at Pavia, was eleven years her -junior and exceptionally good-looking. Charles V. remarked of him -later that, save for Francis, he was the one _man_ he had seen in -France. Margaret should have known that to keep the affections of a -handsome husband, over whom she possessed the disadvantage of eleven -years' seniority, was anticipating the impossible. But at the time of -their first meeting they had intellectually many interests in common, -and Margaret, it seems, fell in love with his fascinations. The -marriage was not to prove happier than the previous one; but in the -beginning everything promised the creature of _joyeuse vie_ a more -congenial existence than she had known for many years. Henri de -Navarre was an able and conscientious administrator; Bordeaux says of -him, "Had he not been so given to women as he was, he would have been -irreproachable. He loved his people like his children." - -At Navarre, Margaret made her court the home of three kinds of -people--the intellectual, the gay, and the persecuted; for while -Francis had been a prisoner in Spain, Louise had established the -Inquisition in France. The scholar Berguin was the first notable -personality to be martyred by it; but the precedent once established, -there followed a never-ending list, drawn from every class of society. -Margaret had tried to save Berguin, and, indeed, was all her life, -from that date onwards, trying to save some one from the furnaces of -the Inquisition. Florimond de Rémond, in his "Historie du Progres de -l'heresie," says--and he was not upon her side, and refers to her -elsewhere as a good but too easy-going princess--"She had a marvellous -dexterity in saving and sheltering those in peril for religion's -sake." As a further corroboration, there is Sainte Marthe's pretty -reference, "She made herself a harbour and refuge for the -despairing.... Seeing them surrounding this good lady, you would have -said it was a hen who carefully calls and assembles its little -chickens to cover them with her wings." - -Etienne Dolet, another remarkable scholar, who was at one time the -friend of Rabelais, she strove to the last to rescue. She was twice -successful, but Dolet was more difficult to save than most people, -being by nature inherently quarrelsome. Among the charges made by the -Sorbonne against him was the remark he had made, that he preferred the -sermon to the mass, while in his writings he had seemed to doubt the -immortality of the soul. The first charge alone was considered -sufficient reason for burning him. Orriz, the Inquisitor, whom later -Renée was to have bitter dealings with in Ferrara, headed the Paris -Inquisition; and Orriz, of the feline persuasive manners, is said to -have found no occupation so congenial as that of hunting, trying, and -making ashes of heretical people. Dolet himself had already said of -him, "I never knew any one more ignorant, more cunning, or more -lustful after the death of a Christian." Lanothe Laizon adds an -interesting touch to this impression. He writes: "Orriz was grim only -to those who did not finance his purse. He became soft and lenient to -those who paid him, ... and for a round sum one could get from him -excellent certificates of Catholicity." This leniency, however, could -not be relied upon; Orriz had a trick of letting prisoners go and then -rearresting them upon another accusation. - -Dolet was very brilliant and very eloquent. His epigrams were held to -be so good that one of his friends begged him to make one on him, so -that his name might go down to posterity. Margaret had invited Dolet -to shelter in the safety of Bourges, but he was too reckless to be -permanently rescued. He escaped once from prison, and was re-caught, -it is said, because he could not keep himself from coming back to see -his little son. He had written in his Commentaries, "I now come to the -subject of Death, the extreme boundary of life, terrible to those -about to die." It is a wonderful phrase, solemn with a simply worded, -haunting veracity. - -Margaret herself had, it is said, become touched with more than pure -compassion for the new doctrines. And martyrs were being made not only -for Lutheranism; a rival reformer--no less abusive--had arisen in -Calvin, whom Margaret was supposed among others to have sheltered at -Navarre. She certainly corresponded with him, and Calvin upon one -occasion censured her for harbouring godless people among her flock. -It is, however, wonderful and disturbing to realize how these -Protestants, through a sustaining passion for right conduct, bore the -unbearable. There are stories of death after death which cannot be -read without anguish. These martyrs of the Sorbonne rendered even -hideous facts heartbreaking and sweet. In 1557, for instance, Calvin -wrote to comfort some doomed disciples in the Inquisition prisons at -Paris. Among them was a certain Lady Phillipine de Luny. When the day -for her burning came, "the executioners beheld her approach with a -smile of happiness on her face, and dressed in white as for a -festival." How did they do it? Phillipine de Luny was not yet -twenty-four years of age. - -At another bonfire Louis de Marsac was offended because they did not, -in leading him to the stake, put a halter round his neck as they had -done to the rest of the party; the indignity had been spared him on -account of his noble birth. He asked why he was refused the collar of -that "excellent order" of martyrs. Another victim, Peter Berger, -shortly before, had exclaimed, like Stephen when the flames reached -him, "I see the heavens opened." - -These burnings destroyed a good deal of Margaret's original joyousness -of temperament. But nothing lasts; an event that whitens a person's -very lips with horror is over by the morrow; the week after, thousands -of trivial incidents have swept between. Domestic existence is full of -sanity and healing. Margaret had an engrossing daily life apart from -her pitiful struggle to save people who exulted in new conceptions of -the soul and immortality. She was often at Paris, and she was also -busy at this time with her babies. - -Before the birth of her first, the little Jeanne D'Albret of the brave -heart and strenuous life, Margaret wrote the following letter to -Francis: "I hope, nevertheless, that God will permit me to see you -before my hour arrives; but if this happiness is not to be mine, I -will cause your letter to be read to me, instead of the life of Sainte -Marguerite" (the patron saint of pregnant women), "as having been -written by your own hand it will not fail to inspire me with courage. -I cannot, however, believe that my child will presume to be born -without your command; to the last, therefore, I shall eagerly expect -your much-desired arrival." The little lady, who was always to prove -of an independent spirit, did apparently presume to be born without -Francis's command. - -The relation between Margaret and her daughter is the least -satisfactory part of Margaret's life. She was upon one occasion -actually cruel to the child--a thing incomprehensible from a heart so -motherly and kind. Francis was the reason but not the excuse for -Margaret's behaviour. There were rumours that she and her husband were -negotiating to marry the child to a prince of Spain. Navarre--held in -fief from Spain--would then be free once more, which Francis, for -personal political reasons, did not desire. When Jeanne was two years -old, therefore, he took her from her mother and placed her in the -gloomy castle of Plessis Les Tours, where Louis XI. had shut himself -up behind bolts and bars during the last years of his life. It was -like educating a child in prison. In all her writings Margaret has not -left one word of protest, and yet at two years old a child to its -mother is a miracle and an intoxication. - -Later, when Francis promised the child in marriage to the Duke of -Cleves, Margaret was really cruel. The marriage could only have been -bitter both to her and to Henri of Navarre. But Francis desired it, -and that was sufficient for Margaret. The duke was a heavy, -unattractive person; and Othagaray says that Francis originally "named -the lady to the Duke of Cleves without the consent of father and -mother." When he named him to the lady herself--not quite twelve years -old--a supreme surprise occurred for her elders. The child became -passionate with disgust. She would not marry him--a hideous foreign -creature, whose language she did not even understand. There were many -scenes with the disobedient child at Plessis. Her father, who would -have helped her if he could, had not the power to do so, and Margaret -remained like ice to the appeals of her sickened daughter. - -Now, Margaret had once written to Montmorency in reference to some -woman Francis wished her to persuade into a marriage for her daughter -which the lady disliked: "You know that my disposition and hers are so -different that we are not fairly matched; for to vanquish the will of -a woman whom no one has yet been able to persuade through the medium -of one who is persuaded by everybody, seems to me to promise little -except that she will conduct herself in her usual manner towards me." -This "who is persuaded by everybody" had its heart-sprung quality, but -in the matter of Jeanne's marriage it showed a colder and more -weak-willed element. She wrote to Francis an almost frantic letter, -expressing her "tribulation" at her daughter's "senseless" appeal -that she might not be married to the Duke of Cleves. Then, as Jeanne -continued rebellious, Margaret wrote to her governess that she must be -beaten into obedience. True, a child of twelve years old could not -very well be in a position to select a suitable husband, and whipping -was a recognized and much-used discipline at that period. But Margaret -of Navarre should have known better: she had been brought up in a -different school of feeling. - -Presently Francis--afraid that Henri might save his daughter--gave -orders that the betrothal and marriage should take place immediately. -It was under these circumstances that the child wrote her well-known -protest, signing it with her own brave, childish hand, and having it -witnessed by three members of her household. This is what she said: -"I, Jeanne de Navarre, persisting in the protestations I have already -made, do hereby again affirm and protest, by those present, that the -marriage which it is desired to contract between the Duke of Cleves -and myself is against my will; that I have never consented to it nor -will consent, and that all I may say and do hereafter by which it may -be attempted to prove that I have given my consent, will be forcibly -extorted against my wish and desire from my dread of the king, of the -king my father, and the queen my mother, who has threatened me, and -has had me whipt by my governess, the Baillive of Caen. By command of -the queen, my mother, my said governess has also several times -declared that if I did not give my consent, I should be so severely -punished as to occasion my death, and that by refusing I might be the -cause of the total ruin and destruction of my father, my mother, and -of their house." - -Jeanne was married, notwithstanding, but happily the sequel showed an -unusual quality of mercy. She never really became the wife of the Duke -of Cleves after all. After the marriage ceremony had taken place, she -was left for two years with her mother, pending the time when she -should be old enough to join her husband. At the end of the two years -the Duke of Cleves surrendered to the emperor, and abandoned all -claims to his bride, the marriage, therefore, being at once declared -non-existent. - -Jeanne did not, in fact, marry until the next reign; but there is one -story of her after life so charming that it is a pity not to tell it -here. Her father promised her a golden box he wore on a long chain -round his neck, if she would sing an old Bearn-folk song while in the -pains of child-birth. She agreed, and kept her promise, singing with -brave persistence at a time when most women wish that they were dead. - -Margaret's own marriage had proved unhappy some time before her -daughter's futile first wedding. She had written long ago, in one of -her letters to Montmorency, concerning her husband: "As you are with -him, I fear not that everything will go well, excepting that I am -afraid you cannot prevent him from paying assiduous court to the -Spanish ladies." It comes as a digression; but there is, about the -same period, an interesting appeal from Margaret to Montmorency, -concerning her brother: "It strikes me it would be advisable for you -to praise the king in your letters for the great attention he pays to -affairs." The suggestion holds the essence of the relationship of a -woman to the man she loves. No woman but manages and cajoles the -creature cared for, like a mother trying to coax a child into good -behaviour. - -Margaret and her husband disagreed upon religious questions as well as -about the subject of other ladies. Jeanne, who lived with them for the -two years she was waiting to join the Duke of Cleves, wrote, many -years after her mother's death, that her father grew very angry and -beat her if she showed any interest in the new doctrines, and that -she remembered on one occasion, when a Protestant teacher had been -with her mother, his coming furiously to drive him out. Margaret -having been warned, had already got rid of the man; but Henri, too -angry instantly to abstain from violence, went up and boxed Margaret's -ears, saying passionately, "You want to know too much, madam." His -conduct became so undesirable that Brantome says, "Henri D'Albret -treated the queen, his wife, very badly, and would have treated her -worse, had it not been for her brother Francis, who rated him soundly, -and ended by threatening him because he had been disrespectful to his -sister, in spite of her high rank." - -Margaret, happily, was many-sided; one unhappiness did not render her -obdurate against the entry of the rest. Probably she went through an -interval of supreme heart-sickness. But a middle-aged woman has under -every circumstance a painful phase to go through. There is one period -in every woman's life hard to face and hard to bear--the period of -relinquishments. The sweets of youth are over; for the future there is -only the swift, chill journey into old age to front with calm and -dignity. Margaret's face in middle age suggests that she made her -relinquishments with completeness and courage. - -But--though the statement is a repetition--no person's life can be -laid unremittingly upon the rack. Margaret, surrounded by people--her -ladies, poets, scholars, painters, and others--was kept pleasantly -preoccupied. The second Clouet painted her; Leonard Limousin, the -great enamellist, wrought her exquisite enamels. Like most royalties -of her day, she took great interest in her garden, and in the love -affairs of her ladies she was unfailingly sympathetic and kind. A -contemporary wrote of her as "the precious carnation in the flower -garden of the palace. Her fragrance had drawn to Bearn, as thyme draws -the honey-bee, the noblest minds in Europe." - -It is true that many of the "noblest minds of Europe" were drawn to -Margaret. Even Rabelais, the last man to take pleasure in praising -women without good reason, dedicated the third book of his -"Pantagruel" to her. Rabelais, though he was the epitome of the -Renaissance spirit in France, is too capacious to mention -fragmentarily in the life of another person. And yet few men of the -period convey a sweeter impression. He was colossal in everything; in -compassion as well as laughter. - -After the publication of his "Gargantua" and "Pantagruel," Rabelais -narrowly escaped the Sorbonne. But he was wise, and had no taste for -being roasted. In the life of Pantagruel, referring to Toulouse, then -the great centre of persecution, he said, ostensibly of Pantagruel, in -reality of himself, "But he remained little time there, when he -perceived that they made no bones about burning their regents alive -like red herrings, saying, 'The Lord forbid that I should die in this -manner, for I am dry enough by nature, without being heated any -further.'" - -It is purposeless here to refer to Rabelais's coarseness. At the -present time no woman could read him. But, then, no woman for pleasure -would read Margaret's "Heptameron," and Margaret, for all the -grossness of a large number of her stories, had the capacity for a -very delicate and artificial refinement. - -She and Rabelais never came to a sufficient knowledge of each other -for friendship; but there is a legend of Rabelais's death which -touches her outlook upon spiritual things very closely. A messenger -had been despatched by Rabelais's friend, Cardinal du Bellay, to -inquire how he felt. Rabelais lay dying when the messenger arrived, -but he sent back the following answer: "I go to find the great -Perhaps." A little later, still conscious of the pettiness of all -human circumstances, he rallied sufficiently to make a last good -phrase. "Pull the blind," he is said to have whispered; "the farce is -played out." - -This, "I go to find the great Perhaps," was a sentence Margaret might -have echoed had she known of it. There is an incident in her own life -curiously in tune with the statement. - -It must have occurred when she was, at any rate, middle aged, and the -thought of death had become hauntingly vivid. One of her -ladies-in-waiting lay dying. As the girl gradually sank into -unconsciousness, the duchess insisted upon sitting by her bed. The -attendants begged her to go away, but she refused to move, and sat -staring silently at the dying figure. There seemed something unnatural -in the absorption of her eyes, and her women were puzzled. When the -girl was at last dead, Margaret turned away; visibly she betrayed -disappointment. One of her ladies then asked her why she had leant -forward and watched with such unmoving intensity the lips of the dying -girl. Her answer is pathetic behind its callousness. She had been -told, she said, that the soul leaves the body at the actual moment of -death. She had looked and listened to catch the faintest sound of its -emergence through the lips of the dying body, but she had seen and -heard nothing. The watching had been, to a great extent, cold-blooded, -but the result was a tragic discouragement of thought. There seemed -nothing to strengthen belief with at all. - -Nevertheless, if Margaret felt occasionally like a rat caught in a -trap, since being alive one must inevitably and shortly die, she -continued to the end to enjoy the present as far as possible. She -shivered with spiritual dubieties; but at the same time she wrote the -"Heptameron," a book above everything earthy, caustic, and shrewd. It -is said to have been written for Francis I. during his last illness. -He had been inordinately amused by Boccaccio, and Margaret tried to -give him stories in the same vein. - -They are and they are not. The outline and the idea are similar; but -Margaret was not a second Boccaccio. She wrote easily and -naturally--she would have written a novel every year had she lived at -the present time; but where Boccaccio was witty and light, Margaret -was relentless and crude. Her brutality gives as great a shock as her -indelicacy. It seems incredible, for instance, that she should have -written the following termination to one of her stories. In the tale a -priest was discovered to have made his sister his mistress. The woman -was about to have a baby. The judges waited until the child was born; -then brother and sister were burnt together. The very simplicity with -which the statement is made adds to its horror. Margaret wrote: "They -waited till his sister was brought to bed. Then when she had made a -beautiful son, the sister and brother were burnt together." The -sentence, "when she had made a beautiful son," renders the incident -alive and unbearable. - -It is difficult to say much of Margaret's "Heptameron." The stories -are a curious mixture of appalling grossness, and the most soft and -grieving mysticism. What one chiefly gathers from them in connection -with her temperament is that, side by side with a noteworthy charm and -sympathy, she possessed a slender strain of ruthlessness. Margaret's -nose was too long. To have a nose so much in excess, so thin and -pointed, is always dangerous. Some want of balance must accompany its -disproportion, some streak of cruelty its ungenerous narrowness. As a -matter of fact, notwithstanding her nose, Margaret was a miracle of -lovely kindlinesses, but it conquered in the matter of her -daughter--she was a cold, unprofitable mother. Again, in the -"Heptameron," it is the temperament belonging to the long unbalanced -feature whose detestation of the priests found outlet in such -relentless vengeances. To some extent Margaret's little chin saved -her. Counterpoised, as it were, between two excesses--the cold, -deceitful nose, and the yielding, enthusiastic chin--she contrived to -retain balance between either, and to be, on the whole, an intricacy -of characteristics, none of which surged into overwhelming -predominance. The ascendant characteristics were all good--her -sheltering instincts and her half-fearsome mystical aspirations. She -had, long before the Maeterlinck utterance of it, the sense of a world -in which everything was in reality spiritual and portentous. In one of -the stories of the "Heptameron" she makes a lady--in reality herself, -for the tale is said to be true--bring a fickle lover to the grave of -his forgotten love, to see if no subtle communication issues from the -dead body beneath them. When he feels nothing, her disappointment is -almost painful, for no trait in Margaret renders her so endearing as -this disquieted craving to be assured that existence was something -more profound and worthy than a brief term of suffering consciousness. - -During the latter years of her existence Margaret suffered from ill -health. In 1542 Mario Cavelli wrote of her: "The Queen of Navarre -looks very delicate, so delicate, I fear she has not long to live. Yet -she is so sober and moderate that, after all, she may last. She is, I -think, the wisest, not only of the women, but of the men of France." - -She must have been pleasant company. So many men of sound insight -could not have valued her society unless she had possessed unusual -sense and heartiness. Her conversation is repeatedly mentioned as -brilliant, eloquent, full of thought and sympathy. - -Francis I. died in March, 1547. Margaret had said that when he died -she did not want to go on living, but she had more brains and more -vitality than she knew of. Everything interested her, even when she -was not happy. To the last she did what she could to help the -Reformers--her husband made it impossible for her to do much. Under -the stimulus of Henri and Diane the Sorbonne had increased in -laboriousness. Upon the subject of its added licence there is one -humorous story, told by Duchatel, the witty secretary of Francis I., -who used to say of him that he was the only man whose knowledge he had -not exhausted after two years' intimacy. - - [Illustration: MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME - ABOUT 1548 (AFTER CORNEILLE DE LYON)] - -Duchatel preached the funeral sermon upon Francis, and said, with -complimentary intention, that the soul of the king had gone straight -to heaven. The doctors of the Sorbonne--swollen with courage under the -known bigotry of the new king and the king's mistress--complained at -once of the horrible utterance. Pious as the late king had been, his -soul could not have escaped purgatory. They sent deputies to Henri II. -charging Duchatel with heresy; there existed an old grudge against -him. The deputies were received, and given a conciliatory dinner by -the king's _maître d'hôtel_, Mendoza, and advised not to proceed -further with the charge. "I knew the character of the late king -intimately," said Mendoza, wittily. "He never could endure to be in -one place long. If he did go to purgatory, he would only stay there -sufficient time to drink a stirrup cup and move on." - -It was Margaret's time to "move on." She went, in the autumn of 1549, -to drink some mineral waters, but they did her no good. She was -consumptive, and in a condition past being cured. During her last -illness she is reported to have said, concerning her protection of -heretics, "All I have done, I have done from compassion." She could -have given no better reason. - -Her death was preceded by less suffering than most people's; she -simply sank into unconsciousness. At the last she struggled back for a -second from stupor, and, grasping a cross that lay upon the bed, -muttered, "Jesus, Jesus, Jesus," and fell back dead. - - - - -RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA - -1510-1575 - - -Renée, daughter of Anne of Brittany, was, like her mother, destitute -of any sympathy with the intellectuality of the period in which she -lived. But the Renaissance brought about the reaction of the -Reformation, and Renée's life is interesting as the story of the -domestic difficulties confronted by an individual sympathetic to the -new doctrines during their first calamitous strivings in Italy. The -danger to a person of the same views in France has been seen in the -life of Margaret D'Angoulême. - -Renée's Italian career is interesting, besides, as the intimate -history of a stubborn, unimaginative, and unadaptable temperament in a -married life betraying from the commencement extreme incompatibility -of disposition. The circumstance may occur to any one, and each woman -deals with it according to her nature. Exactly how she does so, is one -of the clearest tests of her valour and her intelligence. A true -woman of the Renaissance--Vittoria Colonna and Isabella of Mantua, for -instance, carried a dignified marital complaisance to heroic -extremities--would have preserved surface amenities, however -distasteful the husband. But Renée, brought up by people to whom she -was simply a dull and undesirable orphan, never learnt that small -accommodations of behaviour are among the primary and desirable -virtues. Her father had been rich in them, but the self-willed spirit -of her mother, Anne, was more noticeable in the character of her -second daughter than the paternal trait. To have lived with Renée -would undoubtedly have rendered affection difficult. But to know her -without the irritation of daily intercourse, as a perplexed, mistaken, -blundering, wistful, and unloved woman, is to be drawn into a -reluctant sympathy. She was, to begin with, ugly, and there is nothing -in its consequences more pathetic than a woman's ugliness. She was -also, almost from her babyhood, without one single person who truly -loved her. From the outset her character had been chilled and -bleakened. - -Born on October 25, 1510, though she came disappointingly enough to -the woman craving for a son, Renée was made welcome with a careful -pomp that bordered almost upon tenderness. Her baptism became the -pretext for a magnificent pageant, and in an account of the expenses -incurred for her childish household, she is called the king's "very -dear and much loved daughter, Renée." - -Two years after Renée's birth Anne died. At five years old Renée was -an orphan, and with her sister Claude, the patient, piteous, and most -mishandled wife of Francis I., passed into the care of Louise de -Savoie. They were the children of Louise's most persistent enemy; she -could not, therefore, have done otherwise than dislike them. Brantome -says that she was extremely harsh to both, and it is certain that -Renée, plain, delicate, and deformed, never became to anybody a person -of sufficient importance to be coaxed into prettiness of ways and -feelings. The gentle Claude must have loved her smaller sister while -she lived, but Claude died of consumption almost immediately after -Francis I. started for Italy, when Renée was only fourteen years of -age, and from that time until her marriage the girl knew no one -prepared to do more than a cold and pleasureless duty towards her. - -In justice to Louise it must be admitted that every effort was made -to procure Renée a suitable husband. They promised her at one time to -the Archduke Charles, but already her want of average good looks -rendered some apologies necessary. The life of any girl towards whom -such an attitude has to be assumed must possess an undue measure of -painfulness. Before presenting the bride to the Archduke it was -considered imperative to tell him that "the charm of her conversation -greatly atoned for her want of beauty." The proposal came to nothing, -and after several other unavailing negotiations Francis settled upon a -marriage with Ercole of Ferrara, the son of Duke Alphonso and -Lucrezia. - -It was not a good match for a girl in whose veins ran the blood of a -king of France. Mezeray said of it, "The king arranged a very poor -match for this princess, and sent her into a far country, lest she -should ask him one day for a share in Brittany and in the patrimony of -Louis." - - [Illustration: RENÉE OF FERRARA, AGED FIFTEEN - CORNEILLE DE LYON] - -Mezeray spoke from a knowledge of Francis's character, but the motives -in this one instance were probably less cunning than he thought them. -Renée was not an easy young girl to marry; her own father had said -years ago that it would be difficult to find a husband for her. -Nevertheless, at this time she was probably as nearly nice-looking -as at any time of her existence. She had just turned eighteen, and, in -spite of a slight deformity, possessed a certain dignity of carriage, -inherited from her mother. She had also the whitest of skins, and -beautiful fair hair that reached to the ground. It was said that she -had at this time more to thank nature for than to complain of, and the -early portraits of her are at least not actually ugly. The principal -thing that strikes one in them is a certain dulness of expression, as -if heaviness of spirit had crushed out vivacity. Her face suggests -strongly the uncared-for upbringing of her childhood--the blue eyes -are apathetic and unamused, the mouth wistfully inanimate. It is just -possible that Ercole might have kissed her into a childlike lightness -of thought; but Ercole did not find her kissable, and she was in any -case born with the confined and congealing seriousness of character -that came to her as an intensified quality from her unimaginative and -easily scandalized mother. - -Ercole represented the antithesis of his future wife. His appearance -was fascinating, his manners were good; all the culture of the -Renaissance permeated his blood. Small wonder, therefore, that Renée's -looks came as a bitter shock to him. He wrote to his father after the -first interview, and stated plainly, "_Madama Renea non e bella._" -The Ferrarese ambassador also wrote that his master would have -preferred the lady to possess a better figure. But Ercole had come to -France chiefly to make a good political marriage, and his objections -to poor Renée personally were greatly outweighed by her parentage and -her dowry. - -Oddly enough, the girl herself does not appear to have liked the -handsome Italian any better than he liked her. At the formal -engagement she behaved with extreme shyness and a visible distress of -manner. Nobody cared, however, what she thought in the matter, and a -month later the wedding was celebrated. For that one day Louise does -certainly appear to have tried to make the most of her. The girl's -magnificent hair hung, soft and moving in itself, unbound about her -shoulders, and her gown of scarlet and ermine literally gleamed with -the jewels heaped upon it. Renée's skin was undeniably good--Bonnet -refers to the whiteness of her breast and throat--and above the heavy -splendour of her wedding garments her little subdued and plaintive -face could only have worn a look of quaint, appealing incongruity. - -The subsequent festivities continued until both bride and bridegroom -became rather comically ill--through excess of food and want of -sleep. Renée, who all her life suffered from the tragedy of headaches, -had the _migraine_, and they began to think the time had come to start -for Italy. Francis I. himself accompanied them to the gates of Paris. -Here he solemnly confided his sister-in-law into the care of her -husband, who was ordered always to treat her as a daughter of the -royal house of France. Ercole, feeling that he had no reason to be -diffident as regards his relations to the other sex, answered that he -would have no difficulty in both pleasing and managing the lady. -Subsequent events rendered the reply a little humorous. The small, -meek wife, who heard the remark probably without even the desire to -smile, proved in after years to the last degree intractable. Certainly -Ercole never succeeded in managing her. - -Ferrara, at the time of Renée's marriage, had been devastated by the -plague. Before she made her state entry, an order was issued -commanding the people to reopen their shops, put on their best -clothes, and, whatever their private emotions, show a cheerful -countenance upon the arrival of their future duchess. Triumphal arches -were erected, windows hung with silk, and through an almost painful -effort Renée was received with the usual good-natured welcome from -the people. Isabella of Mantua, the new bride's aunt-in-law, always in -great request for social occasions, had come to assist in receiving -her, and several days were filled with public pageants, banquets, and -plays. - -But below the surface neither the new arrival nor those that received -her were in a rejoicing mood. The last duchess to be welcomed to -Ferrara had been the attractive, sweet-faced Lucrezia Borgia, dubious, -it is true, in morals, but pleasant as a flower to look upon. This -"ugly and hunch-backed" French girl could not avoid coming as a -disagreeable shock, both to the crowd and to her new connections. It -is the bitter fate of an ugly woman that she must always destroy -antipathetic first impressions before she can hope to sow favourable -ones. And Renée, on her side, was as little pleased as those who -received her. It is generally supposed, in fact, that her instant and -intense dislike to Ferrara had a good deal to do with her initial -mistakes in Italy. - -Certainly Ferrara was not an attractive city. Set in the middle of an -enormous plain, a dreary monotony encompassed it, while the town -itself, having pre-eminently to consider the necessities of defence, -was grim, sinister, and aggressive looking. Even the Castello appeared -nothing more than a powerful and gloomy fortress. Subject to unhealthy -mists from the Po, the climate, moreover, underwent continual extremes -of temperature, and one of Renée's ladies-in-waiting describes it -bitterly as a perfect hotbed of fleas. Frogs croaked all night and -crows cawed all day. The inside of the castle, besides, was pitiably -dilapidated. The house of Ferrara, constantly in want of money, had a -habit of leaving matters needing repairs until repairs were no longer -needed. - -To Renée the place exhaled the chill of exile. In addition, as all the -amusements arranged for her reception were in Italian, they only bored -her beyond expression. In fact, one of the gravest faults of the -girl's Italian career lay in her reluctance to acquire Italian -phrases. She arrived in Ferrara ignorant of even a rudimentary -knowledge of her husband's language, and taking an immediate dislike -to the place and to the people, refused to make any real effort to -learn the speech of those about her. This slow, and at all times -inefficient, acquirement of Italian remained steadily against her, -keeping her, apart from any other consideration, a very isolated -person in her own establishment--an outsider where she should have -been the central figure. - -The only attempt she made in the right direction was to order, soon -after her arrival, a number of dresses cut after the Italian fashions. -But even this, due probably to an evanescent dazzlement at the -charming appearance of the Italian women, she rendered an actual -affront in the sequence. For shortly afterwards, either in bitterness -of soul at her own poor appearance in them, or because she -deliberately wished to behave with provocation, they were discarded -for her former French style of dressing, which she then bluntly stated -to be "more holy and more decent." From the beginning Renée -persistently refused to identify herself with her husband's interests. -She clung with stupid pathos to the associations of her by no means -happy childhood, and was homesick all the years of her Italian sojourn -for the ways of her own people. - - [Illustration: THE CASTELLO AT FERRARA - _Alinari_] - -All through, her conduct was hopelessly mistaken. In the give and take -of marriage it is part of a woman's lovely chances always to give a -little more than is yielded back to her. At the same time, it is -questionable whether, owing to her ugliness and want of charm, Renée, -whatever she had done, could have become popular. There ought, in -truth, almost to exist a different code for the really ugly woman. The -fact is so profoundly and entirely tragic. Tenderness is the heart of -life to women, and any woman so misused by nature as to be unable to -rouse this becomes, through subtle piteousness, beyond ordinary -judgment. She lives in a world both unjust and inimical, practically -with her back to the wall. Sweet follies have never harmonized her to -the unreason of humanity; failure lies always upon her soul. For -inherited, deep-rooted, ineradicable, is in most women the -unformulated knowledge that to attract men is the normal fate of their -sex; the creature who cannot do this once at least in life, carries a -hidden sense not only of loneliness, and of something vital ungranted -by destiny, but of secret shame and humiliation. - -Renée had never glowed bewildered under absurdities of praise. If only -as an isolated experience, this mad blitheness is curiously good for -character. Afterwards a woman knows--is sympathetically inside the -circle of things--seeing the dramas of others, not like a child -staring starved at a food shop, but as one who has already had her -fill of cakes with the best of them. - -All her life Renée remained the hungry child who sees others overfed -on the sweets denied to her. Small wonder, in consequence, that she -hated the ways of frivolity, and was slow in advances of friendship. -No soft remembrances freighted her thoughts with gentleness, and when -she came to Italy she was already destitute of the exaltation that, -out of the abundance of its own contentment, craves to create nothing -but contentment about it. For this immediate hostility Ercole must -have been in a measure responsible. A woman happy in her married life -is incapable of passionately revolting against the accessories that -encompass it. Renée never liked her husband, and the fact that she did -not may have been due to his half-hearted efforts as lover. A girl of -eighteen, ugly, neglected, and unattractive, cannot be a difficult -person for a handsome man to ensnare. Renée, besides, was a very -ordinary woman--she had inherent need to cling to some one. It would -certainly have bored Ercole had he been the creature she clung to, but -the boredom would at least have saved him years of dangerous domestic -friction, and a life of disagreements in which he did not always get -the best of it. - -As it was, mutual dissatisfaction came almost immediately. Very soon -after their arrival in Ferrara they had begun to quarrel. Among the -French women Renée had brought with her from France was her old -governess, Madame de Soubise, whose leanings were strongly Protestant. -She had instilled the same sympathies into her pupil, and a very short -time after her arrival in Ferrara the new duchess was surrounded by a -large number of persons professing the new religion. A good deal of -her personal income also went in assisting French fugitives who -happened to pass through the city. Both proceedings were objected to -by Ercole. The presence of Protestants in his household constituted an -actual danger to his own and his father's position. The tenure of the -Dukedom of Ferrara depended upon the maintenance of friendly relations -with Rome and Germany. Renée's monetary kindness to French fugitives -he complained about as "inordinate and ill-considered expenses," and -since her allowance from France was very irregularly paid, this -grievance had a certain rational basis. Nobody attached to the -duchess's personal service was Italian, a final discourtesy in her -arrangements that added to the growing exasperation of her new -relations. - -As regards the Protestantism of Renée's household, no direct mention -was made of it in Ercole's objections. With the indirect methods of -his family, he merely stated that the duchess had surrounded herself -with a number of people unfit for the functions attributed to them. -That certainly was true. A certain number of Renée's so-called -servants did absolutely nothing for their pay, save keep some -lingering memories of her French home vivid in her thoughts. -Consequently, in the first definite publication of friction between -the newly married couple, most of the reasonable complaints were -Ercole's. They show, however, the rapidity with which these two had -got upon each other's nerves. Neither, at any stage of their -intercourse, made the least attempt to adopt a conciliatory attitude. - -Renée's generosity, nevertheless, was the redemption of her character. -For there is more than one kind of generosity. There is the careless -output of a person chiefly feckless, and not desirous of uttering -disagreeable refusals, and the deliberate, anxious, continuous -assistance of a nature really capable of fretting for the distresses -of other people. Renée's generosity was essentially of this sort. The -most prominent facts in the book of her daily expenses are sums given -in some form of charity. She appears, indeed, to have been unable to -refuse any cry for assistance, and all her life gave with equal -pleasure either to Roman Catholics or to Protestants. Anne had been -generous, but in the showy and semi-profitable manner so easy for -great people. Renée's generosity was entirely lovely and intuitive. - -Concerning her attitude in the matter of her household arrangements, -it is more difficult to guess what lay in her peevish spirit. Madame -de Soubise had obviously brought her up--_sub rosa_--to a tentative -liking for the new religion. But by character she belonged to the -conservatives; she was supremely among those who consider that what -has been good enough for their parents is good enough for them also. -And Louise and Francis--of whom she stood in awe--were not likely to -receive pleasantly the news that her religious soundness had become -doubtful. At the beginning there are no statements suggesting that she -was not fairly comfortable in the tenets she conformed to. It is -possible, in fact, that the people of her entourage were originally -chosen without intention of offence, from sheer obtuseness to perceive -unsuitability. Then when it became evident that they caused annoyance -to Ercole, it may have become a sulky pleasure to retain them. - -Ercole and Renée were two personalities that ought never to have come -together. Both were capable of pleasant relations with other people, -but there existed between them the instinctive and intractable -antipathy which almost every nature experiences against some one -person in the world. It is an emotion outside the reach of argument -and very nearly beyond control. And no person can flower into the best -possibilities of character when confronted with another fundamentally -antagonistic. In the presence of a mind closed to perceive any kind of -graciousness and merit, only the worst of nature will rise uppermost, -flung out in a despairing perversity, distress, and irritation. For -the actual sweetness of their souls no two people capable only of -mutual repugnance should even make an effort to live together. -Good--bewildered and assaulted--shrivels like a frozen plant under the -chilling air of interminable disparagement. - -Renée, less than a year after her marriage, already wrote unhappy -letters to France. She spoke in one of them of being badly treated, -but of not expecting that the real truth about the matter would ever -reach the king and queen. She mentioned that both her husband and her -father-in-law nourished some grievance against her. Soon afterwards -she fell ill, and for a short time Ercole's repugnance lulled into -vague compassion. He sent two bulletins every day to Paris, and -mentioned, almost with a hint of pleasure, when she was well enough to -leave her bed for a little while daily. Even after her recovery no -quarrels are mentioned for some time. The duchess had become -_enceinte_, and the fact in itself, where an heir was so urgently -needed, yielded sufficient pleasure to bring about temporary -toleration. - -Nevertheless, irritation between husband and wife must have smouldered -unceasingly, and after the birth of a daughter in November, 1531, -contention flared once more into an open blaze between them. Madame de -Soubise represented the duke's new object of denunciation. A good deal -of the turmoil of Renée's existence, in fact, arose from the influence -of her former governess. She was old enough to be the girl's mother, -and had lived sufficiently long in the world to know all the needful -facts about life and character. Renée clung to her as the one friend -familiar from childhood, and the older woman was in a position to have -incalculably helped a rather dense nature in the first crucial months -of marriage. - -For reasons difficult to understand, she did exactly the opposite. -Ercole loathed her, and at any cost desired to have her back in Paris. -Under ordinary circumstances this would have been a simple matter, but -the position of Madame de Soubise was not so straightforward as it -seemed. The Ferrarese authorities knew perfectly that she acted as -secret agent to the French king. Owing to this fact, dismissal was -unpolitic: Ferrara could not afford to offend France. It is to -Ercole's credit that Madame de Soubise did not die a sudden death. The -temptation to bring about an untimely ending must have been -extraordinarily insistent. - -To add to Ercole's domestic discomfort, Madame de Soubise's daughter -was also among Renée's ladies-in-waiting. About this time, in fact, -she married Monsieur Pons, another member of the household, and the -man whose later friendship with Renée was to fleck the solemnity of -her character with an incongruous suggestion of scandal. - -During the time that husband and wife were bitterly fighting out the -question of Madame de Soubise, Renée gave birth to another child--the -son so necessary to the welfare of the house. A second lull in -hostilities followed. For the first time since she had come to Italy, -Ercole's wife had done a truly desirable and conciliatory thing--she -had given an heir to the dukedom. A feeling of pleasure lightened the -constant tension of Ercole's establishment. Even the mother, conscious -of being at last approved of, yielded to the warmth of a fugitive -commendation and became almost frivolous. Her clothes, during the -rejoicings that followed, were for once so sumptuous that all Ferrara -talked of them. - -Not long afterwards the old Duke Alphonso died, and Ercole became -reigning Duke of Ferrara. Concerning his accession a curious incident -is reported. After the religious ceremony of his inauguration, Renée -met him at the entrance to the palace, where, it is said, in an -outburst of mutual excitement and satisfaction, they fell into each -other's arms. For a moment the interests of husband and wife were -identical. The motive for this passing concord was in itself unworthy -enough, but it is curiously interesting as an example of how intensely -married people are fortified, by the very nature of marriage itself, -into some sort of fellowship and good feeling. The immense number of -mutual interests should be in themselves sufficient to save any but -the really vicious or abnormally unsuited from total disunion and -antipathy. - -But the impulse of an exultant moment rapidly chilled in the case of -Ercole and his duchess. Madame de Soubise's secret labours prevented -any but the briefest pacification. And Ercole had not long been duke -when he came to the conclusion that, even at the price of a break with -France, the daily infliction of her person was no longer supportable. -With as much tact as the circumstances permitted, he wrote to Francis -I. upon the subject, and in the end received authority for her -departure. But even so, difficulties arose about the actual journey, -and she still continued long enough in Ferrara to negotiate one last -unpleasantness for Ercole. - -He went away for a short time, and during his absence Madame de -Soubise subtly arranged with the French royalties that Renée should at -last go on a visit to her own country. Ercole returned to find the -invitation waiting for him. He was placed by it in a very awkward -position. An unhappy wife, quivering to tell a tale of misery and -ill-treatment, was not a politic person to send to her own people -when, should it suit them, they possessed the power to make affairs -very difficult for the husband. On the other hand, to refuse might be -to rouse suspicion and displeasure. - -Not entirely unperturbed, Ercole chose the second risk as the less -dangerous of the two. In reply to the French invitation, he wrote that -Renée had several small children to take care of, and that she was -also still too feeble in health to undertake so long and dangerous a -journey. The refusal came almost like a loss of all hope to Renée. -Thought of it had been a sudden irradiating anticipation in the drear -distastefulness of life. Nothing in a monotonous existence is more -uplifting than an incident to make plans for, and now from the sudden -quickening influence of a contemplated holiday she was flung back -again upon the old confusing friction of her days in the grim -Castello. - -Every year Ercole's interests diverged more widely from her own. Renée -loved France instinctively, as people love the home of their -forefathers. When she first married Ferrara's interests lay in -friendship with France. But Ercole's policy brought him later to the -side of Pope and Emperor, when support from France ceased to be -important. After Madame de Soubise, therefore, had at last been sent -from Italy, and all hope of Renée's going home had been withdrawn, -the latter must have experienced almost a sense of desolation. The -easement of heart entailed by merely telling the hoarded mischances of -her married life would have warmed her spirit like a cordial. - -She did not naturally love Ercole better for getting rid of the woman -who had been motherly to her all her days, and for having thwarted the -one intense longing which it was in his power to gratify. Their -antagonism quieted not a whit through the departure of Renée's -governess; Ercole had rid himself of one grievance only to find -another grow more hardy. - -Its first public demonstration took place during a Good Friday service -in the church of Ferrara. As the cross was being raised for adoration, -a little singer, Zanetto, belonging to the duchess's service, suddenly -walked out of the building, making blasphemous comments in a voice of -penetrating clarity. He was arrested that evening, and trouble and -danger swept into Renée's household. She herself had for some time -past secretly belonged to the Protestant party. Ercole's hope that his -wife would fall into a weary acquiescence of conduct, when the -influence of Madame de Soubise had been withdrawn, ended in -inevitable failure. Renée was disastrously obstinate, and in addition, -the doctrines of Calvin had already become too deeply engrafted in her -ever to be really uprooted. Religion was an urgent necessity to her. - -She was an unloved woman, and consequently the other world had never -slunk into vagueness through the engrossing sufficiencies of this one. -The appeal made to her by the new religion is easy to understand. Her -little soul was narrow, but it was at the same time eager, and -temperamentally attuned to austere and dreary dogmas. Renée belonged -to the class who prefer to take life sadly--a gloomy religion, hedged -in by appalling terrors, met the needs of her character far more -closely than the shifty and cheerful methods of Roman Catholicism -could ever have done. - -Before the Good Friday incident Calvin had secretly been to see her, -had preached to her, and exhorted her. No man was better fitted to -keep a hold over Renée; for Calvin was not merely the great preacher -of a new religion, he was an impassioned and autocratic schoolmaster. -When later he controlled the town of Geneva, it became impossible to -indulge in even the mildest private weaknesses. Domestic conduct fell -under the jurisdiction of a council, which inflicted penalties for -the least undesirable idiosyncrasy. It was at Geneva, for instance, -that Calvin had a gambler set in the stocks for an hour, with his -playing-cards hung round his neck; the inventor of a masquerade was -forced to ask pardon for it on his knees in the cathedral; a man -guilty of perjury they hoisted on a ladder and kept there for several -hours, his right hand fastened to the top; while a man and woman, -whose love lay under the stigma of impropriety, were paraded through -the streets of the city for the abuse of virtuous horror. Calvin flung -immense energy into the conversion of Renée. As an individual he -thought little of her, but converts among the socially great were -momentous for the growth of the cause. Renée, moreover, gave awed and -pliant assent to the uncompromising preacher's teaching, until the -arrest of her singer for blasphemy brought the sudden sharpness of -danger into her household. This created panic. Not actually for -herself--while Francis I. remained King of France she relied -implicitly upon French protection--but for the people of her -entourage. Zanetto, placed upon the rack, broke down at the third -twist of the screw, and a list of names poured out of his lips. They -were all persons employed in the duchess's service. Several had -already been arrested as accomplices, though concerning one of them, -usually thought to be Calvin, there is considerable mystery. The -arrests had been made by Ercole's orders, chiefly, it would appear, to -exasperate his wife. - -He owed her a fresh sword-thrust. This public religious scandal -constituted a really serious danger for him. The Vatican had some time -previously realized that the new heresy must be exterminated if it -were not to become a growing danger to the power at Rome. Apart from -this, Renée had been behaving with an inimical cunning difficult for -any man to pass over good-humouredly. She had been writing secret -letters to the Pope, supplicating him to have the prisoners delivered -out of the power of Ercole into the authority of France. - -In retaliation, Ercole had Cardillan, treasurer and controller of -finances to Renée ever since her arrival in Ferrara, imprisoned with -the others. Few things could have hurt her more, and the scenes that -took place between the two over the Zanetto business must again have -driven them into unforgettable personalities. In the matter of -personal interviews Ercole no doubt had the best of it. Renée did not -possess the gift of facile utterance; her face alone shows a mind -easily disconcerted. But her stolid silence would have held as much -inner rancour as the other's violence. Beyond question, when roused, -Ercole frightened her, but not sufficiently to abate forlorn -contrariness. All he could achieve was to make her hate him a little -more desperately than before, and to fling her with renewed tenacity -upon the policy of aggravation. According to current rumour, Ercole -beat her. The allegation has not been proved, but she was the type of -woman liable to ill-treatment, and it is more than likely that he did. -Certainly no respect was enforced towards her, for Renée, writing to -Margaret of Navarre, complained that the Inquisitor whom she -interviewed concerning the arrested heretics spoke to her with so much -contempt and insolence, that the other would have been dumbfounded had -she been present. - -The situation of husband and wife at that period could not possibly -have been worse. Ercole's enflamed resentment also found utterance in -a letter. It was written to the Ferrarese envoy at the French court. -Extreme caution in statements conveyed to paper formed part of Italian -education, and the plain truthfulness of the duke's expressions could -only have issued from a spirit choking with a sense of injury. He -wrote: "If it were not for the respect I owe to the king, I should -certainly not have suffered such an insult, and should have shown -madame the deep resentment I feel." - -The bustling distress and excitement roused by the heretics -nevertheless fizzled out. That a scandal of this sort should take -serious proportions would have brought very evil notoriety upon the -Ferrarese court. Cardillan was released and banished; the other -prisoners conveniently permitted to escape. Ercole still gained his -main object--the satisfaction of depriving Renée of another of her -French attendants. Probably husband and wife hated each other a little -more keenly than before, but to all appearances another storm had -passed over. For the two still continued to share one bedroom. They -must in consequence have enjoyed intervals of ordinary conversation -and apparent friendliness. Moreover, they had children. In all the -divergences of their interests, there remained some that could not be -separated. After the sharp encounter brought about by the unwisdom of -Zanetto, Renée gave birth to another infant. Household trivialities -provided permanent groundwork for amiable bedroom discussions, and, -however apathetically, they must at least have gone through intervals -of superficial good-humour. - -Outwardly, at any rate, there occurred another lull in the fighting. -The court removed into the country, and eased everything by an -out-of-door existence. Marot, who had been sent by Margaret of Navarre -to Renée for safety, made light, enticing verses upon the ladies he -transiently delighted in. He also wrote a sonnet to Renée herself, -that, besides containing one line of exquisite musicalness--"_O la -douceur des douceurs feminines_"--shows how unconcealed the failure of -her marriage had become. It suggests, in fact, that Ercole's behaviour -was publicly abusive and unpardonable. He wrote-- - - "Souvenant de tes graces divines - Suis en douleur, princesse, en ton absence, - Et si languis quand suis en ta presence - Voyant ce Lys au milieu des épines. - O la douceur des douceurs feminines? - O cœur sans fiel? O race d'excellence? - O dur mari rempli de violence." - -The rest is uninteresting. But the reference to Ercole, allowing for -prejudice, could not have been uttered, one imagines, wholly without -justification. No fundamentally pleasant person could be referred to -so uncompromisingly as steeped in hateful violences. - -Marot sided deeply with Renée, and wrote some additional verses to -Margaret, which he told her openly were intended to convey a picture -of the wrongs and sufferings to which the duchess was subjected. All -the lines dealing directly with the subject read as if sincere and -vivid, while the note of gravity was struck in the poignant bluntness -of the opening verse. Marot meant the queen to realize that he handled -something unmistakably and acutely tragic-- - - "Playne les morts qui plaindre les voudra - Tant que vivrai mon cœur se résoudra - A plaindre ceux que douleur assauldra - En cette vie. - - * * * * * - - "Ha Marguerite, écoute la souffrance - Du noble cœur de Renée de France - Puis comme sœur plus fort que d'espérance - Console-la. - - "Tu sais comment hors son pays alla - Et que parens et amis laissa là, - Mais tu ne sais quel traitement elle a - En terre étrange. - - "De cent couleurs en une heure elle change, - En ses repas percée d'angoisse mange - Et en son vin larmes fait melange - Tout par ennui. - - "Ennui reçu du côté de celui - Qui dut être sa joie et son appui - Ennui plus grief que s'il venait d'autrui - Et plus à craindre." - - * * * * * - -Few phrases could expose more explicitly a brutal husband. Allowing -for exaggeration, Ercole obviously behaved like a boor, making his -wife's meals, when he was present, little else than a weeping -martyrdom. Renée certainly had the temperament to cry often and -easily, though not tempestuously; but at Ferrara the vague-looking -eyes seem to have possessed ample reason for being constantly and -bitterly watered. Marot, of course, had neither the opportunity nor -the desire to dwell upon intervals of passivity. But, as one knows, -there must inevitably have been some in the hectored years of Renée's -Italian existence. And among them was certainly the visit of Vittoria -Colonna. She stayed for ten months, and all the information given -implies that during that period there was almost peace at the -Castello. This is to Ercole's credit, for Vittoria Colonna would have -bored any but a practised intelligence. Her _forte_ lay in an unerring -sense of what was fine in everything--art, conduct, and deliberation. -Clever men adored her, and her brain was certainly imposing, -deliberate, attentive, and comprehending. The woman who understood -Michelangelo could scarcely fail to grasp the meanings of lesser -intelligences. But the minor gaieties she had not; the quaint, swift -humour with which subtle women sweep away tension would never have -lightened Vittoria's solid arguments. She wrote poetry--very insincere -and laboured--but she possessed no imagination. The gravity of -existence, and the fact that each soul in it is born to exist -eternally, clothed her thoughts with an almost restricting austerity. -Few jokes would have sounded suitable in her presence. She appeared -too exquisitely reasonable, cool, and punctiliously magnificent for -any descent into the ridiculous. - -Undoubtedly Vittoria's presence eased domestic friction, though it is -doubtful, notwithstanding, whether Renée liked her. There are letters -between Vittoria and Ercole, but none to be found between the two -women. Vittoria Colonna was inherently good, but she was also -triumphant, pampered, flattered, and successful. When she came to -Ferrara she was received with a voluntary public ovation. Flanked by -the mental sumptuousness of this efficient creature, Renée's -insignificance was accentuated; the contrast dragged the whole extent -of her ineffectuality into light. And Renée, almost meek in -appearance, with her "weakened body," as Brantome put it, and her -vague-looking face, was not meek in disposition. She forgot at no time -of her life that but for the Salic law she would have sat upon the -throne of France. - -There is no statement against the existence of affection between the -two women, but the probabilities are not for it. There is far more -likelihood that Vittoria got upon her hostess's nerves, and chilled -her by flaming, for all her disadvantages of years, with a sort of -opulent beauty that intensified the pallid ugliness of the foreign -duchess. Small wonder that Renée turned to the sympathy offered by -Monsieur Pons; small wonder that she permitted the elegant and amiable -Frenchman to make inroads upon her affections. - -Monsieur Pons represents the solitary scandal of Renée's existence. -Some writers do not like Monsieur Pons. They desire the page -unblemished by this warm and doubtful incident. To them Renée must -stand as a blameless martyr to the cause of Protestantism, and this -friendship confuses the picture. In such hands Monsieur Pons fades -into an insignificance not sufficiently substantial for impropriety. - -The effacement is entirely to be regretted. Monsieur Pons was the one -wholly tender circumstance in Renée's life. It is ridiculous to -pretend that she did not love him. Her harassed heart, unaccustomed -to being besieged, surrendered naturally to sympathetic advances from -a fascinating man of her own nationality. He made love to her -discreetly, mildly, and, no doubt, indirectly, while the woman warmed -under it before she realized the fearsome pleasantness of the -sensation. They may actually have had sympathy of temperament. -Monsieur Pons also may really have experienced a slight compassionate -tenderness for the frail, misshapen little duchess, who was openly -ill-treated by a lusty and unfaithful husband. It is difficult to -probe Monsieur Pons's motives. Policy is rarely absent from the mind -of those who deal with powerful persons. He was upon admirable terms -with his own wife. So was Renée, notwithstanding a friendship for the -husband exhilarated by a hint of something just a little more alive -and poignant. Genuine impropriety, one feels assured, there was not. -Yet to those anxious for scandal the duchess's letters would in -themselves be considered sufficient to take away any woman's -character. They are personal, intimate, and interwoven with unspoken -statements. Actually they have charm--the charm that issues when a -woman with some grace of mind desires her letter to be chiefly a -persuasive form of flirtation. The word "love" is not mentioned in -them, but for all that they are undeniably love-letters. They are, in -addition, the love-letters of a woman not yet muddled by any -uncertainty as to the recipient's reciprocity. - -It must be admitted that Renée, had she behaved with strict decorum, -would not have written these documents. Married persons forfeit the -licence to indulge in a certain kind of correspondence. But there is -no reason to suppose that because a woman writes a delicately -flirtatious letter she has any evil thoughts at the back of it, or -that the relations of the two will at any time transgress the limits -of an audacious friendliness. The mistake is usually made, though few -things show less acquaintance with human nature. - -Renée of Ferrara was temperamentally incapable of the scandal some of -her biographers have foisted upon her. Putting it upon the lowest -basis, she had neither sufficient courage nor sufficient pliancy for -unfaithfulness. The distinguishing trait of Renée's character was her -incapacity ever to go the extreme length in anything. There are no -tenable grounds, besides, for supposing that she desired to forget -right living for Monsieur Pons and passion. She was not an ardent -woman; the dull face expresses nothing so unmistakable as a wistful -apathy and a bad circulation. - -From the internal evidence of the letters themselves, one finds a -romantic and sentimental friendship, or, phrased more colloquially, a -flirtation. But the essence of a flirtation is to play at being more -than it is in reality--to hover skilfully about borders neither player -would really care to trespass. Not a phrase in Renée's letters reveals -any desire to thrust aside cautious boundaries. She had also perfect -knowledge of Monsieur Pons's comfortable domestic circumstances. -Madame de Pons was her friend, the closest woman companion remaining -to her. What is more than likely is that she and Madame Pons--madame -with a finger secretly to her nose--enjoyed a perfect understanding as -to Renée's relations with the husband. They agreed together in worship -of Monsieur Pons, while he on his side was supposed to love them -both--though Renée, of course, with discretion, with reverence, with -the distance that her rank necessitated. - -Madame Pons was safe; she could afford this dismal and lonely woman -some farcical illusions. Renée, in consequence, was allowed her -pathetic share in Monsieur Pons. The real, warm, comfortable -possession could only be the wife's, but Renée felt that she also had -her small, vague place; she was included; she was dear to Monsieur -Pons; she had her right of confidences, and perhaps--who knows?--in -certain ways, might convey an appeal his wife lacked possession of. -The wanderings of a heart ill-fed are always wild and a little tragic. - -The letters were written during a diplomatic mission to France, upon -which Monsieur Pons had been sent by the duke. They contain intimate -accounts of little everyday doings, put down with a woeful disregard -of grammar, and yet with something approaching literary instinct. -Reading them, one discovers that the duchess was not an entirely -stupid woman. Without possessing the least intellectual capacity, she -shows a gift of irony, of graceful utterance, and of oblique -suggestion that is totally unexpected. - -She says in one, "If this letter is badly written, it is because of -the place and the hour, for I write in bed, and I began so early that -I can scarcely see clearly; but I hope to write more every day until -the Basque starts again. I began yesterday, the very day he -arrived.... The wee doggie came, and fondled me a thousand times, in -betweenwhiles seizing the pen with his little teeth, after which he -came and settled himself on my arm, with the pen under his head, and -so went to sleep, and I too, to keep him company, for I don't know -which of us needed it most." This little pet dog, and another, -evidently given to her by Monsieur Pons, figure several times in the -correspondence. She writes again, "The Basque will give you an account -of your wife's state of health, of our little company, and, above all, -of the wee doggies who still, as always, sleep with me, and refuse to -leave my side." - -How much Monsieur Pons was missed, is said many times and in diverse -ways. She conveys it very prettily upon one occasion, in the -statement, "Lesleu was saying that since you had gone the house seems -deserted. He is not the only one who thinks this. Several others say -the same, and there are some who are only too well aware of it." In -French the meaning is both more finely and more definitely -transmitted. In another place she says, "We need you to bring back the -joy you took away with your departure." - -Madame Pons gave birth to a boy during her husband's absence, and -Renée writes that it resembles its father in chin and mouth, adding -immediately that she had kissed the little lips "two or three" times. -She also says, "He has such a sweet expression; everybody likes to -look at him. He does not sulk like the others." His mouth, she states, -is infinitesimal. Later, when his wife continued very unwell, Renée -wrote, "I beg you to try and return before the winter, as much for her -as for me, of whom I will say nothing, for I think less of my own -troubles than that you should be successful in your undertaking." - -There were no concealments between Monsieur Pons and herself -concerning Ercole. She tells the diplomatist that her visit to France -had once more been broached by the ambassador, who had received the -usual answer, "when the weather permitted." With delicious irony the -duchess adds, "I think he means when the wind carries me." At all -times she was indifferent to her husband's mistresses. And she tells -Monsieur Pons, "Monday, which was the eve of St. John, I took him (the -ambassador) to the mountain where monsieur was having supper with the -Calcaquine.... The day after the birth of your son I had supper with -the cardinal and monsieur, and the day of St. John I had supper in the -'_bosquet_' with monsieur and the ambassador." The Contessa Calcaquine -was at that time Ercole's mistress. - -In the continuation of daily details Renée makes it quite clear how -little she enjoyed "monsieur's" society. She had been asked by him to -join, if she cared to, a little party spending the evening on the -hill--presumably at the contessa's. But, she says, with an -undercurrent of wider meaning than the actual words express, "I made -the excuse that it would be too late." - -Renée implied no objection upon the grounds of the hostess. She -mentions quite gaily a visit to one of Ercole's ladies, concluding, -"That is all the fresh air I have had since you left, but I am waiting -till your wife is up again, and then we shall go out together, and -with all the more pleasure because you will be with us." - -It is deeply to be regretted that all these letters, unknown to Renée, -were intercepted by the duke, though he must have been interested at -the almost contemptuous calm of his wife's attitude towards him -personally. Renée wondered why the answers from France were so few. -She had no suspicion that her lengthy correspondence lay locked up in -the care of her husband, and never journeyed across the Alps at any -time. Ercole, secretive by nature and by training, made no remarks -about these intercepted letters. With a house full of spies, he stood -in a position to know how flimsy the flirtation really was. When -Monsieur Pons returned, he allowed the same intimacy as previously. -Only very soon afterwards Renée was sent into the country and kept -there, away from her friend. - -Then Ercole, considering the moment opportune, got rid of both wife -and husband. A story of an extremely mischievous nature was foisted -upon them. The charges were, in fact, dangerous for two foreigners in -the power of a man hating them both. Renée's household became shaken -to the depths with fear and excitement, and Monsieur and Madame Pons -fled almost immediately to Venice. The action was no more than wise. -Ercole had called Madame Pons "an infernal fury." Any possible -extremity would have been proceeded to, if even a fraction of the -charges stated could have been proved against them. - -The months that followed were among the most dismal of Renée's life. -The flight of her friend chilled her to the marrow of her being. -Realization could not be avoided. She was over thirty, and the bitter -sense of being suddenly old and weary is unavoidable in any woman -brusquely abandoned by the man who has kept her young with kindnesses. -All the vaporous flimsiness of her hold upon Monsieur Pons lay -brutally exposed and patent. His wife had got into difficulties; his -business lay immediately with the welfare of his wife. No outside -woman existed in the intimate agitation of private affairs. Renée was -simply dropped like some acquaintance grown needless, and husband, -wife, and the baby, whose mouth Renée had described as so incredibly -small, practically withdrew from her existence. - -The next crucial circumstance--perhaps the most crucial of Renée's -long and uncomfortable life--was her encounter with the Inquisition. -This supreme test of Renée's character came when Paul III. died and -Julius III. succeeded to the throne of Rome. Paul had been mild, -gentle, and favourable to some reformation in the ways of the Church. -Contarini, in a letter, spoke of him as "this our good old man." His -successor had no leanings towards change; mercy sent no gentle warmth -through his system. The heresy practised by the Duchess of Ferrara had -been notorious for a considerable period; her household constituted a -sanctuary for heretics; she permitted herself Protestant preachers and -Protestant services. Her attendance at mass had ceased, and she was -accused, though it seems unjustly, of eating meat on Fridays. - -Ercole's position, consequently, at this time was far from easy, the -basis of his political security requiring that he should maintain -peace with the authorities of Rome. Renée's new religion endangered -his duchy. She either did not understand the political risks of what -she persisted in doing, or did not care. But Ercole, alarmed as well -as furious, wrote bluntly to the King of France, saying what he -thought of her. The unburdenment was no longer incautious. Francis I. -had been dead some time. Henry II. felt no obligation to be bothered -by an elderly woman whom he did not know, and whose claims upon him -were negligible. Himself an intolerant Roman Catholic, he wrote to her -upon receiving Ercole's letter, and explained unambiguously that -should she be relying upon the support of France, her confidence was -founded upon false anticipations. He did more--he sent the famous -Inquisitor Orriz, with orders to use "rigour and severity," sooner -than return to France without having reduced the elderly lady to a -proper religious disposition. - -The letter in which Orriz received directions shows a curious method -of thinking. Renée was exhorted to return more easily to the Mother -Church, "by consideration of the great favours which God has granted -to her, and among others that of being the issue of the purest blood -of the most Christian house of France, where no monster has ever -existed." The sentence ended with the statement that should she -"choose to remain in stubbornness and pertinacity, it would displease -the king as much as anything in the world, and would cause him -entirely to forget the friendship, with all the observances and -demonstrations of a good nephew, he hating nothing with a greater -hatred than all those of the reprobate sects, whose mortal enemy he -was." - -The following paragraph was still more plain spoken, and might well -have sent a shiver through the hard-pressed duchess. Henry wrote, "And -if, after such remonstrances and persuasions, together with those -which the said Doctor Orriz shall employ of his own way and -profession, to make her know the truth, and the difference there is -between light and darkness, it shall appear that he is unable by -gentle means to gain her and to reclaim her, he shall take counsel -with the said lord duke as to what can possibly be done in the way of -rigour and severity to bring her to reason." - -Renée's position had at last become dire and dangerous. She stood -with none to help her, pressed about by a crowd of enemies. From the -moment Orriz arrived in Ferrara her life became a nightmare. When he -chose to preach, she had to listen; when he questioned, she had to -answer; when he threatened, she had to preserve quiescence. Morning, -noon, and evening, the menacing presence of the French Inquisitor kept -her shaken, sickened, lacerated. His arguments could only have been -torture to her, for pitted against the subtlety of the trained -heretic-catcher, Renée's mentality would have been the incarnation of -incoherent feebleness. Her person, moreover, made no appeal to mercy; -ugly, drear, and wrinkled, she did not even possess dramatic -dignity--only tears and an obstreperous dismalness of manner. -Gradually, however, Orriz was to discover that dismalness did not -necessarily accompany weakness. He could make her cry, but that was -about all he could do with her. His own temper must have quickly -sharpened. The position left him ridiculous. Presently the Inquisitor -and the husband took counsel together. Renée's unexpected fortitude -proved equally serious for both. Ercole had given his word to the Pope -that the lady should return duly submissive to the fold she outraged. -Renée had got to be mastered somehow. Words left her tearfully -obstinate--there remained nothing but harsher measures. Ercole himself -wrote in a letter, "We kept her shut up for fifteen days, with only -people who had no sort of Lutheran tendencies to wait upon her. We -also threatened to confiscate all her property." - - [Illustration: RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA - FROM A DRAWING IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE] - -She held out, notwithstanding. Some decree of courage must have -stiffened resistance, but it also is probable that the little creature -relied upon a definite limit to persecution. A daughter of the royal -house of France stood too high for genuine martyrdom. She had, in -addition, a secret Bull previously given her by Paul III., which -exempted her from the jurisdiction of all local inquisitions. - -Up to a certain point there is, beyond question, an underflow of -sweetness in being persecuted, especially when, besides the -persecutors, there are people who realize the persecution. To show -endurance is softly comforting to the soul. Character, exultant at -finding itself not wholly worthless, is joyous below its pain. There -are few people, indeed, who do not want to prove themselves morally -better than their ordinary conduct, and who are not exalted by a -sudden blaze of inner illumination when they have let the good rise -triumphant over an ardent and forceful temptation. At any rate, -whether Renée was, or was not, sustained by a sense of proving -something finer than she had hoped for, she certainly showed such -curious tranquillity that those who attended her remarked upon it. The -fact puzzled everybody--she was by nature distinctly flaccid. It has -since been put down to the possession of the Bull from Paul III., but -the explanation is unlikely. Nothing could be more simple than a fresh -Papal Bull annulling the first. Besides, what followed shows that she -either made no use of it, or was quickly undeceived as to its utility. - -But the crisis of her life was stalking grimly nearer every hour. -Confinement leaving steadfastness intact, a rasped husband and -exasperated inquisitor flung themselves upon a last extremity, and -Renée, Duchess of Ferrara, was actually brought before the Ferrarese -Inquisition, and tried for heresy by that body. Her answers at the -trial are not given, but that she went through the ordeal at all -compels admiration. She was utterly alone--hemmed in by Roman -Catholics and Italians--and grievously subject to prostration and -headaches. Few people thought of her save as an unmitigated nuisance. -Still she continued firm. Her answers were probably stupid and -reiterated, but if flustered on the surface she was stolid at the -foundations. After an angry, blustering trial, during which nobody -could browbeat her into helplessness, defeat had to be admitted, and a -formal sentence passed against the duchess. She may have winced for a -moment when it came; the indignity alone would have stung her like a -blow upon the face. There was nothing in this world she felt more -pride in than the fact that she was a king's daughter; this sentence -put her on the level of any refractory woman that the Church and her -husband considered in need of punishment. She was to suffer perpetual -solitary imprisonment, and her children and the greater part of her -revenue were to be taken from her. - -Still she maintained the same unaccountable self-possession. It seemed -almost as if some store of inner strength placed her beyond the reach -of personal sufferings. All who knew her were bewildered. For, the -very morning after condemnation, she was driven from the Castello to -an old building next door, to be imprisoned under guards chosen -carefully by Ercole. Two servants, also picked out by him, were the -only people allowed in her presence. - -She held out for a week. It was too little; mere sulkiness could have -endured that period. Six months would have made her sympathetic and -dignified, a week rendered her previous fortitude useless. Still, it -should be borne in mind that imprisonment for life with two foreigners -of a different class is very cold to the heart after the first glow of -resistance has faded. Renée had known her triumph. The famous -Inquisitor, so proud of his infallible method, had exhausted cunning -for nothing. They were obliged to shut her up for the humiliating -reason that not one of them had been able to move her by a hair's -breadth. She had that victory to kindle satisfaction with for the rest -of existence. - -During a day or two she probably lived supported by the joy of -steadfast conduct. Then gradually the meaning of a lifetime's solitude -pressed upon imagination. At any rate, by the end of seven days, -everybody knew in Ferrara that the duchess had surrendered. The news -reduced her to an absurdity; she had possessed sufficient courage to -be maddening, and no more. Capitulation, however, was complete. She -not only expressed her desire openly to attend mass, but her -willingness to return to confession. By her own choice, a Jesuit -confessor was sent for, and in a "flood of tears" the necessary -recantation was given. - -Instantly the guards were withdrawn, and her ordinary household -allowed to recommence attendance. The struggle was over. Ercole could -feel at last that he had tamed her, and in a few days the surface -showed no signs of the immense upheaval it had suffered. Only the -Protestants stood aghast. Calvin wrote bitterly when he heard of it: -"What shall I say, except that constancy is a very rare virtue among -the great of this world?" Olympia Morata, who had a sore place in her -thoughts made by Renée, declared that she was not surprised, and that -she had always said it was _une tête légère_. - -Upon one point, notwithstanding, the duchess remained unexpectedly -firm. She had surrendered a good deal. But she drew the line for the -future at playing love-scenes with the man who had caused her to be -tried and imprisoned like a common criminal. - -From the time of her trial, Renée occupied a separate establishment, -though Ercole, to whom she could do no right, made even this a -grievance, and complained that "the duchess refused to return to the -chamber they had shared for fifteen years, and in which they had made -such beautiful children." - -With this brief, tense, and futile drama, the interest of Renée's -life evaporates. The remainder,--long and untranquil though it -was,--reads like an anti-climax. She never knew a year's serenity to -the end of her lengthy and eventful existence. And yet all that -followed has a certain sameness and monotony. The unhappinesses were -constantly repeated; also the piteous efforts to remain firm in -Protestantism only to be driven back again to the old faith of her -people. - -In 1559 Ercole died, and from that day Renée passed entirely out of -the sphere of the Renaissance into that of the Reformation. She -returned to France, and went to live at the town of Montargis, which -belonged to her. Comfort she never knew again. Her castle was so -constantly overcrowded that it became impossible to move in it for -people. Brantome, who visited her there, says he saw "three hundred -Protestant refugees," on the occasion of his visit. Horrors, -bloodshed, and persecutions became her daily preoccupations. Blood, at -that period in France, made the world look red. During the massacre of -St. Bartholomew, she was in Paris, and remained for nine days shut up -in her rooms, before the gates of Paris were opened once more, and she -was able to fly back to Montargis. - -But the latter part of her existence nobly atoned for the dispirited -uselessness of the beginning. She took mass, and professed to be a -humble and obedient daughter of the Pope when there was no alternative -between that and being driven out of Montargis. But continuously, -hourly, and unhesitatingly, she helped all those who came to her. - -At the time of her death she was sixty-four, though long before that -time she had looked a hundred. All her friends died before she did. -Even Calvin, who from the day she left Ferrara, had been the real prop -of her existence, passed out of life twelve years earlier. - -Though almost all that was best of the Renaissance seemed gathered -into the stretch of Renée's existence, it is difficult to remember her -association with it. Tintoretto, Titian, Correggio, and Raphael were -the joy of Italy during her lifetime. Ariosto, Tasso, Montaigne, all -belong to this period--Ariosto dying when she was twenty-three, while -Tasso outlived her by many years. She passed the whole of her married -life in a court of impassioned connoisseurs, and never rose above a -taste for cheap majolica. Her niche was in a convent, a hospital, or a -training school for orphans, not in a centre of artistic and literary -efflorescence. - -She was unfortunate all her life, and even after death it remained -her tragic fate to be a nuisance. Her son, Alphonso III., found -difficulty in coming to a decision as to what behaviour to observe -about the circumstance. She had been his mother, but she had also been -a heretic. In the end he compromised, ordering mourning for a brief -period, but omitting any mourning services. They buried her at -Montargis, and on her tomb made no mention of Italy, or of her -discomforted connection with the House of Ferrara. The inscription -merely bore the words-- - - "Renée de France, Duchesse de Chartres, Comtesse de Gisors et - Madame de Montargis. - - May many daughters of France yet rise to emulate the example of - her faith, patience, and charity." - -At a brief glance only the last virtue appears appropriate. But the -grace of Renée's life lies in the fact that she used it for -development. The self-engrossed, unfriendly girl who fought with -Ercole, slowly but momentously learned from experience. Handicapped -both by nature and circumstances, she yet issued from the tempestuous -stumblings of youth into an old age, still clumsy enough to an eye -seeing only in a dull moment, but exquisite to a consciousness aware -how the soul had continuously developed through every untoward -incident of existence. As a girl Renée had been too querulous to -circumvent her own ugliness. But as an old woman she rendered it of no -account. Surely--though probably unconsciously--she learnt at last -that it is what a nature gives from within that is the ultimate test -of value, and that to a great heart there are no denials, and cannot -be--in the world's colossal and unceasing need of sympathy--anything -but welcome and appreciation. - - - - -INDEX - - -A - -Adrienne, Madonna, 154, 157, 162, 163 - -Albret, Comte d', 109, 110 - -Albret, Henri d', 230, 238 - -Albret, Jeanne d', 230, 236 - -Alençon, 213, 216-220 - -Alençon, Duc d', 212, 225 - -Alençon, Françoise d', 133, 135 - -Alexander VI., Pope, 154, 155, 161, 164-172, 178, 185, 186 - -Alphonso I., Duke of Ferrara, 64, 157, 177-190, 198-201, 254, 269 - -Alphonso II., Duke of Ferrara, 302 - -Alphonso, Don, of Naples, 168-173 - -Amboise, Castle of, 210 - -Amboise, Cardinal d', 140 - -Amily, Ser, 38 - -Angoulême, Charles d', 203, 204 - -Angoulême, Margaret d', 133, 134, 150, 202-250, 251, 276, 278, 279 - -Anna (wife of Alphonso I.), 64 - -Anne of Brittany, 104-149, 205, 212, 222, 251, 252, 265 - -Anthony, Brother, 44, 45 - -Aragon, Charlotte of, 168 - -Aragon, Ferdinand of, 131 - -Aretino, Donati, 167 - -Argentre, d', 147 - -Ariosto, 190, 301 - -Asti, 88, 93 - -Avignon, 24, 30, 32, 33, 38-40 - - -B - -Bari, Duchess of. _See_ Beatrice D'Este - -Barone, 92 - -Bartholomew, Saint, 300 - -Bartolomeo, Fra, 10, 14 - -Bayard, 155 - -Bayaret, 224 - -Beatrice D'Este. _See_ Este - -Beaujeu, Anne of, 117, 203 - -Bellay, de, 225 - -Bellay, Cardinal de, 243 - -Bembo, Cardinal, 186-191 - -Benincasa, Giacomo, 2, 7 - -Berger, Peter, 234 - -Berguin, 231 - -Beuve, Sainte, 222 - -Bianca (illegitimate daughter of Ludovico), 67, 98, 99 - -Bianca (sister of Giangaleazzo), 87 - -Blois, 205, 206, 207 - -Boccaccio, 2, 6, 245 - -Bonnivet, 209-216, 220, 221, 224 - -Bordeaux, 231 - -Borgia, Cæsar, 71, 126, 165-175, 177, 180, 185, 197, 198 - -Borgia, Giovanni, 165 - -Borgia, Jofre, 164 - -Borgia, Lucrezia, 5, 9, 150-201, 254, 258 - -Borso, Duke, 56 - -Bourbon, Connétable de, 206 - -Bourbon, Louis de, 119 - -Brantome, 205, 241-253, 300 - -Briconnet, 213, 217-220 - -Burgundy, 225 - - -C - -Cafferini, Thomas Antonio, 4, 9, 13 - -Cagnola, 72 - -Calcaquine, Contessa, 288 - -Callagnini, 190 - -Calmeta, 76 - -Calvin, 233, 234, 273-301 - -Canali, Carlo, 153 - -Cardillan, 275, 277 - -Carthusians, the order of, 47 - -Castiglione, 190-194 - -Cataneri, Vanozza, 153, 154 - -Catherine of Siena, 1-52 - -Cavelli, Mario, 248 - -Charles, Archduke, 254 - -Charles V., of Austria, 46, 224-230 - -Charles VIII., of France, 88, 89, 93, 94, 104, 111-114, 118 - -Claude, of France, 138, 142, 145, 224, 253 - -Claviere, R. de Maulde la, 221 - -Clement VII., Pope, 40, 42, 46 - -Cleves, Duke of, 236-239 - -Clouet, 242 - -Cognac, 204 - -Collenuccio, Pandolfo, 174 - -Colonna, the, 30 - -Colonna, Vittoria, 59, 252, 280-282 - -Commines, 70, 89, 113, 117, 119 - -Corio, 63, 83 - -Correggio, 301 - -Corsa, 56 - -Crivelli, Lucrezia, 96, 98, 101 - -Croce, Giorgio di, 153 - -Cussago, 67 - - -D - -Dante, 76, 175 - -Dodici, 18 - -Dodicini, 18 - -Dolet, Etienne, 232, 233 - -Domenico, St., 21 - -Duchatel, 249 - - -E - -Ercole I., Duke of Ferrara, 1, 56, 64, 178, 180, 184-186, 198 - -Ercole II., Duke of Ferrara, 254-257, 266, 271, 275, 278, 280, 288-290, - 292-295 - -Este, Beatrice d', 53-103, 150 - -Este, Hippolyte d', 167 - -Este, Isabella d', 54-57, 59, 65, 74, 94, 181-184, 197, 252, 258 - -Este, Leonora d', 55, 56, 60, 64 - -Este, Palissena d', 65 - - -F - -Farnese, Julia, 154, 155, 158, 159, 162, 163, 165 - -Feltre, Vittorino da, 55 - -Ferrante, of Naples, 93 - -Ferrara, 54, 57, 64, 70, 191, 256, 257, 268, 269, 271, 272 - -Fleurange, 138 - -Foix, Gaston de, 206-211, 213 - -Forli, 171 - -Francis I., 137, 138, 203-208, 215-217, 224-226, 229-231, 236-238, - 248, 249, 253-255, 265, 274, 292 - -Francis II., of Brittany, 106 - - -G - -Galeazzo, Maria, 60 - -Gallerani, Cecilia, 59, 68-70, 73, 78 - -"Gargantua," 243 - -Gasparo, Don, 156 - -Gelais, Jean de St., 204, 205 - -Ghibellines, 31, 34 - -Giangaleazzo, Duke of Milan, 56, 62, 75, 81-83, 89, 91 - -Gie, Marechale de, 143-145, 205 - -Grazie, St. Maria delle, 100-102 - -Gregorovius, 154, 166 - -Gregory XI., Pope, 30-34, 38, 39 - -Guarino, 55 - -Guelfs, 31, 34 - -Guicciardini, 90, 117, 177 - - -H - -"Heptameron," the, 209, 243, 245, 246 - -Henri II., 248, 292 - -Henry VII., 93, 207 - -Henry VIII., 206 - - -I - -Innocent VII., Pope, 156 - -Inquisition, the, 231, 232 - -Isabella D'Este. _See_ Este - -Isabella of Naples, 60, 63, 64, 74-76, 79-83, 85, 87-89, 92, 120 - - -J - -Jacomino, 57, 58 - -Jacomo, Ser, 49, 50 - -Jeanne, wife of Louis XII., 106, 126-128 - -Joanna, Queen of Naples, 46 - -Julius II., Pope, 140 - -Julius III., Pope, 291 - - -L - -Laizon, Lanothe, 232 - -Lamb, Charles, 21 - -Landoccio, Neri di, 27, 28, 47, 49, 51 - -Lapa, mother of Catherine of Siena, 2, 5, 7 - -Laun, Van, 115 - -Lemale, 61 - -Leo X., Pope, 199 - -Leonora D'Este. _See_ Este - -Lesleu, 287 - -Limousin, Leonard, 242 - -Loches, 135 - -Louis XI., 106, 126, 236 - -Louis XII., 88, 93, 103, 104, 106, 107, 112, 121-123 - -Lucca, 31 - -Lucia, Sister, 1, 16 - -Lucrezia Borgia. _See_ Borgia - -Ludovico Sforza. _See_ Sforza - -Luny, Phillipine de, 234 - -Luther, Martin, 217 - - -M - -Machiavelli, 175-177 - -"Mantellate" sisters, 24, 35, 36 - -Mantua, Francesco, Duke of, 56, 57, 62 - -Manuce, Aldo, 190 - -Marconi, Stephen, 24-28, 32, 42, 45, 47 - -Maria Galeazzo. _See_ Galeazzo - -Marot, Clement, 146, 222-224, 278, 279 - -Marot, Jean, 146 - -Marsac, Louis de, 234 - -Marthe, St., 231 - -Maximilian I., Emperor of Germany, 81, 93, 106, 110-112 - -Meaux, Bishop of, 213, 217-220. _See_ Briconnet - -Medici, Giovanni de, 156 - -Mendoza, 249 - -Mezerai, 132, 145, 254 - -Milan, 63, 64-68, 71, 72, 76, 88 - -Michelangelo, 171 - -Michelletto, 173 - -Montaigne, 301 - -Montargis, 300-302 - -Montluc, St. Gelais de, 116 - -Montmorency, Anne of, 206, 224, 239 - -Montpensier, Charles de, 206 - -Morata, Olympia, 299 - -Moro, Il. _See_ Sforza, Ludovico - -Muralto, 98 - -Muratori, 40, 66 - - -N - -Nantes, 111 - -Naples, King of, 54-57, 161, 168 - -Navarre, King of, 230 - -Navarre, Henri de. _See_ Albret - -Nepi, 174 - -Nove, the, 18 - -Noveschi, the, 18 - - -O - -Olivet, Mount, 50 - -Orriz, 232, 233, 292-294, 298 - -Orsini, the, 30 - -Othagaray, 236 - -Ovid, 227 - - -P - -Palice, La, 224 - -Pantagruel, 68, 222 - -Pater, Walter, 76 - -Paul III., Pope, 291, 296 - -Paule, François de, 118 - -Pavia, 61, 71, 73, 89, 91, 224, 225 - -Perotto, 168 - -Pesaro, 162-164, 166, 174 - -Petrarch, 2, 30, 41, 55, 175 - -Pintorricchio, 151, 155, 160, 171 - -Pisa, 31 - -Poictiers, Diane de, 248 - -Polhain, Baron de, 110 - -Polignac, Jeanne de, 203 - -Pons, M. de, 268, 282-291 - -Pontanus, poet, 177 - -Portugal, Queen of, 226, 227, 229 - -Predis, Ambrogio da, 98 - -Pucci, 158 - - -R - -Rabelais, 68, 232, 243 - -Raphael, 301 - -Raymond, 15, 22, 23, 28, 29, 35, 36 - -Raynaldus, 33 - -Rémond, Florimond de, 231 - -Renée, of Ferrara, 146, 198, 223, 232, 251-303 - -Riformatori, the, 17, 18 - -Rodriguez, Cardinal, 153. _See_ Alexander VI. - - -S - -Sancia, Madonna, 164, 165 - -Sanozzo, 177 - -Sanseverino, Galeazzo, 67, 98 - -San Sisto, convent of, 167 - -Savoie, Louise de, 137-139, 142, 146, 147, 203 - -Seyssel, De, 148 - -Sforza, Catherine, 174 - -Sforza, Francesco, 60 - -Sforza, Giovanni, 156, 161, 162-167 - -Sforza, Ludovico, 56, 57, 60-62, 64-70, 86, 87, 98, 101, 157, 161 - -Siena, Catherine of. _See_ Catherine - -Sorbonne, the, 202, 222, 232, 248, 249 - -Soubise, Madame de, 263, 265, 267, 268, 270, 271 - -Spagnali, 183 - -Spoleto, 170 - -Strozzi, Callagnini, 190 - -Strozzi, Tebaldeo, 190 - - -T - -Tasso, 301 - -Tintoretto, 301 - -Titian, 301 - -Toledo, Nicholas di, 17-21 - -Toledo, town of, 228 - -Tolomei, Francesco, 12 - -Tolomei, Giacomo, 12-14 - -Tolomei, Madonna, 12-14 - -Torelli, Ippolyta, 194 - -Toulouse, town of, 243 - -Tours, Plessis Les, 236 - -Trotti, 65, 69, 74, 75 - -Tufi, Porta, 51 - -Turenne, Elys de Beaufort, 36 - - -U - -Urban VI., Pope, 39-44, 46 - -Urbino, Elizabeth, Duchess of, 183, 184 - - -V - -Valentinois, Countess of, 35 - -Vanni, Francesco, 21-24 - -Vasari, 76 - -Venice, 86 - -Vinci, Leonardo da, 71, 76-79, 96 - - -W - -William of England, 44, 45 - - -Z - -Zanetto, 272, 274, 277 - - - PRINTED BY - WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, - LONDON AND BECCLES. - - - - - A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS - PUBLISHED BY METHUEN - AND COMPANY: LONDON - 36 ESSEX STREET - W.C. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - General Literature, 2-20 - - Ancient Cities, 20 - - Antiquary's Books, 20 - - Arden Shakespeare, 20 - - Beginner's Books, 21 - - Business Books, 21 - - Byzantine Texts, 21 - - Churchman's Bible, 22 - - Churchman's Library, 22 - - Classical Translations, 23 - - Classics of Art, 23 - - Commercial Series, 23 - - Connoisseur's Library, 23 - - Library of Devotion, 23 - - Illustrated Pocket Library of - Plain and Coloured Books, 24 - - Junior Examination Series, 25 - - Junior School-Books, 26 - - Leaders of Religion, 26 - - Little Books on Art, 26 - - Little Galleries, 27 - - Little Guides, 27 - - Little Library, 27 - - Little Quarto Shakespeare, 29 - - Miniature Library, 29 - 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M.).= PEGGY OF THE BARTONS. - -A STATE SECRET. - -ANGEL. - -JOHANNA. - -=Dante (Alighieri).= THE VISION OF DANTE (Cary). - -=Doyle (A. Conan).= ROUND THE RED LAMP. - -=Duncan (Sara Jeannette).= A VOYAGE OF CONSOLATION. - -THOSE DELIGHTFUL AMERICANS. - -=Eliot (George).= THE MILL ON THE FLOSS. - -=Findlater (Jane H.).= THE GREEN GRAVES OF BALGOWRIE. - -=Gallon (Tom).= RICKERBY'S FOLLY. - -=Gaskell (Mrs.).= CRANFORD. - -MARY BARTON. - -NORTH AND SOUTH. - -=Gerard (Dorothea).= HOLY MATRIMONY. - -THE CONQUEST OF LONDON. - -MADE OF MONEY. - -=Gissing (George).= THE TOWN TRAVELLER. - -THE CROWN OF LIFE. - -=Glanville (Ernest).= THE INCA'S TREASURE. - -THE KLOOF BRIDE. - -=Gleig (Charles).= BUNTER'S CRUISE. - -=Grimm (The Brothers).= GRIMM'S FAIRY TALES. Illustrated. - -=Hope (Anthony).= A MAN OF MARK. - -A CHANGE OF AIR. - -THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT ANTONIO. - -PHROSO. - -THE DOLLY DIALOGUES. - -=Hornung (E. W.).= DEAD MEN TELL NO TALES. - -=Ingraham (J. H.).= THE THRONE OF DAVID. - -=Le Queux (W.).= THE HUNCHBACK OF WESTMINSTER. - -=Levett-Yeats (S. K.).= THE TRAITOR'S WAY. - -=Linton (E. Lynn).= THE TRUE HISTORY OF JOSHUA DAVIDSON. - -=Lyall (Edna).= DERRICK VAUGHAN. - -=Malet (Lucas).= THE CARISSIMA. - -A COUNSEL OF PERFECTION. - -=Mann (Mrs. M. E.).= MRS. PETER HOWARD. - -A LOST ESTATE. - -THE CEDAR STAR. - -ONE ANOTHER'S BURDENS. - -=Marchmont (A. W.).= MISER HOADLEY'S SECRET. - -A MOMENT'S ERROR. - -=Marryat (Captain).= PETER SIMPLE. - -JACOB FAITHFUL. - -=Marsh (Richard).= THE TWICKENHAM PEERAGE. - -THE GODDESS. - -THE JOSS. - -A METAMORPHOSIS. - -=Mason (A. E. W.).= CLEMENTINA. - -=Mathers (Helen).= HONEY. - -GRIFF OF GRIFFITHSCOURT. - -SAM'S SWEETHEART. - -=Meade (Mrs. L. T.).= DRIFT. - -=Mitford (Bertram).= THE SIGN OF THE SPIDER. - -=Montresor (F. F.).= THE ALIEN. - -=Moore (Arthur).= THE GAY DECEIVERS. - -=Morrison (Arthur).= THE HOLE IN THE WALL. - -=Nesbit (E.).= THE RED HOUSE. - -=Norris (W. E.).= HIS GRACE. - -GILES INGILBY. - -THE CREDIT OF THE COUNTY. - -LORD LEONARD. - -MATTHEW AUSTIN. - -CLARISSA FURIOSA. - -=Oliphant (Mrs.).= THE LADY'S WALK. - -SIR ROBERT'S FORTUNE. - -THE PRODIGALS. - -=Oppenheim (E. Phillips).= MASTER OF MEN. - -=Parker (Gilbert).= THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES. - -WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC. - -THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD. - -=Pemberton (Max).= THE FOOTSTEPS OF A THRONE. - -I CROWN THEE KING. - -=Phillpotts (Eden).= THE HUMAN BOY. - -CHILDREN OF THE MIST. - -='Q.'= THE WHITE WOLF. - -=Ridge (W. Pett).= A SON OF THE STATE. - -LOST PROPERTY. - -GEORGE AND THE GENERAL. - -=Russell (W. Clark).= A MARRIAGE AT SEA. - -ABANDONED. - -MY DANISH SWEETHEART. - -HIS ISLAND PRINCESS. - -=Sergeant (Adeline).= THE MASTER OF BEECHWOOD. - -BARBARA'S MONEY. - -THE YELLOW DIAMOND. - -THE LOVE THAT OVERCAME. - -=Surtees (R. S.).= HANDLEY CROSS. Illustrated. - -MR. SPONGE'S SPORTING TOUR. Illustrated. - -ASK MAMMA. Illustrated. - -=Valentine (Major E. S.).= VELDT AND LAAGER. - -=Walford (Mrs. L. B.).= MR. SMITH. - -COUSINS. - -THE BABY'S GRANDMOTHER. - -=Wallace (General Lew).= BEN-HUR. - -THE FAIR GOD. - -=Watson (H. B. Marriott).= THE ADVENTURERS. - -=Weekes (A. B.).= PRISONERS OF WAR. - -=Wells (H. G.).= THE STOLEN BACILLUS. - -=White (Percy).= A PASSIONATE PILGRIM. - - - - -Transcriber's Note - -Archaic and variant spelling is preserved as printed. This includes -French variants, for instance, hommage. The author uses both Mezeray -and Mezerai to refer to the French historian. - -The following have been noted as possible errors: - - Page xv--references the illustration facing page 140 as an image - depicting St. Ursula; however, the plate caption states that it - depicts St. Helena. By reference to the original _Grandes Heures_ - (available on Gallica at http://gallica.bnf.fr) it appears that the - plate caption is correct. However, the differing references are - preserved as printed. - - Page 102--includes the quote "chastily and devoutly." This has - been preserved as printed on the assumption that this was the - spelling in an original source. - - Page 114--includes the term 'zebeline'. This is more usually - spelled as 'zibeline' or 'zibelline', but is preserved as - printed. - - Page 115--the extract from the 'Farce du Cuvier' references one - of the characters as Jacquemet; however, the original source - (History of French Literature Vol. 1, by Henri Van Laun, 1878) - has this character as Jaquinot. It is preserved here as printed. - - Page 218--includes the quoted matter 'defect sufflatorium in - igne'. This should be 'defecit sufflatorium', but as the - material is quoted, it is preserved as printed. - - Page 222--includes quoted verse by Marot. Reference to other - editions of Marot's work suggest that this verse should read as - follows: - - 'Tous deux aimons gens pleins d'honnesteté, - Tous deux aimons honneur & netteté, - Tous deux aimons à d'aucun ne mesdire, - Tous deux aimons un meilleur propos dire, - Tous deux aimons à nous trouver en lieux, - Où ne sont point gens melancolieux, - Tous deux aimons la musique chanter, - Tous deux aimons les livres frequenter: - Que diray plus? Ce mot là dire j'ose, - Et le diray, que presque en toute chose - Nous ressemblons: fors que j'ai plus d'esmoy, - Et que tu as le cœur plus dur que moy:' - - The quoted version in the text has been preserved as printed. - - Page 224--Bayaret should probably read as Bayard, but it is - preserved as printed. - - Page 231--includes reference to the title 'Historié du Progrès - de l'heresie', but omits the accents. This is preserved as - printed. - -Minor punctuation errors have been repaired. - -Hyphenation has been made consistent. - -The following amendments have been made: - - Page xiv--Crevelli amended to Crivelli--... as being the - portrait of Lucrezia Crivelli, ... - - Page 18--Ghilbellines amended to Ghibellines--... between the - Sienses Guelfs and Ghibellines, ... - - Page 18--Novescli amended to Noveschi--The _Noveschi_ and - _Dodicini_ members ... - - Page 32--unxpected amended to unexpected--... chance incidents - and unexpected humanizing makeshifts. - - Page 35--courtseys amended to courteseys--He even admired the - lovely gowns and misleading courteseys ... - - Page 46--regretably amended to regrettably--... to whom - Catherine wrote regrettably stern letter, ... - - Page 49--Jacome amended to Jacomo--... of the dead man, Ser - Jacomo, ... - - Page 64--his amended to her--... who, after her death, was to be - succeeded ... - - Page 65--Pallissena amended to Palissena--Not only Trotti, but - Palissena D'Este, ... - - Page 66--Muratari amended to Muratori--Muratori, writing of her - ... - - Page 66--Muratari amended to Muratori--Muratori also touches - upon ... - - Page 66--predeliction amended to predilection--In dress, - Beatrice had one peculiar predilection ... - - Page 81--viscontis amended to Viscontis--The Viscontis held it - in fief ... - - Page 117--Beaujeau amended to Beaujeu--Anne of Beaujeu, the - former Regent--harsh, ... - - Illustration facing page 120--CALENDRIES amended to - CALENDRIER--FROM THE _CALENDRIER_ - - Page 135--docctrine amended to doctrine--... which contained no - false doctrine, ... - - Page 147--dairy amended to diary--... Louise records the event - in her diary ... - - Page 153--Rodriquez amended to Rodriguez--... then known as - Cardinal Rodriguez, ... - - Page 156--Medeci amended to Medici--... but Giovanni de Medici, - ... - - Page 166--flightly amended to flighty--... the perfect tool, - childlike, flighty, inherently docile, ... - - Page 177--Macchiavelli amended to Machiavelli--It has been - repeated by Machiavelli, ... - - Illustration facing page 188--SUSSANAH amended to - SUSANNAH--SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS - - Page 224--Parie amended to Pavie--Il est mort devant Pavie. - - Page 279--coté amended to côté--Ennui reçu du côté de celui ... - - Page 283--Pon's amended to Pons's--It is difficult to probe - Monsieur Pons's motives. - - Page 296--Farrara amended to Ferrara--... and Renée, Duchess of - Ferrara, ... - - Page 299--legère amended to légère--... said it was _une tête - légère_. - - Page 301--Tintoretti amended to Tintoretto--Tintoretto, Titian, - Correggio, and Raphael ... - -Entries in the index have been made consistent with the main body of -the text, as follows: - - Page 305--Bazaret amended to Bayaret--Bayaret, 224 - - Page 305--d'Este amended to D'Este--Bari, Duchess of. _See_ - Beatrice D'Este - - Page 305--d'Este amended to D'Este and D'Este amended to - Este--Beatrice D'Este. _See_ Este - - Page 305--Beaujeau amended to Beaujeu--Beaujeu, Anne of, 117, - 203 - - Page 305--de amended to du--Bellay, Cardinal du, 243 - - Page 306--Jofra amended to Jofre--Borgia, Jofre, 164 - - Page 306--Clavière amended to Claviere and Manlde amended to - Maulde--Claviere, R. de Maulde la, 221 - - Page 306--Corregio amended to Correggio--Correggio, 301 - - Page 307--Pallisenna amended to Palissena--Este, Palissena d', - 65 - - Page 307--Guelphs amended to Guelfs--Guelfs, 31, 34 - - Page 307--d'Este amended to D'Este--Isabella D'Este. - - Page 308--d'Este amended to D'Este--Leonora D'Este. - - Page 308--D'Albert amended to Albret--Navarre, Henri de. _See_ - Albret - - Page 308--Orris amended to Orriz--Orriz, 232, 233, 292-294, 298 - - Page 309--Palicé amended to Palice--Palice, La, 224 - - Page 309--Raynaldas amended to Raynaldus--Raynaldus, 33 - - Page 309--Remond amended to Rémond--Rémond, Florimond de, 231 - - Page 309--Callaquini amended to Callagnini--Strozzi, Callagnini, - 190 - - Page 309--Nicolas amended to Nicholas--Toledo, Nicholas di, - 17-21 - -The frontispiece illustration has been moved to follow the title page. -Other illustrations have been moved where necessary so that they are -not in the middle of a paragraph. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Queens of the Renaissance, by M. 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Beresford Ryley - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Queens of the Renaissance - -Author: M. Beresford Ryley - -Release Date: March 12, 2017 [EBook #54346] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK QUEENS OF THE RENAISSANCE *** - - - - -Produced by Irma Spehar, Sam W. and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - -</pre> - - - -<div class="covernote"> -<p><b>Transcriber's Note</b></p> - -<p>The cover image was created by the transcriber for the convenience of the reader, -and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> - - - -<div class="titlep"> -<h1>QUEENS OF THE RENAISSANCE</h1> - -<p class="tpcontent"><span class="vsmlfont">BY</span><br /> -<span class="vlrgfont">M. BERESFORD RYLEY</span></p> - - -<p class="tpcontent">WITH TWENTY-FOUR ILLUSTRATIONS</p> - - -<p class="tpcontent"><span class="lrgfont">METHUEN & CO.<br /> -36 ESSEX STREET W.C.<br /> -LONDON</span></p> -</div> - -<div class="fmatter"> -<p class="firstpub">First Published in 1907</p> -</div> - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 498px;"> -<a name="plate01" id="plate01"></a> -<img src="images/qotr01.jpg" width="498" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">BEATRICE AND LUDOVICO KNEELING<br /> -<span class="subcap">ALTAR-PIECE BY ZENALE</span></p> -</div> - - - -<div class="fmatter"> -<p class="dedication">To B——</p> -</div> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii"><!--unnumbered in original--></a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="contents" id="contents"></a>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - - - -<div class="centered"> -<table border="0" summary="Table of contents"> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt"> </td> - <td class="tdrb"><small>PAGE</small></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">PREFACE</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#preface">ix</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">CATHERINE OF SIENA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chap01">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">BEATRICE D’ESTE</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chap02">53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">ANNE OF BRITTANY</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chap03">104</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">LUCREZIA BORGIA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chap04">150</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">MARGARET D’ANGOULÊME</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chap05">202</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chap06">251</a></td> - </tr> -</table> -</div> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii"><!--blank page--></a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>ix]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="preface" id="preface"></a>PREFACE</h2> -</div> - - -<p><span class="dropcap">T</span>HERE are no two people who see with the -same kind of vision. It is for this reason -that, though twenty lives of the six women -chosen for this book had been written previously, -there would still, it seems to me, be room for a -twenty-first. For though the facts might remain -identical, there is no possible reiteration of -another mind’s exact outlook. Hence I have -not scrupled to add these six character studies to -the many volumes similar in scope and subject.</p> - -<p>The book is called “Queens of the Renaissance,” -but Catherine of Siena lived before the -Renaissance surged into being, and Anne of -Brittany, though her two husbands brought its -spirit into France, had not herself a hint of its -lovely, penetrating eagerness. They are included -because they help, nevertheless, to create continuity -and coherence of impression, and the six -leading, as they do naturally, one to the other, -convey, in the mass, some co-ordinated notion of -the Renaissance spirit.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>x]</a></span> -The main object, perhaps, in writing at all lies -in the intrinsic interest of any real life lived before -us. For every existence is a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">parti pris</i> towards -existence; every character is a personal opinion -upon the value of character, feeling, virtue, many -things. No personality repeats another, no human -drama renews just the same intricate complications -of other dramas. In every life and in every -person there is some element of uniqueness, some -touch of speciality. Because of this even the -dullest individuality becomes quickening in biography. -It has, if no more, the pathos of its -dulness, the didactic warnings of its refusals, the -surprise of its individualizing blunders.</p> - -<p>All the following lives convey inevitably and -unconsciously some statement concerning the -opportunity offered by existence. To one, it -seemed a place for an ecstasy of joy, success, -gratification; to another, a great educational -establishment for the soul; to a third, an admirable -groundwork for practical domestic arrangements -and routine; to Renée of Ferrara, a bewildering, -weary accumulation of difficulties and distress; to -her more charming relative, an enigma shadowed -always by the still greater and grimmer enigma -of mortality. And lastly, for the strange, elusive -Lucrezia, it is difficult to conceive what it must -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>xi]</a></span> -have meant at all, unless a sequence of circumstances -never, under any conditions, to be dwelt -upon in their annihilating entirety, but just to be -taken piecemeal day by day, reduced and simplified -by the littleness of separate hours and moments.</p> - -<p>In a book of this kind, where the intention is -mainly concerned with character, and for which the -reading was inevitably full of bypaths and -excursions, a complete bibliography would merely -fill many pages, while seeming to a great extent -to touch but remotely upon the ladies referred to, -but among recent authors a deep debt of gratitude -for information received is due to the -following: Jacob Burckhardt, Julia Cartwright, -Augusta Drane, Ferdinand Gregorovius, R. Luzio, -E. Renier, E. Rodoconarchi, and J. Addington -Symonds.</p> - -<p>Finally, in reference to the portraits included -in the life of Beatrice D’Este, a brief statement -is necessary. For not only that of Bianca, wife -of Giangaleazzo, but also those of Il Moro’s two -mistresses, Cecilia Gallerani and Lucrezia Crivelli, -are regrettably dubious. The picture of Bianca, -however, by Ambrogio da Predis, is more than -likely genuinely that of Bianca, though some -writers still regard it as a likeness of Beatrice -herself. It is to be wished that it were; her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>xii]</a></span> -prettiness then would have been incontestable and -delicious. But in reality there is no hope. One -has but to look at the other known portraits of -Beatrice to see that her face was podgy, or nearly -so, and that her charm came entirely and illusively -from personal intelligence. It evaporated the -moment one came to fix her appearance in -sculpture or on canvas. Nature had not really -done much for her. There was no outline, no -striking feature, no ravishing freshness of colouring. -On a stupid woman Beatrice’s face would -have been absolutely ugly. But she, through -sheer “aliveness,” sheer buoyant trickery of -expression, conveyed in actuality the equivalent -of prettiness. But it was all unconscious conjuring,—in -reality Beatrice was a plain woman, with -sufficient delightfulness to seem a pretty one, -while the portrait of Bianca is unmistakably and -lovingly good-looking.</p> - -<p>As regards the portraits, again, of Il Moro’s -two mistresses, Cecilia Gallerani and Lucrezia -Crivelli, there is no absolute certainty. The -portrait facing page 6 in the life of Beatrice has -been recently discovered in the collection of the -Right Hon. the Earl of Roden, and in an article -published by the <i>Burlington Magazine</i> it has -been tentatively looked upon as that of Lucrezia -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>xiii]</a></span> -Crivelli. This does not, however, appear probable, -because Lucrezia, at the time of Il Moro’s -infatuation, was a young girl, and the picture by -Ambrogio da Predis is certainly that of a woman, -and a woman, moreover, whose experiences have -brought her perilously near the verge of cynicism.</p> - -<p>At the same time, the portrait is not only -beyond doubt that of a woman loved by Il Moro, -but was presumably painted while his affection -for her still continued, as not only are the little -heart-shaped ornaments holding together the -webs of her net thought to represent Il Moro’s -badge of a mulberry-leaf, but painted exquisitely -in a space of ⅜ by ⅝ inch upon the plaque at -the waistbelt is a Moor’s head, another of -Ludovico’s badges, while the letters L. O. are -placed on either side of it, and the two Sforza -S. S. at the back. A discarded mistress, if -Ambrogio—one of Il Moro’s court painters—had -painted her at all, would have had the discretion -not to wear symbols obviously intended only for -one beloved at that moment.</p> - -<p>There seems—speculatively—every reason to -suppose that the picture represents Cecilia -Gallerani, who was already beyond the charm of -youth before Ludovico reluctantly discarded her, -and whom he not only cared for very greatly, but -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>xiv]</a></span> -for quite a number of years. Cecilia Gallerani, -besides, to strengthen the supposition, was an -exceptionally intellectual woman, and the portrait -in the possession of the Earl of Roden expresses -above everything to an almost disheartened intelligence. -To think deeply while in the position -of <em>any</em> man’s mistress must leave embittering -traces, and Cecilia became famous less even for -physical attractions than because her mind was so -intensely rich and receptive.</p> - -<p>The other two—the pictures of “La Belle -Ferronière” and the “Woman with the Weasel,”—by -Leonardo da Vinci, have both a contested -identity. But since the first is now almost universally -looked upon as being the portrait of -Lucrezia Crivelli, the second must surely represent -her also. For in both there is the same -beautiful oval, the same youth, the same unfathomable -eyes and gentle deceit of expression. Both, -besides, represent to perfection the kind of -beautiful girl likely to have drawn Ludovico into -passionate admiration. He was no longer young -when he cared for Lucrezia, and if Leonardo’s -paintings are really portraits of her, she was like -some emblematical figure of perfect youthfulness,—unique -and unrepeatable.</p> - -<p class="sig">M. B. R.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>xv]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="illustrations" id="illustrations"></a>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> -</div> - - -<div class="centered"> -<table border="0" summary="List of illustrations"> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt"> </td> - <td class="tdrb"><small>TO FACE PAGE</small></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">BEATRICE AND LUDOVICO KNEELING. ALTAR PIECE BY ZENALE AT BRERA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate01"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">STATUE IN WOOD OF ST. CATHERINE, BY NEROCCIO LANDI</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate02">2</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Lombardi</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">ST. CATHERINE’S HOUSE AT SIENA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate03">16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Lombardi</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">CATHERINE PRAYING AT AN EXECUTION. FRESCO BY SODOMA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate04">18</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">THE BRIDGE AT PAVIA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate05">61</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">BEATRICE D’ESTE. BUST IN THE LOUVRE</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate06">64</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Levy</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">PORTRAIT, PROBABLY OF CECILIA GALLERANI, SAID TO BE BY AMBROGIO DA PREDIS</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate07">90</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From the Collection of the Earl of Roden</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">LUCREZIA CRIVELLI, BY LEONARDO DA VINCI</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate08">96</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Mansell</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF BIANCA SFORZA, WIFE OF GALEAZZO SANSEVERINO</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate09">98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Mansell</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">CHURCH OF ST. MARIA DELLE GRAZIE AT MILAN</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate10">100</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Brogi</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">EFFIGY OF BEATRICE D’ESTE AT SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate11">102</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">FROM THE CALENDRIER, IN ANNE’S BOOK OF HOURS IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE, PARIS</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate12">120</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>xvi]</a></span>ANNE KNEELING. FROM THE BOOK OF HOURS IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate13">128</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">ST. URSULA. FROM ANNE’S BOOK OF HOURS IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate14">140</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF LUCREZIA IN “ST. CATHERINE AND THE ELDERS,” BY PINTORRICCHIO</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate15">152</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Brogi</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">VIRGIN AND CHILD, BY PINTORRICCHIO, IN THE HALL OF ARTS AT THE VATICAN</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate16">159</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">THE ANNUNCIATION. FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate17">171</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS. FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate18">188</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">HEAD OF GASTON DE FOIX</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate19">206</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From the Monument at Milan</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">CHARLES V.</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate20">226</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">MARGARET D’ANGOULÊME. FROM A DRAWING AFTER CORNEILLE DE LYON</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate21">248</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">RENÉE OF FERRARA, AGED FIFTEEN, BY CORNEILLE DE LYON</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate22">254</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">THE CASTELLO AT FERRARA</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate23">260</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA. FROM A DRAWING AT THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#plate24">294</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin"><i>From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon</i></td> - <td class="tdrb"> </td> - </tr> -</table> -</div> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>1]</a></span></p> - -<p class="reptitle">QUEENS OF THE<br /> -RENAISSANCE</p> - - - - -<h2 class="nobreak"><a name="chap01" id="chap01"></a>CATHERINE OF SIENA</h2> - -<p class="dates">1347-1380</p> -</div> - - -<p><span class="dropcap">C</span>ATHERINE of Siena does not actually -belong to the Renaissance. At the same -time she played an indirect part in furthering -it, and she represented a strain of feeling -which continued to the extreme limits of its duration. -During the best period of the desire for -culture, a successor—and imitator—of Catherine’s, -Sister Lucia, became a craze in certain parts -of Italy. Duke Ercole of Ferrara, then old -and troubled about his soul, took as deep and -personal an interest in enticing her to Ferrara -as he did in the details of his son’s marriage to -Lucrezia Borgia, just then being negotiated. -The atmosphere Catherine created is never -absent from the Renaissance. She fills out what -is one-sided in the impression conveyed by the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>2]</a></span> -women who follow. She was also the contemporary -of Petrarch and Boccaccio, the acknowledged -forerunners of the intellectual awakening -that came after them, and being so, is well within -the dawn, faint though it still was, of the coming -Renaissance day. Finally, in her own person she -contained so much power and fascination that to -omit her, when there exists the least excuse for -inclusion, would be wilfully to neglect one of the -most enchanting characters among the women of -Italian history.</p> - -<p>The daughter of a well-to-do tradesman, -Giacomo Benincasa, Catherine was born in Siena -in 1347. Her father possessed several pleasant -qualities, and a great reserve of speech, hating -inherently all licence of expression. Catherine’s -mother, Lapa, on the other hand, belonged to -an ordinary type of working woman—laborious, -but irritable and narrow. She brought twenty-five -children into the world, and her irascibility -may have been not unconnected with this heroic -achievement. The sons also, after their marriages, -continued to live, with their wives—it being the -custom at that time—under the parental roof. -Even a sociable temperament would easily have -found such a community difficult always to -handle cordially.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 376px;"> -<a name="plate02" id="plate02"></a> -<img src="images/qotr02.jpg" width="376" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">STATUE IN WOOD OF ST. CATHERINE<br /> -<span class="subcap">BY NEROCCIO LANDI</span></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>3]</a></span> -Catherine was Benincasa’s youngest child. -As a baby she proved extraordinarily attractive. -She was, in fact, so sweet and radiant that the -neighbours nicknamed her Euphrosyne, and her -little person was much enticed and humoured. -Unfortunately, like all children of that period, she -became bewilderingly precocious, and with the -first development of intelligence, the religious -passion revealed itself. With Catherine the -desire for spirituality was inborn. At five years -old she formed the habit of going upstairs on -her knees, reciting the “Hail, Mary,” at every -step. She delighted in being taken to churches -and places of devotion, and at the age of six -years her deliberate and piteous self-martyrdom -commenced.</p> - -<p>The child, during an errand on which she was -sent, believed herself to have seen a holy vision. -The incident had nothing extraordinary, for her -imagination was keen, and her temperament -nervous. In a later century, fed upon fairy -stories, she would have seen gnomes, sprites, or -golden-haired princesses. Instead, saturated in -religious legends, she perceived Jesus Christ in -magnificent robes, and with a tiara on His head, -while on each side of Him stood a saint, and several -nuns in white garments. This unchallenged -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>4]</a></span> -vision produced colossal consequences. The -child went home convinced that God Himself -had come to call her to a better life; proud, -frightened, and exultant, she set her mind to find -out, therefore, how she might best become as -good as God wanted her to be.</p> - -<p>This beginning of Catherine’s religious life -is painful to remember. She decided primarily -that she must give up childish amusements; in -addition, she determined to eat the least possible -amount of food, and to fill up her life with penances -in the manner of the grown-up holy men and -women about her. She also procured some cord, -and, having knotted it into a miniature scourge, -formed the habit of secretly scourging herself -until her back was lined with weals. Describing -these first spiritual struggles of a child of six years -old, Cafferini, her contemporary and biographer, -says, “Moreover, by a secret instinct of grace, -she understood that she had now entered on a -warfare with nature, which demanded the mortification -of every sense. She resolved, therefore, -to add fasting and watching to her other -penances, and in particular to abstain entirely -from meat, so that when any was placed before -her, she either gave it to her brother Stephen, -who sat beside her, or threw it under the table -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>5]</a></span> -to the cats, in such a manner as to avoid -notice.”</p> - -<p>This pitiable “warfare with nature” continued -until she reached the age of twelve. Her parents, -so far, had been pleased at her religious fervency. -But at twelve years old the girl became marriageable. -The comparative freedom of childhood -ceased; Catherine was kept secluded in the house, -besides being harried with injunctions concerning -the arrangement of her hair and her dress.</p> - -<p>She had, as a matter of fact, charming, warm -brown hair. Unfortunately, a shade of gold was -then fashionable, and Lapa, ambitious for a good -marriage, insisted that the girl should do like -others, and have it dyed that colour. Catherine -resisted with all the strength of her frightened -soul. But in the end, apparently through the -persuasions of a favourite married sister, she -allowed her hair to become golden. It was no -sooner done than conscience suffered passionate -remorse. In fact, to the end of life this one -backsliding remained almost the sharpest regret -Catherine possessed. She could never refer to -it without sobbing, from which it is at least presumable -that a canary-coloured head had its -attractions for a saint of twelve years old.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the choice of a husband became -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>6]</a></span> -imminent. At this Catherine’s semi-passivity -turned into actual panic. It was not possible -both to marry and to give up one’s life to God. -Only, who would listen to the refusals of so -young a girl? Following the practice of the -Roman Catholic religion, she took her difficulties -to her confessor, and was saved through the -proposal of a rather questionable trick. She -had only to cut her hair off to make marriage -impossible: no Italian would marry a woman with -a shaven head. Catherine rushed home, and at -once did as she was told, covering her work, when -she had finished, with a white linen coif. Virgins -in Italy wore their hair flowing; the stratagem, -therefore, did not exist an hour before discovery -took place. Then followed a passionate domestic -scene. The whole family appears for once to -have unanimously agreed that Catherine’s piety -had overstepped the bounds of common sense. -The loss of her child’s hair left Lapa infuriated. -Exasperation grew so intense that for a time, -with the view to breaking her stubborn spirit, -Catherine was deliberately ill-treated. A servant -had been kept for rough work in the kitchen; -she was dismissed, and Catherine made to take -her place. But the girl had not a temperament -that could be cowed. She was a true Sienese, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>7]</a></span> -and Boccaccio, as well as others, speaks of the -virile character of the people of Siena. The -name Euphrosyne also still expressed her disposition. -With a pretty childishness of imagination, -she made religious play out of their harshness. -Her father, she pretended, was Jesus Christ, -Lapa she made the Virgin Mary, and her brothers -and sisters the apostles and disciples. The kitchen -became the innermost tabernacle of the temple -where sacrifices were offered to God. In consequence, -she went about diffusing radiance and -a sober joy, and bewildering those who wanted -to see her crushed and penitent.</p> - -<p>In the end Giacomo interfered. He had -the instinct of kindness, and was himself sincerely -religious. Both the question of marriage -and the system of ill-treatment were abandoned. -A little later he gave consent to the -pursuance of a religious vocation, and Catherine, -still a child, became a member of the order of St. -Dominic. It was not a strict community. The -sisters did not live in retirement, but in their own -homes, merely wearing a white veil and a black -habit called <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mantellate</i>.</p> - -<p>Just before this Catherine experienced a very -human temptation. She became possessed by -the longing to dress herself in the pretty clothes -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>8]</a></span> -of a rich married woman, and to go out flaunting -in silks and extravagance. The wish is more -likeable than her physical self-torturings. The -latter gain their power to distress, in fact, to -some extent because her few temptations show -that Catherine had all the average longings of -humanity, and was not devoid of the companionable -frailties of ordinary men and women.</p> - -<p>The temptation was, of course, conquered, -and from the glad moment of taking her vows -Catherine intensified every austerity of conduct. -As a child she had been robust and hardy. But -the frightful treatment to which she subjected -her system would have ruined any constitution, -and from the time she grew up she became more -and more delicate, suffering, and neurotic. The -desire to suppress her excesses is very great. -One could write abundantly and give only a life -overflowing in fragrant incidents. But in the -case of Catherine, to pass over foolishness would -entail not only a falsification of character, but a -falsification also of the curious atmosphere from -which she drew the principal inspirations of her -conduct.</p> - -<p>From the age of twelve she forced herself -gradually to eat so little, that her stomach became -finally incapable of retaining solid food at all. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>9]</a></span> -How she kept life in her body for the last half -of her existence is difficult to understand. Her -bed, from the time she became a nun, consisted -of a few planks with a log of wood for pillow. -An iron band made part of her wearing apparel, -and her discipline—if the one now shown as hers -in the sacristy of St. Dominico is genuine—consisted -of an iron chain with sharp projections for -piercing and tearing the flesh. The idea was -monstrous and horrible; nevertheless, its fortitude -uplifts it into heroism. To pursue unflinchingly -martyrdom such as this may be grotesque -and ridiculous, but no invertebrate creature could -contemplate it. Of all the violences, however, -which Catherine did to her body, the one under -which she suffered most acutely was her refusal -of proper sleep. It is said, though it is extremely -hard to believe, that for a certain length of time -she took only half an hour’s sleep in the twenty-four -hours, and that—only every other day.</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding this, a picture given of her at -the time by Father Thomas Antonio Cafferini, also -a member of St. Dominic, and an intimate friend -of the family, is altogether charming. He asserts -that her face was always gay and smiling, more -especially if she were called upon to help those -troubled or out of health. Other contemporaries -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>10]</a></span> -bear out this possession of an effulgent gladness. -When she spoke her face became -illuminated, and her smile was like some living -radiance passing into the hearts of those she -looked at. The same writer mentions her delight -in singing and her love of flowers. A certain -Fra Bartolomeo of Siena bears similar witness. -He wrote, “She was always cheerful, and even -merry.” He mentioned, besides, that she “was -passionately fond of flowers, and used to arrange -them into exquisite bouquets.” Catherine’s -personal writings are strewn with references -to plants and blossoms. It was also part of the -fulness of a character unusually rich in finer -fascinations that she was constantly singing. -Melancholy she scarcely knew. The spirituality -which did not produce happiness, she could only -feel as a spurious effort. Either it lacked love -or understanding.</p> - -<p>For years she lived as a recluse in her father’s -house, but while still in her teens it appeared to -her—presumably through a natural wisdom of -character—that God needed less personal worship -than continuous benefits to others, out of her -religious exaltation, and from that time Catherine’s -public career commenced. Almost the first result -of her belief in being called to an active existence -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>11]</a></span> -was her constant attendance at the hospitals -and among the lepers. One of the prettiest -of all the stories told about her deals with her -nursing labours. Pity had very small vitality -either during the Middle Ages or the Renaissance; -it was almost a dead quality of character, -and the Sienese were particularly hardened by -harsh experiences.</p> - -<p>A woman who had lived a notoriously bad -life lay dying in one of the hospitals, absolutely -and deliberately neglected. A sinner laid low -was scum to spit at for most people. Catherine -saw no scum on earth. She smiled with all her -native inborn softness at the dying woman, -listened to her desolate complainings, her maundering -reminiscences, gave her the nourishment -she liked best, coddled her with sweet attentions, -and finally, without any violent denunciations, -brought her to repentance and tranquillity. A -child might as tenderly have been coaxed out of -a phase of naughtiness.</p> - -<p>The incident brings one naturally to Catherine’s -reputation as a peacemaker. She was still a -young girl when tales of her persuasiveness were -told to amazed, arrested audiences throughout -the country. The Sienese temper was fundamentally -savage; nothing, therefore, could touch fancy -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>12]</a></span> -more than stories of a nature capable of acting -as a gentle and cooling balm upon outrageousness. -Catherine, as a matter of fact, possessed -both the magnetism of intense belief and the -power of innate urbanity. The first awed superstition -by incomprehensible achievements. Forestalling -the Christian Scientists, she had healed -the sick by prayer, while her mere enticements -brought about the end of many virulent dissensions.</p> - -<p>To dabble with mystical methods is an old -and universal weakness. The wife of a certain -Francesco Tolomei, head of one of the noblest -families in Siena, heard of Catherine’s miracles, -and being hard pressed by domestic difficulties, -turned to the dyer’s daughter for assistance. -Madonna Tolomei was herself a profoundly -religious woman, but she anguished with the -consciousness that the rest of her family were -damned. The eldest son, Giacomo, had murdered -two men before he was grown up, and his cruelty -had now become diabolical, ingenious, and systematic. -There were also two daughters, bitten -with worldliness to the marrow of their bones. -Both were fast, dyed, and painted. Catherine -offered to see the girls, but expressed no confidence -as to the consequences. She found them -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>13]</a></span> -with the garish hair that always touched her to -the quick, and possibly felt more yearningly -because of it. No account has been given of -the interview. The two sisters, with the Tolomei -blood in their veins, could hardly have been easy -natures to lure out of worldliness; but at the end -of Catherine’s visit, they were like lambs in the -hands of a skilful shepherd. According to -Cafferini, they threw their cosmetics into the -gutter, cut off their gleaming hair, and in a -few days joined the Sisters of St. Dominic. -This is the kind of triumph of which Catherine’s -life is full. Her personal magnetism was extraordinary, -her insight actually a touch of genius. -At this time also she was young, and herself -a living exponent of how seductively gay goodness -could make one. To the end, in truth, -she remained less a nun than a woman, and as -a woman she was the embodiment of enchanting -sympathies and comfort. Merely to see her,—soft, -sweet, mysteriously comprehending,—was like a -cordial to an aching heart. But the most astounding -part of the Tolomei story is still to -be told. Giacomo, with his mad and bloody -passions, was away when his sisters’ conversion -took place. He came home to cow the house -with terror. A lunatic let loose would have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>14]</a></span> -been less persistently dangerous. Donna Tolomei, -shaken now with physical and not spiritual -forebodings, immediately sent a messenger to -warn Catherine that no danger was too horrible -to anticipate; in his present condition he was -capable of doing anything. Catherine did not -feel a quicker heart-beat. She was steeped in intuitions -and spontaneous knowledge. Ostensibly -as an act of exquisite courtesy, she sent Fra -Bartolomeo—who must have been a brave -man—to explain matters, while she prayed with -all her heart and soul for the unmanageable -sinner. Some hours later Bartolomeo came -back. Catherine met him smiling; she knew -already the news he brought. Her prayers—so -passionately eager—had already been answered. -Giacomo—the diabolical, murderous, implacable -Giacomo—was already meek as a lamb under -the shock of a new and overwhelming emotion. -It is not the least curious part of the story that -he remained a changed character, and continued -to abominate wickedness with the same intensity -that in his earlier days he had practised it. -Towards the end of his life he even took the -habit of a Dominican of the Tertiary Order, -the obligations of this third order not being -excessive.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>15]</a></span> -There is another story of this earlier period -more enchanting still, in its original and tragic -graciousness. Only before telling it the question -of Catherine’s miracles should, perhaps, be dealt -with, for they also commenced when she was -scarcely out of childhood, and helped enormously -to render her a recognized celebrity. They and -her austerities are the unlikeable side of Catherine’s -holiness. At the same time no saint of the -period could have obtained a hearing without -them, and no human system could have endured -the strain put upon it by a mediæval religious -enthusiast, without producing self-hypnotism and -catalepsy. Catherine, at an early age, fell into -trances, described by her biographers as “ecstasies -at the thought of God.” Describing one of these -ecstasies, her friend Raymond wrote “that on -these occasions her body became stiff, and raised -in the air, gave out a wonderful fragrance.” -All the old Catholic writers, to whom miracles -were an integral part of saintship, were generous -in multiplying supernatural details. A good deal -has to be deducted from these statements; but even -then there remain a good many so-called miracles -attested by other and more critical witnesses. -That she was seen raised from the ground while -she prayed, is a fact sworn to by a number of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>16]</a></span> -people. A man called Francesco Malevolti -affirms that he saw her “innumerable times” -raised from the ground as she prayed, and -remaining suspended in the air more than a -cubit above the earth. He mentions, to give -weight to his evidence, that in order to test the -reality of the occurrence, he and some others -passed their hands between her and the floor—a -thing perfectly easy to do. As this occurred -in broad daylight, modern spiritualistic <i>séances</i> -become clumsy in comparison. Catherine could -do better in the fourteenth century.</p> - -<p>The most important miracle of all was, of -course, the stigmatization. That alone definitely -assured her position as one with authority from -God; it constituted the final and irrefutable sign -of Divine and miraculous intervention. At the -time of its occurrence Catherine was twenty-eight, -and suffered extreme agony from it. The most -curious circumstance about the stigmata in Catherine’s -case was that they were not properly visible -during her lifetime, but became perfectly clear -after her death. In this one matter her successor, -St. Lucia, the religious celebrity of Lucrezia -Borgia’s day, outdid the woman she tried to -follow. Her stigmata were always visible—bleeding -wounds anybody could look at.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 528px;"> -<a name="plate03" id="plate03"></a> -<img src="images/qotr03.jpg" width="528" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">ST. CATHERINE’S HOUSE AT SIENA</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>17]</a></span> -Returning to the loveliest of all the stories -concerning Catherine’s girlhood, it must be -remembered that the prisons of Siena were almost -more filled with political prisoners than criminals. -During the whole of the Renaissance political -prisoners were in themselves almost sufficient in -number decently to fill Italian dungeons. Catherine, -who had the understanding to love sinners, -habitually visited condemned offenders. Those -forlorn of any hope in this world she insidiously -replenished with winning dreams of hope hereafter. -She did more. When the day of execution -came, she joined the procession to the scaffold. -What it meant, in the unconveyable desolation of -that last public outgoing, to have the company -of this woman, with her sweet, contagious promises -in the name of Christ, would be hard to overestimate. -She was at all times embodied comfort -to be with, and even a sharp and reluctant death -must have been easier when she was there to -pour out pity and encouragement.</p> - -<p>Among the prisoners at one time was a certain -Nicholas di Toledo, who had spoken irreflectively -against the Riformatori—the strong Government -party. This Riformatori consisted of a council -chosen originally at a tense political crisis for -purposes of urgent amendments. The nobility -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>18]</a></span> -had no part in it. Siena, since 1280, when a -reconciliation occurred between the Sienese -Guelfs and Ghibellines, had been a merchant -oligarchy, first governed by the <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Nove</i>, then by -<i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Dodici</i>, and after both these had been swept away, -by the <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Riformatori</i>, into which some members of -both the previous Governments had been included. -The <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Riformatori</i> began well and ended badly. -The <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Noveschi</i> and <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Dodicini</i> members almost -immediately worked against it; civil trouble -became interminable. The new power, exasperated, -fell back upon repressive horrors. People -were arrested upon simple suspicion of disapproval, -and then publicly tortured in order to -appal others. A common habit was to tear a -criminal slowly to pieces with red-hot pincers -while he was bound upon a cart driven slowly -through the principal streets.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 455px;"> -<a name="plate04" id="plate04"></a> -<img src="images/qotr04.jpg" width="455" height="500" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">ST. CATHERINE PRAYING AT AN EXECUTION<br /> -<span class="subcap">FRESCO BY SODOMA</span></p> -</div> - -<p>In the case of Nicholas di Toledo, he had -barely gone from the place of his impulsive utterance -before he was arrested, and he was barely -arrested before he was condemned to death. -Such a sentence had never risen in his thoughts -for one sickening moment even; it came with so -awful an unexpectedness that his mind for an -interval whirled to the verge of insanity. Nicholas -di Toledo was scarcely more than a boy, and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>19]</a></span> -first warmth of life ran in every pulse. This -bitter, inconceivable end unnerved him—he could -not make up his mind to die. Suddenly he thought -of Catherine, of whom other prisoners may have -babbled, and sent a messenger imploring her -to come to him. She wrote afterwards to her -confessor a full description of the brief drama. -Her presence almost immediately calmed and heartened -him. Both were young, and Catherine, if -not actually pretty, was delicious with overflowing -tenderness. For Nicholas, besides the optimism -communicated to him by her spiritual promises, -there must have been the unconsidered but -poignant fact that she was a woman and he a man. -It is undeniable that no monk, however good, -could have helped his dying to the same extent. -Catherine not only rendered it possible to go -through with courage, but in the end tinged it -with something almost blessed. She was with -him, it would seem, most of the time, and not only -promised to accompany him to the scaffold when -the day of execution came, but previously took -him to Mass, and persuaded him to communicate -for the first occasion in his life.</p> - -<p>Nicholas had been nothing deeper than a -young society man, and the wrench of this merciless -conclusion was all the greater because of it. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>20]</a></span> -Catherine, in her account of the circumstance, -went on to say that he grew quite resigned, his -only dread being lest his courage should fail him -at the supreme moment. He repeated constantly, -“Lord, be with me; abandon me not.” To help -him she reiterated her assurance that she would -be with him at the last. In a moment his face -brightened, and he asked her with a boyish impulsiveness -how it was so great a sweetness was -being vouchsafed to him. With this to look forward -to he could face the end, not only with courage, -but with something strangely akin to pleasure.</p> - -<p>They met, as she had promised, at the scaffold -next day. Catherine wrote concerning it that -when he saw her his face broke into a smile, and -that he begged her to make the sign of the cross -upon his forehead. She did so, whispering that -soon, very soon, he would have passed to a life -that never ends. Then occurred the unforgettable -incident of the story. At the best Nicholas -was a creature not disciplined to suffering, and -the worst moment had yet to come. Leaping -to obey an intuition in itself exquisite, Catherine -did what the prudery alone of most religious -women would have made unthinkable. She took -the boy’s head in her thin, soft hands, and herself -laid it in position upon the block. The action -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>21]</a></span> -was like a caress in which his last impressions -melted. He murmured the words “Jesus and -Catherine.” The knife ripped through the air to -his neck, and his head fell into the same trembling -hands that had guided it during its last activity.</p> - -<p>On its human side Catherine’s spirituality was -seldom less than perfect. Character and beauty -emanated from her every spontaneous action. -Nicholas di Toledo was only one of the many -men she fascinated, and the fact renders the -question of her personal appearance peculiarly -interesting. The triumphs of a plain woman are -always more stirring than those achieved by a -simple success of feature. The “divine plainness,” -immortalized by Lamb, can convey subtleties -not possible to the simple regularities of -well-cut features. Catherine proved adorable to -most people, but from her portraits it is practically -impossible to receive any impression save that of -dulness. This, at any time, was the last thing -she could have been, but the conventions of the -Roman Catholic Church in dealing with the -portraits of saints opposed any lifelike treatment. -The picture of her in the church of St. -Domenico at Siena, said to be by Francesco -Vanni, might do equally well for any other -emaciated sister. There is no temperament in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>22]</a></span> -it, no illumination, no visible sweetness. The -eyes are half closed, the expression is inert and -apathetic. The mouth is small but meaningless, -the nose is long and well formed, the oval of -the face delightful. Vanni did slightly better on -another occasion. There is an engraving by -him which is very nearly attractive. The eyes, -owing to the religious demand for humility, are -again half closed, but the mouth is both delightful -and winning, and a half-smile plays about her -expression. Given the glamour of vivacity, the -kindling changes of life, and Catherine when -young must have been delightful to look at. -Certainly many men loved her. She had the -power of being poignant in recollection, and disturbingly -sweet in her bodily presence.</p> - -<p>Even the painter Vanni, wicked enough to -have been conversion-proof, yielded to the disquieting -need she roused in him. He had been -a great hater, and the men he hated were assassinated -without after-remorse. For some amazing -reason—probably that of curiosity—he consented -to interview Catherine. She was out when he -called, and her Confessor Raymond received -him. According to Raymond, who describes the -incident, Vanni soon grew bored, and presently -remarked bluntly that he had promised to call -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>23]</a></span> -upon Catherine, but since she was out, and he was -a busy man, he could not wait for her any longer.</p> - -<p>At that moment Catherine appeared—according -to Raymond, much to Vanni’s disgust. But -Catherine was all smiles, comfortableness, and -simple ease of manner. Vanni’s chances, in fact, -of not being converted ended with her entrance. -The manner of his surrender was humorously -characteristic of the man himself. Catherine—she -was always so clever when she was good—presently -left the room. No woman ever knew -better when another word would have been too -much. She had hardly gone when Vanni broke -out that, for the sake of courtesy, he could not -wholly refuse her some gratification. At the -moment he had four virulent hatreds, but to -please Catherine he would give up, in the case -of one of them, all thoughts of vengeance. He -then started to leave the house, but before he -reached the door stopped suddenly and declared -he could hardly draw his breath, so intense was -the sense of peace and ecstasy this one small -action of the right kind had given him. Evidently -it was useless to hold out against her influence, -and he then and there declared himself conquered, -and ready to abandon all the vices he could under -Catherine’s gentle guidance.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>24]</a></span> -Thus came an end to Vanni’s murders. -Catherine held him for the rest of his days. It -is only to be regretted that he did not paint her -portrait before instead of after his conversion. -He would have attended less to her reputation -as a saint, and more to what was lovely and -pictorial in her person.</p> - -<p>Catherine no longer lived at home. She had -instituted an informal sisterhood at Siena, where -“Mantellate” sisters from every part of Lombardy -lived in community. Her work still -continued among the sick, the lepers, and -prisoners. But rumours of her miracles, and of -an almost miraculous gift of persuasion, were -spreading to many parts of Italy. Talk of the -dyer’s daughter had already reached the ears of -the Pope at Avignon, and was paving the way -to further political successes. Before Catherine -had passed out of her teens she employed four -secretaries to cope with the colossal inflow of -correspondence that reached her. It was through -the urgency of help in answering letters in fact -that Catherine made the great friendship of her -life, and drew under her influence the man -who largely contributed towards keeping natural -feelings alive in her.</p> - -<p>Stephen Marconi never cast off a cheerful -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>25]</a></span> -and innate earthliness. He came across Catherine -originally, as so many people did, over the matter -of a Sienese family feud. Stephen, headstrong -and exuberant, had roused ill-feeling in both the -Tolomei and Rinaldini families. Torrents of -blood loomed as the sole termination. Mutual -acquaintances had made useless attempts to produce -peace; at the last crisis before violence -Stephen’s mother implored him to go to the -“Mantellate” sister. The suggestion drew some -contemptuous comments. But the woman persisted, -and essentially good-natured, Stephen -went in order to pacify her. He had every -reason subsequently to thank the solicitations -that overbore derision. Catherine settled everything -with absolute successfulness, Stephen -himself speaking of the reconciliation that followed -as truly miraculous.</p> - -<p>More extraordinary than the reconciliation -even was the effect of Catherine’s individuality -upon Stephen Marconi. He possessed no natural -aptitude for spirituality. Handsome, irresponsible, -sought after, he epitomized effervescent worldliness. -But, having once seen Catherine, he could -not keep away. Excuses were raked together -for further interviews, and one day, finding her -overburdened with correspondence, he wrote a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>26]</a></span> -letter at her dictation. It was the beginning of -the end. At first informally, and later explicitly, -he became one of her secretaries; presently also a -member of what was called her “spiritual family.”</p> - -<p>Siena relished as a joke the dandy converted -by the ascetic, but Stephen was unconcerned. -An irrepressible humourist, he appreciated to the -full the oddity of the situation; though if jocose, -he was also deeply contented. Catherine had -become almost instantly the instigating motive -of his life, the one precious thing his heart needed. -Catherine, on her side, was known to care for -him more than for almost any other person. Her -relations with him became those of a deep and -exciting friendship. Towards the end of her -life she heard a report that Stephen had definitely -cast off his semi-worldliness and taken ascetic -vows. Catherine should have known an exquisite -and glowing comfort. Instead of it, her letter -to him on the subject is very nearly petulant. -That any action should have been taken without -first becoming a matter of confidences between -them clearly unspeakably hurt her. She wrote -that of course it was a great joy to hear that he -desired to lead a better life, but that she was -“very surprised” that he should have made any -decision without previously having said a word -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>27]</a></span> -to her about it. She added further that there -was something in the matter that she could not -understand, though she prayed that whatever he -did would prove to be for the benefit of his soul.</p> - -<p>There is more sign in this of a woman stung -by an unexpected neglect, than any religious exaltation -at a soul saved. Stephen had not become -a monk, and the misunderstanding swiftly passed -over. But the letter is pleasant reading, because -it was written at a time when Catherine’s mysticism -threatened to overshadow the purely -human kindnesses of her earlier years. The -idea of Christ as the heavenly Husband had -developed from vague symbolism into a definite -expression of spiritual familiarity. It was an -unrealized element of good fortune that Stephen’s -whimsical frivolity kept alive in her a strain of -normal sensations. She suffered whenever they -were separated, and among the last letters she -ever wrote, moreover, was one to Stephen with -the pathetic, dependent cry, “When will you -come, Stephen? Oh, come soon!”</p> - -<p>Another secretary closely associated with -Catherine’s life for many years was Neri di -Landoccio, a poet belonging to the group of -dawning Renaissance writers. He suffered from -melancholy, and having once met Catherine, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>28]</a></span> -naturally clung to the heartening radiance of her -presence. From his letters, his youth appears -to have been vicious. He was, at any rate, -haunted by the notion that his misdemeanours -were greater than God would be likely to forgive. -He worried himself into a dangerous dismalness—a -gloom perceiving no remedy. Then -Catherine wrote him a long letter. She reiterated -that God was far more ready to forgive than -humanity to offend; that He was the Physician, -and mankind His sick and ailing children. She -told him that sadness constituted the worst fault -of all in a disciple of Christ. To believe in the -unplumbable love of God, and still persist in disheartenment, -was a form of unrighteousness.</p> - -<p>Neri did his best, but a gentle wistfulness -penetrated his disposition, and not even Catherine -could give him gaiety of thoughts. He and -Stephen Marconi—the extreme opposites in -temperament—became deeply attached to one -another. They corresponded when apart, and -Stephen, after Catherine’s death, called Neri -“among those whom the Lord has engrafted in -the very innermost depths of my heart.” A third -man constantly in Catherine’s society was her -Confessor Raymond. Two small incidents told -by himself, and against himself, suggest a perfectly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>29]</a></span> -honest and rather pleasant temperament, but a -somewhat limited spiritual capacity. In the first, -he confesses that when on their journeys great -multitudes thronged to Catherine for confession -and comfort, and that the fact of having to go -for hours without food or rest greatly annoyed -as well as wearied him.</p> - -<p>From the other, both issue rather sweetly, -but Catherine with almost a touch of greatness. -Raymond, who again tells the story, says that -she loved to talk to him upon spiritual matters, -but that, not having the same mystical sensibility, -these conversations frequently sent him to sleep. -Catherine, absorbed in her subject, would continue -for some time talking without perceiving that she -lacked a listener, but when she did, she would -merely wake the other, and good-humouredly -tease him for allowing her to talk to the walls.</p> - -<p>Catherine had by nature the sanest and -tenderest common sense. It was she who wrote -of prayer that everything done for the love of -God or of our neighbours was a form of prayer, -and those who were always doing good were -always, as it were, at prayer. Love of one’s -fellow-creatures was practically one long-continued -lifting of the heart to God.</p> - -<p>When Catherine came to the political portion -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>30]</a></span> -of her life, the point at which she may be said to -have indirectly affected the Renaissance in Italy -was reached. The popes were still at Avignon, -while Rome clamoured for a return of the papacy -to its original capital. Petrarch, in a letter, -pictured Rome as a venerable matron standing -desolate and in rags at the gate of the Vatican. -“I asked at last,” he wrote, “her name, and she -murmured it forth. It reached me through the -void, in the midst of sobs—it was Roma.” -Certainly, since the removal of the popes to -France, Rome, as a city, had gone to pieces. -The churches were in ruins, grass grew through -the pavements up to the very steps of St. Peter’s, -peaceful sheep used its environments for pasturage. -As the two great families of the town, the -Colonna and Orsini fought unceasingly for -supremacy, while the people were equally pestered, -tortured, and destroyed by both. Save for those -who fancied murder as a profession, life had -grown a nightmare; decency and quiet were -as things of which even the ashes had been -scattered.</p> - -<p>Catherine, like Petrarch, flung the weight of -her eloquence on the side of the Romans, and -Gregory’s return to Italy is always attributed by -Roman Catholics to her influence. But before -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>31]</a></span> -this question had become poignant between them, -Gregory had already tested Catherine’s good -sense in two political missions—one to Lucca, and -one to Pisa. Both were successfully concluded, -and in consequence, when Florence rose openly -against the authority of the Pope, Catherine was -chosen for a third time to conduct mediation. -The employment of any woman as a diplomatic -agent as early as 1370, was an extraordinary -circumstance. During the Renaissance, frequent -use was made of the intellectual adroitness of -women. But, in Catherine’s day, females, as -Boccaccio states definitely, had few occupations -besides house-bound duties and the excitements -of intrigue.</p> - -<p>Catherine created an admirable impression in -Florence. On her arrival she was formally met -by the principal men of the city. The Florentine -Republic had itself invited her to come to their -assistance. At the same time pure enthusiasm -would have effected nothing. Consummate intelligence -only could move the Florentines. Each -Bull that came from the French Court, and from -a pope with every personal interest in a foreign -country, newly exasperated them. Catherine -watched warily, judging character and manipulating -it, until Guelfs and Ghibellines, acute in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>32]</a></span> -unfailing antagonisms, equally authorized her to -commence peace negotiations at Avignon. Catherine -immediately started for France. Stephen -Marconi went with her, and the actual journey -must have filled her with many unavoidable -pleasures. To begin with, she loved the country. -In addition, the gypsy travelling of the day -entailed perpetual chance incidents and unexpected -humanizing makeshifts. A week of gentle progress -among Italian scenery would keep the joy -of life stirring in most people, if only unawares.</p> - -<p>At Avignon her story becomes, even more -than before, the dramatic triumph of personality. -When she came nobody wanted her. The cardinals -had strong reasons for not wishing an -ascetic’s influence in the palace; Gregory, inert -and ailing, flinched at the thought of a person -noted for arousing qualities. She was received, -notwithstanding, with ceremony. At her first -audience, Gregory sat dressed in full canonicals, -and surrounded by the entire conclave of cardinals, -like a brilliant jewel in a purple case. Catherine -behaved meekly, though in all likelihood her -thoughts were less quiet than usual. For the -papal residence was a gorgeous place; there -were galleries, marble staircases, colonnades, -magnificent gardens, elegant fountains. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>33]</a></span> -ultimate possibility of luxury lay before Catherine’s -sober eyes, the very air itself being perfumed.</p> - -<p>This was sufficient to have perturbed her, -for a markedly unclerical influence emanated -from so much comfort. But the women who -filled the palace jarred still more emphatically. -Their sumptuous persons were obviously at home—the -very atmosphere indicated femininity. A -large number were, in fact, mistresses of the cardinals; -the rest, relatives and friends of the -Pope, who had been granted apartments in the -palace. Gregory’s own morals have never been -questioned. He sanctioned, by ignoring them, -the scandals of his household, but his own -life was that of an innocent and cultivated -gentleman, with a liking for expensive living. -Raynaldus, in his “Ecclesiasticus Annals,” says -that he was of an affectionate and domestic -nature, loving his own people, and, in fact, too -much led by them, especially in the matter of -benefices. His private life was above reproach,—chaste, -kindly, and generous. A scholarly man, -he delighted in the society of other scholars. At -Rome he instantly remitted all the duties on corn, -hay, wine, etc., which the clergy had previously -levied, and which fell most heavily on the poor -people. But the troubles and anxieties that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>34]</a></span> -followed his return to Italy, added to an internal -disease, from which he had for some time -suffered, brought about his death at the age of -sixty-seven.</p> - -<p>This internal disease had something to do -with the gentle inertia of Gregory’s conduct. -Once roused by Catherine to a certitude as to -where his duty lay, he did it regardless of every -personal inclination and affection.</p> - -<p>But at the commencement of Catherine’s -visit, the question was solely how best to deal -with the disaffected Florentines. The issue did -not prove gratifying. The Government had -promised Catherine to send ambassadors to -Avignon, suing for peace. New dissensions -leaping up between Guelfs and Ghibellines, none -were sent, and negotiations collapsed. In the -mean time the ladies at Avignon had grown -interested in the attenuated sister, who passed -them constantly on her way to and from an -audience. They started primarily with the frank -indifference of society women to another of a -lower class. But indifference became painful -interest when in a few days it was breathed -tempestuously that this pale woman had come -almost solely in order to persuade the Pope to -return to the Vatican at Rome. Scared and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>35]</a></span> -disordered, the papal ladies ceased to look insolent; -they set themselves instead to conciliate -the “Mantellate” woman. Led by the Pope’s -sister, the Countess Valentinois, they made religion -fashionable. Discarding all dancing, they -instituted afternoon parties for pious conversation. -The Countess Valentinois also visited Catherine -in her own room, and after a few days, whenever -Catherine went to the chapel to pray, she found -all the court ladies following her example. Raymond, -never very perspicacious, owns to being -moved by “such unexpected signs of grace.” -He even admired the lovely gowns and misleading -courteseys of the seemingly repentant ladies. -Clearly a little susceptible, Catherine’s churlish -indifference greatly annoyed him. As her confessor, -he had the opportunity of chiding her for -this incivility—it was painful to see such pretty, -graceful creatures repulsed so sternly. But -Catherine upon this subject was adamant, and -merely replying that had he the smallest inkling -of the true dispositions of these mistresses of the -cardinals, he would be nothing less than horrified.</p> - -<p>Raymond, one imagines, still privately clung -to a more pacific opinion; but if the story generally -attributed to the Pope’s niece is true, his -eyes were soon opened to the real sanctity of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>36]</a></span> -these ladies. Catherine had fallen into one of -the trances frequent with her when at prayer. -Elys de Beaufort Turenne happened to be kneeling -conveniently near, and the opportunity to -expose a spurious absorption thrilled her with -pernicious pleasure. The temptation was too -exceptionable to resist, and bending over, she -presently ran a big pin into the Mantellate’s toe. -The joke, as far as she was concerned, spurted into -no more life than saturated fireworks. Catherine -never stirred—unaware of the incident until -afterwards. But Raymond realized for the -future that some courtesies are means of concealment -only.</p> - -<p>The women of the Pope’s household were -not alone in disliking Catherine. The cardinals -objected to her as strongly. She had come to -labour against everything pleasing in their lives. -Those won over, besides, praised immoderately, -and the instinct to strike a balance is natural and -intuitive.</p> - -<p>Her spiritual pretensions had not even, as far -as they were concerned, been proved to be -genuine. They solicited from the Pope, therefore, -an interview with the Mantellate nun, in -which the soundness of her theology might be -tested. This encounter lasted from noon until -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>37]</a></span> -late in the evening, during the whole of which -time they endeavoured to confuse her into foolishness. -But Catherine had a very clear brain and -a very quick one. She knew her subject, and, -being a clever woman, in a few minutes also, -roughly, the temperaments of the men she was -dealing with. The thought is a purely personal -one, but it is difficult not to believe that she enjoyed -the excitement. Catherine was humble through -instinct, but she must have realized that she was -considerably more capable than most people. -Stephen Marconi, present during the interview, -says that two of them were enticed over almost -immediately, and took sides with Catherine -against their own party. The questions put, however, -were anything but easy to deal with. Among -other points they queried how she knew that she -was not really in the subtle clutches of Satan; -it was no uncommon trick for the Evil One to -change himself into an angel of light, or sham to -be a vision of Christ himself. All this time her -extraordinary manner of life might be simply a -cunning prelude to damnation.</p> - -<p>Catherine neither wavered nor deliberated; -her calm was gracious and simple; she was -exquisitely willing to be interrogated. The cardinals -gave in; the struggle over, they had even -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>38]</a></span> -the grace to admit that “they had never met a -soul at once so humble and so illuminated.” -Gregory, inherently a gentleman, afterwards -apologized to Catherine for having permitted her -to be molested by them, and from that time her -troubles with the cardinals at any rate terminated.</p> - -<p>Gregory himself had from the beginning been -openly impressed by her. She left Avignon -before the actual journey to Rome was made, -but her passionately eager persuasions were the -fire at which Gregory’s conscience chiefly ignited. -For his household became desperate and loquacious -at the mere suggestion. Gregory also had -been born in France; all his roots were in the -genial soil of Avignon. But Catherine would -not let the matter rest. In a yearning and -courageous letter, beginning, “Holy Father, I, -your miserable little daughter Catherine,” she -urged him to be overborne by nobody against -doing his duty, for if God was with him, nobody -could be against him.</p> - -<p>Gregory went, and in a man old, fearsome, -and extremely out of health, the action has an -element of greatness. For the reputation of -Rome, constantly reiterated by those about him, -was very much like that of a den of wild beasts. -Ser Amily, a provincial poet, who gives a rhymed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>39]</a></span> -description of the journey from Avignon, says, -further, that all the physicians and astrologers -prophesied a fatal termination to the expedition, -but adds that they had apparently misread the -constellations, as after some terrifying storms -they sailed for the rest of the way upon a tranquil -sea.</p> - -<p>The fatal termination merely tarried somewhat, -though the entrance into Rome proved a -triumphant pageant. The streets had been laid -with carpets, white flowers rained from every -window—no welcome could have looked more -cordial or inspiriting. The entry once over, -however, Gregory found himself alone in an -inimical country. Catherine wrote encouraging -letters to him to discard all fears and strenuously -to do all he could. But Gregory <em>had</em> done all he -could. Rome, depraved and indocile, required a -sterner nature at its head. He was ill and overtired, -and fourteen months after having reached -Italy, died, lonely and disheartened, at the age -of sixty-seven.</p> - -<p>Urban VI., by birth a peasant, short, squat, -unpolished, succeeded him. The election was -instantly unpopular. Half the people desired -a French pope, residenced at Avignon and -keeping French interests uppermost. The rest -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>40]</a></span> -writhed under the truculent uncouthness of the -new Pope, hating him personally. Matters -became so envenomed that the most acutely -aggrieved presently declared his election to -have been illegal, and proceeded to place another -pope at Avignon, known as Clement VII.</p> - -<p>There were, in consequence, two popes—one -at Rome, and the other in France. Both claimed -supreme authority, and the confusion produced -by them brought the papacy very near to the -ridiculous. Then commenced, according to -Muratori, a long series of terrible scandals in -the Church. The result was unceasing private -and public dissensions, incessantly culminating -in murder. Urban excommunicated Clement -and his cardinals. Clement, on his part, excommunicated -Urban and his followers. The same -benefices were conferred on different persons by -the rival popes, each appointing his own bishop -to every vacant see. Urban had been one of -the cardinals during Catherine’s momentous -stay at Avignon, and knowing his character, she -wrote him after his election some very wistful -counsel. The necessity of behaving benevolently -was like a cry wrung out of her involuntarily; -again and again, in different phraseology, -she begged him to “restrain a little those too -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>41]</a></span> -quick movements with which nature inspires -you.”</p> - -<p>This puts matters prettily—with an innate tact -of feeling. Urban, in reality, was a man destitute -of pleasant impulses. Fundamentally irritable, -he possessed no control of utterance. Towards -the cardinals his manners were inexcusable. He -shouted the word “Fool!” at them upon the -least hint of contradiction: over a difference of -opinion he blurted furiously, “Hold your tongue; -you don’t know what you are talking about.” -Having determined to put down the rampant -cupidity and immorality of these same cardinals, -he raided their palaces as the quickest method -of exposing them. On the other hand, he was -a man of absolute probity, austerity, and courage. -Petrarch had several times attacked the gluttony -of high ecclesiastics. Urban ordered that one -course only was ever to be seen upon the table -of any prelate whatsoever, and adhered to the -rule himself even upon occasions of hospitality. -The following incident is a good example of his -courage. As a result of the schism and his own -extreme unpopularity, the people of Rome broke -into open rebellion. The mob rushed to storm -the Vatican. At the first rumour the household -had fled to take refuge in other places. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>42]</a></span> -Only Urban refused to move, and remained alone -in the great empty palace. When the mob -stormed the doors and made for the Pope, they -found him sitting motionless upon the throne, -dressed in full pontifical splendour and holding -the cross in solemn defiance in one upraised -hand. The sight of his immovable figure, -dramatic, repellent, denunciatory, broke the -nerve of the impressionable Romans. They -saw before them the representative of God, -and with incoherent noises, fearful of eternal -wrath, they fled, leaving the rigid figure impassive -as an image, alone once more.</p> - -<p>It was with Urban that Catherine went -through the last exciting interview of her life. -The impression left by her personality at Avignon -must have been considerable, for when the election -of Clement VII. took place and divided the -Church into two disordered and querulous factions, -the man who could not support a single -adverse suggestion actually sent for Catherine to -come and help him render the people of Rome -at least loyal to the true Head of the Church. -Catherine, though by now very frail in body, set -out immediately, taking twenty helpful people -with her, but, for some reason not given, leaving -Stephen Marconi behind. Then, when she had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>43]</a></span> -got to Rome, and had recovered from the exhaustion -of the journey, Urban insisted that she -should give an address upon the schism before -the entire assembly of cardinals.</p> - -<p>She could only have looked a rather wan and -paltry object set against the lace and silk and -breadth of the well-fed cardinals. She was by -this time nothing but a narrow line of black -draperies and a thin white face. But the moment -she began to speak the old warmth leapt into her -voice, and the nun became more deeply rich in -colour than all the scarlet and purple she fronted. -Catherine never lost her head or her courage. -She was there to rouse the sluggish morals of -the cardinals, but she was quite aware that Urban -stood almost as much in need of improvement as -they did. With admirable clarity she laid stress -upon the fact that the only weapons suitable for -a pope were patience and charity. Urban owned -neither, but the pluck and eloquence of the woman -reached some responsive feeling, and he praised -her then and there in a generous abundance of -phrases. Unfortunately he did nothing else, and -the following Christmas Catherine sent him -another cajoling reminder—the kind of reminder -only a subtle woman, and one with charming -ways in private life, would have thought of. She -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>44]</a></span> -preserved some oranges, coated them with sugar, -and having gilded them, sent them to the Pope. -With the present came a note, explaining that -in the preserving all the acidity of the orange -had been drawn out, and that, like the orange, -the fruit of the soul, when prepared and sweetened -and gilded on the outside with the gold of tenderness, -would overcome all the evil results of -the late schism, or, as with a careful selection of -an unhurtful word, she put it—“the late mischance.”</p> - -<p>Urban had previously empowered her to -invite to Rome in his name whoever she considered -would be useful to the divided Church -in its hour of need. Among those Catherine -wrote to William of England and Anthony of -Nice, two friends, who lived in a pleasant convent -at Lecceto, a few miles from Siena. A -quaint correspondence resulted, for the two old -men were sadly shaken in their comfortable -habits by Catherine’s letter. Yet the letter itself -was a singularly good one. She states in it -plainly that the Church was in such dire necessity -that the time had come to give up all -questions of peace and solitude in order to -succour her.</p> - -<p>There were few characters that Catherine -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>45]</a></span> -could not understand; certainly she understood -her two friars perfectly. For the peace and quiet -of their country retreat, where they sat and talked -in the shady woods, had made them absolutely -flabby of spirit. The thought of change and -bustle flustered them from head to foot. Catherine -had to write again, and this time she wrote -with some directness that this was a crisis when -character became visibly tested, and when there -was no mistaking who really were the true servants -of God, and who were merely seekers of a way of -life personally congenial to them. These latter, -she said, seemed to think that God dwelt in one -particular place, and could not be found in any -other. This letter must have harried the two -old gentlemen sadly. Friar Anthony came to -Rome at last, and though it is not clear whether -Friar William accompanied him or not, it is -probable that, when one gave in, both did.</p> - -<p>Catherine endured great fatigue in Rome; it -drained the remnant of strength left in her. -Nevertheless she sent a letter from there to -Stephen that was still almost playful. It is in -this letter that occurred the winning petulance -concerning the rumours of Stephen’s conversion. -How little she could do without him issued again -in a still later epistle, when she wrote to him, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>46]</a></span> -“Have patience with me.” At this time she -was ill, in pain, tired to breaking-point with the -Roman risings against the Pope. The schism -had spread rapidly. Queen Joanna of Naples, -to whom Catherine wrote regrettably stern letters, -had flung her influence upon the side of Clement. -Urban grew so uncertain that there was talk of -sending Catherine—nearly dead through the strain -already—to Paris, as the only ambassador likely -to draw the French king over to the true Pontiff. -She wrote instead, and while her letter was on -its way, Charles V. joined the Anti-pope party.</p> - -<p>When Rome, at least, had grown comparatively -reconciled to Urban, Catherine returned to -Siena. She was thirty-three, and the radiance -that had magnetized men into contemplating even -death with tranquillity, if she was only with them, -had to a great extent gone out of her. Nevertheless, -her correspondence shows that she never -lost her fine discernment of character. Some of -her letters are still masterpieces of practical understanding.</p> - -<p>For a short time still she lived quietly with -the men and women who loved and made much -of her, though had she for a second realized how -subtly indulged she was, a panic of dismay would -have shaken her strenuous spirit. Physical -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>47]</a></span> -strength, however, was almost exhausted. She -suffered greatly, and with a touching foolishness—touching -because of its presence in so much -wisdom—she repeated again and again that God -permitted demons to distress her, and, in consequence, -bent her failing strength to wrestle with -their torments. That a natural disease was -killing her did not seem credible to imagination. -Nevertheless, except during intolerable pain, her -expression continued pathetically joyous. When -she was well enough they carried her out into a -neighbouring garden, lent for her use. Catherine -never, after the first excesses of her childhood, -repudiated out-of-door pleasures. She died in -1380, surrounded by a very passion of regret and -tenderness. On her death-bed she confessed -quaintly that in the early days of her spiritual -career she had yearned for solitude, but that God -would have none of it. Each creature possessed -a cell in their own souls, where the spirit could -live as solitarily and as enclosed in the world as -out of it.</p> - -<p>Stephen Marconi was with her when she died, -and just before the end she entreated him to enter -the Order of the Carthusians. Neri she begged -to become a hermit. The injunction for a -moment appears to lack her usual intuition. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>48]</a></span> -Yet it was probably the result of a very deep -understanding. Neri’s nerves may have been -more tranquil when not played upon by other -people.</p> - -<p>To the last she prayed, dying peacefully -towards the “hour of Sext,” one Sunday evening, -according to Stephen, the body until her burial -retained a wonderful beauty and fragrance.</p> - -<p>Her last request to the latter was reverently -complied with, and for the future he carried on, -with the grace of nature that made him so lovable, -the most endearing of his dead friend’s labours—he -became famous as a healer of feuds. The cult -of Catherine’s memory gave a sentimental happiness -to his days. He remembered her with the -painful delight of a faithful lover. Nothing in -their companionship had been too trivial for a -living recollection. Being elected Father Superior -to his monastery, he “invariably added the delicacy -of beans to the fare of his religious on Easter -Day.” He did this because one Easter Day he -had dined with Catherine on beans, there having -been nothing else in the house, and as Friar -Bartholomew puts it, “the remembrance of that -dinner stuck fast to the marrow of his spine.” As -an old man, Stephen still cherished the smallest -details of her life, and on one occasion, at the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>49]</a></span> -sudden recall of some little incident illustrative of -her loving-kindness, he burst abruptly into tears, -seeming as if his heart would break. The -brothers were obliged to lead him gently to a -seat out-of-doors, where a freshening wind restored -him.</p> - -<p>Neri also did as she wished. But his life as -a hermit did not interfere with his literary labours, -nor did it by any means leave him without society. -Once he seems to have gone out of his mind for -a time. Stephen mentions in one letter that he -was told that he had been <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">alienato</i>, but that it -is evident, since he had now heard from him, -that he had recovered.</p> - -<p>An account of his death, written by a monk -to a certain friend of the dead man, Ser Jacomo, -and given in the English version in Miss Drane’s -life of Catherine, is sufficiently unusual to quote. -It falls to the lot of few people to have their -deaths recorded in quite such a superfluity of -phrases.</p> - -<blockquote> -<p>“<span class="smcap">Dearest Father of Christ</span>,</p> - -<p>“My negligence—I need say no more—but -yet with grief and sorrow I write to you, -how our Father and our comfort, and our help, -and our counsel, and our support, and our -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>50]</a></span> -refreshment, and our guide, and our master, and -our receiver, and our preparer, and our writer, -and our visitor, and he who thought for us, and -our delight, and our only good, and our entertainer; -and his meekness, and his holy life, and -his holy conversation, and his holy teachings, -and his holy works, and his holy words, and his -holy investigations. Alas, miserable ones, alas -poor wretches, alas orphans, where shall we go, -to whom shall we have recourse? Alas, well may -we lament, since all our good is departed from us! -I will say no more, for I am not worthy to remember -him, yet I beg of you that, as it is the -will of God, you will not let yourself be misled by -the news; know then alas, I don’t know how I -can tell you—alas, my dear Ser Jacomo, alas, my -Father and my brother, I know not what to do, -for I have lost all I cared for. I do not see you, -and I know not how you are. Know then that -our love and our father—alas, alas, Neri di Landoccio, -alas, took sick on the 8th of March, -Monday night, about daybreak, on account of -the great cold, and the cough increasing, he could -not get over it, alas. He passed out of his life, -confessed, and with all the sacraments of the -Holy Church, and on the 12th of March was -buried by the brethren of Mount Olivet, outside -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>51]</a></span> -the Porta Tufi, and died in the morning at the -Aurora at break of day.”</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>According to the writer, Neri did not die -until some hours after he had been buried at the -Porta Tufi!</p> - -<p>Catherine’s influence lingered in almost all -those who had once responded to it. But the -quality that remains rousing to the present day -was her unremitting remembrance that one cannot -be good without being happy. Though due to -a different source, the spirit of the Renaissance -seemed to emanate from her—the spirit that -laboured so hard, in a world rich in all manner -of things, to be joyful every minute. In Catherine’s -case, it was the result, not only of a realization -of life’s inherent wondrousness, but of an -unconscious knowledge that heroism is never -anything but smiling; that the acceptance which -is not absolute, composed, and tendered in fulness -of heart, is but a semi-acceptance after all.</p> - -<p>In addition, Catherine had the one supreme -characteristic that no age can render less superb -or less inspiring. She was a nature drenched in -loving-kindness. Consciously and unconsciously -love streamed out of her, penetrating and unifying -every soul she came in contact with. At all -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>52]</a></span> -times there is nothing the world stands more in -need of than loving saints,—at all times there -is nothing that brings more creatures out of mistakenness, -intractability, and mean-souled egoism -than a glowing greatness of heart. And finally, -there is nothing so vividly illuminating upon the -intense and vital beauty of life and human efforts -than the persons who, like Catherine, have but -to enter a room, and,—satisfied, aflame, compassionate,—instantly -transpose its atmosphere into -delicious, renewing goodness.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>53]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="chap02" id="chap02"></a>BEATRICE D’ESTE</h2> - -<p class="dates">1475-1497</p> -</div> - - -<p><span class="dropcap">B</span>EATRICE D’ESTE could never have -been a beautiful woman, though most contemporary -writers affirmed that she was. -Neither was she particularly good; nevertheless, -very few women of the Renaissance make anything -like the same intimacy of appeal. Nothing -in her life has become old-fashioned. She -suggests no reflections peculiar merely to the -time in which she lived. The drama of her -domestic existence is so familiar and modern, -that it might be the secret history of half the -charming women of one’s acquaintance.</p> - -<p>At the same time she was vividly typical -of the Renaissance. Nobody expressed more -completely what the determined quest for beauty -and joy could do. And as far as she was -concerned it could do everything—except make -a woman happy. Her life, in fact, is one of the -most absorbing instances of the tragedy that lies -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>54]</a></span> -in wait for the majority of women after the -pleasantness of youth is over.</p> - -<p>Born at Ferrara on June 24, 1475, Beatrice -was the younger sister of the great Isabella -D’Este, who became one of the chief connoisseurs -of the Renaissance. There is always some pain -entailed in being the plainer sister of a beauty. -Triumph also, in those days, was entirely for the -precocious. Isabella embodied precocity itself. -Though only a year older than Beatrice, she -showed herself incomparably the more graceful, -the more receptive, the more premature of the -two. At six she had become the talk of the -Ferrarese court circle. As a future woman was -desired to do, she already showed signs of -culture, of tact, of fascination. A pretty little -prodigy, with hair like fine spun silk, her hand -was constantly being asked for in marriage; -and no visitor ever came to the court but Isabella -was sent for to show off her premature -accomplishments.</p> - -<p>There is little said about Beatrice. A second -girl had been so frankly unneeded that at her -birth all public rejoicings were omitted. She -passed her babyhood with her grandfather, the -King of Naples, and when she came back, a -round contented child, with a chubby face and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>55]</a></span> -black hair, she served chiefly as a foil to Isabella, -who was like some fine and dainty flower, with -her pale soft hair and finished elegancies of behaviour. -At Ferrara education had become a -hobby. A son of the great Guarino, who with -Vittorino da Feltre practically laid the foundations -of modern schooling, had the chief control of their -education. It was not a bad one, perhaps, save -for its excess. These two mites were at lessons -of some kind from the time they got up to the -time they went to bed. Happily, the Renaissance -was all for the open air, and a good deal of their -education took place in the garden of a country -villa belonging to the D’Estes. Petrarch’s sonnets -were among the lighter literature allowed them, -and a good many of the sonnets were set to -music especially for their thin incongruous voices. -Guarino was their master for Cicero, Virgil, -Roman and Greek history; other teachers took -them in dancing, deportment, music, composition, -and the rudiments of French. Isabella, indeed, -is said to have spoken Latin as easily as her -native tongue.</p> - -<p>Though a little severe, Leonora was a capable -and conscientious woman. Most of the qualities -that Beatrice could have inherited from her mother -would have been very good for temperament—presence -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>56]</a></span> -of mind, courage, intelligence, decision. -The girl’s light-heartedness she probably got from -her Uncle Borso, Ercole’s brother and predecessor, -whose fat and smiling face Corsa’s painting has -made the very type of cruel joviality. Ercole -was not jovial, and the chief characteristics he -transmitted to his daughters were strong artistic -and literary passions, a gift for diplomacy, and, -perhaps, a little elasticity in the matter of -conscience.</p> - -<p>Culture pervaded the atmosphere at the court -of Ferrara. And though Leonora saw to it that -the children were strictly trained in religious -observances, it was essentially life, and a full and -engrossing life, that they were being prepared -for. At six Isabella was already engaged to the -future Duke of Mantua. Some time afterwards, -Ludovico Sforza of Milan, uncle and regent for -the young Duke Giangaleazzo, wrote and asked -for her in marriage. He was not a person to -refuse lightly. The real duke everybody knew -to be foolish almost to the point of mental -deficiency. Il Moro, as Ludovico was called, -held the power of Milan, and politically an -alliance with Milan would be good for Ferrara. -Ercole answered the request by saying that his -eldest daughter was already promised to Mantua, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>57]</a></span> -but that he had another daughter a year younger, -and if the King of Naples, who had adopted her, -gave his consent, Ludovico could have her instead. -The political value of the marriage remained the -same, and Ludovico accepted without demur the -little makeshift lady. Hence, at nine years old, -Beatrice, as a substitute for her more elegant -sister, became engaged to a man of twenty-nine. -She was then still living with her grandfather at -Naples. But when, in the following year, she -returned to Ferrara, to be educated with Isabella, -she was publicly recognized as Ludovico’s future -wife, and known as the Duchess of Bari, the title -to be hers after marriage.</p> - -<p>It was over this engagement that Beatrice -was made acutely to realize the difference of -life’s ways with the plain and the bewitching. -The young Marquis of Mantua soon became an -ardent lover of his golden-haired lady. He -wrote to her, he sent her presents; a slight but -pretty love affair went on between the two during -all the years of their engagement. And when in -due course they were married, it was with every -show of eagerness upon the side of the handsome -bridegroom. Ludovico, on the other hand, took -no notice whatever of the childish Beatrice; there -was no interchange of winning courtesies, no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>58]</a></span> -presents, no letters. Twice, when the marriage -was definitely settled, Ludovico put it off; and -on the second occasion, at any rate, no girl could -avoid the sting of wounded vanity. Everybody -had been eager to marry Isabella. Beatrice also, -according to the notions of her time, was grown -up, and far too clear-witted not to understand -the gossip following upon Ludovico’s second withdrawal. -Unmistakably she was not wanted. -Her future husband had his heart already filled. -There was another woman in the case, and a -woman loved with such intensity that Il Moro -literally had not the courage to face marriage -with a different lady. On the arrival of the -ambassadors asking for a second delay, an agent -of the court wrote that everybody was annoyed -and the Duke of Ferrara extremely angry.</p> - -<p>This was in April, 1495, and for several -months Beatrice lived on quietly in the Castello -at Ferrara. To deepen the dulness, not only -Isabella, but her half-sister Lucrezia, was now -married. Among the people of the court it was -openly said that the marriage with Ludovico -would probably not take place at all. Beatrice -went back to lessons, music—she was all her -life a great lover of music—and to needlework -in the garden. But she probably felt fiercely -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>59]</a></span> -dispirited and without hope. Thankfulness for -life itself cannot exist in youth. At fifteen it -is not possible to thank God for just the -length of time ahead. Most likely, also, she -hated Ludovico. No girl of any spirit could -have done otherwise, and Beatrice had more -spirit than most.</p> - -<p>Then, suddenly, in August, another ambassador -arrived from Milan, and even then hopes began -to float again. The ambassador had come this -time with a present from the bridegroom to his -betrothed. It was exquisite—a necklace of pearls -made into flowers, with a pear-shaped pendant -of rubies, pearls, and diamonds. The ambassador -came also to fix a day for the wedding. Ludovico -had at last made up his mind to the rupture -with his mistress, Cecilia Gallerani, the rare and -beautifully mannered woman, who has been compared, -with Isabella D’Este and Vittoria Colonna, -as among the most cultured women of the -Renaissance.</p> - -<p>Now, at last, Beatrice became brusquely a -person of importance. The subject of Cecilia -Gallerani was dropped like a burning cinder, -and outwardly everything smoothed to a satin -surface. There was more money than in -the Mantuan marriage, and no expense was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>60]</a></span> -consequently spared in Beatrice’s trousseaux. -Only Leonora still worried a little. Ludovico -came of a bad stock—the only one among the -family to show fine qualities had been the famous -Francesco Sforza, founder of the dynasty.</p> - -<p>As for the present duke’s father, and Ludovico’s -brother, Galeazzo Maria, he had been a fiend, whose -very soundness of mind was questionable. True, -Ludovico’s own ability was indubitable. The -skill with which he had steered himself from -exile into the regency could not be questioned. -Moreover, though nominally only Regent, he -had already commenced to drive in the thin end -of the wedge of usurpation. The real duke was -old enough to control his own state, and had -recently been married to Isabella, daughter of -the King of Naples. Notwithstanding this, the -regency continued with a grasp tightened, rather -than loosened, upon the affairs of Northern Italy. -Meanwhile preparations for the marriage were -rapid and luxurious, and as soon as possible, -though it was then in the depth of winter, Beatrice -and her suite started for the wedding. At Pavia -Ludovico was waiting to receive them, and as -soon as Beatrice had been helped on to a horse, -wonderfully caparisoned for the occasion, the -two rode slowly side by side from the water’s -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>61]</a></span> -edge—she had come by boat up the Po—across -the bridge that spans the river Ticino, and -through the gates of the Castello of Pavia.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 675px;"> -<a name="plate05" id="plate05"></a> -<img src="images/qotr05.jpg" width="675" height="424" -alt="" /> -<p class="capleft"><i>Alinari</i></p> -<p class="caption">THE BRIDGE AT PAVIA</p> -</div> - -<p>It would be interesting to know what lay in -the minds of both. In the case of Ludovico one -surmise has as much likelihood as another. He -was a man much experienced in women, and to -a person whose mistresses were always beautiful -and interesting, Beatrice, at first sight, could -have offered very small attractions. She had -not the features to possess beauty of the finest -quality. At the same time she was compensated -by almost all the minor enticements. The smooth -and delicate freshness of youth was fragrant in -her, and, like Isabella, she was extremely graceful -in body. But the chief attraction of her face -sprang from its oddity, and the inner rogue it -suggested. According to rigid canons she was -plain, but her plainness was so near to prettiness -that it was as often as not over the border.</p> - -<p>The first impression given by her portrait in -the Altar-piece, said to be Lemale’s, is disappointing. -From her personality the expectation is -of something different—a little more distinguished, -a little more wanton, and a little more incontestably -seductive. But a mild fascination comes with -familiarity. Waywardness and intelligence are -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>62]</a></span> -both in the face; the gift of humour is clear as -day. Her expression radiates a mixture of sauciness -and wisdom. In certain clothes and in -certain moods she must have looked adorable, -more especially before she was actually dressed, -when her curls hung upon her shoulders.</p> - -<p>What Beatrice thought of Ludovico is more -easily hazarded. The man was handsome, and -bore every sign of a personal force of character. -His profile formed too straight a line, but in the -general effect his features were impressive and -masterful. Beatrice was fifteen, and as Isabella’s -plain sister had never yet been incensed with too -much flattery. Ludovico had in fact reached at -her childlike heart with unequal advantages; -confronted by this suave and dignified person a -girl’s imagination had everything to feed upon.</p> - -<p>They were married next morning, and a few -days later Beatrice made her state entry into -Milan—Ludovico, Giangaleazzo, the real duke, -his wife Isabella, and every Milanese person of -importance, meeting her at the gates. She and -Ludovico then rode side by side in a procession -through the town, the horses being decorated -and the streets lined with people to cheer them -as they passed.</p> - -<p>But the really interesting incident of the day was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>63]</a></span> -the meeting of the two girls, the reigning duchess -and the duchess of the Regent. The situation -pushed them into antagonism, and into mean and -agitated rivalries. Isabella’s was the position of -easier righteousness, Beatrice’s the one of more -colossal temptations. Everything moreover in -the future was to help them into unfairness. The -wife of the futile duke was cringed to by nobody. -All Milan cossetted and flattered the wife of the -Regent who held the power, and suggested still -greater power in the future. To have been meek -and secondary would have required a temperament -of great spiritual vitality. Beatrice came -of a worldly family, and the reasons for not -tethering ambition grew to be very specious. -Giangaleazzo, as head of the State, was too -clearly incapable. Il Moro did all the work, -bore all the responsibility, and when necessary, -all the execration. Why should an idle, dull-witted -boy, who did nothing, enjoy the benefit -of public precedence? Why should Beatrice and -her husband walk humbly behind these two, -whose importance was as a balloon inflated for -the occasion?</p> - -<p>Corio says that from the first days of her -arrival in Milan, Beatrice chafed at yielding -place to Isabella. But Corio, who wrote many -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>64]</a></span> -years after the death of Beatrice and Ludovico, -was bent upon making the worst of them. And -to contradict him there is a good deal of correspondence -which goes to show that at the beginning -the girls were glad enough to have each -other for companionship. Some writers of the -struggle between Beatrice and Isabella also urge -that it was Beatrice who drove Ludovico to -schemes of usurpation. This is one of the statements -that are introduced in the heat of advocacy. -Ludovico had made his mark as a dangerous -personality years before he married Ercole’s -second daughter. The Ferrarese ambassador -had written of him long before his marriage that -he was a great man, who intended later on to -make himself universally recognized as such.</p> - -<p>The day before her state entry into Milan, -Beatrice’s brother Alphonso was married to the -gentle Anna, who, after her death, was to be -succeeded by the enigmatic Lucrezia Borgia. -A week of public rejoicing followed, after which -Leonora returned to Ferrara, and Beatrice -commenced the routine of her new existence. -But the reports of Ludovico, sent shortly afterwards, -were pleasant reading for the girl’s father.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 421px;"> -<a name="plate06" id="plate06"></a> -<img src="images/qotr06.jpg" width="421" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">BEATRICE D’ESTE<br /> -<span class="subcap">BUST IN THE LOUVRE</span></p> -</div> - -<p>The Ferrarese representative at the court -of Milan wrote that Ludovico was incessantly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>65]</a></span> -singing his wife’s praises, and a few days later -added that he was brimming over with admiration -both for his wife and his sister-in-law, and that -he reiterated incessantly the extreme delight their -society gave him. Then, some time after the last -of Beatrice’s people had left, Trotti once more repeated -that Ludovico appeared to have no thought -but how to captivate and amuse his wife, and that -every day he repeated how much he loved her.</p> - -<p>Not only Trotti, but Palissena D’Este, a -cousin, and one of Beatrice’s elder ladies-in-waiting, -wrote enthusiastic accounts of the -Milanese <i>ménage</i> at the commencement. Palissena’s -letter was to Isabella, and not to Beatrice’s -parents. She wrote that Beatrice was unceasingly -made much of by her husband, and that every -possible tender attention was paid to her by him. -According to her accounts the two were delightful -to see together, the man being evidently as -delighted to spoil the pretty child, as the child -was to be spoilt by him. And since Beatrice had -been the plain member of the family, with uncertain -prospects of future beauty, the writer -mentions, with an evident sense of conveying -good news, that in the new climate the girl had -grown not only very much stronger, but very -much better looking.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>66]</a></span> -Beatrice was certainly very happy at this -time—nothing in life compares with the first -days of the first love affair—and Ludovico as a -lover has already been insisted upon. Muratori, -writing of her after the shyness of her arrival -had worn off—she is mentioned as being timid -at first—describes her as young and always -occupied in dancing, singing, or in some kind of -amusement. Muratori also touches upon one of -Beatrice’s weaknesses. Truly never was a woman -more intelligently fond of dress. She came to -Milan a child, but within a year she knew her -woman’s business like her alphabet, and of that, -one of the serious items is to understand that a -woman is most frequently rendered attractive by -her clothes. In dress, Beatrice had one peculiar -predilection—she loved ribbons. She liked to -have her sleeves tied with them; she liked them, -in fact, almost everywhere. In the Altar-piece -portrait her gown is extremely ugly, but little -superfluous-looking ribbons are tied all over it. -She also grew certainly to be extravagant. On one -occasion, when her mother went over her country -house, she was shown the Duchess of Bari’s wardrobe. -There were eighty-four gowns, pelisses, -and mantles, besides many more that had been -left in Milan. There is no doubt that eighty-four -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>67]</a></span> -gowns and mantles were too many at one -period. Beatrice grew over-rich for the finer -qualities of character to keep exercised. To -desire a thing, if only in passing, was to have it.</p> - -<p>During the first months after her arrival in -Milan, however, she was a child, and too much -cossetted to realize more than a very limited -responsibility. Her life for some time was little -more than a perfect example of the winning freshness -belonging to the Renaissance conception of -happiness. Open-air pleasures were a large part -of its delight. Every man who was rich enough -had a country residence with shady places and -pools of water. Beatrice constantly went picnics -into the country. A certain Messer Galeazzo -Sanseverino, who later married Ludovico’s illegitimate -daughter Beatrice, wrote a description -of one of them. He said—it was in a letter to -Isabella—that they started early in the morning, -and as they drove—he, Beatrice, and another -lady—they sang part-songs arranged for three -voices. Having arrived at their destination—Ludovico’s -country house at Cussago—they immediately -commenced fishing in the river, and -caught so many fish that they were obliged to -fling some back into the water. A portion of -the rest was cooked for their midday meal, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>68]</a></span> -afterwards, the writer says, for the sake of their -digestions, they played a vigorous game of ball. -This finished, they made a tour over the beautiful -palace, and after that once more started fishing. -This might well have been occupation enough -for one day, but when fishing had grown wearisome -horses were saddled, and they first flew -falcons by the river-side, and then started hunting -the stags on the duke’s estate. It was not until -an hour after dark that the indefatigable and -cheerful party got back to Milan.</p> - -<p>When Rabelais wrote his description of a day -in Pantagruel’s life, he might well have had this -pleasure outing in remembrance.</p> - -<p>Ludovico took no part in these outings; -affairs of state, he said, absorbed his time. To -have instantly suspected these affairs of state -would have needed the sharpened wits of worldly -knowledge. But presently, since everybody but -the bride knew or guessed from the beginning -how the duke really occupied himself, comments -began to circulate. In the end Beatrice realized -the truth. There are no letters showing how -she first grasped the fact that Ludovico still gave -tenderness to another woman; but she knew at -last that Cecilia Gallerani was not only shortly -expecting to be confined, but was also still lodged -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>69]</a></span> -in apartments at one end of the Castello. The -last fact in itself must have sufficed to be -insufferable. Whether Beatrice made a scene or -not, she could only have felt burnt up with anger -as well as with sickness of heart. A crisis became -inevitable. The particular motives were trivial, -but the triviality occurred when anything would -have been too much for her. Ludovico gave his -wife a gown of woven gold. The moment she wore -it curious expressions flickered over the faces of -her household—Cecilia Gallerani was going about -in its counterpart. Only one inference presented -itself. Beatrice soon knew, and by this time had -borne as much as the unseasoned endurance of -her years was able. What followed is summarized -in a letter by Trotti to the Duke of Ferrara—a -letter which he begs the duke to burn immediately. -Trotti speaks of the garment as a vest, -showing that it was only part of a dress, and he -says that Madonna Beatrice had refused to wear -hers again if Madonna Cecilia was allowed to -appear in another similar. The attitude was a -bold one for a child of fifteen, and Beatrice must -have made it with the most unhindered courage. -For immediately afterwards Ludovico himself -went to interview Trotti, and so make sure -that something more soothing than a mere -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>70]</a></span> -statement of Beatrice’s grievance went to Ferrara. -He gave an actual promise that the liaison should -come to a conclusion. He would either find a -husband for the lady or send her into a nunnery.</p> - -<p>Beatrice won, and, indeed, won handsomely. -Political expediency was on her side, but the girl’s -own likeableness must be counted for something in -the matter. Ludovico was among the most cunning -men of Italy, yet upon this occasion he did -exactly what he promised. As soon as Cecilia -had recovered from the birth of a son the two -alternatives were considered. Her tastes were -not for convents, and she married a Count Ludovico -Bergamini. With this, as far as Il Moro -was concerned, the episode closed. Beatrice -would probably have preferred the convent, for, -as things remained, Cecilia was not in any sense -removed out of society. She continued to receive -all the notable men of that part of the world at -the beautiful palace a little way out of Milan -which Ludovico had given her as an inheritance -for his son, and at all court functions she appeared -as usual.</p> - -<p>Beatrice’s triumph may have come to her a -little through her courage. It was a quality -Ludovico admired above all things, though his -own was not to be relied upon. Commines says -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>71]</a></span> -of him, “Ludovico was very wise, but extremely -timid, and very slippery when he was afraid. I -speak as one well acquainted with him, and who -has arranged much diplomatic business with him.”</p> - -<p>Few characters of the Italian Renaissance -are more difficult to get at than Ludovico’s. -Like Cæsar Borgia, he had much of the magnificent -adventurer in his blood, and though he -never cut the figure in Italy that Cæsar Borgia -did, he was in many ways the more interesting of -the two. Cæsar Borgia outshines him easily as -a schemer, as a fighter, as a man nothing stopped -and nothing staggered; but Cæsar Borgia was -known as a being more eager to conquer towns -than to govern them, and Il Moro was above all -admirable at the head of a state. His politics -were over-cunning, but as a ruler of Milan he -went consistently for improvement and for more -humanity than was customary. In personal -charm he must have run the Borgia close. All -those who knew him intimately liked him. There -was dignity of presence and an eloquent habit of -speech. Leonardo da Vinci could not be reckoned -an easy man to satisfy, but he lived for sixteen years -contentedly under the patronage of Ludovico. -Ludovico’s ambitions did not drive him at the -same furious pace as the other’s, and he worked -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>72]</a></span> -for a city and the future along with and in -the interval of his own deep plots. A contemporary -writer, Cagnola, says of him that he -improved to an extraordinary degree the town of -Milan, by enlarging and embellishing the streets -and squares, and by the erection of many fine -buildings, the fronts of which were decorated with -frescoes. He did the same at Pavia, until both -towns, previously hideous and filthy, were scarcely -recognizable. Corio adduces further evidence in -his favour by saying that every man of culture -and learning, wherever he could be found, was -enticed by Ludovico to Milan, and in some -flowery phrases writes that all that was sweetest -in music and finest in art and literature was to be -found in the court of Il Moro.</p> - -<p>This, put in plainer language, was very -nearly true. Ludovico had a passion for having -great men as company. His library, too, was -famous. He collected books in France, Italy, -and Germany. He had manuscripts printed, -copied, illuminated wherever he could find them. -In connection with this library, besides, a pleasant -trait in his character comes out. He allowed -scholars to borrow his books for purposes of -study, and even gave facilities to them for using -his library. The universities of both Milan and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>73]</a></span> -Pavia were saved by his energy, and his attitude -towards education was always generous and -impersonal.</p> - -<p>To a man so full of temperament Beatrice’s -own nature was very much in tune, and after the -disposal of Cecilia Gallerani there came to her the -really good time of her life. It seems more than -probable, in fact, that Ludovico had already grown -fond of the round-faced girl with the audacious -expression and the inexhaustible vitality of ways. -Some of her earlier escapades were like a schoolboy’s -home for the holidays, but Ludovico referred -to them invariably with a touch of pride. -He wrote on one occasion to Isabella that his wife, -the Duchess of Milan, and their suites, had, at -Beatrice’s instigation, been dressing up in Turkish -costumes. These dresses, also under Beatrice’s -impetuous influence, were finished in one night’s -labour. She herself sewed vigorously with the rest, -and Ludovico wrote that upon the duchess expressing -surprise at her energy, replied that she could -do nothing without flinging her whole soul into it. -That was like Beatrice; she had no impulses that -were not glowing, tremendous, whole-hearted. -Some of her nonsense at this time, nevertheless, -was not so pleasing, though Ludovico does not -appear to have realized its naughtiness. He -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>74]</a></span> -wrote on another occasion, and still with an air of -pride, that one of her amusements in the country -was to ride races with the ladies of her suite, -when she would gallop full speed behind some -of them in the hope of making them tumble off -their excited horses.</p> - -<p>Of Beatrice’s pluck many instances are given, -but at this time, undoubtedly, she was a little -drunk with youth and happiness. Trotti wrote -to Ferrara of a wrestling match between her and -Isabella of Milan, in which Beatrice succeeded in -throwing Isabella down. And the tirelessness of -the creature came out also in a letter of her own -to Isabella of Mantua, in which she told her sister -how every day after their dinner she played ball -with some of her courtiers. In the same letter -there is another assurance that she was really -happy, not only because she was young and -vigorous, but because her heart was satisfied, for -she mentions, as if it brimmed over spontaneously -from a joy still fresh enough to be marvelled at, -how tender her husband was to her. She added -a pretty and affectionate touch by mentioning a -bed of garlic which she had planted on purpose -for her sister when she should come to stay with -them, garlic being evidently a flavouring of which -Isabella was extremely fond.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>75]</a></span> -Beatrice’s statement of Ludovico’s affectionate -habits is largely corroborated. Once, when she -was ill, Trotti reported to Ferrara that Ludovico -left her bedside neither night nor day, but spent -his entire time trying to soothe and distract her.</p> - -<p>As far as Beatrice was concerned, this illness -could not consequently have been entirely lamentable. -It is in the nature of women not to -begrudge the price paid for visible assurances of -being beloved, and to Beatrice Ludovico had soon -become the integral requirement of life.</p> - -<p>Some time after this the real duchess, Isabella, -gave birth to a son. At last Giangaleazzo was -not only duke, but possessed an heir to come -after him. This child destroyed the Regent’s -prospects. Giangaleazzo, weak as well as foolish, -had not the making of old bones in him. Until -now the able and popular Regent stood with an -easy grace, one day to be persuaded to step into -his nephew’s shoes. Isabella’s son put girders to -her house, and thrust Ludovico’s future back to -that of simple service, gilded and honourable, but -yet, after all, merely service to the house of which -he was not head. For Beatrice and Ludovico, -moreover, this new-born infant tinged the situation -either with flat mediocrity or with a new and -secret ugliness. No change showed, however, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>76]</a></span> -upon the surface. Public rejoicings took place -to celebrate the birth of an heir, and life then -fell back into its customary habits. There is -a picture of these days given many years after -by Beatrice’s secretary, the <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">elegantissimo</i> Calmeta, -as he was called at the time. He wrote that her -court was filled with men of distinction, all of -whom were expected to use their talents for her -intellectual pleasure. When she had nothing else -to do, a secretary read Dante or some minor poet -out loud to her, on which occasions Ludovico would -more often than not come and listen with her.</p> - -<p>Calmeta mentions some of the men who made -Beatrice’s court remarkable, but the greatest of -all, Leonardo da Vinci, is not included. From -what it is possible to ascertain, Leonardo came -very little into Beatrice’s private existence. His -life was enclosed by what Walter Pater calls -“curiosity and the desire of beauty,” and the -passion for humanity was very slightly developed -in him. He believed in solitude, and, in a limited -and cordial fashion, indulged in it.</p> - -<p>In reference to his coming to Milan, Pater, -referring to the facts given by Vasari, says, “He -came not as an artist at all, or careful of the fame -of one; but as a player on the harp, a strange -harp of silver of his own construction, shaped in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>77]</a></span> -some curious likeness to a horse’s skull. The -capricious spirit of Ludovico was susceptible also -to the power of music, and Leonardo’s nature had -a kind of spell in it. Fascination is always the -word descriptive of him.”</p> - -<p>Leonardo’s letter to Ludovico about his -coming to Milan is written in a very different -mood, and, read in the light of his fame, is wholly -humorous. He says, “Having, most illustrious -lord, seen and pondered over the experiments of -all those who pass as masters in the art of constructing -engines of war, and finding that their -inventions are not one whit different from those -already in use, I venture to ask for an opportunity -of acquainting your excellency with some of my -secrets.</p> - -<p>“Firstly, I can build bridges, which are light -and strong and easy to carry, so as to enable one -to pursue and rout the enemy; also others of a -stouter make, which, while resisting fire and -assault, are easily taken to pieces and placed in -position. I can also burn and destroy those of -the enemy.</p> - -<p>“Secondly, in times of siege I can cut off the -water supply from the trenches, and make pontoons -and scaling ladders and other contrivances of a -like nature.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>78]</a></span> -Seven other paragraphs follow, explaining -contrivances for ensuring success in warfare by -land or sea. It was only at the end of the tenth -that he touched upon less military matters. Then -he wrote: “In times of peace, I believe that I -could please you as completely as any one, both -in the designing of public and private buildings, -and in making aqueducts. In addition, I can -undertake sculpture in marble, bronze, or clay. -In painting I am as competent as any one else, -whoever he may be. Moreover, I would execute -the commission of the bronze horse, and so give -immortal fame and honour to the glorious memory -of your father and the illustrious house of Sforza.”</p> - -<p>Leonardo had painted Cecilia Gallerani for -Ludovico before the time of Beatrice’s arrival, -but, as far as one knows, never painted Beatrice. -Mrs. Cartwright suggests, and the opinion has -been repeated elsewhere, that the reason for this -sprang from Beatrice’s jealousy of the beautiful -woman who had preceded her. But this is not -in keeping with her nature. Beatrice loved all -beautiful pictures, and was far too intuitive not -to know that if any one could give her portrait -beauty, Leonardo was that man. Whatever -strangeness exhaled from within he would have -drawn upon the surface. That he should never -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>79]</a></span> -have painted her is extraordinary, but, at the -same time, it is absolutely certain that he would -never have felt any inclination to. Leonardo did -not care for any woman’s face that could look -happy and be satisfied with that mere possession. -And the Regent’s wife had no withholdings in -her expression, and no subtleties, save perhaps -the subtlety of audacity and laughter.</p> - - - -<p class="break">Presently Beatrice gave birth to a son, and -whatever sinister thoughts had ebbed and flowed -in Ludovico’s brain before, now became permanent -and concrete. Beatrice’s confinement was in itself -the first open threat at Isabella. The arrangements -for the child’s arrival were a menace in their -unfitness. A queen’s son could not have been -received into the world with more elaborate -ceremony. The layette and cradle were exhibited -to ambassadors as if a future monarch were being -waited for. The cradle was of gold, its coverlet of -cloth of gold. With no restraint as to cost, three -rooms had been decorated—one for the mother, -one for the child, and one for the presents, which -poured in every hour. The boy was no sooner -born than public rejoicings were ordered. Bells -were rung for six days, processions were held, -prisoners for debt were released, and ambassadors, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>80]</a></span> -councillors, and all important officials entered to -congratulate the slender girl in her magnificent -bed, with its mulberry and gold coloured hangings.</p> - -<p>At the court of Giangaleazzo meanwhile -Isabella must have felt as if bitterness stifled her—bitterness -and the sick despair of any creature -conscious suddenly that it is trapped. Everybody -remembered that when the real heir to the duchy -had been born two years before, there had been -less extravagance and formality than for the entry -of the Regent’s infant. And when a week later -Isabella also went to bed and brought a second child -into the world, the torture of the body must have -been little in comparison to the torture of the -mind that knew its children already marked out -for disinheritance. Even her confinement became -a convenience to Ludovico, who was able to inform -the ambassadors that the rejoicings were for a -double joy, though the statement was not made -with any intention to deceive. The thin end of -the wedge had been driven in, and Ludovico -desired men to grow prepared and seasoned for -what would one day be thrust upon them as an -accomplished policy.</p> - -<p>When both duchesses had recovered, ceremonies -of thanksgiving were organized. They -drove together in wonderful clothes and as part -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>81]</a></span> -of a gorgeous procession to the church of St. -Maria della Grazie. Beatrice may have uttered -some light gratitude as she knelt, but to Isabella -the day must have been a burning anguish, wearying -to the very fibre of her nature. She and -Beatrice sat side by side, and their dresses were -almost equally extravagant. The public only -saw two bejewelled and magnificent figures, but -one of the two women already hated the other, -with a heart swollen by the wrongs she did not -dare to utter.</p> - -<p>From this day forward Isabella’s life is ill to -think of; for Ludovico’s plans were soon no -longer secret. The King of the Romans was to -marry his niece—Giangaleazzo’s sister—and to -receive with her an immense dowry. In return -he was to give Ludovico the investiture of Milan. -On paper this change of dukes did not read as -a flagrant usurpation. Giangaleazzo had been -cleverly thrust into the position of sinner. It -was seemingly abruptly discovered that he had -no right to the dukedom at all without the consent -of Maximilian. The Viscontis held it in -fief from the empire. When they died it should -have passed back into the keeping of Germany. -The duchy belonged to the emperor, and the -Sforzas holding it on their own authority made -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>82]</a></span> -them nothing less than adventurers. Il Moro, -confirmed as duke by the King of the Romans, -would possess the duchy upon legal and unimpeachable -grounds, and have only dispossessed -therefore a creature without any rights to hold it -at any time, and incapable into the bargain.</p> - -<p>Isabella fought with an impassioned fury for -her child and her position. It was brave, heart-rending, -and useless. Giangaleazzo could not be -made even to understand Ludovico’s treachery. -In a fit of temper he could beat his wife, as a child -strikes what offends it. But he could not grasp -any more than a child that a person, who had -never given it an unkind word, should nevertheless -intend to do it evil. Sometimes driven -beyond control, Isabella would fix the story of -Ludovico’s coming usurpation into his wandering -attention. For a moment her burning phrases -stimulated some dim perception. But presently -Ludovico and the boy would meet, and -Giangaleazzo, in reality bewildered and helpless -without the support of this capable, pleasant -relative he had leant on since infancy, would -blurt out all his wife’s accusations and come back -to her soothed into the implicit faith of before. -Not a soul that would, had the capacity to help -her, whilst the crowd had gone over to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>83]</a></span> -light-hearted, triumphant duchess who was -stepping remorselessly into her place.</p> - -<p>Of all the women of the Renaissance there are -none more piteous and more innocently forlorn -than this girl Isabella, married to the futile son of -a madman and pitted against the unrighteous -cravings of a Ludovico. He and Beatrice -between them made her life a nightmare, but -they never abased her courage. The letter to -her father, given by Corio as hers, but generally -looked upon as worded by the historian, shows -the noble fierceness that ran through her body. -In burning phrases she laid bare the unjust -misery of her position. Giangaleazzo was of -age, and should have succeeded some time back -to the duchy of his father. But so far was this -from being the case that even the bare necessities -of existence were doled out to them by Ludovico, -who not only enjoyed all political power, but who -kept them practically both helpless and unbefriended. -The bitter hurt she endured through -Beatrice came out in the mention of the latter’s -son and the royal honours paid to him at birth, -while she and her children were treated as of no -importance. In truth she added—and there is -something so hot, so passionately and recklessly -sincere in the whole letter that it is difficult to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>84]</a></span> -believe that anybody but Isabella herself wrote it—they -remained at the palace in actual risk of -their lives, the deadly envy of Ludovico aching to -make her a widow. But her letter, for all its -despair and anger, was imbued with an unbreakable -spirit. When she had laid bare the danger, -the loneliness, and humiliation of her position, -explaining that she lacked even one soul she -dared speak openly to, since all her attendants -were provided by Ludovico, she closed with a -brave and defiant statement that in spite of everything -her courage still endured unshaken.</p> - -<p>Beatrice, it is true, does not show bravely in -this one matter. True, from the worldly standpoint -of the time, it was not as ugly as it seems -to-day. Position during the Renaissance was -legitimately to those indomitable enough to seize -it. But the private intuitions of the heart do not -alter greatly at any period, and in these Beatrice -was not by nature deficient. She had strong -affections and abundant fundamental graces of -temperament—laughter, courage, insight, whole-heartedness, -multiplicity of talents. But during -the first years of her married life she had too many -happinesses at once. There was nothing in her life -to quicken the spiritual qualities, nor to foster the -more delicate undergrowths of character—pity, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>85]</a></span> -compassion, the living sense of other sorrows. -She lived too quickly, and there was no time for -conscience to hurt her. That she could be tender -there are little incidents to bear witness. Her -motherhood, for instance, was both charming and -childlike. She wrote to her mother, in sending -the baby’s portrait, that though it was only a week -since the picture had been painted, the baby was -already bigger, but that she dared not send his -exact height because everybody told her that if -she measured him he would never grow properly.</p> - -<p>The innocent foolishness of this disarms harsh -judgment. And in judging Beatrice’s relations -to Isabella of Milan there is no need to deduce -a bad disposition from one bad action. No -individuality stands clear from some occasional -unworthinesses. In this one matter Beatrice was -inexcusable, heartless, driven by nothing but an -unjust ambition. But in others she was charming, -affectionate, thoughtful, and moreover, under -circumstances of colossal temptations and a great -deal too much wealth, she remained a devoted wife, -a faithful friend, and a woman capable in the end -of a sorrow deep enough, practically, to kill her. -In addition, it was harder for Beatrice than for -most people to be really very saintly. She had too -much of everything—vitality, intelligence, charm -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>86]</a></span> -of person—and the call of life in consequence -became too loud and too insistent. It is partly -because of this that one loves her. For she had -enough grace to be lovable, but not enough to -be above the need of a regretful compassion and -understanding. It is, of course, possible to be -extraordinarily robust—to feel life <em>sing</em> in one’s -body through sheer physical well-being—and yet -be all aflame in spirit also. But it is certain that -when for a woman considerable personal fascination -is added, this extreme vitality makes it much -harder to retain only a sweet and limpid thinking. -Each actual moment becomes too engrossing and -sufficient.</p> - -<p>There is, of course, no use in denying that -from the time Ludovico was immersed in disreputable -politics, Beatrice knew a great deal -about them. To help, in fact, in their fulfilment -she was herself presently sent as envoy to Venice. -The Venetians were reluctant to fit in with Il -Moro’s intentions, and it was realized at Milan -that what may be lost by argument may be won -by unuttered persuasion. In any case, a pretty -woman, all gaiety, tact, and responsiveness, could -only be a pleasant incident for a party of elderly -gentlemen. So Beatrice, with all the clothes that -most became her, went to Venice, where she set -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>87]</a></span> -the teeth of the women on edge with the wicked -excess of her personal splendour. But though -the feminine society of Venice did not love her, -Beatrice knew that her business was with men, -and that to fascinate, therefore, she must give out -the charm the eye perceives immediately.</p> - -<p>During her visit she wrote long letters to her -husband, telling him everything save the information -not wise to trust on paper. She even gave -a description of the clothes she wore on each -occasion. The fact is interesting, because nothing -could constitute a clearer revelation of the closeness -of their married relationship. Only when -a husband and wife are on the tenderest terms -of comradeship does a man care to hear what his -wife wears, and even then he must possess what -might be called the talent for domesticity.</p> - -<p>The wedding of Bianca, sister of Giangaleazzo, -became the next step in Ludovico’s policy. It -was during the pageants organized to show the -greatness of the match that the Duchess Isabella -made her last brave show in public. She knew -exactly what lay at the back of the marriage, but -maintained to the end the fine endurance of good -breeding. Through all the ceremonies that preceded -Bianca’s departure into Germany, Isabella -outwardly bore herself as any tranquil-hearted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>88]</a></span> -woman, who was the first lady of Milan, should -do. Later on, some at least of the anguish -surging within was to overflow in a sudden -torrent. But in public nothing broke her -wonderful composure. Not until Charles VIII. -came to see her privately did her accumulated -sorrows openly express themselves.</p> - -<p>Previously to this Louis XII., then Duke of -Orleans, had been sent into Italy, to discuss -plans with Ludovico. Nobody thought much -then of the man who was later to destroy Il -Moro. A contemporary wrote sneeringly that -his head was too small to hold much in the way -of brains, and that Ludovico would find it easy -enough to outwit him. Charles followed, when -Beatrice and her court journeyed from Milan to -Asti in order to fascinate and amuse him. -Beatrice even danced for his pleasure, and she -was an exquisite dancer. As a result Charles -metaphorically fell at her pretty feet, which was -only natural, considering that her appearance -must have been gay and young enough—in a -dress of vivid green and with a bewildering blaze -of jewels—to have fascinated anybody.</p> - -<p>Coming after a duchess all radiance and light-heartedness, -Isabella, on the other hand, empty -of everything but desolation, could only appear -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>89]</a></span> -a disagreeable interlude. Giangaleazzo was -already ill at Pavia when Charles VIII. crossed -into Italy, but after Ludovico and Beatrice -had done everything possible to amuse the -French king, he passed on to the town of -Pavia. Here the real duke lay in bed, and -it was Isabella who received the king and -Ludovico at the entrance to the Castello, dramatically -beautiful in her forlorn observance of -social obligations. Commines gives a detailed -account of Isabella’s sudden outcry against the -downfall being prepared for her house. In this -account he says that the king told him that he -would like to have warned Giangaleazzo had -he not feared the consequences with Ludovico. -Commines adds that, disregarding the Duke of -Bari’s presence, Isabella threw herself on her -knees before the French king, and piteously -besought him to have pity on her father and -brother, in answer to which, the situation being -a very awkward one for him, he could only beg -her to think of her husband and herself, she -being still so young and lovely a woman.</p> - -<p>That Charles pitied these two, as lambs lying -in the paws of a wolf, is very clear from Commines’ -statement.</p> - -<p>And a few days later Giangaleazzo died. His -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>90]</a></span> -life had been useless, but he took leave of it with -an arresting gentleness. After a serious illness -he had rallied, taken a fair amount of nourishment, -and slept a little. That same evening he -asked to see two horses Ludovico had sent him, -and they were brought into the great stone hall, -out of which his room opened. He talked of -Ludovico, his confidence remaining childlike and -unshaken to the end. His uncle, he said, would -have been sure, would he not, to come and see -him, if the French business had not swallowed -up attention? As he grew weaker, he asked his -favourite attendant—much as a woman might ask -about her lover, for the pleasure of the answer—if -he thought his uncle loved him, and grieved at -his serious illness. Satisfied, he begged to see his -greyhounds, and then, all his little interests tranquillized, -quietly fell asleep. He was dead next -morning, and Ludovico’s path was made easier -than before. He was, in fact, instantly proclaimed -head of Milan. Guicciardini says of it, -“It was proposed by the heads of the council -that, considering the importance of the duchy, -and the dangerous times dawning for Italy, it -would be extremely undesirable that a child not -yet five years old should succeed his father.... -Ambition getting the better of honesty, the next -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>91]</a></span> -morning, after some pretence of reluctance, he -accepted the name and arms of the Duke of Milan.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 504px;"> -<a name="plate07" id="plate07"></a> -<img src="images/qotr07.jpg" width="504" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PORTRAIT,—PROBABLY OF CECILIA GALLERANI<br /> -<span class="subcap">SAID TO BE BY AMBROGIO DA PREDIS</span></p> -</div> - -<p>At the time Ludovico was almost universally -credited with having murdered Giangaleazzo, but -the accusation has since fallen to the ground. -Practically it was based upon the fact that the -moment of the duke’s passing was too opportune -to wear an air of naturalness. In spite, moreover, -of what men thought, nothing dared be uttered -openly, and Ludovico, blazing in cloth of gold, -rode to the church of St. Ambrozio to give public -thanks for his accession. The wind was with -him for the moment. Beatrice, too, had become -the first lady of Milan, and her soul stood in -a more perilous state than ever. She had -reached the place of her desire by ways too -shady for loveliness of thought to have had much -hold in her.</p> - -<p>Isabella meanwhile, from this time onwards, -passes into a desolate private existence. But -there is an incident which occurred first that -remains very difficult to penetrate. Literally -at Ludovico’s mercy after her husband’s death, -she still bore herself bravely. For a time she -refused to leave Pavia. When she did, we are -told that Beatrice drove out to meet her, and -that when they came together, some two miles -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>92]</a></span> -from town, she got out of her own carriage and -entered Isabella’s, both women sobbing bitterly -as she did so. That Isabella should cry was -natural; she was weak with the weariness of -sorrow. But Beatrice’s was not the nature to weep -either easily or falsely. Clearly face to face -with the price paid for her own position, it -beat back upon her for a moment as an utter -heaviness, and she cried because Isabella was -the living expression of despair, and they had -once been intimate and companionable. God -knows what they said to each other in this -drive together, or whether through the passing -grace of a sudden penitence Beatrice found anything -the widow could hear without a sense of -nausea. For how dire Isabella felt her life to -have become is revealed in a singularly tender -reference made to her by the court jester Barone, -who wrote that she was so changed, and so thin -and grief-stricken, that the hardest heart could -not have seen her without compassion.</p> - -<p>But the Duchy of Milan was to yield little -happiness to the two who had acquired it so -shabbily. Charles’ Italian campaign soon thrust -Ludovico into both difficulty and danger. At -the commencement of it he had been a great -man. But when one Italian town after another -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>93]</a></span> -became as a doormat for Charles to walk over, -he perceived suddenly the flaw in his French -invasion policy. Ferrante of Naples wrecked -was one thing; Italy given over to Charles -VIII. another.</p> - -<p>He was not even personally safe with Louis -of Orleans at Asti. A league was formed, in -which the Pope, the King of the Romans, the -King and Queen of Spain, Henry VII. of -England, the Signory of Venice, and the Duke -of Milan all combined. Isabella D’Este’s -husband was made captain, with the express -duty of cutting off Charles’ triumphant return -into France. This fight against the king, so -cajoled at the beginning, and the subsequent -peace patched up between him and Ludovico, is -purely a matter of history. In the attack against -Asti, made by Louis of Orleans, however, -Beatrice showed a magnificent and practical -courage. Ludovico’s own astuteness had died in -a sickly terror, and he had rushed back to his -fortified castle at Milan. At the time there is -little doubt that he was suffering from nervous -exhaustion; but it was Beatrice whose courageous -eloquence roused Milan, and it was Beatrice who -ordered the steps necessary to defend the town -and Castello.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>94]</a></span> -It was about this time, also, that she showed -a disarming and warm-hearted rightness of feeling. -Among the booty her sister Isabella’s husband, -Francesco, had acquired from the French were -some hangings that had belonged to Charles -VIII.’s own tent. They were originally forwarded -to Isabella, but presently Francesco asked her to -send them back, as he wished to give them to -Beatrice. That made Isabella angry. She had -some degree of reason, but her expression of it -was repellantly ungracious. The hangings, notwithstanding, -were sent to Beatrice. Happily, -she would not have them. As keenly as Isabella, -she loved beautiful and notable things, but with -the simple statement that, under the circumstances -she felt she ought not to have them, she -returned the draperies to her sister. In doing -so she was beginning to practise the little niceties -that help to keep existence lovable. Had she -lived, she would almost surely have weathered -the over-eager selfishnesses of her married life. -They were after all largely due to the absorption -that all youth suffers during the first unsettled, -uncertain period, when life is still all newness and -personal excitements. But her time was short, -and after the settling of peace with France, the -end drew horribly near to her.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>95]</a></span> -For five years she had been happy. Ludovico -constituted the integral part of heaven for -her, and after the first fierce struggle she had -lived in the soft security of an equal affection. -Nature had given her brains and seductiveness. -To have both in one person, and then, as crowning -grace, to possess a genius for light-heartedness, -was more than most women can rely upon -in the unceasing labour of retaining a husband’s -affectionateness. But Beatrice was bolstered by -even more than this. The tastes of husband and -wife were similar—Ludovico had no hobbies -outside the radius of her understanding. Nevertheless, -at twenty she stumbled upon the disheartenment -that for most wives lurks about the -forties. She could not keep her husband from -the charm of other women. She had been everything, -but the time had come when a pretty face -was to sweep her peace down like a house of -flimsy cardboard.</p> - -<p>She had grown stale—observation, dulled by -familiarity, could receive no fresh impression. -The very years they had handled life together -worked not for, but against, her. All her ways -had grown a parrot-cry; those of other women -were new and half mysterious. Further, she was -at that time physically in a peculiarly defenceless -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>96]</a></span> -condition. When Ludovico’s last passion swept -him away from her, Beatrice was once more -expecting to be a mother.</p> - -<p>Among the members of her household at this -time there had been included the daughter of a -Milanese nobleman, a girl called Lucrezia Crivelli. -This Lucrezia Crivelli was far too beautiful -to be a safe person in the house of any -man susceptible to all precious or lovely objects. -Could anything, indeed, be more exquisite than -her face as painted by Leonardo da Vinci? At -the same time, to look for long at the beautiful -oval is to see that its meekness is purely a sham -expression. The eyes too, so gentle, undisturbed, -observant, are just a little, though illusively, unscrupulous. -It is essentially the face of a young -girl with all the delicate finenesses and sweet, -reliant placidities of inexperience; but it is also -a face already rich in power, reservations, and a -silent deliberateness of conduct. In addition to -all this, her hair was golden, her head almost -perfectly outlined. In any court she must have -created a sensation—she was so dazzling, and yet -so quiet, so self-contained, and so demurely and -subtly dignified. The temperament was probably -cold. There is more thought than feeling in its -gracious quietude—thought and a dim suggestion -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>97]</a></span> -of pain, not in the present, but for the future. -Small wonder she drew Ludovico. To be young, -beautiful—a sweet wonder to look at—and, in -addition, to strain at men’s heartstrings by just a -hint of wistfulness, is to be dangerous beyond -bearing.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 559px;"> -<a name="plate08" id="plate08"></a> -<img src="images/qotr08.jpg" width="559" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">LUCREZIA CRIVELLI<br /> -<span class="subcap">BY LEONARDO DA VINCI</span></p> -</div> - -<p>Ludovico’s admiration became rapidly unmistakable. -From being constantly pin-pricked, -Beatrice saw the friendship between the two -spring suddenly into something mortal to her -heart. The two were thrown hourly into each -other’s society—the man with the inflammable -response to beauty, and the girl with the discreet -and tantalizing loveliness. It was a tense drama -of three. For Beatrice was always there as the -tortured third. From the commencement nothing -was spared her. Each day some new incident -shook her with unutterable anticipations. Slowly -existence, as she watched these two, became a -solidifying terror. There must have been some -scenes at the commencement. No woman could -accept a crisis such as this and not cry out for -mercy. But Beatrice, with the innate wisdom -that so soon grew strong in her, quickly realized -that to plead was like a voice trying to be heard -above a tempest. Ludovico was infatuated. -Everybody knew, and talked of the affair, both -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>98]</a></span> -at the Court of Milan and beyond it. In 1496, -a Ferrarese ambassador wrote that the latest -news from Milan was the duke’s infatuation for -one of his wife’s ladies-in-waiting, with whom he -passed the greater part of his time—a fact which -was widely condemned there.</p> - -<p>That same autumn Ludovico’s natural -daughter, whom Beatrice had adopted when -she came to Milan, and whom she loved dearly, -died. Only a few months back she had been -married to the Galeazzo di Sanseverino, who had -helped so largely to keep Beatrice merry in the -first months of her marriage. Her name was -Bianca, and in her portrait by Ambrogio da -Predis—a portrait sometimes said to be of -Beatrice D’Este—she looks adorable. Her -death struck Beatrice when she was already -heartsick. A dozen times between daylight and -bedtime Lucrezia and Ludovico had acquired -the power to drive the blood to her temples. -Muralto, who mentions Il Moro making the girl -his mistress, says, with the simplicity characteristic -of the period when touching anything emotional, -that though it caused Beatrice bitter anguish of -mind, it could not alter her love for him. It is -very evident that Beatrice dared nothing against -this later mistress. With an admirable wisdom—the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>99]</a></span> -wisdom of an intelligence which had -deepened upon the facts of experience—she did -not struggle, after five years of married life, -against the fever of this tempestuous passion. -But a passionate restlessness wore her out. She -looked upon days unending and unbearable. In -a few weeks her manner changed entirely. She, -who had been like an embodied joy for years, -grew to have tears always near the surface. In -the end she became too weary to control them; -for there is no weakness like that brought about -by a forlornness constantly goaded into fresh -sensations. Both her ladies and her courtiers, -in the inevitable publicity of court habits, saw -her eyes frequently blinded by silent tears. But -she said nothing, and they could not be certain -whether they fell because of her husband’s conduct -or because of the death of Bianca.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 458px;"> -<a name="plate09" id="plate09"></a> -<img src="images/qotr09.jpg" width="458" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF BIANCA SFORZA<br/> -<span class="subcap">WIFE OF GALEAZZO SANSEVERINO</span></p> -</div> - -<p>To some extent she had become abruptly -absorbed by a new outlook. All her life previously -she had been a frank materialist; the -question of death had loomed too distant to need -attention. But suddenly life had betrayed her, -and in the bitter knowledge of its cruelties the -soul stirred to tragic wakefulness.</p> - -<p>The Renaissance, as far as she was concerned, -had shown itself inadequate. It had promised, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>100]</a></span> -with artistic and philosophic culture, to bring -happiness. But in practice it provided nothing -for the heart of women. It could not make men -faithful, nor help the warm and simple ways of -domesticity from the denudations of instability. -There remained only the question of the afterlife -to fall back upon, and Beatrice, enfevered and -tortured, tried to fix her mind upon this prospect. -Bianca had been buried in the church of St. -Maria delle Grazie, and during the last months -of her existence Beatrice formed the habit of -going constantly to her tomb, and of staying there -for hours at a time. In fact, shipwrecked as far -as life was concerned, and brought by her approaching -motherhood to the nearness and possibility of -death, her soul sprung at last into a quivering -alertness, drawing her to silent introspections in -the dark and restful church, where the girl who -had been alive a short time back, now lay quietly -buried. Only the most unshaken agnostics can -come close to death and not suddenly feel an overwhelming -necessity for some preparatory equipment—some -consciousness of a clean and justified -existence. And Beatrice, whose manner hinted -to those about her the possession of a secret foreboding -of what was coming, had reached very -close to the moment when this peace, both of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>101]</a></span> -remembrance and of hope, would be tragically -necessary.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;"> -<a name="plate10" id="plate10"></a> -<img src="images/qotr10.jpg" width="700" height="536" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE CHURCH OF ST. MARIA DELLE GRAZIE AT MILAN</p> -</div> - -<p>On January 2, 1497, she drove as usual to the -church of St. Maria delle Grazie. She remained -there for hours, as if only in this one sombre -place could she obtain a little respite and tranquillity. -Her ladies—who probably disliked these -outings beyond expression—had difficulty in coaxing -her at last from the building. They got her -home, and she seemed much as usual until about -eight o’clock in the evening, when the agony of -child-birth suddenly commenced in her.</p> - -<p>Her pains only lasted three hours. Then she -gave birth to a still-born child, and shortly after -midnight she died. For a short hour she lay in -her canopied bed, worn in body and uncomforted -in soul. Then she died, and whom Ludovico -loved or did not love mattered not one whit -to her.</p> - -<p>But her death had been brutal, unexpected, -sudden, and acted upon Ludovico like a douche -of icy water. Passion for Lucrezia died brusquely -through the shock. Beatrice, had she known it, -had never been profoundly discarded, and the -thought of life without her had not formed part -of the Lucrezia madness.</p> - -<p>And suddenly she was dead. There had been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>102]</a></span> -no reconciliation. In the abruptness of her -collapse, there had not been an interval in which -to endear her back to joy. She had suffered great -pain, and then, in a forlorn and piteous weakness, -passed from existence.</p> - -<p>Ludovico’s grief became intense. His passionate -prostration was so unusual in the callousness -of the period, that every one talked about -it. He refused to have her name mentioned in -his presence, and when most widowers of that -time would have been thinking of a second wife, -he was still spoken of as caring nothing any -longer for his children, or his state, or for anything -on earth.</p> - -<p>Seven months after her death he continued -still apparently a changed man. He had become -religious, recited daily offices, observed fasts, and -lived “chastily and devoutly.” His rooms were -still draped in black, he took all his meals standing, -and every day went for a time to his wife’s -tomb in the church of St. Maria delle Grazie.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;"> -<a name="plate11" id="plate11"></a> -<img src="images/qotr11.jpg" width="700" height="318" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE EFFIGY OF BEATRICE D’ESTE<br /> -<span class="subcap">AT SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM</span></p> -</div> - -<p>His last action in connection with Beatrice -has a certain moving sentimentality. It was -when the miserable end of his adventure had -commenced, and he was obliged to escape from -Milan with all the haste he could. His safety -depended upon his swiftness. Knowing this, he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>103]</a></span> -nevertheless stopped at the church of St. Maria -delle Grazie, and stayed so long by the tomb of -his wife that the small group with him became -anxious for their own skins as well as his. He -came out at last with the tears streaming down -his face, and three times, as he rode away, he -looked back towards the church, as if all his heart -held dear lay there behind him.</p> - -<p>Not long afterwards he was captured, and his -captivity at Loches is one of the few inexcusable -stains upon Louis XII.’s character.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>104]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="chap03" id="chap03"></a>ANNE OF BRITTANY</h2> - -<p class="dates">1476-1514</p> -</div> - - -<p><span class="dropcap">W</span>ITH Anne of Brittany the Renaissance -entered France. She herself, though she -had her little fastidiousnesses, hardly -belongs to it. No artistic strain ran through her -temperament. She was an intelligent, but excessively -practical woman, who twice married -men of opposite dispositions from her own. Anne, -it is certain, never glowed at the thought of a -beautiful thing in her life, but both her husbands -did, and both, as a result of their Italian campaigns, -brought into France a variety of new and educative -lovelinesses. Charles VIII., Anne’s first -husband, and Louis XII., her second, gave the -primary impulse to the Renaissance movement -in France.</p> - -<p>As for Anne herself, though in the end she -appeals through a colossal weight of sorrow, one -feels her chiefly as a warning. Almost every -quality a woman ought to spend her strength in -avoiding, she hugged unconsciously to her soul, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>105]</a></span> -and every quality a woman needs as the basis of -her personality, she had not got. A woman should -be indulgence itself, and Anne indulged nobody; -a woman should be as a brimming receptacle of -sympathy, toleration, and forgiveness, and Anne -forgave no one, and tolerated nothing that went -against her. A woman should be—it is without -exaggeration her great essential—good to live -with, cosy, accommodating, an insidious wheedler, -almost without premeditation, not only into happiness, -but into righteousness of living. Now, Anne -could never have been cosy, and it is doubtful -whether, once safely married for the second time, -she would have condescended to wheedle any -one. She had not sufficient love to have a surplus -for distribution. Duties of some kinds she could -observe excellently, but there was no sub-conscious -sense that in marrying she was accepting -one of the subtlest posts of influence in the world. -She had not the capacity for understanding that -it is a woman’s adorable privilege to be <em>in herself</em> -so much, that the atmosphere of the house she -controls must in the end express principally her -personality. And nothing was more remote from -Anne’s intelligence than the secret triumph of -realizing how greatly the building up of character -is the charge intrusted to her sex by destiny.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>106]</a></span> -It was not her gift to make any house feel -warmer when she entered it. Her second -husband loved her—contrast is a frequent motive -for falling in love—but she could do nothing for -temperament. Character is not upheaved by -violences, and Anne was all imperatives and -despotism. Practical organizations are often -admirably conducted with these methods, and -as a housewife Anne attained considerable -proficiency; but the more immaterial achievements -are beyond the reaching power of a chill -autocracy.</p> - -<p>Born in 1476, she was the daughter of -Francis II. of Brittany, enemy of Louis XI. of -France. Her mother, Marguerite de Foix, died -when she was little more than a baby, and the -first thing one hears about the child Anne was, -as usual, concerned with the question of marriage. -At eight years old more than one suitor already -desired her hand. The English Prince of Wales -had been accepted, when his murder put an end -to the engagement. Then the widowed Archduke -of Austria, Maximilian, was seriously considered, -and for a short time Louis, Duke of -Orleans, subsequently her second husband, -numbered among those said to be possibly -acceptable. He was married already to Jeanne, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>107]</a></span> -daughter of Louis XI., but his dislike to the -woman forced upon him by her sinister parent had -never been disguised. A dispensation from the -Pope could at any time make another marriage -possible.</p> - -<p>The notion did not hold attention long, but -the man and the child, after all one day to come -together, were excellent friends during the period -when Anne was in the schoolroom. Louis of -Orleans, restless and discontented, could bear -anything better than the presence of his own -wife. Jeanne, who was not only deformed but -hideous, had wrung from her own father on one -occasion the remark, “I did not know she was -so ugly.” Curtained behind physical ungainliness, -her nature was white as snow and soft as -the breast of a bird; but though every thought -that came to her fused into tenderness, she lacked -the common gaieties needful for ordinary existence. -She had wanted to be a nun, and instead -they made her the wife of a boy who felt for her -nothing but an uncontrollable physical repulsion.</p> - -<p>Louis, when he fled to Brittany, did not take -her with him, and every writer is agreed that the -pretty, precocious child whom he found there, -and the dissatisfied husband, became the best of -comrades. One chronicler mentions that Anne -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>108]</a></span> -was flattered by the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">hommage</i> paid to her by -Louis, but it is very much in keeping with his -character to have been amused by a little creature -with all the airs and graces, and all the feminine -obstreperousnesses, that Jeanne did not possess. -Louis admired character, and even at nine years -old Anne must have required no trifling efforts -to manage.</p> - -<p>In 1488, her father, worsted at last by the -French, was obliged to come to terms with them. -Almost immediately afterwards he died, and -Anne, at twelve years old, became Duchess of -Brittany.</p> - -<p>It was, under the circumstances, a tragic -position for any child to be placed in, and Anne’s -little baby face and thin childish voice, at the -head of so forlornly placed a duchy, becomes -suddenly pathetic. She was no sooner proclaimed -her father’s successor, moreover, than France sent -to state that, since there were differences of opinion -concerning their respective rights to Brittany, she -should, pending the decision of arbitrators, not -take the title of duchess. The reply—firm but -cautious—amounted to the statement that Anne -had already convoked the states of Brittany, in -order to have the recent treaty made by her -father with France ratified.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>109]</a></span> -This answer the child probably had nothing -to do with, but, in the vital question of her -marriage, she suddenly revealed herself very -definitely the authoritative head of her own -dominions. All her ministers desired a marriage -with the Comte D’Albret, thought to be in a -position to help Brittany against the claws of -its enemy. D’Albret was a widower, old, ugly, -bad tempered, and the father of twelve children. -Anne hated him—he is said to have had a spotty -face—and the shrinking antipathy of children is -not controllable by reasons. Primarily she must -have felt a little frightened when both her governess, -and the great bearded men who controlled -affairs, informed her that, whatever her feelings, -the marriage must take place. Happily, she was -not timid, and she understood perfectly that she -had succeeded to the power of her father. She -refused point-blank to marry D’Albret. They -argued, coaxed, laboured with interminable explanations, -but the girl merely became mulish. -When their importunities allowed no other outlet, -she declared that sooner than marry him she -would enter a nunnery and become a nun. -Obstinacy such as this, when the child owed -subjection to nobody, was a thing to gasp at. -The tempers of her ministers must have been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>110]</a></span> -sorely tested, but the D’Albret marriage had in -the end to be abandoned.</p> - -<p>Maximilian was then brought forward once -more—a suitor towards whom Anne appears to -have been more tractable. It was necessary to -marry somebody. Maximilian she had never -seen, and therefore could regard to some extent -optimistically. At the worst he would be better -than D’Albret, and there was the chance that he -might be actually charming. Once she had consented -they gave her no time to change her mind. -Maximilian sent his favourite, Baron de Polhain, -to Brittany, and a marriage by proxy, according -to the German fashion, took place there. The -bride, having been dressed in her best frock, was -placed in her canopied bed, with the best pillows -at her head, and the best counterpane over her -small person, and in the presence of the necessary -witnesses, Polhain bared one leg to the knee and -introduced it into the bed. This brief and simple -ceremony rendered Anne a married woman, wife -of the King of Germany. For a year afterwards -in all proclamations she was called Queen, and -Maximilian Duke, of Brittany.</p> - -<p>Had he been rich, Maximilian might have -kept his wife and changed history. He was, -however, too poor to send assistance, and France -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>111]</a></span> -inordinately wanted Brittany. Anne’s position, -therefore, grew month by month more desperate, -until, after the town of Nantes had fallen, ultimate -defeat became inevitable. Brittany, unaided, was -a pigmy standing up to a colossus. What facts -the little duchess’s childish mind grew to understand -during the two years she ruled in Brittany -are hard to imagine. Every night her people -put her to bed knowing that the enemy crept, -hour by hour, nearer to her person. Every -morning fresh perplexities of state were tumbled -into her strained, embittered understanding. She -learnt by heart the cheerless vicissitudes of life -before she knew its kindling compensations. And -by nature Anne was proud, obstinate, prematurely -intelligent. This little thing was no dazed -creature propped up as a mere figure-head of -state by powerful officials. No one knew better -than Anne the value of her own position. If she -cried when the lugubriousness of her household -grew more patent, she cried, not from terror, -but from the bitter knowledge of utter powerlessness. -The mere thought of being conquered -roused a tempest in the fiery spirit of the child-duchess.</p> - -<p>She was fourteen when a compromise saved -her. Charles VIII., to settle matters more -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>112]</a></span> -securely than could be done by any temporary -conquest, proposed to marry his past antagonist. -When the proposal was first laid before her, -Anne naturally refused with a sickened fury and -vehemence. No extremity should drive her to -think submissively of the man whose ambition -had been the bane of her short existence. She -argued, moreover, that she was already the wife -of King Maximilian of Germany. But Brittany -was in sore distress, and once more all those with -power to persuade urged her to consider this -proposal as a godsend to her country. She would -not listen; every nerve in her body revolted -against this man, whose very proposal carried a -threat behind it. Finally a priest was called -upon to help the troubled counsellor, and the -poor girl, whose happiness throughout had been -the one thing nobody considered, was informed -that the Holy Church demanded this sacrifice for -the welfare of her people. She gave in then; -there remained no alternative open to her. An -interview took place, when the enemies of yesterday -fumbled with reluctant courtesies. Three -days later they were betrothed, the Duke of -Orleans being among the witnesses of the -ceremony.</p> - -<p>Anne at this time was, it is said, a pretty, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>113]</a></span> -fresh-looking girl, with an admirable carriage, for -all that one leg was slightly shorter than the other. -Charles VIII., on the other hand, could hardly -have been uglier. His head was too big for his -body, his eyes were prominent and expressionless, -his lips flabby. There was nothing in his -lethargic appearance to disarm Anne’s sullen -misery, and during their first poignant meeting -one can feel with certainty that she did nothing -to render easier the polite apologies stammered -out by the uneasy lover. But Charles’s manner -was gentleness and simplicity itself. Even Commines, -who considered him futile and childish, -says of it, “No man was ever more gentle and -kindly in speech. Truly I think he never in his -life said a thing to hurt any one; small of body -and ill-made, but so good, a better creature it -would be impossible to find.”</p> - -<p>The marriage once accomplished, Anne and -her husband started upon a triumphal journey -through Brittany. The marriage had been a -brutal necessity, and, for all her determination, -the girl of fourteen was in it only the tool of -the men and women who called themselves her -subjects. But once married, Charles showed the -utmost tactfulness. In the “History of the Dukes -of Brittany” we read, “The king, having against -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>114]</a></span> -his will, as it were, become her husband, omitted -nothing that could assuage the unhappiness their -marriage had caused her, behaving so well that -in the end she was quite satisfied with her new -life, and felt for this prince the greatest love and -tenderness.” But to have hated Charles would -seem to have been impossible. All writers are -unanimous as to the sweetness of his character -in personal intercourse.</p> - -<p>A good deal is known about Anne’s equipment -for her first journey as a married woman. -Her travelling dress was of black velvet trimmed -with zebeline, and her gown for best occasions -of gold material lined with ermine. Among the -furniture also were two beds—a serviceable one, -draped with black, white, and velvet cloth; and -another hung with gold brocade and bordered -with a heavy fringing of black.</p> - -<p>During the journey Anne received innumerable -wedding presents, and at the gates and -squares of every town plays were acted for the -two young people. Most of these were mystery -plays, but a certain number of farces were -introduced for variety. What these comic plays -were like can be gathered from the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Farce du -Cuvier</i>, famous a little later. It deals with a -hen-pecked husband, whose wife had provided a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>115]</a></span> -written list of his household duties in order to -jog his harried memory.</p> - -<p>One day, while washing the linen, his wife -fell into the copper. The conversation between -them is the dramatic moment of the play. I -quote it as given in Mr. Van Laun’s interesting -“History of French Literature.”</p> - -<blockquote> -<p><i>Wife</i> (<i>in the copper</i>). Good husband, save my life. I -am already quite fainting; give me your hand a while.</p> - -<p><i>Jacquemet.</i> It is not in my list....</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> Alas! oh, who will hear me? Death will -come and take me away.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> (<i>reading his list</i>). “To bake, to attend to the -oven, to wash, to sift, to cook.”</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> My blood is already quite changed. I am on -the point of death.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> (<i>continuing to read</i>). “To rub, to mend, to keep -bright the kitchen utensils ...”</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> Come quickly to my assistance.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> “To come, to go, to bustle, to run ...”</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> Never shall I pass this day.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> “To bake the bread, to heat the oven ...”</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> Ah, your hand; I am approaching my last -moment.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> “To bring the corn to the mill ...”</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> You are worse than a mastiff.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> “To make the bed early in the morning ...”</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> Oh, you think this is a joke.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> “And then to put the pot on the fire ...”</p> - -<p><i>Wife.</i> Oh, where is my mother, Jacquette?</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> “And to keep the kitchen clean....”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>116]</a></span> -<i>Wife.</i> Go and fetch the priest.</p> - -<p><i>Jac.</i> My paper is ended, but I tell you, without more -ado, that it is not on my list.</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>In the end, having wrung from her a promise -of docility, he helped her out. The farce concluded -with the joyful murmur, “For the future, -then, I shall be master, for my wife allows it.”</p> - -<p>But the great day of Anne’s youth was the -day of her coronation in France. No toy lay so -dear to her heart as a crown, and no one could -have felt more unspeakably proud and great -when, before an immense crowd of nobles and -people, her crowning took place at the church -of St. Denis. She wore a gown of pure white -satin, and hung her hair—which was long and -beautiful—in two great plaits over her shoulders. -St. Gelais de Montluc said of her at this time, -“It did one good to look at her, for she was -young, pretty, and so full of charm that it was a -pleasure to watch her.”</p> - -<p>Afterwards followed the unavoidable reaction, -when the ordinary routine of existence had to be -confronted. Anne’s position, once the glamorous -days of public functions were over, revealed -innumerable drawbacks. She was a little girl -in a strange country, surrounded by persons -unwilling to surrender either power or precedence. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>117]</a></span> -Anne of Beaujeu, the former Regent—harsh, -efficient, domineering—was the first power with -whom Anne suffered combat. Small questions -of precedence kindled the tempers of both. The -elder Anne loved power as much as the younger, -and was a woman few people cared to defy. -But the juvenile bride had been modelled a little -bit after the same pattern; she also possessed -indomitable qualities, and had no intention of -being a queen for nothing. The Regent—her -surprise must have been overwhelming—found -herself worsted. Sensible as well as proud, she -retired before any pronounced unseemliness had -occurred, and left the two young people to manage -the kingdom for themselves.</p> - -<p>But the period of domesticity between Charles -and Anne did not continue long. There was a -little love-making, a little house decorating, and -then came the momentous first invasion of Italy. -Commines, a shrewd and plain-spoken observer, -says a good deal about this Italian campaign, -which he accompanied. Both he and the Italian -historian Guicciardini refer with pronounced contempt -to Charles’s mismanagement of it, while -Commines goes so far as to state practically that -nothing but the grace of God kept the army from -annihilation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>118]</a></span> -While Charles was away time passed wearily -for Anne. Previously to her husband’s departure, -when barely fifteen years old, she had given birth -to her first baby, the needful son and heir. But to -make the days more empty and interminable, the -child was taken from her at the beginning of -hostilities. For safety’s sake he remained at the -castle of Amboise, strongly guarded by a hundred -of the Scottish guard. So carefully was he -protected, in fact, that when one of his godfathers, -François de Paule, came to see him, he was only -allowed to bring one other priest with him—a man -born in France, and one who had never been to -Naples. Unfortunately, no guards could save a -life so feeble as this child’s of a child-mother. -Almost immediately after Charles had come back -from Italy the little creature fell ill and died with -tragic suddenness.</p> - -<p>Before this, and after her husband’s safe -arrival, Anne is said to have been unprecedently -light-hearted. To exist for months, as she had -been doing, waiting hour after hour for the daily -courier’s arrival, was to become drained at last -of every feeling except a tortured expectancy. -Charles’s death would not only have made her a -widow, it would have taken her cherished crown -away from her also. To hold both safe again -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>119]</a></span> -relaxed even Anne’s cherished decorum of manner. -But the death of the Dauphin struck the newly -arisen gaiety abruptly out of her. She grieved -passionately, bewildered that God should do this -inexplicable and bitter thing to her. How fiercely -she rebelled is shown by the following incident. -Her friend of childish days, Louis, Duke of -Orleans, was now once more heir to the throne. -In a court of mourning he struck Anne as unduly -blithe and cheerful, and instantly her sore heart -revolted and hated him. Commines, who mentions -the circumstance, says that “for a long -time afterwards they did not speak.” As a matter -of fact, Anne insisted upon his removal from the -court circle. Louis retired to his own home at -Blois, where he fell back upon the hobbies of his -father, the childlike poet Louis of Bourbon, whose -poems he collected while he waited for his old -friend’s nerves to tranquillize.</p> - -<p>Charles meanwhile gladdened his spirit with -architectural interests. He had come back deeply -influenced by the beauty of Italian methods, and -having brought with him a crowd of Italian artists -and craftsmen.</p> - -<p>How the tumultuous Anne struck him after -the subtlety of Italian womenfolk is not mentioned. -The women of the Italian Renaissance -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>120]</a></span> -were an education in themselves. Charles had -been cajoled by Beatrice, had been knelt to by -Isabella of Aragon, had been flattered delicately -and unceasingly. His path to Rome had been -strewn with gracious ladies, all more consummate, -more complex, more highly wrought, as it were, -than his own house-bound countrywomen. Anne, -besides, could never have been a person of irresistible -daily whimsicalities. Fortunately, Charles -possessed strong domestic instincts, and in justice -to Anne it should be mentioned that she did not -show the same indifference to personal graces -usually associated with women of her practical -temperament. She had a few dainty vanities—was -particular about baths and washing in basins -all of gold; and had shoals of little scented sachets -placed between her linen and in the clothes she -wore, violets being her favourite perfume.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 452px;"> -<a name="plate12" id="plate12"></a> -<img src="images/qotr12.jpg" width="452" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">FROM THE <i>CALENDRIER</i><br /> -<span class="subcap">IN ANNE’S “BOOK OF HOURS”</span></p> -</div> - -<p>In the April after the Italian campaign the two -were at Amboise Castle, Charles, it is said, having -grown from an irresponsible youth into a ruler -actuated by definite tenderness for his people. -And then a tragic thing happened. On the -Saturday before Easter some of the household -were playing tennis in the courtyard. Anne and -Charles went to watch them play, but in passing -through a corridor known as the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>121]</a></span> -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Galerie Hacquelebac</i>—about to be pulled down—Charles -hit his head against the low frame of a doorway. -The accident seemed trivial, and for some time -he watched the players as if unaffected by it; but -suddenly, in the middle of a phrase, he dropped -mysteriously to the ground. Placed upon a -mattress, he lingered until the evening, and died -at eleven o’clock at night. He was then twenty-eight, -and Anne, struck brusquely from placid -trivialities to the supreme incident of existence, -was twenty-four.</p> - -<p>Louis of Orleans had become King of France. -Anne, huddled in a darkened room at Amboise, -cried for hours without ceasing. She sat forlornly -on the floor, and knew the uselessness of wordy -consolations. Charles had been good to her; the -future would have been full of pleasant habits. -Now he was dead, and there remained nobody -whose interests and hers were identical. Many -would be brazenly glad that she was cast down. -She who yesterday had been Queen of France, -was now nobody—a widow—whose crown, that -salient, exalting possession, belonged to the wife -of Louis. True, she was still Duchess of Brittany, -but she had suffered sufficient baneful experience -to know that they would soon try and wrench -that honour from her also.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>122]</a></span> -No efforts could appease her grief. A contemporary -nobleman, writing to his wife four days -after Charles’s death, remarked, “The queen still -continues the same mourning, and they cannot -pacify her.” How could they, when all that she -craved had been subtracted from her life? For -days she crouched upon the floor of a black-draped -room, desolately rebellious against the stupid -harshness of life. Hour after hour she moaned, -and cried, and wrung her hands. Nevertheless, -for all her stricken gestures, her brain worked well -enough. She began to write letters the day after -Charles’s death, and as soon as she had at last -been induced to eat, she signed an order to re-establish -the Chancellorship of Brittany. Courage -and intelligence continued intact for all the abasement -of her attitude. She wept, but as she wept -she thought out practical behaviour for the future.</p> - -<p>At the same time, there is no doubt that she -was genuinely disturbed and disconsolate. When, -after some days, they brought her the usual -charming white of royal widows, her pitiable and -comfortless thoughts mutinied instinctively against -its serenity and calm. She would not wear it: -black was the only hue that could meet the blackness -of her life—white revolted her as an equal -offence and mockery. With a dogged insistence -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>123]</a></span> -upon the hurt that tortured her, she set an -undesirable fashion, and through a tumultuous -intolerance of pain did away with an old prettiness -of custom.</p> - -<p>Three days after her widowhood her old -friend the new king called to express condolence. -Anne still repined in her darkened chamber. The -only light that fell upon her came from two great -candles. She had not risen when a bishop came -to offer consolation, but she probably did so now, -and made a grudging obeisance to the man who -had suddenly climbed above her.</p> - -<p>Louis XII.’s manners, to every woman save -his wife, were notoriously deferential. Anne, -moreover, was still very youthful, and in the -semi-darkness her great mass of shining hair -could not but have looked soft, and young, and -movingly incongruous with her sorrow. They -spoke of the dead man’s funeral. Anne expressed -the wish that nothing that could do honour to his -memory should be omitted. Louis answered -instantly that all her wishes were sacred, and did, -in fact, pay all the funeral expenses out of his -private purse. Then she stated her desire to -wear black as mourning, and once more Louis -acquiesced with a visible desire to spare her -feelings to the utmost of his capacity. In the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>124]</a></span> -soft, uncertain candlelight a new emotional quality -may well have appertained to the girl so harshly -and abruptly widowed. Surrounded by darkness, -her desolate youthfulness, and her pitiful desire to -obscure her youth in still more blackness, might -easily have stirred an old admirer to a renewal of -tenderness.</p> - -<p>Anne continued to moan a good deal for -several days, but it is questionable whether the -hidden excursions of her mind were so storm-beaten -after this visit as before it. The majority -of women have an intuitive knowledge of the -emotions felt by men when in their company, and -Anne possessed great powers of discernment. -She could perfectly understand that Louis XII. -wished desperately to retain Brittany. By the -terms of her marriage settlement it now indisputably -belonged to her once more. She also knew, -with an acute sense of the potentialities flung open -by the fact, that the idea of having his own marriage -annulled had become an invincible necessity -of his nature. The wayward brutality of her -conduct to him after the death of the Dauphin -might have chilled original kindliness of feeling; -but he had thought her charming previously, and -the desire for Brittany would naturally facilitate -the effort to find her charming henceforward.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>125]</a></span> -There is no doubt that Louis’s visit, at least -in some degree, alleviated depression; for a little -later, with the impetuosity that kept Anne from -being a totally dull woman, she said, in answer to -some remark of one of her ladies, that sooner -than stoop to a lower than her husband she would -be a widow all her days, adding, in the same -breath, that she believed she could still one day -be the reigning Queen of France if she should -wish it. A quaint writer of that time described -Anne accurately, but kindly, when he said, “The -greatness of heart of the queen-duchess was -beyond all belief, and could yield in nothing that -belonged to her, neither suffer that she should not -have entire control of it.”</p> - -<p>But her statement was literally correct. While -she lived in the strict retirement of mourning, -writing lucid, emphatic letters to Brittany, the -new king flung himself into the business of repudiating -Louis XI.’s daughter. It is an episode -that considerably smirches the propriety of Anne—afterwards -a great upholder of propriety—for -several further visits took place between the -black-robed widow and the new king, and that -they did not meet merely to extol the merits of -the dead husband soon became apparent. Charles -died in April, and in August two acts, dated on -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>126]</a></span> -the same day, were passed. In the one Anne -consented to marry Louis so soon as his present -marriage should be annulled in Rome, and in the -second Louis agreed to give back to the duchess -the two towns of Nantes and Fougeres, if by -death or other impediment he should prove -unable to marry her within a year.</p> - -<p>The divorce was not a difficult one to obtain. -Alexander needed French assistance for the -aggrandisement of Cæsar Borgia, and sent him -personally with the Bull to Louis. Then a -tribunal, formed of a cardinal, two bishops, and -other minor dignitaries, sat upon the case and -called upon the queen to appear in person. Both -she and the council knew that the inquiry was -a degrading and unmerciful farce. Nevertheless, -for form’s sake, endless questions were put to the -woman who was at one and the same time both -so ugly and so beautiful. They questioned her -concerning her father, Louis XI., pressing to -obtain involuntary exposures. Jeanne’s sensitive -and finely poised reserve could not be splintered -by insistence. “I am not aware of it,” or “I do -not think so,” were all that her lips yielded. She -rendered even distress a little lovely by the -silence in which she sheltered it. In reality, -Louis’s memory must have been essentially -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>127]</a></span> -painful. For, like her husband, he had unremittingly -hated her. As a child her tutor was -even in the habit of hiding her in his robe for -safety if by chance Louis met them in a corridor.</p> - -<p>From family discords the court passed to the -question of her marriage. Bluntly, they informed -the martyred woman that she was a deformity. -“I know I am not as pretty or as well made as -most women,” was the answer, that seemed to -carry a lifetime’s tears below its plaintiveness. -They insisted further that she was not fit for -marriage. Then a little anguished humanness -seems to have fluttered for a moment through -her patient spirit. “I do not think that is so. -I think I am as fit to be married as the wife of -my groom George, who is quite deformed, and -yet has given him beautiful children.” But all -the while both she and those who questioned -her knew with perfect clarity that neither questions -nor answers could affect the ultimate issue. They -were but a mean and vulgar form gone through -to blind the judgment of the people. Louis XII. -denied that their union had ever passed beyond -the marriage service. Once more Jeanne fell -back upon grave words conveying nothing. “I -want,” she answered, “no other judges than the -king himself. If he swears on oath that the facts -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>128]</a></span> -brought against me are true, I consent to condemnation.”</p> - -<p>That gave all they needed, and the marriage -was declared null and void. For the last time -Jeanne and Louis went through the discomfort -of an interview, and for once, and once only, -Jeanne’s consummate self-immolation drew tears -from her husband. Then she passed out of his -existence, and became, what she had always -desired to be, a nun. In one of the sermons -preached on the anniversary of her death, it was -said of her, “She was so plain that she was -repudiated by her husband; she was so beautiful -that she became the bride of Jesus Christ.”</p> - -<p>Anne and Louis were then delivered from all -impediments, and in the year after Charles’s -death were married at the Nantes Cathedral. -The marriage settlement drawn up was entirely -advantageous to Anne. Undoubtedly Louis -loved her. In his time many kinds of women -had engrossed him, for he was a man who, as one -writer puts it kindly, “did not disdain the pastime -of ladies.” But after many love affairs, and -much knowledge of women’s subtleties, he finally -surrendered to the charms of a woman possessed -of no subtleties of any sort.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 429px;"> -<a name="plate13" id="plate13"></a> -<img src="images/qotr13.jpg" width="429" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">ANNE KNEELING<br /> -<span class="subcap">FROM THE “BOOK OF HOURS”</span></p> -</div> - -<p>The attraction is difficult to account for. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>129]</a></span> -Possibly Anne held him through his domestic -leanings, and through her own indomitable force -of character. The monotonies of guilty love -episodes may have given a restful grace to -placid respectability; Louis knew by heart every -cankering perversity inherent to the women -who are not virtuous, and probably, therefore, -set additional store by one possessing at least -a steadfast and limpid purity. How much -virtue in a woman, when she was not Jeanne, -appealed to him is clear from a remark made -some years later. It had reference to Anne’s -aggressiveness. Some one complained of it to -Louis. His answer offered no consolation, but -expressed a definite attitude of mind. He remarked -merely, “One must forgive much to a -virtuous woman.”</p> - -<p>Anne’s affection for Louis is more immediately -comprehensible. He was peculiarly lovable, -though almost as ugly as Charles himself. He -had a low forehead, prominent ruminating eyes, -a sensual, affectionate mouth, high cheek-bones, -and a flabby skin. It was the face of a man who -liked life as it was, and people as they were; -there appeared in it no desire for illusions of any -kind. He had in his own nature all the sympathetic -weaknesses, and his expression conveyed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>130]</a></span> -the easy tolerance of a nature which had at least -used experience as a school of understanding. A -Venetian ambassador once called him “a child -of nature,” and he was essentially natural, with -an almost childlike trustfulness, not so much of -manner as of opinion. He ruled—save for his -unfortunate passion to possess a piece of Italy—like -a man preoccupied with the happiness of his -children. The people adored him. If money -had to be raised, he made personal sacrifices -rather than burden the poor with additional -taxation, while his home policy was persistently -humane and sensible. Historians rarely do him -justice. Because he failed to prove a great -diplomatist, they ignore his possession of a -delightful personality. In regard to Italy, he -was plainly foolish; but then Italy stood for the -romance of life—the adventure that drew the -commonplace out of existence. Even specialized -astuteness could have blundered easily in the -cunning complications of international politics at -that crisis, and Louis went to Italy, not out of -policy, but literally because he could not keep -himself away from it.</p> - -<p>Though in private life his interests were -largely intellectual, he had always a certain strain -of cordial earthliness. The “pastime of ladies” -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>131]</a></span> -he is said to have given up entirely after his -second marriage, but good dinners and good wine -he liked to the end of life. When Ferdinand of -Aragon was told that Louis complained of being -twice cheated by him, he exclaimed exultantly, -“He lies, the <em>drunkard</em>; I have cheated him more -than ten times.”</p> - -<p>Anne stood for his antithesis. She was regrettably -without small weaknesses, and she forgave -nobody. When Louis came to the throne -he remarked, “It would ill become the King of -France to avenge the wrongs of the Duke of -Orleans.” But if any one hurt Anne, she could -not rest until a greater hurt had been flung back -upon the offender. Once a grown woman, and -married to Louis, she was, except from the point -of view of housewifery, almost completely a -failure. She might have had more flagrant vices -and aroused compassionate affection. But she -was pre-eminently respectable, pious, hedged in -by sedate rules of conduct. And all the time -one of the most corroding sins possible flourished -in her to offend posterity. Anne’s revengefulness -is like a blight, destroying the grace of her -femininity.</p> - -<p>Happily she was generous, and generosity is -a sweet redemption of much crookedness. She -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>132]</a></span> -loved to give presents. After her second marriage -she kept a gallery full of jewellery and -precious stones, which she gave from time to -time to the “wives of the captains or others who -had distinguished themselves in the wars, or faithfully -served her husband Louis.” Also, she -never denied the tragic clamour of the poor. -Mezerai wrote: “You saw thousands of poor -waiting for her alms, whenever she left the -palace.”</p> - -<p>Of the private life led by Anne and Louis an -unusual amount is known. They got up at six -in summer and seven in winter. They had their -dinner at eight or nine in the morning. At two -o’clock they took some light refreshments. By -five or six supper was served, and either at eight -or nine o’clock they went to bed, after having a -glass of wine and some spiced cakes. An old -rhyme of the period might have been written for -them—</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“To rise at five, and dine at nine,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Sup at five, and sleep at nine,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Keeps one alive until ninety-nine.”<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Louis passed the larger part of the day occupied -with state matters. To quicken recognition -of the gravity of a ruler’s efforts, he read fragmentarily -but constantly Cicero’s “Treatise on -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>133]</a></span> -Duties;” it was to him like a spring of stimulating -waters. When he had nothing else to do, -he made love to his “Bretonne”—the name, for -intimate use, given by him to Anne. She could -have stirred no poetic imaginings, but she was -comfortable to his nature. Domesticity and the -hearthside securities were expressed by her.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, Anne ruled her household after the -manner of an austere schoolmistress. Like all -unimaginative people, she shrank from any form -of waywardness, and none was permitted near her -person. Her court grew to be spoken of as a -school of good conduct for girls of the upper -classes. Whether because she took so many or not, -the beds for the rooms of the maids of honour -were six feet long by six feet wide, so that several -girls slept in the same bed—a little row of heads -on one long pillow. No maids of honour were -allowed to address a man save with an audience -in the room. When the king went hunting, Anne -sat surrounded by intimidated ladies, all sedately -at work upon huge pieces of tapestry.</p> - -<p>Even their recreations had to be of a sober -and cautious nature. Françoise D’Alençon, the -sister-in-law of Margaret D’Angoulême, is reported -to have kept intact the traditions of Anne’s court, -and the following quotation is a description of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>134]</a></span> -how her household was managed. “She made -all her ladies also come into the room, and after -having looked at them one by one, she called -back any whose bearing struck her as plebeian or -wanting in propriety. She scolded any whose -dress was not as it should be. Then she -examined each one’s work, and if there was a -fault, righted it, and if the little progress made -showed negligence and laziness, scolded the -worker pretty sharply. As to their morals, she -allowed none of them to have any conversation -alone with any man, nor suffered any conversation -before them not strictly proper and honourable.... -As to their pastimes and festivals, this prudent -princess did not keep them so strictly but that -they were allowed to walk about, and play in the -gardens or in some honourable house; or that they -‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">balassent</i>,’ or played the guitar, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">d’espinettes</i>, or -other musical instruments, recommended by the -nobility and other honourable minds; or that they -should sing modestly and religiously in their -room, which she often made them do in her -presence, and while she herself joined them. But -she never allowed them to sing other songs -than the Psalms of David, or the songs of the -dead Queen of Navarre. She did as much for -their literature, for as she herself only read the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>135]</a></span> -Scriptures, or some historical biography which -contained no false doctrine, so she would not -allow her ladies to read anything else either.”</p> - -<p>With insignificant alterations the picture conveys -as accurately Anne’s method of management -as that of the inflexible Françoise D’Alençon. -Perhaps of the two Anne’s control permitted -more brightness to stray through its severity. -There were occasional dances at the court, as -well as journeys from one town to another. -But it was not Anne’s destiny to retain either -of her husbands comfortably at her elbow. -Though Louis loved both his wife and his people, -the desire for adventure fretted the surface of his -domestic life. Before Anne gave birth to their -first baby, he had already gone to struggle for a -piece of the country which perpetually ensnared -him with abnormal and inexplicable longings.</p> - -<p>During the first expedition Ludovico Sforza -was taken prisoner. In this one matter Louis’s -conduct freezes one’s blood. He brought Il -Moro to France, and imprisoned him underground -at the castle of Loches, while to increase -safety he was placed every night in an iron cage. -For ten years Ludovico endured this extreme -limit of mental and physical privation, his magnificent -physique refusing to admit Death sooner. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>136]</a></span> -But even at this distance of time it is not possible -to think without unhappiness of the destroying -agony of such imprisonment.</p> - -<p>While Louis was in Italy, Anne wrote to him -daily. A little letter from her proving that -Louis was both affectionate and in love is still in -existence. It commenced, “A loving and beloved -wife writes to her husband, still more beloved, -the object both of her regrets and her pride, led -by the desire of glory far from his own country. -For her, poor <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">amante</i>, every moment is full of -terrors. To be robbed of a prince more lover -than husband, what a terrible anguish it is!” -The words “more lover than husband” reveal -the practice of constant minor and endearing -attentions.</p> - -<p>A miniature painting of the period discloses -Anne writing one of these daily letters. She sits -in her bedroom, clearly used as a sitting-room as -well. Her black gown trails consequentially upon -the floor, but her table and seat are both perfectly -unpretentious. Round her, on the ground, sit her -ladies-in-waiting, intensely docile and industrious. -Besides being disciplined in an outward meekness, -they were, it would seem, obliged to adopt a -court uniform, since in all the pictures they are -dressed absolutely alike. Anne’s inkstand and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>137]</a></span> -pen are both gold, and a little handkerchief is set -conveniently near to wipe the seemly tears that -should blur her eyes as she writes. At the back -is a charming four-poster, rich and radiant with -opulent gold hangings.</p> - -<p>When Louis returned to France, society flung -its eager frivolity into a series of organized rejoicings. -But already to Anne life was beginning -to imply unrestfulness. Louise de Savoie had a -son Francis; and unless Anne gave birth to one -later, this child became heir to the throne of -France. The two women hated each other with -an almost equally tortured intensity; certainly -from this time forward Louise spoiled the peace -of Anne’s existence. Even without the poignant -person of Francis, Duc D’Angoulême, some friction -would still have been unavoidable. Anne -clung to sober and steadfast if uninspired propriety; -Louise de Savoie in conduct had no -morals, no restraint, and no delicate prejudices -whatsoever. Her brain teemed with complexities, -exaggerations, and superlatives. She saw everything -through a falsifying excitement, while to -weave a lie was one degree more comfortable to -her than to speak veraciously. In appearance also -the advantages were on her side, and possessing -an intuitive gift for understanding the worst of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>138]</a></span> -men, her society was dangerously flattering and -easy to them.</p> - -<p>Anne flinched, both at the other’s conduct -and at her possession of an heir to the French -throne. Fleurange, who knew Anne well, said -that there was never an hour but these two houses -were not quarrelling. Both women, as the years -passed, grew to have a constant piercing apprehension -that killed all abiding buoyancy of -feeling. In Anne’s case the anguish was far the -sharper and the more pitiful. Again and again -she throbbed at the expectation of motherhood, -and after nine overwrought months, when to both -women the suspense had grown almost more than -they could suffer, a girl, or a boy born dead, came -to crush the vitality out of Anne’s brave spirit.</p> - -<p>After the birth of Claude a still keener edge -was given to disquietude. Almost immediately -arose the question of a marriage between the girl -and Francis. For years, with all the passionate -fierceness of her nature, Anne fought to ward off -this triumph for her adversary and to marry the -child to a different husband. In 1501 a temporary -victory expanded her heart. The baby -became promised to the Duke of Luxembourg, -afterwards Charles V., son of the Archduke -Philip of Austria. This engagement continued -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>139]</a></span> -for several years. Then Louis realized that the -probability of his having a son had grown very -small, and that under these conditions the Austrian -marriage would be in the last degree impolitic. -For some reason not stated, he and Anne stumbled -at this period into a serious breach of tenderness. -His attitude to the question of Claude’s marriage -may have roused her to a despairing fury. To -surrender the little plain girl she delighted in, to -the son of the woman she abominated, was a hard -thing to do—too hard for a heart already contracted -with useless yearnings. Louis met her -strenuous obstinacy with an implacable conclusiveness. -The pulse of the nation beat, he -knew, for the young D’Angoulême, who was “all -French;” and his own opinion could be summed -up in one sentence—that “he preferred to marry -his mice to rats of his own barn.”</p> - -<p>A chill, destroying discord rose between the -married lovers, who had once known such warmth -in each other’s presence. Louis, stung out of -placidity, even commenced to snub the proud and -suffering woman struggling against his wishes. -During one of the recurring discussions upon -the same subject, he informed her that “at the -creation of the world horns were given to the -doe as well as to the stag, but the doe venturing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>140]</a></span> -to use these defences against her mate, they were -taken from her.” If he had whipped Anne, the -sense of stinging humiliation could hardly, one -imagines, have been sharper. For no woman -bore herself with a more unyielding dignity before -witnesses, and the remark was not made beyond -the reach of auditors.</p> - -<p>In 1505, Anne, fretted, sore of heart, beaten -and discouraged, went to Brittany. The actual -reason of her going is not given, but having gone -she stayed there, and more, wrote no longer daily -letters to “her loving and beloved.” Outwardly she -was happy—held magnificent receptions, and went -interesting journeys from one town to another. -Clearly it was rest of heart to be away. Home -had become a place of piercing bitterness, of -rending and exhausting antagonisms. On a vital -question she and Louis pulled different ways. -Here in Brittany friction and sorrow lulled a little. -Her nerves took rest, and her heart forgot at -intervals.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 415px;"> -<a name="plate14" id="plate14"></a> -<img src="images/qotr14.jpg" width="415" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">ST. HELENA<br /> -<span class="subcap">FROM ANNE’S “BOOK OF HOURS”</span></p> -</div> - -<p>That she flinched from return as from a -renewal of intolerable provocation is unmistakable. -In the September of 1505 she was at -Rennes; and while she was there, Louis’s friend, -the Cardinal D’Amboise—upon whose death -Pope Julius II. “thanked God he was now Pope -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>141]</a></span> -alone”—wrote with a hint of distraction concerning -the gravity of her prolonged absence from -France. He said, “The king sent for me this -afternoon, madame. I have never seen him so -put out, as also I understand from Gaspar, to -whom he spoke in my presence.” The letter -concluded with an urgent appeal that she should -return and “so satisfy the king and also stop -strangers from gossiping.”</p> - -<p>Four days afterwards he wrote again: -“Although wonderfully pleased at the assurance -you send me of making all possible haste to -return to court, I am deeply distressed that you -do not mention any date. I do not know what -to answer the king, who is in the greatest perplexity.... -I wish to God I was with you.... I -can only say that I grieve with all my heart -that you and the king no longer speak frankly to -one another.” Still she lingered, like a person -bathing weary limbs in warm and soothing waters. -Amboise, seeing the oncoming of permanent -alienation, wrote again, “For God’s sake don’t -fall, you and the king, into these moods of mutual -distrust, for if it lasts neither confidence nor love -can hold out, not to speak of the harm that can -come of it, and the contempt of the whole -Christian world.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>142]</a></span> -In the end Anne drew upon her tired courage -and came back. Once together again, moreover, -she and Louis must have yielded to gentler -feelings, for two children were born afterwards. -But from this time to the end Anne never again -felt the glow of life really stream upon her—a -chill loneliness sapped capacity for pleasure. -Once Louis exchanged the lover for the husband, -they possessed no mental companionableness to -fall back upon. They saw few things with the -same emotion, and for successful marriage this -is the primal necessity. Anne was intuitively -religious, and Louis had been excommunicated—without -visible disturbance—for his exploits in -the second Italian campaign. To increase a -marked sense of the difference between their -views, Brittany had been excluded from the -excommunication.</p> - -<p>Everything for Anne had grown a little out -of gear—a little hurtful and antagonistic. Claude -was lame and not pretty—Louise’s handsome -son and daughter were adored by everybody.</p> - -<p>Moreover, she had been coerced and disregarded; -for all her excessive stateliness men knew -her as a humiliated and beaten woman. Before -Louis left for the third Italian campaign, the betrothal -of Claude to Francis had been ratified. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>143]</a></span> -Deputies from the different departments had -visited Louis at Plessis-les-Tours. They called -him “Father of his people;” then upon bent -knees begged that he would “give madame your -only daughter to Monsieur François here present, -who is a thorough Frenchman.” Both Louis and -the kneeling deputies shed tears, but though a -sentimental emotion fluttered them in passing, the -scene was essentially an organized drama, gone -through in order to cut the last possible ground -of resistance from under Anne’s feet. Two days -later Francis, aged eleven, and Claude, aged six, -were formally promised to one another.</p> - -<p>There is one more outstanding incident in -Anne’s life—her bitter warfare with the great -Marechale de Gie. It has been called the inexcusable -stain upon her reputation. The story -certainly leaves her nakedly crude, fiercely elemental, -but at least upon this occasion a glaring -provocation roused her to fury. Louis fell ill. -He had enjoyed his youth too coarsely, and paid -heavily in after years for the absence of more -delicate cravings. Anne nursed him with an -affection made quick through terror. “She never -left his room all day, and did everything she was -able herself.” But Louis failed to get better. -Each day he drew nearer the purlieus of finality; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>144]</a></span> -his doctors perceived no possibility even of -return. Then Anne, sitting wearily by the bedside -of the sick man, did undoubtedly think of -practical matters. She remembered Louise and -their mutual hatred. Historians express disgust -at what followed, but in reality there is nothing -to be deeply disgusted about. The brain in -times of tense, overwrought excitement is assailed -by many discordant and trumpery remembrances. -Anne, alert and nervous both, gazed at the sinking -patient, and recalled the valuable furniture, -jewellery, and plate, whose possession might be -contested later. Had she been a woman of -momentous feeling, the knowledge could equally -have flashed through her kindled intelligence, -but would have left it bitterly indifferent. Anne -was not strung with overwhelming affections, and -her predominating common sense saw that after -this man’s death she had still a future to -organize. Without relaxing one personal nursing -labour, she gave rapid orders to the household, -until all the articles stated as hers in the -marriage contract were despatched by ship to -Brittany.</p> - -<p>Gie had long ago placed his interests upon -the side of the power to follow. Being informed -of the queen’s arrangements, he stopped her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>145]</a></span> -vessels, definitely refusing to allow them to leave -the country.</p> - -<p>There was a certain reckless temerity in the -action; but Louis, it was understood, could not -live more than a few hours, and the new king -would know how to reward such strenuous adroitness -in his interests. But in this matter Gie -was unlucky.</p> - -<p>Louis suddenly—and apparently unreasonably—abandoned -the notion of dying. From extreme -collapse he rapidly recovered, and immediately -afterwards banished Gie from court. There are -slight variations in the story—in one account -Anne was labouring to remove Claude to -Brittany as well—but the above is the account -given by the greatest number.</p> - -<p>For a short time Gie remained thankfully at -his magnificent place in the country, clutching at -the fact that his punishment went very comfortably -with his instincts. But Anne’s heart was -too primitive for trivial retaliations. Mezerai -did not say for nothing, “She was terrible to -those who offended her.” Presently Gie received -a summons to answer to the charges of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">lèse-majesté</i> -and peculation, was arrested, and after -being treated with a shameless brutality, received -a verdict of guilty, with a loss of all honours and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>146]</a></span> -five years’ banishment from court. The ugliest -part of a story—in which from the beginning -everybody behaved with a rather ignoble sagacity—is -the report that Anne openly stated that she -did not desire the Marechale’s death, since death -gave relief from suffering, and she chafed for him -to live and feel all the misery of being low when -he had been high; in other words, that she -craved a long and cankering duration to his -discomfiture.</p> - -<p>After the birth of another daughter—the child -Renée, subsequently to be Duchess of Ferrara—Anne’s -last fragment of happiness died in her. -Jean Marot, father of the famous Clement Marot, -referred to her in some verses with a singular -realism and comprehension. He wrote—</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“At this time was in Lyons<br /></div> -<div class="i0">The uneasy queen. Always in grief<br /></div> -<div class="i0">For the regrets her tired heart<br /></div> -<div class="i2">Bore incessantly.”<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>She was, in truth, tired to death of the involved -labour of life. Thoughts of the complacent, unprincipled, -mendacious Louise de Savoie, whose -son was heir to the throne of France, fermented -in her blood, and kept her heart from beating -contentedly. From the time of Renée’s birth -she surrendered to an uncontested weakliness. -Though she became <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">enceinte</i> again shortly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>147]</a></span> -afterwards, hope scarcely fluttered, and her physical -condition bore witness to a mind past any salutary -optimism. She had already given birth to three -sons, not one of whom had lived, and throughout -the household it was recognized that she lacked -good fortune in motherhood.</p> - -<p>In 1512, some one wrote: “The queen is in -great pain, and her baby is expected at the end -of this month or the beginning of next. But -there is not the fuss and excitement here that -was made over the others.”</p> - -<p>The child came, but the triumphant Louise -records the event in her diary with cynical cheerfulness: -“... His birth will not hinder the -exaltation of my Cæsar, for the infant was born -dead.”</p> - -<p>Anne, worn and heartbroken in her second -best bed—always used for <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">accouchements</i>—becomes -at last entirely touching. She was by this time -ultimately and irremediably beaten. The child -had been a son, but was dead. “She took -pleasure in nothing afterwards,” said D’Argentre, -while she continued so ill that most of the time -she had to stay in bed. Louis, back from -renewed disasters in Italy, found her there on -his return. Shortly afterwards—on the 9th of -February, 1514—she died.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>148]</a></span> -Louis grieved considerably. The flaring heat -of latter quarrels had burnt up much original -tenderness, but De Seyssel’s statement that Louis -“loved her so that in her he had placed all -his pleasure and delight,” was an approximate -interpretation of their position until vital antagonisms -sharpened the tongues of both.</p> - -<p>Anne was given a sumptuous funeral. The -arrangements for it, could she have known them, -would have caused her exquisite pleasure. For -six days she lay in her own room, prayed for -unceasingly. Then she was placed upon a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lit de -Parade</i>, and covered with a pall of gold cloth -bordered with ermine, the fur represented by the -coat-of-arms of Brittany. She lay underneath -this, with white gloves upon her hands, and a -crown upon her head; her dress was of purple -velvet, and on each side were cushions holding -the Sceptre and the Hand of Justice.</p> - -<p>After the funeral Louis sent her heart in a -golden case to be entombed in Brittany. On the -casket was written—</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“In this small vessel<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Of pure, fine gold<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Rests the greatest heart<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Of any woman in the world.”<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>But as a matter of fact, the one great -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>149]</a></span> -drawback to Anne was that she had not heart -enough. Her presence inspired neither tenderness -nor laughter, her society neither encouraged -nor comforted. And the consequence was that -nobody could have been missed less. On the -whole she had been a good woman; except in -times of tumultuous temper, she had endeavoured -to live conscientiously and reasonably. Only she -possessed no deep-dwelling sympathies; consequently -when she died she was dead immediately. -It is the people who kindle perpetually at the needs -of others who live for years in the hearts of those -they have penetrated.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>150]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="chap04" id="chap04"></a>LUCREZIA BORGIA</h2> - -<p class="dates">1480-1519</p> -</div> - - -<p><span class="dropcap">O</span>F all the famous women of the Renaissance, -Lucrezia Borgia is, in one sense, though -in one sense only, the most disappointing. -There are a great number of books dealing with -her personality, but little real information. Few -personal friends reveal more of themselves than -Margaret D’Angoulême, Anne of Brittany, or -Beatrice D’Este. What is evasive about them -is pleasantly evasive, since every woman should -retain a little that is inexplicable. But Lucrezia -Borgia evades altogether. There is nothing, -from beginning to end, comprehensible to seize -upon. All the facts of her life are ascertainable, -but never a word concerning the temperament -that to a certain extent gave life to them. The -events of the first half of her existence are -begrimed with evil, but the evil is so involved -and extraordinary, so little in keeping with the -second half of her existence, and in many -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>151]</a></span> -instances so dubious, that it scarcely adheres to -her. In the end she emerges with such inherent -calm, such effulgent gentleness, that the whole -story of her Roman days has an air, not only -of inapplicability, but of extraneousness. The -actions of that early period seem to cling to her -little more than the unconscious proceedings of a -sleep-walker.</p> - -<p>To disarm once and for all any preconceived -prejudice, it is only necessary to look at the -supposed portrait of her as St. Catherine, painted -by Pintorricchio. In that she is adorable. To -believe in the absolute baseness of a creature -with such an expression is not possible. Looking -at it, do we see anything save a child, nearly -grown up in years, but with a little brain absolutely -muddled and unreasonable? Exquisitely -plaintive and helpless, the figure seems surely -as if its youth appealed against it knew not -what. The creature is all prettiness, weakness, -and grace. Standing with slender hands in a -useless attitude, her expression appears destitute -of any vital understandings, but conveys instead -the very essence of the sweetness and dependence -possible to femininity. The little mouth -is weak but endearing, the little chin weak but -tender-hearted. The whole face, framed in its -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>152]</a></span> -loose and volatile hair, exhales a gentle, childish -passivity. Only in the eyes lurks an unconscious -wistfulness, as if they knew or foreboded being -involved in many tragic contemplations. There -is no evil anywhere—there is no <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">parti pris</i>, in -fact, of any sort. A soft perplexity is perhaps the -strongest impression given.</p> - -<p>The other likeness of her, stamped upon a -medal, and known incontestably to be a portrait, -is not so lovable. But no woman’s charm could -be conveyed in the few hard lines of a profile -struck upon a medal. There is no possible -opportunity to convey more than an accentuated -impression of nose, chin, and forehead. In the -medal Lucrezia’s gift of gaiety, here almost -saucy, is the chief characteristic visible.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 547px;"> -<a name="plate15" id="plate15"></a> -<img src="images/qotr15.jpg" width="547" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF LUCREZIA IN ST. CATHERINE AND THE ELDERS<br /> -<span class="subcap">BY PINTORRICCHIO</span></p> -</div> - -<p>This power to be continuously gay, which -was so markedly to distinguish her all her -life, was perhaps the only good quality Alexander -was able to transmit to his daughter; but by -this one quality alone, almost, Lucrezia finally -lifted herself away—as if it had been solely a -cloak thrust about her by the brutality of others—from -the darkness of her original reputation. -Now one is chiefly conscious of a creature -courageously cheerful; a creature continuously -desirous to please, to convey gentle impressions, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>153]</a></span> -to smooth out everything into pleasantness. -Having carefully and repeatedly read the various -books upon her, the feeling left is actually of a -woman who understood, up to a point, her -woman’s business uncommonly well, but who -suffered sore mishandling during the early crucial -years of her existence. The moment they took -her out of the undesirable surroundings in which -she had been reared, nothing but brave, becoming -laughter and comfortable domesticity—Ruskin’s -demand that a woman should bring -“comfort with pleasantness”—issued from her. -Obviously there were no roots of evil to renew -themselves; at the worst there had been only -a nature over-adaptable to outside forces, and a -temperament not forceful in powers of resistance.</p> - -<p>Born in 1480, she was the daughter of -Alexander, then known as Cardinal Rodriguez, -and Vanozza Cataneri, a woman whose origin -is obscure, but who was certainly educated, and -who had two husbands, Giorgio di Croce, and -later, when Alexander had turned to younger -idols, a certain Carlo Canali, an author of some -reputation in his day. During her babyhood -Lucrezia remained with her mother in a house -close to the cardinal’s. But later, though why -or when is not known, she was taken from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>154]</a></span> -Vanozza and given into the care of Madonna -Adrienne, a widow, and a connection of the -cardinal’s, said by Gregorovius to be also -“very deep” in the Spaniard’s confidence. The -atmosphere of Madonna Adrienne’s house could -not have created for Lucrezia early impressions -of delicate or winning conduct—she had no -groundwork afterwards of moving ideals to fall -back upon. There is one incident which lets in -all the daylight necessary upon the character of -Lucrezia’s guardian. Julia Farnese was her son’s -wife, and it was with her mother-in-law’s complete -acquiescence that the girl became Alexander’s -acknowledged mistress. There is something, -therefore, under the flagrant circumstances of the -case almost offensive in the fact that Adrienne -had the child carefully instructed in religious -observances, though, for that matter, they were -all religious, these women of undesirable conduct. -Vanozza, for instance, built a chapel, and was -looked upon as deeply devout long before -Alexander’s death.</p> - -<p>Lucrezia’s intellectual education took the -same surface quality as her spiritual one. The -Renaissance ideas of culture for women had not -penetrated to Rome, and the child underwent a -very different schooling from the D’Estes, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>155]</a></span> -Gonzagas, and so many others. Her chief -facility appears to have been in the matter of -languages. Bayard, in 1512, said of her, “She -speaks Spanish, Greek, Italian, and French, and -a little and very correctly Latin; she also writes -and composes poems in all these languages.” -Moral sense must have remained absolutely -sheathed. None of the set who brought her -up would have dared to instil so dangerous -and disturbing a quality. In Pintorricchio’s -portrait there is no sign of a living conscience, -though she might well from her expression be -wistfully looking for it, aware of something -wanting.</p> - -<p>When Lucrezia was eleven years old, besides, -a new impropriety was added to the number -already submersing ordinary moral comprehension. -It was then that Julia Farnese, aged -sixteen, became Alexander’s mistress. There -was no concealment, and Lucrezia became unhesitatingly -involved in the new arrangements. -To her the circumstance wore no more unnatural -air than marriage. The child had never been -in an atmosphere of customary domesticity since -she was born; her playfellows were almost all the -children of other cardinals, and in thinking of -her life it should be remembered that few minds -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>156]</a></span> -question easily the standards of conduct grown -familiar since early childhood.</p> - -<p>She was herself already engaged to two -people. Alexander, looking at this time to his -own country for a good match for his daughter, -had formally promised her hand to a Spaniard. -In the same year, considering it a better bargain, -he also affianced her to a certain Don Gasparo; -so that the child had actually two prospective -husbands at one time. Nothing came of either. -In 1492, Innocent VII. died, and Rodriguez -Borgia was elected Pope in his place, assuming -the name of Alexander. He had always notably -pleasant manners, but Giovanni de Medici, -looking at the new Pope, remarked, nevertheless, -under his breath, “Now we are in the -jaws of a ravening wolf, and if we do not flee -he will devour us.” He devoured a good many, -though his primary policy was widespread propitiation.</p> - -<p>For Lucrezia, her father’s elevation from -cardinal to Pope proved immediately significant. -The two previously chosen husbands were -dropped; neither was good enough for a Pope’s -daughter. And in 1493 they married her to -Giovanni Sforza, who was an independent -sovereign, and a relation also of the powerful -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>157]</a></span> -Ludovico Sforza of Milan. She was then thirteen -years of age, and was to remain, after the -marriage, one more year in Rome before her -husband took her away to his own possessions. -Ostensibly, however, they made a woman of her -immediately. She received a house of her own -close to the Vatican, Madonna Adrienne passed -from governess into lady-in-waiting, and the -whole weariness of formal social life became a -part of the child’s ordinary duties. She had to -receive all important visitors to Rome, and -behave with the effortless dignity of a great lady. -Alphonso of Ferrara, come to render homage to -the new Pope, had also to pay his court to this -thirteen-year-old bastard, whom he was himself -later to marry. He brought her, in fact, as a -wedding present from the duke his father, two -large and beautifully worked silver washing jugs -and basins.</p> - -<p>Curiously enough, in the comments made -about the marriage, there are none at all concerning -the girl herself. At that age she had clearly -no distinguishing precocities. The Ferrarese -ambassador dismissed her with a phrase, and -that referring more to Alexander than the newly -made bride. He wrote that the Pope loved his -daughter in a superlative degree. It may have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>158]</a></span> -been so: it is a fact most biographers lay stress -upon. Nevertheless, almost every single known -incident tells against much affection, and it is -very certain that he sacrificed her whenever it -was necessary, either for Cæsar’s ambition or -his own purposes.</p> - -<p>Another brief reference made to her at this -time is in the well-known letter by Pucci. From -his statement it would almost seem as if Julia -Farnese and Lucrezia were housed together. -For he mentioned going to call upon Julia at the -Palace of Santa Maria in Porlica, and wrote, -“When we got there she had just been washing -her hair. We found her sitting by the fire with -Madonna Lucrezia, the daughter of his Holiness, -and she welcomed both my companions and myself -with every appearance of delight.... She -desired me to see the child, who is already quite -big and as like the Pope <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">adeo ut vere ex ejus semine -orta dici possit</i>.</p> - -<p>“Madonna Julia has grown fatter, having developed -into a very beautiful woman. While I was -there she unbound her hair and had it dressed. -Once loose it fell to her feet; I have never seen -anything to compare with it. Truly she has the -most beautiful hair imaginable. She wore a thin -lawn head-dress, and over it the lightest of nets -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>159]</a></span> -interwoven with gold threads, shining like the -sun.... Her dress was made after the style of -the Neapolitans, and trimmed with fur. So was -Madonna Lucrezia’s, who after a while went and -changed hers, coming back in a gown made of -purple velvet.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 571px;"> -<a name="plate16" id="plate16"></a> -<img src="images/qotr16.jpg" width="571" height="600" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">VIRGIN AND CHILD<br /> -<span class="subcap">BY PINTORRICCHIO, IN THE HALL OF ARTS AT THE VATICAN</span></p> -</div> - -<p>The reference to Lucrezia is singularly meaningless, -but the letter itself is interesting. The -child of fourteen and the deliberate wanton were -evidently, at least, in constant companionship. -“Wanton” is a strong expression, but Julia -Farnese belonged to the type for whom no other -word is equally applicable. She was young, fresh, -beautiful, and Pope Alexander was an old corrupt -man of sixty. But she became his mistress with -the same tranquil publicity with which a woman -might become the consort of a reigning sovereign. -The fact of her soiled youth and abandoned -domestic decencies weighed no more upon -imagination, than the casual discarding of an -uncared-for garment.</p> - -<p>Pintorricchio, in his series of frescoes at the -Vatican, is said to have painted her as well as -Alexander and Lucrezia. There is, above the -door of the Hall of Arts, a madonna and child, -the madonna of which is supposed to have been -Julia. If so—and it looks essentially like a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>160]</a></span> -portrait—she was very interesting as well as -exquisite. There is character and a sort of -intelligent carelessness about the face—the kind -of carelessness that suggests an intuitive consciousness -of the insignificance of most minor occurrences. -The error made by Julia was in including -ethics among the non-important contingencies.</p> - -<p>As regards the question whether she and -Lucrezia were really painted by Pintorricchio, -there seems little doubt that, since the portrait of -Alexander is incontestable, those of the two girls -would have been included somewhere in the series -of frescoes. Alexander must so certainly have -desired them painted, and both would have been -about the ages they look in the frescoes at the -time Pintorricchio was at work upon the private -apartments of the Pope. As a matter of fact, -Pintorricchio laboured quietly for years in the -rooms through which Lucrezia was constantly -passing, and he must have become so much part -of unchanging daily impressions, that one imagines -all her after memories of life in Rome held as -a sort of background the consciousness of the -wonderful pictures in which the painter expressed, -with perhaps more completeness than anywhere -else, his special sense of loveliness.</p> - -<p>Lucrezia must have known Pintorricchio from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>161]</a></span> -the time when she was little more than a child -until her third marriage, though it is probable -that she was at this period too engrossed and -light-headed to take much notice of the wistful-looking -man making beauty upon every side of -her. Certainly the complicated nature of her -own domestic drama was in itself sufficient to -absorb anybody. Not long after her marriage -Il Moro had drawn France into the Neapolitan -adventure. Alexander VI. was vehemently -opposed to this invasion, and was, besides, close -friends with the King of Naples. Instantly the -situation became difficult for Lucrezia’s husband; -the policy of his house and that of his father-in-law -had grown brusquely antagonistic.</p> - -<p>Giovanni himself was acutely alive to the -awkwardness of his own position. In 1494 he -wrote to Ludovico that he had been asked by the -Pope what he had to say to the situation, and had -answered, “Holy Father, everybody in Rome -believes that you are in agreement with the King -of Naples, who is the enemy of Milan. If it is -so, I am in a very difficult position, for I am in -the pay of your Holiness and of the last-named -state. If things are to follow this course, I -do not see how I can serve the one without -abandoning the other, though I desire to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>162]</a></span> -detach myself from neither.” He concluded the -letter by a statement very unflattering to Lucrezia. -“If I had known, monseignor,” wrote the -distracted Sforza, “that I should find myself in -my present position, I would sooner have eaten -the straw of my bed than have made this -marriage.”</p> - -<p>As a young girl, Lucrezia obviously arrested -nobody’s notice. This alone suggests that she was -not wicked: wickedness always at least produces -attention. To her first husband, when he wrote -the above letter, she could have held no kind of -significance. Shortly after sending it, however, -Giovanni left Rome for his own town, Pesaro, -taking the girl he so much regretted marrying -with him. He was not yet openly on bad terms -with the Vatican: in addition to his own wife, -he had been given charge of quite a collection -of the Pope’s ladies. Julia Farnese, Madonna -Adrienne, and Madonna Vanozza were all included, -an outbreak of the plague in Rome having -terrified Alexander as to the safety of the two -younger women. Giovanni, probably, would -have preferred Lucrezia to have been less accompanied. -Involved always in this crowd of -feminine connections, she must, as a young girl, -have worn almost a mechanical air of manipulation—have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>163]</a></span> -seemed little better than a mouthpiece -for the Vatican opinions. While they were -at Pesaro, however, husband and wife went -through the momentarily uniting experience of -falling equally under the Pope’s displeasure. -They had, it seems, permitted Madonna Julia -and Madonna Adrienne to leave them. Julia’s -brother was seriously ill, and the two women had -gone to nurse him. Upon this matter, Alexander, -who could be very petulant when thwarted, wrote -himself, and not at dictation, to Lucrezia. He -wrote that he was much surprised at not having -heard more often from them, and in a tense and -irritated sentence ordered the girl to be more -punctilious for the future. But this was not the -real grievance, and he passed instantly to the -departure of Julia and her mother. Lucrezia -and Giovanni were both held to have behaved -equally inexcusably in letting them go without -permission from Alexander. He wrote as if -they had been two disobedient children, whose -deliberate frowardness had resulted, as they must -have known perfectly from the beginning, in -great annoyance to him personally. At the end -of exasperated remonstrance, they were warned -that for the future they would never again be -trusted. A letter like this, including both in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>164]</a></span> -mutual disgrace, might easily have fugitively -roused a slight bond of friendliness between so -young a couple. The general opinion is, notwithstanding, -that they were never sympathetic. At -Pesaro, besides, though Lucrezia remained there -a year, they were very seldom together. Giovanni -held the position of officer in the Pope’s army, -and it was a year of sharp anxiety for Alexander. -It required Charles VIII.’s feeble return journey -to France before the papal ground felt once more -solid under the pontiff’s feet.</p> - -<p>Then Lucrezia was recalled to Rome, and -the old wayward existence at her palace near the -Vatican was taken up once more. From this -time onwards the Borgia scandals thickened with -extraordinary rapidity, becoming the interested -gossip of every other court in Italy. Alexander’s -youngest son, Jofre, had married a Spanish girl -several years older than himself, and upon the -return of political quietude brought her back with -him to Rome. This Madonna Sancia alone piled -up a staggering accumulation of scandals for Italy -to gasp at. She had a passion, in her most -innocent moments, for the less tranquil pleasures -of life. Her arrival whipped up the gaiety of -social Rome into an extremity of worldliness. -She was openly flagrant: the word “wickedness” -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>165]</a></span> -seemed to have no more unpleasant meaning to -her than another. Both her husband’s brothers, -Giovanni and Cæsar Borgia, were said to be -among her lovers. Giovanni Borgia’s subsequent -murder, in fact, was looked upon by many people -as the outcome of her lack of moral reasonableness, -Cæsar’s jealousy, it was thought, driving -him to thrust the other prematurely upon eternity. -Between the gorgeous wickedness of Sancia and -Julia Farnese, Lucrezia was trailed like some -insignificant and unconsidered appendage. She -is mentioned constantly as in the society of -Sancia, but no impropriety is even suggested -concerning her, until the divorce with Giovanni -involved her in the hate universally nourished -against the rest of the family.</p> - -<p>This divorce had been shaping ever since the -French invasion had rendered the Sforzas -politically useless to Alexander. One day -Giovanni Sforza was bluntly requested to abandon -Lucrezia. Should he refuse, extreme measures -were threatened, and no man so intimate with the -family could possibly have been unacquainted -with the kind of coercion likely to be employed -should he maintain obduracy. For a few days -he went about hoarding rather more bitterness -than he knew how to deal with. Then a dramatic -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>166]</a></span> -urgency brought indecision to an abrupt conclusion. -According to most accounts of the -story, Jacomino, <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">camerière</i> to Giovanni Sforza, -was in Lucrezia’s room one day when they heard -Cæsar Borgia’s footsteps outside. Lucrezia had -already been made cognizant of the pending -divorce. Alexander and Cæsar never regarded -the soft and pliant creature as likely to need -concealments. She was to them obviously the -perfect tool, childlike, flighty, inherently docile, -and moved by the least enticement to new -anticipations. But Lucrezia even then had some -instincts her people did not know of, and to -deprive a man of the delight of living was not -endurable to her. She must have suspected some -sinister communication, for on hearing Cæsar’s -footsteps she thrust Jacomino behind some -tapestry. In the course of conversation, Cæsar -stated that the order to assassinate her husband -had already been given. It sounds incredible, -but then the whole Borgia history has the same -quality of impossible melodrama. The moment -he had gone Lucrezia rushed to the curtains: -the man must go at once and save his master. -Twenty-four hours later Giovanni Sforza reached -Pesaro. His horse fell dead as he arrived.</p> - -<p>Gregorovius states that Lucrezia was not -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>167]</a></span> -agreeable to the divorce. It fits in pleasantly -with one’s conception of her to believe that this -was true. The Lucrezia of recent discovery -would have been bound by a light and gentle -affection to any one not unkind to her, and all -her instincts would have been against giving -pain to anybody. Certainly, after Giovanni’s -escape, she felt the weight of some unpleasantness -at the Vatican. And shortly afterwards -she either went, or was sent in disgrace, to the -convent of San Sisto on the Appian Way. In -a letter written that June by Donati Aretino to -Cardinal Hippolyte D’Este, he says: “Madonna -Lucrezia has left the palace <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">insalutato hospite</i>, -and has gone to stay at a convent called San -Sisto, where she still is. It is rumoured by some -that she desires to become a nun herself, but -there are a number of other rumours as well, -of a nature not possible to trust to a letter.”</p> - -<p>These “other rumours” are presumably the -scandals which leapt into belief after the divorce, -and which Giovanni, embittered to the marrow -of his bones, is credited with having started.</p> - -<p>But the divorce obtained, a new marriage -was instantly negotiated for the girl, whose -ideas of customary conduct must have been -so piteously topsy-turvy. The new match -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>168]</a></span> -contemplated was solely intended to benefit Cæsar—in -it Lucrezia became purely a means of assistance. -Cæsar, having renounced the priesthood -after the mysterious murder of his elder brother, -which had taken place while Lucrezia was in the -convent, had conceived the scheme of marrying -Charlotte of Aragon, and through this marriage -of becoming King of Naples. Since the French -invasion the present reigning dynasty crumbled -visibly. Cæsar had already asked for Princess -Charlotte’s hand, and had been emphatically -refused. It was hoped at the Vatican that -Lucrezia’s marriage to Charlotte’s brother, Don -Alphonso, would pave the way for the other and -more important wedding. Lucrezia was eighteen -at the time of her second marriage, and, according -to the ambassador of Mantua, really in love -with the handsome boy who made her Duchess -of Biselli.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately they remained in Rome, in the -undesirable set Lucrezia had belonged to from -babyhood, and from this time horrible scandals -grew as thickly round Lucrezia as the rest of her -family. According to one of them, she had given -birth to an illegitimate son, by a certain favourite -of Alexander’s, Perotto. This unfortunate is -another person whom Cæsar is credited with having -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>169]</a></span> -murdered. He did it apparently in the Pope’s -very presence, and splashed the blood all over -the old man’s garments. The existence of a -child by Perotto is not corroborated, and the -truth of later scandals, since discussed with bated -breath, is less ascertainable still. At the same -time, that Lucrezia should have given birth to -an illegitimate baby is very feasible. In a -society where lovers were more normal than -husbands, it is difficult to conceive that she -should have escaped with flawless, untarnished -innocence—probably took a lover because she -was young, affectionate, and nobody she knew -thought it grievous behaviour. Nevertheless, -though there is every reason for this individual -scandal to have had roots in truth, the -evidence for its genuineness is equally flimsy and -unsupported.</p> - -<p>For a year the Biselli marriage wore an air of -ordinary successfulness. Then the politics of the -Vatican veered once more, and tragically and -brutally, Lucrezia’s fate changed with them. -Louis XII. had started the second Italian campaign, -and Alexander was now upon the side of -the French. Once more, therefore, the awkward -factor in the situation became Lucrezia’s husband. -It seemed, indeed, as if she was to have a knack -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>170]</a></span> -of possessing awkward spouses. In this second -crisis Lucrezia, however, did not wait to be warned -of danger, and one day Alphonso disappeared. -A Venetian writer in Rome remarks: “The -Duke of Biseglia, husband of Madonna Lucrezia, -has secretly fled, and is gone to Genazzano, to -the Colonnas. He has left his wife six months -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">enceinte</i>, and she does nothing but cry.” The -statement is at last a lifting of the veil for a -second from the girl’s character. She loved this -second husband; at the hint of danger she sent -him away, but once gone she cried for him all -day. This is the whole conduct-sheet of any -normal, tender woman.</p> - -<p>Alphonso wrote and urged her to follow him, -but Alexander, it is said, forced her to beg -Alphonso to return instead. There is some -confusion at this point. Certainly, in the end, -Lucrezia was sent away into the country—to -Spoleto—and here, after a little while, Alphonso -joined her. It was dangerous, but they were -at the age when evil anticipations are sustained -with an effort. It is not natural in one’s teens -to hold for ever a problematical foreboding. -Death in fulness of physical well-being is a dark -midnight possibility, not a permanent obsession -for broad and cheerful daylight. Foolishly, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>171]</a></span> -yet so naturally, their fears gradually fell away, -and Cæsar Borgia being at Forli, fighting, -by the following October they were back -in Rome, where Lucrezia gave birth to a son, -and where, for another year, they lived undisturbed, -while Michelangelo was at work upon -his Pieta Copernicus, and Pintorricchio continued -to make pictures round the walls of the -Vatican.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 539px;"> -<a name="plate17" id="plate17"></a> -<img src="images/qotr17.jpg" width="539" height="650" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE ANNUNCIATION<br /> -<span class="subcap">FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN</span></p> -</div> - -<p>In 1500, the year of Alexander’s jubilee, -Cæsar returned, and the calamity, which had practically -been a foregone conclusion for a year, came -upon the Biselli household. Before it occurred, -however, an incident occurred which is another -strong testimony to gentleness of heart in -Lucrezia. A chimney fell upon Alexander, and -during his brief illness it was not his mistress, -nor any of the many persons whose business it -was more or less to attend to him, who undertook -the nursing, but the girl Lucrezia herself. -It is said the old man refused to have anybody -else about him. Clearly, then, she had more -tender ways, more naturally capable and patient -methods, than the rest, and to a patient made -herself the comfortable embodiment of motherliness, -sympathy, control, and unselfishness. No -woman would be clamoured for in a sick-room -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>172]</a></span> -who did not possess all the finer and warmer -qualities of character.</p> - -<p>Soon after this the inevitable happened. -Alphonso, walking up the steps of the Vatican, -was set upon by a group of masked men with -daggers. Grievously wounded, he managed to -tear past them into the Pope’s own apartments, -where Lucrezia was sitting with her father. As -the bleeding man staggered into the room she -fainted dead away. So would any normally -tender woman, dragged suddenly from the trivial -conversation into this new horror of desolation.</p> - -<p>The dying man was put to bed, and joyfully -given the last absolution. But Lucrezia, ill -herself with a fever brought on by shock, made -a desperate struggle to save the life belonging -to her. Here again she shows as a perfectly -natural woman. Driven at last into revolt by -those she dared not openly defy, and heartsick, -shaken, burning with terror, impotence, and -distress, she yet fought them with all the pitiful -means at her disposition. Nobody but herself or -his sister Sancia were allowed to attend the -wounded man; all his food these two cooked -between them, probably with their hearts racing -in perpetual fearfulness. It is said—and there -seems always a vague suggestion behind these -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>173]</a></span> -circumstances that Alexander was a weak man -in the power of Cæsar—that the Pope himself -sided with the two aching, troubled women, and -helped to keep dangerous persons out of the sick-room. -But Alphonso once convalescent, Cæsar -could not be refused admittance. He had no -recognized hand in the crime; none could openly -accuse him. Nevertheless, his visit accentuated -sinister anticipations. After making it he remarked -grimly, “What was unsuccessful at noon -may be successful at night.”</p> - -<p>He took every care that it should. One -evening the two women—why is difficult to -understand, for both were soaked in heartbreaking -suspicions—left the room for a moment. -Cæsar himself must surely have seen to their -absence, for instantly afterwards he slipped in -with his throttler Michelletto, and in a minute -or two Lucrezia was a widow. The agony, -sharp enough, had at least been brief.</p> - -<p>This time, though there is not a single intimate -statement written about her, Lucrezia must have -made some primary outcry, some first plaint -against the cruelty of such a widowhood. The -Venetian ambassador refers to trouble between -Lucrezia and her father. He writes: “Madonna -Lucrezia, who is generous and discreet, was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>174]</a></span> -formerly in high favour with the Pope, but he -seems no longer to care for her.” The girl was -then at Nepi. What had previously occurred -no one knows, but she and her father would -certainly not have fallen out if her meekness -had remained predominant. Something must -have overstrained docility and sent her once -more out of Rome, either in a spirit of bitterness -or because she exasperated those who controlled -her existence.</p> - -<p>But negotiations for a third marriage were -not allowed to linger. When Cæsar had subdued -the plucky and intensely wicked Catherine -Sforza, and taken the town of Pesaro, Collenuccio -mentions at the end of a letter, “The Pope -intends to give this town as a dowry to Madonna -Lucrezia, and to secure her an Italian husband -who will always keep on good terms with the -Valentinois. I do not know if this is the truth, -but it is at least generally believed to be.” In -the same letter there is a sketch of Cæsar himself. -Collenuccio says, “He is looked upon as -brave, powerful, and generous, and they say he -takes care to make much of wealthy people. He -is pitiless in his vengeances; many people have -told me this. He is a man with a great spirit, -and set on greatness and glory, but it seems he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>175]</a></span> -prefers to conquer provinces than to pacify and -organize them.”</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, because the Borgia was a man -with an unrelaxed purpose, he stood, even for a -good many of his enemies, as a type of greatness. -Machiavelli actually made him the ideal of -governing princedom—the subtle combination -of the lion and the fox.</p> - -<p>Machiavelli—himself so extraordinarily interesting—belongs -to the history of Florence and -not to that of Rome and Alexander. He never -came actually into contact with Lucrezia, but the -following description of his days, when he was -living on his own small estate, given in a letter -to a friend, is so luminously expressive of the -spirit of the age in which he and Lucrezia lived -that there seems more than sufficient reason for -including it. He wrote that he got up at sunrise, -and after a couple of hours in the woods, where -he examined the work of the previous day and -chatted with the wood-cutters, he walked to a -certain grove with a volume of Dante, Petrarch, -or one of the Latin poets, to read. Subsequently -he strolled to the inn, gossiped with the people -there, and by direct intercourse with many kinds -of temperaments studied human nature. For -dinner, which he spoke of as being very simple -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>176]</a></span> -fare, he returned home; but the meal over, he -made his way back to the inn, where he passed -the afternoon playing at <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">cricca</i> and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tric-trac</i> with -the host or any one else who happened to be -there. It was not apparently desired to be a -peaceful recreation. Machiavelli states, with a -sort of cheerful glow, that they quarrelled incessantly, -and shouted at each other like infuriated -lunatics. But this boisterousness was for the day. -When the evening came he once more went homewards, -and this time, having discarded his muddy -country clothes, and having dressed himself with -as much care as if he were at court, he retired -to his library till bedtime, and became absorbed -in the works of past writers. This was in reality -the intense portion of his days; all his nature, -he wrote, became immersed in the joy of this -intellectual companionship, everything else, every -care, every thought for the present or the future, -slipping away from him while he read.</p> - -<p>Machiavelli’s day contains the whole substance -of Renaissance behaviour—absolute immersion of -personality in fine art or good literature, and along -with it the extreme of physical tempestuousness. -These people almost panted with vitality; they -were not yet subdued and wearied through the -evil and sorrows of too many past generations.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>177]</a></span> -Lucrezia, like the rest, responded to life far -too instinctively to hold grief for any period. -She took the interest of a giddy child in the -suggestions for her third marriage, and this time -Alexander had chosen Alphonso of Ferrara as -the person essentially desirable. It was aiming -ambitiously. The besmirched, divorced, and -widowed daughter of a Pope did not constitute -a suitable bride for the future Duke of Ferrara. -In fact, the proposal created nothing less than a -panic when laid before the chosen bridegroom -and his father. Lucrezia’s reputation was unspeakable.</p> - -<p>The charge of incest was among others laid -against her. It has been repeated by Machiavelli, -Guicciardini, and the poets Sanozzo and Pontanus. -Nevertheless, nobody now believes it. Neither -Alexander nor Cæsar’s conduct makes it supposable. -Secondly, all those who spread it had -either personal animosity against the Borgias -or repeated it solely from hearsay. The two -poets, besides, were friends and subjects of the -house of Aragon, and in Naples, after the -murder of Alphonso, the word “Borgia” stood -for abomination.</p> - -<p>But in Ferrara the accusation was unquestioned, -and Alphonso immediately and violently refused -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>178]</a></span> -to entertain the idea of the suggested marriage -for a second. The old Duke Ercole, though no -less nauseated than his son, was even more -harassed and more fearsome. To offend Alexander -involved the security of his duchy. To -make matters worse, when the Pope’s proposal -reached Ferrara, other wifely negotiations had -already been started with France. And suddenly -all pleasant plans were made parlous and uncertain. -Distressed out of circumlocution, Ercole -wrote plainly and rather piteously to the French -ambassador, begging that the French king would -not take the side of the Pope, but would write -and support him by stating, which would have -been almost the truth, that another marriage had -already been arranged for. The whole letter was -full of stress and pleading, and though ending -with the statement that consent to the union -would in any case never be wrung out of him, -and that in addition nothing would induce his -son to take the lady, it showed in every line the -anguish of a revolt that knows its own futility.</p> - -<p>Ercole found no friend to help him. His -letters, after Louis had slithered out of the responsibility -of abetting him, revealed the agitation -this acceptance of a virtueless future duchess -caused at Ferrara. Exasperated and miserable, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>179]</a></span> -he showed openly that he regarded the king’s -conduct as a mean refusal of good-fellowship. -He gave in finally, as he was bound to do, but -spoke of it with a tragic veracity as an act “postponing” -the honesty of his most ancient house.</p> - -<p>The news caused an almost outrageous joy at -the Vatican, though Lucrezia’s delight is perhaps -the most inexplicable of the abundantly inexplicable -facts of her existence. She could not -have believed herself welcome, and she could not -have conceived Alphonso as a genial, heart-stirring -companion. He was emphatically a man -satisfied with men’s society. His appearance, -besides, was in itself sufficient to terrorize a -woman of light reputation. Lucrezia had seen -him and the remorseless type of the straight, -down-reaching nose, the tip almost touching the -upper lip. Physically he was a fine creature, -but cold suspicion glared out of him, and only -excessive courage or excessive obtuseness would -have dared to be wholly at ease in his presence. -True, the marriage offered Lucrezia the great -opportunity of her life—the opportunity to retrieve, -which should follow everybody’s primary misdemeanours. -She rose, moreover, magnificently -to the occasion, and through that fact alone made -her life of deep and touching value. For no past -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>180]</a></span> -human backsliding should be allowed to blur -the smoothness of a changed and nobler future. -There is no object in life if improvement is to -be hindered by cast-off failings. But though -Lucrezia wiped out a bad beginning by the finest -possible maintenance of contrary behaviour, she -was not the woman to think of this beforehand, -or to plan deeply and carefully the development -of a new character. She possessed too strongly -the wisdom of living in the moment, and her -retrievement came, not from any long-considered -purpose, but <em>naturally</em> when once removed from -the constant, forceful on-thrust of evil people.</p> - -<p>The instant the engagement had been brought -about, a correspondence began between her and -Ercole. Certainly men were practised liars in -those days. When Ercole wrote to Cæsar Borgia -accepting the proposed marriage, he stated that -he did so “on account of the reverence we feel -for the holiness of our Lord, and the admirable -character of the most illustrious Madonna -Lucrezia, but even more for the great affection -we have for your Excellence.”</p> - -<p>When the marriage by proxy had taken place, -he further wrote to Lucrezia herself that not only -was the marriage a great happiness and comfort -in his old age, but that he had loved his new -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>181]</a></span> -daughter-in-law from the first, both because of the -exceptional goodness of her character, and because -of her relationship to the Pope and to Cæsar -Borgia. Just at the end a grain of truth slipped -in, when he stated that he hoped that posterity -through her would be assured to his house in -Ferrara.</p> - -<p>In spite of these protestations of affection, the -D’Estes were anything but comfortable. What -they feared is clear from a letter of the Ferrarese -ambassador, written after a long interview with -Lucrezia. He wrote that she showed nothing -but excellent qualities, and appeared extremely -modest, gracious, and decorous, as well as fervently -religious. He adds, “She is very pretty, -but doubly so through the charm of her manners. -To be brief, her character seems to me to warrant -no evil anticipations, but to raise rather the most -pleasant expectations.” Another writer says of her -at this same period that though she was not regularly -beautiful, her golden hair, white skin, and -gentle manners made her a most attractive person. -Also he mentions, “She is very joyous and light-hearted, -and is always laughing.” The radiance -of a sunny temperament was in reality one of the -best things she brought to her reluctant husband.</p> - -<p>At Ferrara, Isabella of Mantua came to help -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>182]</a></span> -her brother to receive the Roman widow. Her -letters to her husband give a graphic description -of the first days of Lucrezia’s third marriage. -Isabella—a keen lover of admiration—was a little -put out by rivalry with the new-comer. Every -reference to Lucrezia holds the suspicion of a -sting. Even the simple phrase, “I need not -describe Lucrezia’s appearance, as you have -already seen her,” placed in Isabella’s context, -conveys an unfavourable impression.</p> - -<p>The irritation of a certain insecurity acidified -opinion. Isabella was an acknowledged beauty; -from babyhood she had been accustomed to be -looked upon as a pearl among women. This -disreputable Borgia, with hair equally as golden -and with her incomparably magnificent clothes -and jewellery, might produce a division of -opinions. Even Isabella’s own lady-in-waiting -mentioned to the Marquis of Mantua that the -bride was sweet and attractive in appearance. -At any rate, the marchesana wrote: “Your Excellency -enjoys more pleasure in being able to see -our baby son every day than I am able to get -out of these festivities.... Bride and bridegroom -slept together last night, but we omitted -the usual morning visit, since, to be frank, this is -a very chill marriage. I think that both my -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>183]</a></span> -suite and I compare favourably with the rest here, -and we shall, at any rate, win the prize for card-playing, -Spagnali having already won 500 gold -pieces off the Jew. To-day there is dancing till -four o’clock, after which another play is to be -given....” She wrote again next day, and -jealousy had evidently not been alleged in the -interval. “We passed yesterday shut up in our -rooms until four o’clock, as, being Friday, there -was no dancing, and Madonna Lucrezia, in order -to outdo the Duchess of Urbino and myself, insisted -upon spending all these hours over her -toilet.... Your Excellency has no cause to envy -my presence at this wedding, for never was a -more spiritless and unemotional an affair.”</p> - -<p>Isabella was a great, lusty creature, and -Lucrezia a frail, slight woman, just arrived from -an exhausting journey, after having been overtired -before she started. If she could not charm, -besides, in these first crucial days, her case was -lost. Who cares at any time to champion an -ugly woman with every fragment of evidence -against her? But a fresh, smiling, childlike -creature disarms antagonism through sheer contagion -of joy. And Lucrezia, as one knows, -could be like sunshine itself in her soft urbanity -and good humour. She did her best to create a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>184]</a></span> -pacifying impression, and succeeded. Nevertheless, -the marriage remained, as Isabella had said, -a cold one. The bride was so lightly thought of -that not even a pretence of affection could be -asked from Alphonso. Alexander himself only -required that he should actually be her husband, -and, satisfied upon that point, remarked to the -Ferrarese ambassador, “It is true that being -young he wanders here and there after pleasure -during the day, but he does well.”</p> - -<p>From the first, however, Lucrezia proved -herself wonderful. She had no sooner reached -Ferrara than she shed the soiled Roman personality, -as she might have done a dirty garment. -Without slow gradations, she showed herself a -pleasant, sober housewife, lacking even the self-assurance -to make demands upon fidelity. Intellectually, -she could not compete with Isabella of -Mantua or Elizabeth of Urbino; but she had, at -least, sufficient vitality of character to turn her -back in one bound, as it were, on her entire past -life, as if she were trying to prove herself an alien -personality.</p> - -<p>Ercole she conquered immediately. He was -old, and this girl, whose coming had so agitated -him, possessed a very graceful attitude towards -her elders. Also he was tired, and those nearing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>185]</a></span> -the tragic termination of existence are always -fugitively warmed by the presence of attentive -youthfulness. These two, at least, got on excellently. -Once she fell ill, and had to go away for -the sake of her health. During her absence the -old man insisted upon receiving daily notes of her -condition. They are the simplest, most disarming -little letters imaginable. Of all things about -Lucrezia, artfulness appears the most conspicuously -absent. Her sins could never have been of the -deliberate, prearranged order. She must have -stumbled into them, more than anything, as a -strayed, unshepherded lamb falls over a precipice.</p> - -<p>Presently came the customary baby. It was -a girl, thus thwarting the wishes of everybody. -But Lucrezia knew some comfort, notwithstanding. -For a time she was dangerously ill, and -during this period Alphonso could hardly be -drawn from her bedside. Evidently he had -grown aware that she suited him, and the weak -girl in her stuffy bed must have experienced an -inflow of pleasure. She had not been good for -nothing.</p> - -<p>Her recovery brought her to one of the most -fateful events of her fateful and dramatic existence. -Alexander suddenly died. He and Cæsar had -fallen ill simultaneously. Every one spoke of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>186]</a></span> -poison, but Alexander’s symptoms were perfectly -consistent with apoplexy. His death, however, -placed the new Ferrarese lady in the utmost social -peril. She had become Don Alphonso’s wife solely -because he and Ercole deeply feared her father. -Now that he was dead, nothing could be easier -than to draw upon the hoard of former scandals -and to repudiate her upon the strength of them. -Alexander was no sooner buried, in fact, than -Louis XII. remarked diplomatically to the -Ferrarese ambassador, “I know you never approved -of this marriage. Madame Lucrezia has -never been, in fact, the wife of Don Alphonso.”</p> - -<p>Lucrezia must have grown cold with terror; -but nothing calamitous occurred. Fortunately -she had been given sufficient time to show <em>how</em> -good she could be. By now neither Ercole nor -Alphonso desired to change the gentle-mannered -woman, who was needed to give an heir to the -family. Her placid, light urbanity suited both, -and the danger that threatened for a moment to -overwhelm her drew off quietly like calm, receding -waters. But in connection with it one of the -principal friendships of Lucrezia’s life at Ferrara -comes into prominence. Bembo, at the time of -her mourning—a year after her marriage—had -become intimate enough to give the advice no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>187]</a></span> -man troubles to offer to a woman entirely indifferent -to him. He wrote, referring to -Alexander’s death, that having been informed -that her sorrow was terrible and extreme, he had -called the day before in the hope of being able, -in some small degree, to comfort her. But he -owned regretfully that his visit had proved -useless, for he had no sooner seen her than her -forlorn unhappiness, and her piteous, black -draperies, had stricken him with such an overwhelming -heartache, that he had been literally -unable to utter a single coherent sentence. He -then went on to beg her—and he wrote with a -kind of tender directness—to try and control -her misery, for fear, the circumstances being -evidently not absolutely straightforward, it should -be thought she wept less for her father than for -the possible insecurity of her present position. -He reminded her gently that this was not the -first dire calamity that a harsh fate had thrust -upon her, and in some admirably sincere phrases -he practically beseeched her, for her own sake, to -show a brave and composed demeanour. He -closed the letter by an almost ingratiating apology -for having said so much, and with the request—so -customary with a man in love—that she should -take every care of her health.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>188]</a></span> -Apart from the distress at seeing Lucrezia -unhappy, the second part of the letter shows a -man who had received confidences. Lucrezia’s -version—perhaps the true one—of the turbid -past, was to some extent in his keeping, and he -gave her what warning he could to save her from -adding to her present precarious position in -Ferrara.</p> - -<p>The friendship of these two is another of the -uncertainties in which everything intimately concerning -Lucrezia lies. It has been dragged -unnecessarily into a false appearance of shadiness. -A lock of her hair was found among a packet of -her letters to him, and though it is extremely -doubtful that the hair could have been hers even, -the intimacy because of it was immediately -regarded as having passed the bounds of virtue. -Yet why should a lock of hair incriminate -anybody? The desire to soften the pains they -see is strong in all mothering women. Lucrezia -wore her hair about her shoulders; scissors must -have been conveniently near owing to the amount -of needlework done at that period. Bembo, -then a young man, was also for a time very much -in love, therefore capable of little sentimental -comforts. A woman’s hair is a fragment of her -very personality. To grant a boon like that, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>189]</a></span> -under circumstances of such facility, would need -merely a softened or impulsive moment. Lucrezia, -besides, with a husband absorbed in the manufacture -of explosives, may reasonably have been -a little grateful that somebody at least loved her.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 541px;"> -<a name="plate18" id="plate18"></a> -<img src="images/qotr18.jpg" width="541" height="650" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS<br /> -<span class="subcap">FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN</span></p> -</div> - -<p>There is no habit so pernicious as that of -deducing evil from trivial whimsicalities. No -judgment that is unaware of the inner subtleties—the -whole complex growth of any given -circumstance—does aright to suppose harmfulness. -A lock of hair may be the result of sheer -frowardness, or it may be the outcome of the -most unaccompanied compassion: it may be -the meaningless consequence of sudden unconsidered -laughter, or the proffered comfort of a -heart with nothing else to offer. But in all cases -it is entirely destitute, by itself, of anything -justifying a condemnatory construction.</p> - -<p>Bembo is too well known among Renaissance -celebrities to need personal explanations. Vasari -says of him: “The Italians cannot be sufficiently -thankful to Bembo for having not only purified -their language from the rust of ages, but given -it such regularity and clearness that it has -become what we see.” Few men have known -a life of more sustained triumph. At the time -of his friendship with Lucrezia he was young—a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>190]</a></span> -good-looking man of about twenty-eight—but -already he had attained a widespread -appreciation.</p> - -<p>He was not the only clever man in the -duchess’s society at Ferrara; the traditions of -the house were intellectual. Lucrezia, at last, -had fallen into excellent hands, and was being -formed in the best school possible. Men, notable -not only for genius, but for serious qualities of -temperament, educated her by companionship. -Bembo, Castiglione, Aldo Manuce, were all men -who thought with some profundity and breadth. -Ariosto, from 1503 in the service of Hippolyte -D’Este, was another man of genius she must have -known intimately, and among minor intellects the -two Strozzi poets, as well as Tebaldeo and -Callagnini, sang her praises from personal -acquaintance.</p> - -<p>It was not altogether, however, an easy-minded -society. Alphonso, though he mixed -little with his wife’s <i>entourage</i>, formed a constantly -dangerous background to it. His suspicions -were always alert. The murder of the poet -Strozzi is put down to him, and in 1505 Tebaldeo -wrote to Isabella: “This duke hates me, though -I do not know why, and it is not safe for me to -stay in the town.” Even Bembo, in his relations -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>191]</a></span> -to his friend, had to be girded with the uttermost -caution, and finally for him also it became unadvisable -to remain longer in Ferrara. With -his going one of the most delicate affections of -Lucrezia’s life fell to pieces. And yet not -altogether; Bembo, though he took mistresses -he loved to distraction, continued for fifteen years -to correspond with his Ferrarese duchess. Unless -their friendship had been very real and very rich -in sincerities, it would have crumbled into nothingness -within a year.</p> - -<p>Lucrezia’s intimacy with Castiglione was a -slighter affair. He had no importance in her -life, save as being among those who helped to -give her culture. That she should have known -him is interesting, however, because in his great -book Castiglione expressed with a limpid particularity -the Renaissance ideal of womanhood. -On the whole it was an unimaginative conception—at -least expressed as Castiglione expressed it. -For no book ever avoided more completely than -“The Courtier” any obliqueness or any individual -frankness of idiosyncrasy. Tact, according to -Castiglione, was the essential mainspring of -feminine fascination—tact and the art of conversation. -One wise point he insisted upon—suavity. -That, he said, should be inseparable -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>192]</a></span> -from every woman’s society. The remark lingers -in the memory,—suavity, a soft and soothing -composure, having so nearly passed out of even -the conception of good manners. Scandals, -especially of her own sex, it was unpardonable -for a woman either to utter or to attend to. -Dancing and other accomplishments he urged -as a necessary part of education; but, on the -other hand, he did not encourage naturalness. -He wrote: “When she cometh to dance or to -show any kind of music, she ought to be brought -to it with suffering herself somewhat to be prayed, -and with a certain bashfulness that may declare -the noble shamefastness that is contrary to -headiness.” The early Victorian code of good -manners was therefore only a return to a former -fashion, and a fashion instigated by men and not -by women at all.</p> - -<p>Castiglione wrote at length upon the question -of dress. Here his common sense is unimpeachable: -“Women ought to have a judgment to -know what manner of garments set her out best, -and be most fit for the exercise she intendeth to -undertake at that instant, and with them array -herself.” He urged keenly that lean and fat -should pay attention to their peculiarities. -Every woman, he insisted, ought to do all -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>193]</a></span> -in her power to keep herself “cleanly and -handsome.”</p> - -<p>Upon the subject of morality, Castiglione -possessed no grave feelings. He advocated -virtue, but not because conduct is vital, far-reaching, -touching momentarily the character and -fate of so many besides the doer, but almost -entirely on account of the greater safety attaching -to circumspection. Intrigue involved so -many dangers. Consequently, he urged women -“to be heedful, and remember that men with less -jeopardy show to be in love than women.” He -begged a woman to “give her lover nothing but -her mind when either hatred of her husband or -the love he beareth to others inclineth her to -love.” Words were so much vapour, but a -definite action was perilously apt to produce -definite consequences. Husbands had a knack -of revenging in their own wives what they asked -from the wives of others.</p> - -<p>A quaint and almost subtle stipulation ends -the list. The perfect lady, according to Castiglione, -“must not only be learned, but able to devise -sports and pastimes.” All active brains need -rest. The desirable woman should know, in -consequence, how to relax the tension of -absorbing thoughts, as well as how to tender the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>194]</a></span> -encouragement of sympathy. Health demands -some intervals for relaxation and foolishness.</p> - -<p>Castiglione himself married a child called -Ippolyta Torelli, whose life was tragically brief. -As a husband, nothing is known of him except -that he was a good deal away from home. His -wife wrote <em>one</em> exquisite letter—one loves her -because of it—and that is practically all that -remains of their domestic existence. The note -was written just before her death, which took -place through the birth of her third child. She -lay in bed, and put on paper—</p> - -<blockquote> -<p>“<span class="smcap">My dear Husband</span>,</p> - -<p>“I have given birth to a little girl, which -I do not think you will be displeased to hear. I -have suffered this time much more than before, and -I have had three bad bouts of fever. But now I -am better, and hope to suffer no more pain. I -will not write more to you lest I overtax my -strength. But with all my heart I commend -myself to your lordship.</p> - -<p>“In Mantua, the 20th of August, 1520.</p> - -<p>“Your wife, who is a little weary with pain.”</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>The caressing prettiness of the last phrase is -like the feel of a tired child’s hand slipped into -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>195]</a></span> -one’s own. Castiglione felt her death acutely, -and wrote that he never dreamt his wife, whom -he referred to with great tenderness, would have -died before him, and all he now prayed for was -that the Almighty might not leave him long -before he followed her.</p> - -<p>Lucrezia needed friends at Ferrara. Her life -was one almost without respite from harassments, -internal troubles and political insecurity being -always present. Plague and famine devastated -the well-being of the duchy. Twice Lucrezia was -left in charge of a famine-stricken district, and -twice proved herself capable, resourceful, self-forgetting. -On the first occasion she was ill, -but, notwithstanding, absolutely refused to leave -the town as ordered by the doctors. She worked -for the unhappy people starving about her, in a -flaming rush of pity. Jews and Christians were -alike to Lucrezia; her protection of Jews was -strenuous in a period when the mere name roused -men’s ferocity. That her heart throbbed in response -to the right instincts is proved by the -whole compassionate fabric of her later life. Any -human being, intuitively conscious that pain -equalizes all things, cannot be encased in the -callousness of the really bad or cold nature. -During all the years Lucrezia lived in Ferrara -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>196]</a></span> -her care for charitable institutions was personal -and active.</p> - -<p>And it should be remembered that philanthropy -had not yet become a fashionable occupation; -sympathy of attitude by those in high places was -still unusual and undemanded. The management -of the few existing charitable houses during the -Renaissance was deplorable. But Alphonso and -Lucrezia not only built a new and improved -hospital for infectious diseases, but took, besides, -sufficient personal interest in its patients to -dismiss a man for neglecting the invalids entrusted -to his care.</p> - -<p>This phase of Lucrezia’s life ought to be dwelt -upon at length. It lifts her from a flighty -extravagance and immorality into positive goodness -of behaviour. Depth she probably had not—deep, -brooding persons are not necessary in -great abundance—and the woman who left her -only child, the son of the murdered Don Alphonso, -could not have been fiercely tenacious of heart. -In all Lucrezia’s life, in fact, this is the worst -incident—this abandonment of her baby. So -much was thrust upon her; this surrender itself -was so to a certain extent. But not the manner -of it, the effortless blitheness, the impulsive -acquiescence. It is this one revealing episode -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>197]</a></span> -that chiefly keeps her from the region of supremely -wronged and tragic persons.</p> - -<p>In 1507 her brother Cæsar died. Alphonso -was away at the time, fighting with Louis XII. -A letter, despatched at once, told him how she -took the news. According to the writer, “she -showed great grief, but with constancy and without -tears.” This phrase “without tears” carries -a certain poignant implication. Surely the hearer -was at last sinking through shallowness to find -some deep places in her nature. Shallowness -can always shed tears. Had Lucrezia even been -indifferent to Cæsar’s death—and indifference is -the least likely sensation—shallowness would -have dropped a few tears of excitement, silliness, -shock. There is a moving weariness of grief -in any tearless conduct.</p> - -<p>Isabella D’Este, who was with her at the time, -wrote as well. She said that Lucrezia “immediately -went to the monastery of the Corpo di -Cristo, to offer up prayers for his soul. At the -monastery she remained for two nights, and -having left it, she found herself so much indisposed -that her physician, for security, insisted -on her keeping her bed, to which she is still -confined.”</p> - -<p>Lucrezia had several children after her third -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>198]</a></span> -marriage, and in the year following Cæsar’s -death she gave birth to the desired heir, Ercole, -afterwards to marry the poor, cheerless Renée -of France. But she had been a delicate, frail -creature all her life, and when, in 1519, she gave -birth to a dead child, the case immediately -became hopeless. As a Roman Catholic, she was -told at once how near Death loomed, though the -information seems a cruel thing to give to any -person not yet old enough to have wearied of -existence. But Lucrezia, who had never yet -made a fuss about anything, did not make a fuss -over the last great unpleasantness of all. This -composure at dying touches all her past serenity -with something almost effulgent. It makes her -suddenly full of strange wisdom and singular -comprehensions; as if unconsciously she understood -the real value of individual mortality, and -knew it just sweet enough for smiles and -laughter, but at the same time too slight, unstable, -and finite for great commotions or -disturbances.</p> - -<p>Having been told that she could not live any -longer, and seeing Alphonso suddenly attentive, -the exhausted woman wasted no strength contesting -the unalterable, but simply lay quietly in -her bed and tried to think of God, the Virgin, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>199]</a></span> -and the world beyond. A few days before her -death she wrote to Pope Leo X. Her letter is -sedateness itself and courage. Nothing was -further from its utterance than discomposure or -demur. If forlornness reached her at leaving the -lovely homeliness of mortal life, she was too -magnanimously courteous to burden another -person with a private sorrow. She wrote—</p> - -<blockquote> -<p>“<span class="smcap">Most Holy Father and Worshipful Lord</span>,</p> - -<p>“With all reverence I kiss your Holiness’s -feet, and humbly commend myself to your -good will. Having been in great pain for more -than two months, early on the morning of the 14th -day of the present month, according to the will -of God, I gave birth to a little daughter. I -hoped then to get alleviation from my sufferings, -but the contrary took place, and I have to pay -my debt to nature. And through the grace of -God I am conscious that the end of my life is -near, and that in a few hours, having received the -holy sacraments of the Church, I shall have -passed away. And having came to this state, as -a Christian, although a sinner, I beseech your -Holiness in your goodness to give me from the -heavenly treasures spiritual consolation and your -holy benediction for my soul. This I most -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>200]</a></span> -devoutly pray for, and to your great mercy I -commit my husband and my children, who are -all faithful servants of your Holiness.</p> - -<p>“In Ferrara, the 22nd of June, 1519, at the -fourteenth hour.</p> - -<p class="signat">“Your Holiness’s humble servant,<br /> -<br /> -“<span class="smcap">Lucrezia da Este</span>.”</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>No braver letter, nor one more touching in its -noble staidness of expression, was ever written -by a woman, knowing that in a few hours life -would have ceased for her. Two days after -writing it she died, and Alphonso wrote after -her death that it was hard to face the loss of so -sweet a companion, the gentleness of her conduct -having made the bond between them a very -close and tender one. No single individual can -possess the whole round of virtues—a fact too -often ignored in current judgment of character—but -every writer lingered upon Lucrezia’s gentleness. -There is no more winning thing than a -gentle woman. Persistent gentleness not only -excludes harsh thoughts, but is a force constantly -wooing men out of turbulent bitterness and -acrimony of spirit.</p> - -<p>Alphonso fainted at his wife’s funeral, and -nothing could protest more eloquently against -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>201]</a></span> -assertions of her wickedness. Grim men of -Alphonso’s fibre do not, after nine years of -marriage, faint for a woman who has not known -how to bring to life the softer undergrowths of -character. Lucrezia must have possessed a -more than normal degree of conciliatory seduction. -And she charms still, in spite of much -calumniating gossip, not only because she expressed -undeviatingly the heartening value of -good cheer, and set so fine an example of how -to discard bad yesterdays, but to a certain extent -because, as far as one knows, she babbled -nothing for biographers to seize upon, and so -left herself perpetually among the engrossing -enigmas of European history.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>202]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="chap05" id="chap05"></a>MARGARET D’ANGOULÊME</h2> - -<p class="dates">1492-1549</p> -</div> - - -<p><span class="dropcap">T</span>HE Renaissance in France has not the -same degree of charm as the Renaissance -in Italy. It misses the radiance and the -sense of open-air sweetness that clings to the -original movement. The women of the Italian -Renaissance were constantly adventuring into the -country; the enchantment of the climate lingers -in all recollections of them. The Renaissance -in France conveys a different impression—one -colder, more troubled, more half-hearted. The -large frescoed palaces, with their adorable colonnades, -are gone, and the sensation given is of -a bleaker, darker, and more housed existence. -The entranced light-heartedness of the Italian -period did not travel into France. When the -Renaissance came into that country the Reformation -came too, and the labours of the Sorbonne -robbed it of the youth and irresponsibility that -made the other so vital and complete. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>203]</a></span> -Italian Renaissance breathed out the exultation -of adolescence; the French, the reflectiveness -of maturity.</p> - -<p>Of the French Renaissance, Margaret D’Angoulême -is the central female figure. She was -born on April 11, 1492, when her mother, Louise -de Savoie, was only fifteen. Louise had been -a poor relation at court before she married, and -her aunt, Anne of Beaujeu, had arranged her -marriage. Louise de Savoie was among the -women who had not been given a fair start in -life. The bridegroom, Charles D’Angoulême, -had already an attachment; he loved greatly a -certain Jeanne de Polignac. He did his best -not to marry Louise, and so remain unharassed -in the service of his lady friend. But Anne de -Beaujeu was very masterful, and Charles surrendered -through necessity. He married Louise, -then a child of twelve, and made Jeanne de -Polignac one of her ladies-in-waiting.</p> - -<p>When Louise was fifteen, Margaret was born, -and two years afterwards, Francis—“My Cæsar, -my lord”—came into the world. A year later -Louise’s husband died. She mentions the fact in -her journal without expressions of regret. Not -but that she had been happy enough in his lifetime. -Charles, absorbed by his own love affairs, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>204]</a></span> -allowed his wife moderate freedom to indulge -in hers. But his death made such amusements -less anxious and more easy. The complaisance -of husbands has always an element of uncertainty.</p> - -<p>There was another trait in Louise’s character -to which her husband’s death gave fuller scope—her -ardent maternal instincts. The quality of -her love for her children was vehement, jealous, -and primitive. Margaret, as a result of this, -became educated in an atmosphere unusual at -that period. An indulged tenderness steeped her -juvenile days in pleasantness. There were no -severities at Cognac. Of Francis, Louise made -an idol, but Margaret, though trained from the -days she could lisp to worship this idol along -with her mother, was also herself a treasured -person. The glow of these early days left their -influence upon her for a lifetime. She never -shook off the warmliness of heart all her upbringing -had encouraged.</p> - -<p>Upon Louise’s widowhood, Louis XII. was -for a short time very kind to her and to her -children. This mood suddenly changed—in a -few days, it is said—and a certain Jean de St. -Gelais, a friend of Louise’s, is credited with -having caused the alteration. Louise was ordered -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>205]</a></span> -to retire to the castle of Blois, and there was -talk of taking the children away from her. In -the end, the Marechale de Gie, whose tragic -downfall has been told in the life of Anne, was -given practical control of her household. His -first act—presumably under Louis’s orders—consisted -in the dismissal of St. Gelais. It was this -action which Louise is supposed never to have -forgiven. De Gie became her most devoted -supporter; all his interests were on the same -side as hers, all his aims were to place Francis -subsequently upon the throne of France. But -when the catastrophe of Anne’s luggage occurred, -Louise flung the weight of her evidence remorselessly -against him, and lied with a sinister -heartiness.</p> - -<p>At Blois, Margaret was brought up with -boys. A number of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pages d’honneur</i> were being -educated with the heir-presumptive. Margaret -grew to know at an early age a good deal about -the temperaments of the other sex, and a good -deal about flirtation. At nine years old she -went through her first love affairs. No wonder -that later she knew, as Brantome put it, more -about the art of pleasing (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">galanterie</i>) than her -daily bread.</p> - -<p>The playfellow to whom Margaret lost her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>206]</a></span> -childish heart was the fascinating Gaston de Foix, -but there were several others among her brother’s -pages who were momentous in her after existence. -There was, for instance, Charles de Montpensier, -afterwards Connétable de Bourbon, whom -Louise de Savoie, by unduly persecuting—it is -said because he refused to marry her—drove to -the side of Charles V. Of this Connétable, Henry -VIII. of England made a shrewd observation -when he saw him at the Field of the Cloth of -Gold. “If he was a subject of mine,” he said, -“he would not keep his head.” There was also, -among the pages at Blois, Anne de Montmorency, -for whom Margaret’s friendship continued long -after both were grown up. He owed his subsequent -position in a large measure to her assistance, -but desirous of possessing the supreme -influence over Francis himself, he grew to hate -the woman who also possessed so much. The -unworthy termination of the friendship began in -the light-hearted childhood at Blois—it was -Montmorency who made the famous remark to -Francis: “If your majesty wants to rid the -country of heretics, you must begin with your -own sister”—which was among the sharpest -disillusions of Margaret’s existence.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;"> -<a name="plate19" id="plate19"></a> -<img src="images/qotr19.jpg" width="700" height="522" -alt="" /> -<p class="capleft"><i>Alinari</i></p> -<p class="caption">HEAD OF GASTON DE FOIX</p> -</div> - -<p>But as a child her affection for Montmorency -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>207]</a></span> -was as nothing to the adoration she felt for the -gentle, endearing Gaston, who could do everything -well, and whose manners won people’s -hearts perpetually. Unfortunately, at ten Margaret -was marriageable, and she had no sooner -reached that age than Louis XII. tried to arrange -a marriage for her with the English Prince of -Wales—afterwards Henry VIII. Happily, Henry -wanted some one nearer the throne than a cousin, -and the little group at Blois remained unbroken. -But the question of marriage was always in the -air—the sense that the enfolded home life might -cease at any moment could never be entirely -shaken off. Later, Margaret narrowly escaped -another English husband. Henry VII., then an -old widower, wanted a second wife. He made -a formal proposal for Louise. She refused point-blank, -and the ambassador then asked for the -daughter. This was accepted, and arrangements -were in progress, when Margaret herself suddenly -set everybody agape by declining an old and -decrepid husband. The marriage came to nothing, -though probably not because of the small girl’s -protest; there were political reasons against it -as well.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, Margaret’s childish lover, Gaston, -had left the château at Blois. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>208]</a></span> -modest-mannered boy, known familiarly as “the Dove,” -had gone to take up a man’s business, leaving his -little weeping friend behind him. But Margaret -had grown by now into an interesting-looking -girl. Her face, at the age of sixteen, must have -been singularly arresting. She had the charm -that is rarest of all—the charm of strangeness. -Her appearance was not like other people’s. The -portrait of her, painted when she was about -twenty, leading Francis to the crucified Christ, -is full of subtleties. The face is round, with the -sweet fulness of young things, but the chin is -tiny, lovable, incongruous—the chin of soft assents -and surrenders. The nose is long, the over-long -nose of Francis I.; the mouth deliciously curved -and tender. All the lower half of the face expresses -a desire for gentle pleasures and soft and -caressing habits. But the eyes belong to a different -temperament. They gaze out of the happy -face with unexpected wistfulness and mysticism. -Their expression is almost tired, as if so many -difficult matters had vexed their understanding -that they were weary before their time. The -preoccupied eyes, the love-needing chin, the -long, cold nose, and the charming outline of the -head, make an extraordinary combination.</p> - -<p>Every contemporary writer agreed that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>209]</a></span> -Margaret had the gift of fascination, and she had -also in youth the kind of looks that linger in the -imagination. It is, consequently, not surprising -that while she sighed for the absent Gaston, -some one else should have sighed for her. This -second love affair is one of the interesting experiences -of Margaret’s life; it is rich in information -about Margaret, about Louise, about the habits -and customs of Margaret’s times. Using fictitious -names, she tells it herself, as well as her -early affection for Gaston, in the “Heptameron.” -Bonnivet was a lieutenant when he first -saw Margaret, and he fell in love with her -immediately. Immediately also he set himself to -try and arouse a corresponding emotion. She was -a princess, and he was a simple gentleman of good -family; marriage was out of the question. But -one could live without marriage, and Bonnivet -set to work instantly to realize a plan by which -he could remain permanently near his enticing -lady. There was a rich and ugly heiress who -lived close to the castle of Amboise, and whose -parents belonged to the royal circle. Bonnivet -made love to her and married her. To further -facilitate his own reception at the castle, his -brother about this time received a post in -Louise’s household. Bonnivet then saw Margaret -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>210]</a></span> -constantly. The girl considered herself forlorn. -Her round blue eyes were plaintive under their -first experience of a heartache. Bonnivet, fascinating -and determined, became her friend. She -confided to him all her innocent little love-story. -He took the part of sympathizer. Margaret -could never hate any one who liked her, and she -was at the age when to be loved easily stirs a -vague and evanescent fluttering.</p> - -<p>Presently Bonnivet had to go away also—Louis -was at war with Italy—and for two years -Margaret saw nothing of either Gaston or her -newer comrade. When Bonnivet returned he -was warmly welcomed at the castle of Amboise. -But apparently—it may have been a ruse—he -had come back visibly dejected through the -weight of some great sorrow. Margaret commenced -to ask questions. This was clearly only -out of a desire for flirtation, for Bonnivet’s feelings -had never known secrecy, and Margaret was -more than ordinarily intelligent. One day they -leant together at one of the windows of the -castle. Bonnivet ceased to talk of Gaston, and -confessed the reason of his own melancholy. -Having done so, he stated that he must go away. -Margaret—to suspect that she enjoyed all this is -unavoidable—replied that there was no need, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>211]</a></span> -“she trusted utterly in his honour, she was not -angry at all;” which last statement, at any rate, -strikes one as being unmistakably accurate.</p> - -<p>The confession, nevertheless, was an error. -Margaret wanted to be loved, and she adored -the glow of a sentimental friendship. But Bonnivet -desired more than this, and showed that he -did. The situation lost its grace and easiness. -The girl found herself pressed by an emotion -tired of simple playfulness; she grew uncomfortable, -and Bonnivet, seeing that the situation had -become untenable, went away. A wise, grave -woman would have let him stay away. It is part -of Margaret’s appeal to us that she was never -entirely sensible. She liked Bonnivet, and she -felt that a young creature left destitute of love -has lost a large part of the exquisiteness of youth. -Gaston had faded by now into a sentimental and -rather plaintive memory; she wrote, therefore, to -Bonnivet to come back. Away among other -women he could not be trusted to remain the -same—he was one of those who love vehemently -and often. He came in answer to her call, but -shortly afterwards another Italian expedition -removed him once more from her influence. In -this war he was taken prisoner, and Margaret is -said to have both fasted and gone pilgrimages in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>212]</a></span> -order to win God into releasing the prisoner. She -had also promised him before he left that -wherever she went after her marriage she would -take his wife as one of her ladies, thereby assuring -a re-meeting.</p> - -<p>And marriage had become at last unavoidable. -The Duc D’Alençon had asked the king and -queen for her hand, and she had refused so many -husbands that it was impossible to continue -obdurate. Margaret hung back, but could not -ultimately resist the wishes of the king, and -though it is said she declared that she would -rather have had death instead, the marriage took -place at the court of Anne and Louis on October -9, 1509.</p> - -<p>The match was in all ways unsuitable. The -Duc D’Alençon was good-looking, but invertebrate, -jealous, and very stupid. This was exactly -the type of character to depress Margaret, who -at seventeen—or, for that matter, all her life—showed -herself an ardent seeker after a cheerful -way of living. The mystic strain in her temperament -was involuntary. She troubled about the -soul, death, and the after life because she could -not help herself; questions of conduct and the -future came unasked, and shook her with uncontrollable -distresses. But of her own desires she -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>213]</a></span> -was all in tune with the Renaissance. She says -of herself that “she was <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">de moult joyeuse vie</i>,” and -her contemporaries bear her out in the statement.</p> - -<p>Life at Alençon proved more than uncongenial -to her. Separated from her mother and -Francis, the two people Margaret loved best in -the world, and from all congenial society, the -girl fretted visibly. It was at this time that, in -her correspondence with the Bishop of Meaux, -she called herself “worse than dead.”</p> - -<p>But her love-story with Bonnivet was far -from being terminated. Some time after her -marriage, when Margaret, her husband, and her -mother-in-law were together, Bonnivet once more -returned from foreign service. He at once went to -Alençon, presumably to see his wife. Margaret -watched him arrive from an upper window, for -fear that in the brusqueness of a sudden meeting -she might betray the tumult of her heart. It had -been left to grow so cold, this little hot heart, -since her marriage. They met, and when they -were alone she slipped back joyfully into the old -habit of confidence. She told him about her -marriage, she talked of Gaston, and cried. Bonnivet -grew hopeful that she loved him, when a -sudden untoward event once more flung them -apart. Bonnivet’s wife died; he had no longer -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>214]</a></span> -any excuse for hanging about Margaret’s person. -The king also sent orders for his departure. But -this renewed separation—his lady had grown -more than ever seductive and engrossing—affected -his health. He fell ill and took to his bed.</p> - -<p>Margaret—for the age permitted these acts of -intimate graciousness—went to pay him a visit. -He looked so ill that she cried once more. They -both cried, and the girl, whose instincts were -always mothering, put her arms round her ailing -friend. Intelligence should have warned her -against the action. But Margaret, whose intelligence -was so markedly above the average, seldom -used it when love scenes were in question—they -fascinated her too much. Bonnivet lost his head, -and his visitor, frightened, began to scream. -Plain speaking had grown unavoidable. The -invalid urged her loveless marriage, his own -despair and constancy. Margaret became sad and -reproachful. “In her sorrow,” she said wistfully, -“she had thought to have found a friend.” -They separated for the third time; after which, -Margaret did nothing but cry for several days.</p> - -<p>After further fighting, Bonnivet received a post -at home. The Duchesse D’Alençon had gone -to pay a visit to her mother, and Bonnivet knew -that Louise was his friend—she hated anybody, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>215]</a></span> -it would seem, to be more fastidious than herself -upon questions of morality. One evening, when -passing upon state business, he asked permission -to call, and Louise at once told her daughter to -be ready when sent for. Margaret knew the -disposition of her mother; instead of obeying, -she ran to the castle chapel, and prayed, with all -her heart flowing into the words upon her lips, -for the help of Heaven. She did more; she -took a stone and tore her face with it until the -cheeks were swollen and scratched and bleeding. -The action is wholly beautiful. No girl disfigures -and hurts herself unless driven by a fundamental -instinct of the soul into an extremity for salvation. -Margaret was afraid—terribly afraid. She liked -Bonnivet, she hated her husband, and she was -not made of stone; after all, she was the daughter -of Louise and Charles of Savoie, and the sister -of Francis. But she wanted more ardently to be -good than anything, and she knew no surer way -than this to defend herself while the youth ran -so hot in her pulsing body.</p> - -<p>Louise found her torn and bleeding, but remained -inexorably upon the side of unrighteousness. -The girl’s face having been hastily attended -to, she was sent straight into the presence of -Bonnivet. The naïve grace of the action -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>216]</a></span> -demanded, in truth, a more pitiful generation than -Margaret’s for appreciation. Her little hands -were roughly seized, and the scene developed -into an inexcusable and ungentle struggle.</p> - -<p>Margaret screamed for her mother. Louise, -who was undisturbedly holding her usual evening -court, had in the end to go to them. Embarrassing -explanations brought the incident to a close, -but there is no doubt that Margaret once more -wept a good deal. Louise was very angry, and -in refusing to have Bonnivet as a lover, the -Duchesse D’Alençon lost her friend. She had to -go back to the chill life of her husband’s court -with the one soft thread drawn out of existence. -But when it came to more than words—Margaret -had no prejudices of speech—she never made -vital mistakes. Conduct was the one ultimate -test by which the mystery of life became beautiful -and tranquillizing.</p> - -<p>For six years Margaret lived at Alençon, and -it is said that her mystical and Protestant sympathies -were principally developed in these years. -But there is very little known of this period, and -nothing that is at all intimate. She emerged into -prominence only from the year 1515, when Louise -wrote in her journal, “The first day of November, -1515, my son was King of France.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>217]</a></span> -This event brought some improvement into -Margaret’s life. Francis cared for both his mother -and sister; nobody flattered him with the same -undoubted sincerity as these two. After his accession -the Duchesse D’Alençon was often with -her brother’s court at Paris. But the intervals -between these visits were still dull and melancholy. -Her famous correspondence with the -Bishop of Meaux, Guillaume Briconnet, could -not have commenced until some five years after -her brother’s accession, when Martin Luther had -uprisen to preach against the Pope. These letters -are steeped in complainfulness. Written from -Alençon, they read as the letters of a young -person—unhappy, but not too unhappy to make -a sort of pretty plaintiveness out of melancholy. -Questions of the soul had begun to vex her. -According, also, to the new and curiously convincing -doctrines, it was not so easy to elude -punishment for this life’s licences as the priests -protested. The new theories found obscure, -hesitant acquiescences in her own intelligence. -Their spiritual clearness possessed a renewing -freshness after the iniquities into which the old -religion had fallen. Margaret was insatiably -curious; she craved to know everything, and -when she started her correspondence with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>218]</a></span> -Briconnet—at that time sympathetic to the new -religion—she both desired more knowledge of -the Lutheran doctrine, and some one who could -attune conflicting uncertainties.</p> - -<p>The correspondence is extraordinary. Briconnet—impassioned -of complexity in style—was -half the time not comprehensible. In answer to -some letter of Margaret’s dealing with spiritual -bewilderments, he wrote to her: “The extent of -your kingdom’s goods and honours should be a -voice to stimulate, and a great breath to light a -torrent of fire of love for God. Alas, madam, I -fear that it is in some uneasiness; for, as Jeremiah -said, the bellows that should light the fire has -failed—<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">defect sufflatorium in igne</i>!... Madam, -who is deserted in a desert, in a desert is lost, -seeking solitude and cannot find it; and when -he finds it is then prevented, is a bad guide to -guide others out of the desert and lead them to -the desired desert. The desert starves them -with mortal hunger, even though they should be -full up to the eyes, sharpening desire only to -satiate it, and impoverish him to hunger.”</p> - -<p>Margaret could make no sense of this. She -wrote back humorously—nobody was more quickly -moved to laughter—“The poor wanderer cannot -understand the good which is to be found in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>219]</a></span> -desert for lack of knowing she is benighted there. -I pray you that in this desert, out of affection and -pity, you will not hasten forwards so swiftly that -you cannot be followed, in order that the abyss, -through the abyss which you invoke, may not -engulf the poor wanderer.”</p> - -<p>But the request for clarity passed unheeded. -Briconnet seized the word “abyss,” and the following -paragraph was his answer. I give it in -the original French, as translation is almost impossible. -“<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Abysme, qui tout abysme présent, -pour en le désabysment l’abysmes en l’abysme (sans -l’abysmes). Auquel abysme est fond sans fond voie -des errants</i>,” etc.</p> - -<p>Margaret must have abandoned hope of enlightenment; -but Briconnet, happily, had intelligible -intervals. When he chose he could write -with the same lucidity as other people. Once, -for instance, after Margaret had written more -sadly than usual, he replied sensibly enough: -“Madame, you write to me to have pity on you -because you are lonely. I do not accept this -proposition. Who lives in the world and has her -heart in it remains alone through being badly -accompanied. But she whose heart sleeps to -the world and lives for the gentle and debonnair -Jesus, lives in all that is necessary, and certainly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>220]</a></span> -is not alone.” Margaret refused to respond to -this; she had such need of men and women, of -friendship, of intellectual friction, of a perpetual -output of loving-kindnesses. She wrote again to -Briconnet, saying, “It is so cold—one’s heart is -frozen;” and signed herself, “Worse than dead.”</p> - -<p>Briconnet may have been moved; young -women should not be neglected and unhappy. -But he remained sensible, and reproved the -method of signature. Then Margaret, with a -defiant meekness, signed her next letter, “Worse -than ill.”</p> - -<p>This humorous docility shows that the depression -she complained of was not yet grief—merely -the illusive melancholy of juvenility. After -the days of Alençon there was no repetition of it. -Youth once traversed, the realities of death, of -irretrievable sorrow—nothing is irretrievable until -thirty—put an end to imaginative melancholy. -Conscious of the familiar agonies always so close, -the intelligent grow to hug what gaiety they can. -Certainly there is no longer the playfulness in -regard to sorrow, to sign “Worse than death” -in a mood of amused defiance.</p> - -<p>Some time before Francis started upon the -disastrous Italian campaign, Margaret went -through the last episode in her love-story with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>221]</a></span> -Bonnivet. Except for the light it throws upon -the morals of the period, it would be as well -omitted; and but for Monsieur de Claviere’s -assertion of its veracity, one would gladly leave -the story at its last dramatic moment. Bonnivet -had married again, and during one of Margaret’s -visits to Paris he invited royalty to pay a visit -at his estate in the country, in order to take part -in a great hunt he had organized. Margaret -gives in the “Heptameron” a very full account of -what occurred; but, condensed, it comes to this—that -Bonnivet, having previously made a trap-door -for the purpose, penetrated one night into -the princess’s bedroom. This time Margaret did -not scratch her own face, but her adversary’s. -Before her lady-in-waiting rushed into the room, -and her conscienceless admirer fled back through -the carefully arranged trap-door, Bonnivet’s appearance -had been rudely disfigured. He could -not appear next day; it was necessary to plead -illness to avoid unanswerable questions, and Margaret -never saw him again. He was killed at -the battle of Pavia. They had fought, but she -grieved at his death, and to the end of her life -loved to talk of him as one dear and tender in -her memory.</p> - -<p>Among other friends of this period, the poet -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>222]</a></span> -Marot ought to be included. Marot’s father, also -a poet, had been attached first to the court of -Anne, and then to that of Francis. Marot himself -had been brought up in an atmosphere of -royalty. He was an interesting personality—incurably -light and incurably honest. His poetry, -of which Sainte Beuve remarked that good -manners in poetry were born with him, was never -deep, but always fascinating, natural, light-hearted. -He wrote many verses to Margaret, in the gay -and witty manner which was peculiarly his own. -An excellently condensed impression of Margaret’s -temperament is given in the following lines:—</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“Tous deux aimons la musique chantes,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons les livres fréquenter,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons d’aucun ne médire,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons un meilleur propos dire,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons gens pleins d’honnêtete.<br /></div> -<div class="i4"><sub>* * * * *</sub><br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons a visites les heux<br /></div> -<div class="i0">On ne sont point gens mélancoleux<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Que diraj plus? Ce mot, la dire j’ore<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Je le disaj! Que presque en toute chose,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Nous ressemblons, fois que j’ai plus d’envoi,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Et que tu as le cœur plus dur que moi.”<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>As a personality, Marot only came into prominence -later, when the religious persecutions had -begun. He leant towards Lutheranism, and -Margaret had twice to save him from the sinister -machinery of the Sorbonne. Later still, after her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>223]</a></span> -second marriage, she sheltered him at Navarre, -and when even that became a place of doubtful -security, she sent him to Renée in Ferrara. To -translate Clement Marot’s poetry is to destroy all -impression of its delicate and witty pleasantness. -The following example is typical of his manner -at its lightest. They are verses to</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“UNE DEMOISELLE MALADE.<br /></div> -</div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i3">“Ma Mignonne,<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Je vous donne<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Le bon jour.<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Le séjour<br /></div> -<div class="i3">C’est prison.<br /></div> -<div class="i4">Guerison<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Recouvrez,<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Puis ouvrez<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Vostre porte,<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Et qu’on sorte<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Vistement.<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Car Clement<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Je vous mande<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Va, friande<br /></div> -<div class="i3">De ta bouche<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Qui se couche<br /></div> -<div class="i3">En danger<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Pour manger<br /></div> -<div class="i4">Confitures.<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Si tu dures<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Trop malade<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Couleur fade<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Tu prendras.<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Et perdras<br /></div> -<div class="i3">L’Embonpoint.<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Dieu te doint<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Santé bonne<br /></div> -<div class="i3">Ma Mignonne.”<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>224]</a></span> -It was characteristic of a strain of cheerful -callousness in the poet to tell his friend that to -continue ill would be to lose the pretty plumpness -which made her so attractive.</p> - -<p>In 1524, Francis started to reconquer Milan, -and from that time a great change came into -Margaret’s way of life. When he went, her -husband went with him; also Bonnivet, Anne de -Montmorency, and many others who were her -friends. Margaret then moved to Paris to keep -her mother company; also the poor queen Claude, -who was in the last stages of consumption, and -who died before Francis had gone far upon his -journey. The disaster of Pavia came as an -almost inconceivable blow to those in Paris. -Francis was the prisoner of Charles V., and it -was said the calamity had taken place, to a great -extent, owing to the stupidity of Margaret’s -husband, who, as leader of the vanguard, had -failed to come to the king’s rescue. La Palice, -Bayaret, and Bonnivet, among her friends also, -were dead, and Marot and Montmorency were -prisoners. In reference to Palice’s death some -ridiculous verses were sung in the streets by the -people—</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“Hélas, La Palice est mort,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Il est mort devant Pavie.<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Hélas, s’il n’etait pas mort<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Il serait encore en vie.”<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>225]</a></span> -From the moment of Francis’s capture Margaret -commenced a correspondence of almost -impassioned tenderness with him and about him. -The poet Dr. Bellay refers to Margaret, Louise, -and Francis as one heart in three bodies, and -they were known as The Trinity, Margaret, upon -one occasion, referring to herself as the last -corner in it. She wrote to Francis, after he had -been taken to Madrid: “If I can be of service -to you, even to the scattering of the ashes of -my bones to the winds, nothing will be amiss, -difficult, or painful, but consolation, repose, and -honour.”</p> - -<p>The next incident was to fling Margaret upon -the colossal failure of her life. Charles V. would -agree to no terms of peace in which Francis did -not surrender Burgundy as well as all claims to -Milan and Naples. Francis was willing to give -up claim to the last two places, but to relinquish -Burgundy, which meant giving up a slice of -France, was out of the question.</p> - -<p>Margaret had meanwhile become a widow. -The Duc D’Alençon died shortly after the disaster -of Pavia—it is said, in a great measure, -from want of will to live. Everybody—including -his wife—looked upon him with abhorrence, since -he had been, in some measure, responsible for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>226]</a></span> -the capture of the king. The knowledge helped -to destroy vitality, though, in the end, Margaret -nursed and coddled and forgave him, as she -ought to have done—the ultimate necessity for -every woman being to possess the power to forgive -interminably.</p> - -<p>But D’Alençon was scarcely cold before -Louise de Savoie offered Charles V. Margaret’s -hand, and proposed Charles’s sister, the widowed -Queen of Portugal, as wife for Francis. Margaret, -however, was not to feel flattered at any period -of her acquaintance with the self-contained -Spaniard. He took no notice of Louise’s proposal -as regards her daughter. Nevertheless, -when Margaret started upon her famous embassy -to Spain, there was in the minds of all those concerned -the almost secure anticipation that her -personal enticement would have a good deal of -influence in bringing about a swift and satisfactory -release of the French prisoners.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 530px;"> -<a name="plate20" id="plate20"></a> -<img src="images/qotr20.jpg" width="530" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">CHARLES V.</p> -</div> - -<p>Neither Margaret nor her counsellors knew -anything of the nature of the man she had gone -to deal with. A woman was the last person to -negotiate successfully with the suspicious and -comprehending emperor. From the first he was -opposed to her coming. His opinion, and that of -his entourage, is frankly expressed by the English -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>227]</a></span> -ambassador at the Spanish court: “Being young, -and a widow, she comes, as Ovid says of women -going to the play, to see and to be seen, that -perhaps the emperor may like her, and also to -woo the Queen-Dowager of Portugal for her -brother.... Then, as they are both young -widows, she shall find good commodity in cackling -with her to advance her brother’s matter, and -if she finds her inclined thereto, they will help -each other.”</p> - -<p>Happily, Margaret was unaware of the Spanish -views upon her embassy, for, even without the -knowledge, her nerves could only have been -tense with the crucial uncertainties of her -expedition, and the gravity of the issues hanging -practically upon her personal fascination and -diplomacy. If this man could be made to feel -attraction, her mission was half secured already. -All France looked upon success as a certain -prospect. She was held to be so clever, so -fascinating, so superior and intelligent, that beyond -doubt, it was thought, she would achieve in a few -interviews what a man would require a month to -bring to a conclusion. She had hardly reached -Spain before she received premature congratulations—“<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">A -vous, madame, l’honneur et la -merite.</i>”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>228]</a></span> -But Margaret was to fail—bitterly, completely, -and inevitably. Charles had pointedly -ignored the question of marriage in his answer to -Louise de Savoie’s letter. After seeing Margaret, -it had still no attraction for him. That in -itself was, in some measure, failure, and a thrust -at pride as well. As a matter of fact, Charles -found her, not only no longer very young or very -pretty, but far too clever. “She is more of a -prodigy than a woman,” remarked the man, who -had every kind of astuteness himself, and needed -contrast for fascination.</p> - -<p>The negotiations took place in Toledo, but -from the beginning Margaret had no chance of -producing the smallest change of outlook. Charles -refused to have any witness to their interviews; -whatever he said could therefore be denied, if -necessary. Margaret wrote to Francis from -Toledo: “I went yesterday to visit the emperor. -I found him very guarded and cold in his -demeanour. He took me apart into his room -with one lady to await me”—(this was outside)—“but -when there, his discourse was not worth -so great a ceremony, for he put me off to confer -with his council, and will give me an answer -to-day.”</p> - -<p>The poor ambassadress soon grew baffled and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>229]</a></span> -exasperated. She had hoped great things from -gaining over the Queen of Portugal. But Eleanor -was cleverly sent upon an unwilling pilgrimage, -concerning which Margaret wrote to Francis: “It -is true that she sets out on her journey to-morrow. -Before her departure I shall take leave of her. I -believe she acts thus out of obedience more than -in compliance with her own will, for they hold her -in great subjection.”</p> - -<p>A later letter showed that Margaret had now -grown utterly disheartened. And before the end -of her embassy, to express how deeply inimical -and unworthy she considered the emperor’s conduct -to be, she left the palace placed by him at -her disposal, and moved into a convent, so as to -destroy all obligations of hospitality.</p> - -<p>The negotiations, as one knows, came to -nothing. Charles was resolute not to abate one -demand for the woman who had all the facile -sweetnesses of her brother, all the glib and -cunning adroitnesses he knew so well in his -intercourse with the other. The family resemblance -between them was over-strong; Charles -could not avoid suspecting the sister of the same -deep, inherent duplicity as the brother.</p> - -<p>Margaret had failed, and all her life this sharp -and public failure must have remained a hidden -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>230]</a></span> -sore in memory. She had also, after her defeat, -ungracefully to rush back into safety. The period -of her safe conduct had almost expired, and information -had been received that Charles intended -to detain her as prisoner if she exceeded it.</p> - -<p>The consequent release of Francis and the -terms of the agreement are matters of history. -Margaret had no hand in them, and the next -momentous incident in which she figured was her -own re-marriage with the King of Navarre.</p> - -<p>This marriage is among Margaret’s foolishnesses. -Henri D’Albret, who had been another -of the prisoners taken at Pavia, was eleven -years her junior and exceptionally good-looking. -Charles V. remarked of him later that, save for -Francis, he was the one <em>man</em> he had seen in -France. Margaret should have known that to -keep the affections of a handsome husband, over -whom she possessed the disadvantage of eleven -years’ seniority, was anticipating the impossible. -But at the time of their first meeting they had -intellectually many interests in common, and -Margaret, it seems, fell in love with his fascinations. -The marriage was not to prove happier -than the previous one; but in the beginning -everything promised the creature of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">joyeuse vie</i> a -more congenial existence than she had known for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>231]</a></span> -many years. Henri de Navarre was an able and -conscientious administrator; Bordeaux says of -him, “Had he not been so given to women as -he was, he would have been irreproachable. He -loved his people like his children.”</p> - -<p>At Navarre, Margaret made her court the -home of three kinds of people—the intellectual, -the gay, and the persecuted; for while Francis -had been a prisoner in Spain, Louise had established -the Inquisition in France. The scholar -Berguin was the first notable personality to be -martyred by it; but the precedent once established, -there followed a never-ending list, drawn from -every class of society. Margaret had tried to -save Berguin, and, indeed, was all her life, from -that date onwards, trying to save some one from -the furnaces of the Inquisition. Florimond de -Rémond, in his “Historie du Progres de -l’heresie,” says—and he was not upon her side, -and refers to her elsewhere as a good but too -easy-going princess—“She had a marvellous -dexterity in saving and sheltering those in peril -for religion’s sake.” As a further corroboration, -there is Sainte Marthe’s pretty reference, “She -made herself a harbour and refuge for the despairing.... -Seeing them surrounding this good -lady, you would have said it was a hen who -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>232]</a></span> -carefully calls and assembles its little chickens to -cover them with her wings.”</p> - -<p>Etienne Dolet, another remarkable scholar, -who was at one time the friend of Rabelais, she -strove to the last to rescue. She was twice -successful, but Dolet was more difficult to save -than most people, being by nature inherently -quarrelsome. Among the charges made by the -Sorbonne against him was the remark he had -made, that he preferred the sermon to the mass, -while in his writings he had seemed to doubt the -immortality of the soul. The first charge alone -was considered sufficient reason for burning him. -Orriz, the Inquisitor, whom later Renée was to have -bitter dealings with in Ferrara, headed the Paris -Inquisition; and Orriz, of the feline persuasive -manners, is said to have found no occupation so -congenial as that of hunting, trying, and making -ashes of heretical people. Dolet himself had -already said of him, “I never knew any one -more ignorant, more cunning, or more lustful -after the death of a Christian.” Lanothe Laizon -adds an interesting touch to this impression. He -writes: “Orriz was grim only to those who did not -finance his purse. He became soft and lenient to -those who paid him, ... and for a round sum -one could get from him excellent certificates of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>233]</a></span> -Catholicity.” This leniency, however, could not -be relied upon; Orriz had a trick of letting -prisoners go and then rearresting them upon -another accusation.</p> - -<p>Dolet was very brilliant and very eloquent. -His epigrams were held to be so good that one of -his friends begged him to make one on him, so -that his name might go down to posterity. Margaret -had invited Dolet to shelter in the safety of -Bourges, but he was too reckless to be permanently -rescued. He escaped once from prison, and was -re-caught, it is said, because he could not keep -himself from coming back to see his little son. -He had written in his Commentaries, “I now -come to the subject of Death, the extreme -boundary of life, terrible to those about to die.” -It is a wonderful phrase, solemn with a simply -worded, haunting veracity.</p> - -<p>Margaret herself had, it is said, become touched -with more than pure compassion for the new -doctrines. And martyrs were being made not -only for Lutheranism; a rival reformer—no less -abusive—had arisen in Calvin, whom Margaret -was supposed among others to have sheltered at -Navarre. She certainly corresponded with him, and -Calvin upon one occasion censured her for harbouring -godless people among her flock. It is, however, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>234]</a></span> -wonderful and disturbing to realize how these -Protestants, through a sustaining passion for right -conduct, bore the unbearable. There are stories -of death after death which cannot be read without -anguish. These martyrs of the Sorbonne rendered -even hideous facts heartbreaking and sweet. -In 1557, for instance, Calvin wrote to comfort -some doomed disciples in the Inquisition prisons -at Paris. Among them was a certain Lady -Phillipine de Luny. When the day for her -burning came, “the executioners beheld her -approach with a smile of happiness on her face, -and dressed in white as for a festival.” How did -they do it? Phillipine de Luny was not yet -twenty-four years of age.</p> - -<p>At another bonfire Louis de Marsac was -offended because they did not, in leading him to -the stake, put a halter round his neck as they had -done to the rest of the party; the indignity had -been spared him on account of his noble birth. -He asked why he was refused the collar of that -“excellent order” of martyrs. Another victim, -Peter Berger, shortly before, had exclaimed, like -Stephen when the flames reached him, “I see the -heavens opened.”</p> - -<p>These burnings destroyed a good deal of -Margaret’s original joyousness of temperament. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>235]</a></span> -But nothing lasts; an event that whitens a person’s -very lips with horror is over by the morrow; -the week after, thousands of trivial incidents -have swept between. Domestic existence is full -of sanity and healing. Margaret had an engrossing -daily life apart from her pitiful struggle to save -people who exulted in new conceptions of the -soul and immortality. She was often at Paris, -and she was also busy at this time with her babies.</p> - -<p>Before the birth of her first, the little Jeanne -D’Albret of the brave heart and strenuous life, -Margaret wrote the following letter to Francis: -“I hope, nevertheless, that God will permit me to -see you before my hour arrives; but if this -happiness is not to be mine, I will cause your -letter to be read to me, instead of the life of -Sainte Marguerite” (the patron saint of pregnant -women), “as having been written by your own -hand it will not fail to inspire me with courage. -I cannot, however, believe that my child will -presume to be born without your command; to -the last, therefore, I shall eagerly expect your -much-desired arrival.” The little lady, who was -always to prove of an independent spirit, did -apparently presume to be born without Francis’s -command.</p> - -<p>The relation between Margaret and her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>236]</a></span> -daughter is the least satisfactory part of Margaret’s -life. She was upon one occasion actually -cruel to the child—a thing incomprehensible from -a heart so motherly and kind. Francis was the -reason but not the excuse for Margaret’s behaviour. -There were rumours that she and her husband -were negotiating to marry the child to a prince -of Spain. Navarre—held in fief from Spain—would -then be free once more, which Francis, for -personal political reasons, did not desire. When -Jeanne was two years old, therefore, he took her -from her mother and placed her in the gloomy -castle of Plessis Les Tours, where Louis XI. had -shut himself up behind bolts and bars during the -last years of his life. It was like educating a -child in prison. In all her writings Margaret -has not left one word of protest, and yet at two -years old a child to its mother is a miracle and -an intoxication.</p> - -<p>Later, when Francis promised the child in -marriage to the Duke of Cleves, Margaret was -really cruel. The marriage could only have been -bitter both to her and to Henri of Navarre. But -Francis desired it, and that was sufficient for -Margaret. The duke was a heavy, unattractive -person; and Othagaray says that Francis originally -“named the lady to the Duke of Cleves -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>237]</a></span> -without the consent of father and mother.” When -he named him to the lady herself—not quite twelve -years old—a supreme surprise occurred for her -elders. The child became passionate with disgust. -She would not marry him—a hideous -foreign creature, whose language she did not even -understand. There were many scenes with the -disobedient child at Plessis. Her father, who -would have helped her if he could, had not the -power to do so, and Margaret remained like ice -to the appeals of her sickened daughter.</p> - -<p>Now, Margaret had once written to Montmorency -in reference to some woman Francis -wished her to persuade into a marriage for her -daughter which the lady disliked: “You know -that my disposition and hers are so different that -we are not fairly matched; for to vanquish the -will of a woman whom no one has yet been able -to persuade through the medium of one who is -persuaded by everybody, seems to me to promise -little except that she will conduct herself in her -usual manner towards me.” This “who is persuaded -by everybody” had its heart-sprung -quality, but in the matter of Jeanne’s marriage it -showed a colder and more weak-willed element. -She wrote to Francis an almost frantic letter, -expressing her “tribulation” at her daughter’s -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>238]</a></span> -“senseless” appeal that she might not be married -to the Duke of Cleves. Then, as Jeanne continued -rebellious, Margaret wrote to her governess -that she must be beaten into obedience. True, -a child of twelve years old could not very well be -in a position to select a suitable husband, and -whipping was a recognized and much-used discipline -at that period. But Margaret of Navarre -should have known better: she had been brought -up in a different school of feeling.</p> - -<p>Presently Francis—afraid that Henri might -save his daughter—gave orders that the betrothal -and marriage should take place immediately. It -was under these circumstances that the child -wrote her well-known protest, signing it with her -own brave, childish hand, and having it witnessed -by three members of her household. This is -what she said: “I, Jeanne de Navarre, persisting -in the protestations I have already made, do -hereby again affirm and protest, by those present, -that the marriage which it is desired to contract -between the Duke of Cleves and myself is against -my will; that I have never consented to it nor -will consent, and that all I may say and do hereafter -by which it may be attempted to prove that -I have given my consent, will be forcibly extorted -against my wish and desire from my dread of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>239]</a></span> -king, of the king my father, and the queen my -mother, who has threatened me, and has had me -whipt by my governess, the Baillive of Caen. -By command of the queen, my mother, my said -governess has also several times declared that if -I did not give my consent, I should be so severely -punished as to occasion my death, and that by -refusing I might be the cause of the total ruin -and destruction of my father, my mother, and of -their house.”</p> - -<p>Jeanne was married, notwithstanding, but -happily the sequel showed an unusual quality -of mercy. She never really became the wife of -the Duke of Cleves after all. After the marriage -ceremony had taken place, she was left for two -years with her mother, pending the time when -she should be old enough to join her husband. -At the end of the two years the Duke of Cleves -surrendered to the emperor, and abandoned all -claims to his bride, the marriage, therefore, being -at once declared non-existent.</p> - -<p>Jeanne did not, in fact, marry until the next -reign; but there is one story of her after life so -charming that it is a pity not to tell it here. Her -father promised her a golden box he wore on a -long chain round his neck, if she would sing -an old Bearn-folk song while in the pains of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>240]</a></span> -child-birth. She agreed, and kept her promise, -singing with brave persistence at a time when -most women wish that they were dead.</p> - -<p>Margaret’s own marriage had proved unhappy -some time before her daughter’s futile first -wedding. She had written long ago, in one of -her letters to Montmorency, concerning her -husband: “As you are with him, I fear not that -everything will go well, excepting that I am -afraid you cannot prevent him from paying -assiduous court to the Spanish ladies.” It comes -as a digression; but there is, about the same -period, an interesting appeal from Margaret to -Montmorency, concerning her brother: “It strikes -me it would be advisable for you to praise the -king in your letters for the great attention he -pays to affairs.” The suggestion holds the essence -of the relationship of a woman to the man she -loves. No woman but manages and cajoles the -creature cared for, like a mother trying to coax -a child into good behaviour.</p> - -<p>Margaret and her husband disagreed upon -religious questions as well as about the subject -of other ladies. Jeanne, who lived with them for -the two years she was waiting to join the Duke -of Cleves, wrote, many years after her mother’s -death, that her father grew very angry and beat -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>241]</a></span> -her if she showed any interest in the new doctrines, -and that she remembered on one occasion, when -a Protestant teacher had been with her mother, -his coming furiously to drive him out. Margaret -having been warned, had already got rid of the -man; but Henri, too angry instantly to abstain -from violence, went up and boxed Margaret’s -ears, saying passionately, “You want to know -too much, madam.” His conduct became so -undesirable that Brantome says, “Henri D’Albret -treated the queen, his wife, very badly, and -would have treated her worse, had it not been -for her brother Francis, who rated him soundly, -and ended by threatening him because he had -been disrespectful to his sister, in spite of her -high rank.”</p> - -<p>Margaret, happily, was many-sided; one unhappiness -did not render her obdurate against -the entry of the rest. Probably she went through -an interval of supreme heart-sickness. But a -middle-aged woman has under every circumstance -a painful phase to go through. There is one -period in every woman’s life hard to face and -hard to bear—the period of relinquishments. -The sweets of youth are over; for the future -there is only the swift, chill journey into old age -to front with calm and dignity. Margaret’s -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>242]</a></span> -face in middle age suggests that she made -her relinquishments with completeness and -courage.</p> - -<p>But—though the statement is a repetition—no -person’s life can be laid unremittingly upon -the rack. Margaret, surrounded by people—her -ladies, poets, scholars, painters, and others—was -kept pleasantly preoccupied. The second Clouet -painted her; Leonard Limousin, the great enamellist, -wrought her exquisite enamels. Like most -royalties of her day, she took great interest in -her garden, and in the love affairs of her ladies -she was unfailingly sympathetic and kind. A -contemporary wrote of her as “the precious -carnation in the flower garden of the palace. -Her fragrance had drawn to Bearn, as thyme -draws the honey-bee, the noblest minds in -Europe.”</p> - -<p>It is true that many of the “noblest minds -of Europe” were drawn to Margaret. Even -Rabelais, the last man to take pleasure in praising -women without good reason, dedicated the -third book of his “Pantagruel” to her. Rabelais, -though he was the epitome of the Renaissance -spirit in France, is too capacious to mention -fragmentarily in the life of another person. And -yet few men of the period convey a sweeter -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>243]</a></span> -impression. He was colossal in everything; in -compassion as well as laughter.</p> - -<p>After the publication of his “Gargantua” and -“Pantagruel,” Rabelais narrowly escaped the -Sorbonne. But he was wise, and had no taste -for being roasted. In the life of Pantagruel, -referring to Toulouse, then the great centre of -persecution, he said, ostensibly of Pantagruel, in -reality of himself, “But he remained little time -there, when he perceived that they made no -bones about burning their regents alive like red -herrings, saying, ‘The Lord forbid that I should -die in this manner, for I am dry enough by nature, -without being heated any further.’”</p> - -<p>It is purposeless here to refer to Rabelais’s -coarseness. At the present time no woman could -read him. But, then, no woman for pleasure -would read Margaret’s “Heptameron,” and -Margaret, for all the grossness of a large number -of her stories, had the capacity for a very delicate -and artificial refinement.</p> - -<p>She and Rabelais never came to a sufficient -knowledge of each other for friendship; but -there is a legend of Rabelais’s death which touches -her outlook upon spiritual things very closely. -A messenger had been despatched by Rabelais’s -friend, Cardinal du Bellay, to inquire how he felt. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>244]</a></span> -Rabelais lay dying when the messenger arrived, -but he sent back the following answer: “I go to -find the great Perhaps.” A little later, still conscious -of the pettiness of all human circumstances, -he rallied sufficiently to make a last good phrase. -“Pull the blind,” he is said to have whispered; -“the farce is played out.”</p> - -<p>This, “I go to find the great Perhaps,” was -a sentence Margaret might have echoed had she -known of it. There is an incident in her own -life curiously in tune with the statement.</p> - -<p>It must have occurred when she was, at any -rate, middle aged, and the thought of death had -become hauntingly vivid. One of her ladies-in-waiting -lay dying. As the girl gradually sank -into unconsciousness, the duchess insisted upon -sitting by her bed. The attendants begged her -to go away, but she refused to move, and sat -staring silently at the dying figure. There seemed -something unnatural in the absorption of her -eyes, and her women were puzzled. When the -girl was at last dead, Margaret turned away; -visibly she betrayed disappointment. One of her -ladies then asked her why she had leant forward -and watched with such unmoving intensity the -lips of the dying girl. Her answer is pathetic -behind its callousness. She had been told, she -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>245]</a></span> -said, that the soul leaves the body at the actual -moment of death. She had looked and listened -to catch the faintest sound of its emergence -through the lips of the dying body, but she had -seen and heard nothing. The watching had -been, to a great extent, cold-blooded, but the -result was a tragic discouragement of thought. -There seemed nothing to strengthen belief with -at all.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, if Margaret felt occasionally -like a rat caught in a trap, since being alive one -must inevitably and shortly die, she continued to -the end to enjoy the present as far as possible. -She shivered with spiritual dubieties; but at the -same time she wrote the “Heptameron,” a book -above everything earthy, caustic, and shrewd. -It is said to have been written for Francis I. -during his last illness. He had been inordinately -amused by Boccaccio, and Margaret tried to give -him stories in the same vein.</p> - -<p>They are and they are not. The outline and -the idea are similar; but Margaret was not a -second Boccaccio. She wrote easily and naturally—she -would have written a novel every year -had she lived at the present time; but where -Boccaccio was witty and light, Margaret was -relentless and crude. Her brutality gives as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>246]</a></span> -great a shock as her indelicacy. It seems incredible, -for instance, that she should have -written the following termination to one of her -stories. In the tale a priest was discovered to -have made his sister his mistress. The woman -was about to have a baby. The judges waited -until the child was born; then brother and sister -were burnt together. The very simplicity with -which the statement is made adds to its horror. -Margaret wrote: “They waited till his sister was -brought to bed. Then when she had made a -beautiful son, the sister and brother were burnt -together.” The sentence, “when she had made -a beautiful son,” renders the incident alive and -unbearable.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to say much of Margaret’s -“Heptameron.” The stories are a curious mixture -of appalling grossness, and the most soft and -grieving mysticism. What one chiefly gathers -from them in connection with her temperament -is that, side by side with a noteworthy charm and -sympathy, she possessed a slender strain of ruthlessness. -Margaret’s nose was too long. To -have a nose so much in excess, so thin and -pointed, is always dangerous. Some want of -balance must accompany its disproportion, some -streak of cruelty its ungenerous narrowness. As -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>247]</a></span> -a matter of fact, notwithstanding her nose, Margaret -was a miracle of lovely kindlinesses, but it -conquered in the matter of her daughter—she -was a cold, unprofitable mother. Again, in the -“Heptameron,” it is the temperament belonging -to the long unbalanced feature whose detestation -of the priests found outlet in such relentless -vengeances. To some extent Margaret’s little -chin saved her. Counterpoised, as it were, between -two excesses—the cold, deceitful nose, and -the yielding, enthusiastic chin—she contrived to -retain balance between either, and to be, on the -whole, an intricacy of characteristics, none of -which surged into overwhelming predominance. -The ascendant characteristics were all good—her -sheltering instincts and her half-fearsome mystical -aspirations. She had, long before the Maeterlinck -utterance of it, the sense of a world in which -everything was in reality spiritual and portentous. -In one of the stories of the “Heptameron” she -makes a lady—in reality herself, for the tale is -said to be true—bring a fickle lover to the grave -of his forgotten love, to see if no subtle communication -issues from the dead body beneath -them. When he feels nothing, her disappointment -is almost painful, for no trait in Margaret -renders her so endearing as this disquieted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>248]</a></span> -craving to be assured that existence was something -more profound and worthy than a brief -term of suffering consciousness.</p> - -<p>During the latter years of her existence Margaret -suffered from ill health. In 1542 Mario -Cavelli wrote of her: “The Queen of Navarre -looks very delicate, so delicate, I fear she has not -long to live. Yet she is so sober and moderate -that, after all, she may last. She is, I think, the -wisest, not only of the women, but of the men of -France.”</p> - -<p>She must have been pleasant company. So -many men of sound insight could not have valued -her society unless she had possessed unusual -sense and heartiness. Her conversation is repeatedly -mentioned as brilliant, eloquent, full of -thought and sympathy.</p> - -<p>Francis I. died in March, 1547. Margaret -had said that when he died she did not want to -go on living, but she had more brains and more -vitality than she knew of. Everything interested -her, even when she was not happy. To the last -she did what she could to help the Reformers—her -husband made it impossible for her to do -much. Under the stimulus of Henri and Diane -the Sorbonne had increased in laboriousness. -Upon the subject of its added licence there is -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>249]</a></span> -one humorous story, told by Duchatel, the -witty secretary of Francis I., who used to say -of him that he was the only man whose knowledge -he had not exhausted after two years’ -intimacy.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 499px;"> -<a name="plate21" id="plate21"></a> -<img src="images/qotr21.jpg" width="499" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">MARGARET D’ANGOULÊME<br /> -<span class="subcap">ABOUT 1548 (AFTER CORNEILLE DE LYON)</span></p> -</div> - -<p>Duchatel preached the funeral sermon upon -Francis, and said, with complimentary intention, -that the soul of the king had gone straight to -heaven. The doctors of the Sorbonne—swollen -with courage under the known bigotry of the -new king and the king’s mistress—complained at -once of the horrible utterance. Pious as the late -king had been, his soul could not have escaped -purgatory. They sent deputies to Henri II. -charging Duchatel with heresy; there existed an -old grudge against him. The deputies were -received, and given a conciliatory dinner by the -king’s <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">maître d’hôtel</i>, Mendoza, and advised not -to proceed further with the charge. “I knew -the character of the late king intimately,” said -Mendoza, wittily. “He never could endure to -be in one place long. If he did go to purgatory, -he would only stay there sufficient time to drink -a stirrup cup and move on.”</p> - -<p>It was Margaret’s time to “move on.” She -went, in the autumn of 1549, to drink some -mineral waters, but they did her no good. She -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>250]</a></span> -was consumptive, and in a condition past being -cured. During her last illness she is reported to -have said, concerning her protection of heretics, -“All I have done, I have done from compassion.” -She could have given no better reason.</p> - -<p>Her death was preceded by less suffering -than most people’s; she simply sank into unconsciousness. -At the last she struggled back for -a second from stupor, and, grasping a cross that -lay upon the bed, muttered, “Jesus, Jesus, Jesus,” -and fell back dead.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>251]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="chap06" id="chap06"></a>RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA</h2> - -<p class="dates">1510-1575</p> -</div> - - -<p><span class="dropcap">R</span>ENÉE, daughter of Anne of Brittany, was, -like her mother, destitute of any sympathy -with the intellectuality of the period in -which she lived. But the Renaissance brought -about the reaction of the Reformation, and -Renée’s life is interesting as the story of the -domestic difficulties confronted by an individual -sympathetic to the new doctrines during their -first calamitous strivings in Italy. The danger -to a person of the same views in France has -been seen in the life of Margaret D’Angoulême.</p> - -<p>Renée’s Italian career is interesting, besides, -as the intimate history of a stubborn, unimaginative, -and unadaptable temperament in a married -life betraying from the commencement extreme -incompatibility of disposition. The circumstance -may occur to any one, and each woman deals -with it according to her nature. Exactly how -she does so, is one of the clearest tests of her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>252]</a></span> -valour and her intelligence. A true woman of -the Renaissance—Vittoria Colonna and Isabella -of Mantua, for instance, carried a dignified marital -complaisance to heroic extremities—would have -preserved surface amenities, however distasteful -the husband. But Renée, brought up by people -to whom she was simply a dull and undesirable -orphan, never learnt that small accommodations -of behaviour are among the primary and desirable -virtues. Her father had been rich in them, but -the self-willed spirit of her mother, Anne, was -more noticeable in the character of her second -daughter than the paternal trait. To have lived -with Renée would undoubtedly have rendered -affection difficult. But to know her without the -irritation of daily intercourse, as a perplexed, -mistaken, blundering, wistful, and unloved woman, -is to be drawn into a reluctant sympathy. She -was, to begin with, ugly, and there is nothing in -its consequences more pathetic than a woman’s -ugliness. She was also, almost from her babyhood, -without one single person who truly loved -her. From the outset her character had been -chilled and bleakened.</p> - -<p>Born on October 25, 1510, though she came -disappointingly enough to the woman craving for -a son, Renée was made welcome with a careful -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>253]</a></span> -pomp that bordered almost upon tenderness. Her -baptism became the pretext for a magnificent -pageant, and in an account of the expenses incurred -for her childish household, she is called -the king’s “very dear and much loved daughter, -Renée.”</p> - -<p>Two years after Renée’s birth Anne died. -At five years old Renée was an orphan, and with -her sister Claude, the patient, piteous, and most -mishandled wife of Francis I., passed into the -care of Louise de Savoie. They were the -children of Louise’s most persistent enemy; she -could not, therefore, have done otherwise than -dislike them. Brantome says that she was -extremely harsh to both, and it is certain that -Renée, plain, delicate, and deformed, never -became to anybody a person of sufficient importance -to be coaxed into prettiness of ways and -feelings. The gentle Claude must have loved -her smaller sister while she lived, but Claude -died of consumption almost immediately after -Francis I. started for Italy, when Renée was -only fourteen years of age, and from that time -until her marriage the girl knew no one prepared -to do more than a cold and pleasureless duty -towards her.</p> - -<p>In justice to Louise it must be admitted that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>254]</a></span> -every effort was made to procure Renée a suitable -husband. They promised her at one time -to the Archduke Charles, but already her want -of average good looks rendered some apologies -necessary. The life of any girl towards whom -such an attitude has to be assumed must possess -an undue measure of painfulness. Before presenting -the bride to the Archduke it was considered -imperative to tell him that “the charm of -her conversation greatly atoned for her want of -beauty.” The proposal came to nothing, and -after several other unavailing negotiations Francis -settled upon a marriage with Ercole of Ferrara, -the son of Duke Alphonso and Lucrezia.</p> - -<p>It was not a good match for a girl in whose -veins ran the blood of a king of France. Mezeray -said of it, “The king arranged a very poor match -for this princess, and sent her into a far country, -lest she should ask him one day for a share in -Brittany and in the patrimony of Louis.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 524px;"> -<a name="plate22" id="plate22"></a> -<img src="images/qotr22.jpg" width="524" height="600" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">RENÉE OF FERRARA, AGED FIFTEEN<br /> -<span class="subcap">CORNEILLE DE LYON</span></p> -</div> - -<p>Mezeray spoke from a knowledge of Francis’s -character, but the motives in this one instance -were probably less cunning than he thought -them. Renée was not an easy young girl to -marry; her own father had said years ago that -it would be difficult to find a husband for her. -Nevertheless, at this time she was probably as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>255]</a></span> -nearly nice-looking as at any time of her existence. -She had just turned eighteen, and, in spite of a -slight deformity, possessed a certain dignity of -carriage, inherited from her mother. She had -also the whitest of skins, and beautiful fair hair -that reached to the ground. It was said that she -had at this time more to thank nature for than to -complain of, and the early portraits of her are at -least not actually ugly. The principal thing that -strikes one in them is a certain dulness of expression, -as if heaviness of spirit had crushed out -vivacity. Her face suggests strongly the uncared-for -upbringing of her childhood—the blue eyes -are apathetic and unamused, the mouth wistfully -inanimate. It is just possible that Ercole might -have kissed her into a childlike lightness of -thought; but Ercole did not find her kissable, -and she was in any case born with the confined -and congealing seriousness of character that came -to her as an intensified quality from her unimaginative -and easily scandalized mother.</p> - -<p>Ercole represented the antithesis of his future -wife. His appearance was fascinating, his manners -were good; all the culture of the Renaissance -permeated his blood. Small wonder, therefore, -that Renée’s looks came as a bitter shock to him. -He wrote to his father after the first interview, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>256]</a></span> -and stated plainly, “<i lang="it" xml:lang="it">Madama Renea non e bella.</i>” -The Ferrarese ambassador also wrote that his -master would have preferred the lady to possess -a better figure. But Ercole had come to France -chiefly to make a good political marriage, and his -objections to poor Renée personally were greatly -outweighed by her parentage and her dowry.</p> - -<p>Oddly enough, the girl herself does not appear -to have liked the handsome Italian any better -than he liked her. At the formal engagement -she behaved with extreme shyness and a visible -distress of manner. Nobody cared, however, -what she thought in the matter, and a month -later the wedding was celebrated. For that one -day Louise does certainly appear to have tried -to make the most of her. The girl’s magnificent -hair hung, soft and moving in itself, unbound -about her shoulders, and her gown of scarlet and -ermine literally gleamed with the jewels heaped -upon it. Renée’s skin was undeniably good—Bonnet -refers to the whiteness of her breast and -throat—and above the heavy splendour of her -wedding garments her little subdued and plaintive -face could only have worn a look of quaint, -appealing incongruity.</p> - -<p>The subsequent festivities continued until both -bride and bridegroom became rather comically -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>257]</a></span> -ill—through excess of food and want of sleep. -Renée, who all her life suffered from the tragedy -of headaches, had the <i>migraine</i>, and they began -to think the time had come to start for Italy. -Francis I. himself accompanied them to the gates -of Paris. Here he solemnly confided his sister-in-law -into the care of her husband, who was -ordered always to treat her as a daughter of the -royal house of France. Ercole, feeling that he -had no reason to be diffident as regards his relations -to the other sex, answered that he would -have no difficulty in both pleasing and managing -the lady. Subsequent events rendered the reply -a little humorous. The small, meek wife, who -heard the remark probably without even the -desire to smile, proved in after years to the last -degree intractable. Certainly Ercole never succeeded -in managing her.</p> - -<p>Ferrara, at the time of Renée’s marriage, had -been devastated by the plague. Before she made -her state entry, an order was issued commanding -the people to reopen their shops, put on their -best clothes, and, whatever their private emotions, -show a cheerful countenance upon the arrival of -their future duchess. Triumphal arches were -erected, windows hung with silk, and through an -almost painful effort Renée was received with the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>258]</a></span> -usual good-natured welcome from the people. -Isabella of Mantua, the new bride’s aunt-in-law, -always in great request for social occasions, had -come to assist in receiving her, and several days -were filled with public pageants, banquets, and -plays.</p> - -<p>But below the surface neither the new arrival -nor those that received her were in a rejoicing -mood. The last duchess to be welcomed to -Ferrara had been the attractive, sweet-faced -Lucrezia Borgia, dubious, it is true, in morals, -but pleasant as a flower to look upon. This -“ugly and hunch-backed” French girl could not -avoid coming as a disagreeable shock, both to -the crowd and to her new connections. It is the -bitter fate of an ugly woman that she must always -destroy antipathetic first impressions before she -can hope to sow favourable ones. And Renée, -on her side, was as little pleased as those who -received her. It is generally supposed, in fact, -that her instant and intense dislike to Ferrara -had a good deal to do with her initial mistakes -in Italy.</p> - -<p>Certainly Ferrara was not an attractive city. -Set in the middle of an enormous plain, a dreary -monotony encompassed it, while the town itself, -having pre-eminently to consider the necessities -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>259]</a></span> -of defence, was grim, sinister, and aggressive -looking. Even the Castello appeared nothing -more than a powerful and gloomy fortress. -Subject to unhealthy mists from the Po, the -climate, moreover, underwent continual extremes -of temperature, and one of Renée’s ladies-in-waiting -describes it bitterly as a perfect hotbed -of fleas. Frogs croaked all night and crows -cawed all day. The inside of the castle, besides, -was pitiably dilapidated. The house of Ferrara, -constantly in want of money, had a habit of -leaving matters needing repairs until repairs were -no longer needed.</p> - -<p>To Renée the place exhaled the chill of exile. -In addition, as all the amusements arranged for -her reception were in Italian, they only bored her -beyond expression. In fact, one of the gravest -faults of the girl’s Italian career lay in her -reluctance to acquire Italian phrases. She -arrived in Ferrara ignorant of even a rudimentary -knowledge of her husband’s language, -and taking an immediate dislike to the place and -to the people, refused to make any real effort -to learn the speech of those about her. This -slow, and at all times inefficient, acquirement of -Italian remained steadily against her, keeping -her, apart from any other consideration, a very -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>260]</a></span> -isolated person in her own establishment—an -outsider where she should have been the central -figure.</p> - -<p>The only attempt she made in the right -direction was to order, soon after her arrival, a -number of dresses cut after the Italian fashions. -But even this, due probably to an evanescent -dazzlement at the charming appearance of the -Italian women, she rendered an actual affront in -the sequence. For shortly afterwards, either in -bitterness of soul at her own poor appearance -in them, or because she deliberately wished to -behave with provocation, they were discarded -for her former French style of dressing, which -she then bluntly stated to be “more holy and -more decent.” From the beginning Renée -persistently refused to identify herself with her -husband’s interests. She clung with stupid pathos -to the associations of her by no means happy -childhood, and was homesick all the years of her -Italian sojourn for the ways of her own people.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;"> -<a name="plate23" id="plate23"></a> -<img src="images/qotr23.jpg" width="700" height="507" -alt="" /> -<p class="capleft"><i>Alinari</i></p> -<p class="caption">THE CASTELLO AT FERRARA</p> -</div> - -<p>All through, her conduct was hopelessly mistaken. -In the give and take of marriage it is -part of a woman’s lovely chances always to give -a little more than is yielded back to her. At the -same time, it is questionable whether, owing to -her ugliness and want of charm, Renée, whatever -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>261]</a></span> -she had done, could have become popular. -There ought, in truth, almost to exist a different -code for the really ugly woman. The fact is so -profoundly and entirely tragic. Tenderness is the -heart of life to women, and any woman so misused -by nature as to be unable to rouse this -becomes, through subtle piteousness, beyond -ordinary judgment. She lives in a world both -unjust and inimical, practically with her back -to the wall. Sweet follies have never harmonized -her to the unreason of humanity; failure lies -always upon her soul. For inherited, deep-rooted, -ineradicable, is in most women the unformulated -knowledge that to attract men is the -normal fate of their sex; the creature who -cannot do this once at least in life, carries -a hidden sense not only of loneliness, and of -something vital ungranted by destiny, but of -secret shame and humiliation.</p> - -<p>Renée had never glowed bewildered under -absurdities of praise. If only as an isolated -experience, this mad blitheness is curiously good -for character. Afterwards a woman knows—is -sympathetically inside the circle of things—seeing -the dramas of others, not like a child staring -starved at a food shop, but as one who has -already had her fill of cakes with the best of them.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>262]</a></span> -All her life Renée remained the hungry child -who sees others overfed on the sweets denied -to her. Small wonder, in consequence, that she -hated the ways of frivolity, and was slow in -advances of friendship. No soft remembrances -freighted her thoughts with gentleness, and when -she came to Italy she was already destitute of the -exaltation that, out of the abundance of its own -contentment, craves to create nothing but contentment -about it. For this immediate hostility -Ercole must have been in a measure responsible. -A woman happy in her married life is incapable -of passionately revolting against the accessories -that encompass it. Renée never liked her -husband, and the fact that she did not may have -been due to his half-hearted efforts as lover. -A girl of eighteen, ugly, neglected, and unattractive, -cannot be a difficult person for a -handsome man to ensnare. Renée, besides, -was a very ordinary woman—she had inherent -need to cling to some one. It would certainly -have bored Ercole had he been the creature she -clung to, but the boredom would at least have -saved him years of dangerous domestic friction, -and a life of disagreements in which he did not -always get the best of it.</p> - -<p>As it was, mutual dissatisfaction came almost -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>263]</a></span> -immediately. Very soon after their arrival in -Ferrara they had begun to quarrel. Among the -French women Renée had brought with her -from France was her old governess, Madame -de Soubise, whose leanings were strongly Protestant. -She had instilled the same sympathies -into her pupil, and a very short time after her -arrival in Ferrara the new duchess was surrounded -by a large number of persons professing -the new religion. A good deal of her -personal income also went in assisting French -fugitives who happened to pass through the city. -Both proceedings were objected to by Ercole. -The presence of Protestants in his household -constituted an actual danger to his own and his -father’s position. The tenure of the Dukedom -of Ferrara depended upon the maintenance of -friendly relations with Rome and Germany. -Renée’s monetary kindness to French fugitives -he complained about as “inordinate and ill-considered -expenses,” and since her allowance from -France was very irregularly paid, this grievance -had a certain rational basis. Nobody attached to -the duchess’s personal service was Italian, a -final discourtesy in her arrangements that added -to the growing exasperation of her new relations.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>264]</a></span> -As regards the Protestantism of Renée’s -household, no direct mention was made of it in -Ercole’s objections. With the indirect methods -of his family, he merely stated that the duchess -had surrounded herself with a number of people -unfit for the functions attributed to them. -That certainly was true. A certain number of -Renée’s so-called servants did absolutely nothing -for their pay, save keep some lingering memories -of her French home vivid in her thoughts. -Consequently, in the first definite publication of -friction between the newly married couple, most -of the reasonable complaints were Ercole’s. They -show, however, the rapidity with which these two -had got upon each other’s nerves. Neither, at -any stage of their intercourse, made the least -attempt to adopt a conciliatory attitude.</p> - -<p>Renée’s generosity, nevertheless, was the -redemption of her character. For there is more -than one kind of generosity. There is the -careless output of a person chiefly feckless, and -not desirous of uttering disagreeable refusals, -and the deliberate, anxious, continuous assistance -of a nature really capable of fretting for the -distresses of other people. Renée’s generosity -was essentially of this sort. The most prominent -facts in the book of her daily expenses are sums -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>265]</a></span> -given in some form of charity. She appears, -indeed, to have been unable to refuse any cry for -assistance, and all her life gave with equal -pleasure either to Roman Catholics or to Protestants. -Anne had been generous, but in the -showy and semi-profitable manner so easy for -great people. Renée’s generosity was entirely -lovely and intuitive.</p> - -<p>Concerning her attitude in the matter of her -household arrangements, it is more difficult to -guess what lay in her peevish spirit. Madame de -Soubise had obviously brought her up—<i>sub rosa</i>—to -a tentative liking for the new religion. But -by character she belonged to the conservatives; -she was supremely among those who consider -that what has been good enough for their parents -is good enough for them also. And Louise and -Francis—of whom she stood in awe—were not -likely to receive pleasantly the news that her -religious soundness had become doubtful. At -the beginning there are no statements suggesting -that she was not fairly comfortable in -the tenets she conformed to. It is possible, in -fact, that the people of her entourage were -originally chosen without intention of offence, -from sheer obtuseness to perceive unsuitability. -Then when it became evident that they caused -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>266]</a></span> -annoyance to Ercole, it may have become a sulky -pleasure to retain them.</p> - -<p>Ercole and Renée were two personalities that -ought never to have come together. Both were -capable of pleasant relations with other people, -but there existed between them the instinctive -and intractable antipathy which almost every -nature experiences against some one person in -the world. It is an emotion outside the reach -of argument and very nearly beyond control. -And no person can flower into the best possibilities -of character when confronted with another -fundamentally antagonistic. In the presence of -a mind closed to perceive any kind of graciousness -and merit, only the worst of nature will rise -uppermost, flung out in a despairing perversity, -distress, and irritation. For the actual sweetness -of their souls no two people capable only of -mutual repugnance should even make an effort to -live together. Good—bewildered and assaulted—shrivels -like a frozen plant under the chilling -air of interminable disparagement.</p> - -<p>Renée, less than a year after her marriage, -already wrote unhappy letters to France. She -spoke in one of them of being badly treated, but -of not expecting that the real truth about the -matter would ever reach the king and queen. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>267]</a></span> -She mentioned that both her husband and her -father-in-law nourished some grievance against -her. Soon afterwards she fell ill, and for a short -time Ercole’s repugnance lulled into vague compassion. -He sent two bulletins every day to -Paris, and mentioned, almost with a hint of -pleasure, when she was well enough to leave her -bed for a little while daily. Even after her -recovery no quarrels are mentioned for some -time. The duchess had become <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">enceinte</i>, and the -fact in itself, where an heir was so urgently -needed, yielded sufficient pleasure to bring about -temporary toleration.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, irritation between husband and -wife must have smouldered unceasingly, and after -the birth of a daughter in November, 1531, contention -flared once more into an open blaze -between them. Madame de Soubise represented -the duke’s new object of denunciation. A good -deal of the turmoil of Renée’s existence, in fact, -arose from the influence of her former governess. -She was old enough to be the girl’s mother, and -had lived sufficiently long in the world to know -all the needful facts about life and character. -Renée clung to her as the one friend familiar -from childhood, and the older woman was in a -position to have incalculably helped a rather -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>268]</a></span> -dense nature in the first crucial months of -marriage.</p> - -<p>For reasons difficult to understand, she did -exactly the opposite. Ercole loathed her, and at -any cost desired to have her back in Paris. -Under ordinary circumstances this would have -been a simple matter, but the position of Madame -de Soubise was not so straightforward as it -seemed. The Ferrarese authorities knew perfectly -that she acted as secret agent to the -French king. Owing to this fact, dismissal was -unpolitic: Ferrara could not afford to offend -France. It is to Ercole’s credit that Madame -de Soubise did not die a sudden death. The -temptation to bring about an untimely ending -must have been extraordinarily insistent.</p> - -<p>To add to Ercole’s domestic discomfort, -Madame de Soubise’s daughter was also among -Renée’s ladies-in-waiting. About this time, in -fact, she married Monsieur Pons, another member -of the household, and the man whose later -friendship with Renée was to fleck the solemnity -of her character with an incongruous suggestion -of scandal.</p> - -<p>During the time that husband and wife were -bitterly fighting out the question of Madame de -Soubise, Renée gave birth to another child—the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>269]</a></span> -son so necessary to the welfare of the house. -A second lull in hostilities followed. For the -first time since she had come to Italy, Ercole’s -wife had done a truly desirable and conciliatory -thing—she had given an heir to the dukedom. -A feeling of pleasure lightened the constant -tension of Ercole’s establishment. Even the -mother, conscious of being at last approved of, -yielded to the warmth of a fugitive commendation -and became almost frivolous. Her clothes, -during the rejoicings that followed, were for once -so sumptuous that all Ferrara talked of them.</p> - -<p>Not long afterwards the old Duke Alphonso -died, and Ercole became reigning Duke of -Ferrara. Concerning his accession a curious -incident is reported. After the religious ceremony -of his inauguration, Renée met him at the -entrance to the palace, where, it is said, in an -outburst of mutual excitement and satisfaction, -they fell into each other’s arms. For a moment -the interests of husband and wife were identical. -The motive for this passing concord was in itself -unworthy enough, but it is curiously interesting as -an example of how intensely married people are -fortified, by the very nature of marriage itself, -into some sort of fellowship and good feeling. -The immense number of mutual interests should -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>270]</a></span> -be in themselves sufficient to save any but the -really vicious or abnormally unsuited from total -disunion and antipathy.</p> - -<p>But the impulse of an exultant moment rapidly -chilled in the case of Ercole and his duchess. -Madame de Soubise’s secret labours prevented -any but the briefest pacification. And Ercole -had not long been duke when he came to the -conclusion that, even at the price of a break with -France, the daily infliction of her person was no -longer supportable. With as much tact as the -circumstances permitted, he wrote to Francis I. -upon the subject, and in the end received -authority for her departure. But even so, -difficulties arose about the actual journey, and -she still continued long enough in Ferrara to -negotiate one last unpleasantness for Ercole.</p> - -<p>He went away for a short time, and during -his absence Madame de Soubise subtly arranged -with the French royalties that Renée should at -last go on a visit to her own country. Ercole -returned to find the invitation waiting for him. -He was placed by it in a very awkward position. -An unhappy wife, quivering to tell a tale of -misery and ill-treatment, was not a politic person -to send to her own people when, should it suit -them, they possessed the power to make affairs -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>271]</a></span> -very difficult for the husband. On the other -hand, to refuse might be to rouse suspicion and -displeasure.</p> - -<p>Not entirely unperturbed, Ercole chose the -second risk as the less dangerous of the two. -In reply to the French invitation, he wrote that -Renée had several small children to take care of, -and that she was also still too feeble in health -to undertake so long and dangerous a journey. -The refusal came almost like a loss of all hope -to Renée. Thought of it had been a sudden -irradiating anticipation in the drear distastefulness -of life. Nothing in a monotonous existence is -more uplifting than an incident to make plans -for, and now from the sudden quickening influence -of a contemplated holiday she was flung back -again upon the old confusing friction of her days -in the grim Castello.</p> - -<p>Every year Ercole’s interests diverged more -widely from her own. Renée loved France -instinctively, as people love the home of their -forefathers. When she first married Ferrara’s -interests lay in friendship with France. But -Ercole’s policy brought him later to the side -of Pope and Emperor, when support from France -ceased to be important. After Madame de -Soubise, therefore, had at last been sent from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>272]</a></span> -Italy, and all hope of Renée’s going home had -been withdrawn, the latter must have experienced -almost a sense of desolation. The easement of -heart entailed by merely telling the hoarded -mischances of her married life would have -warmed her spirit like a cordial.</p> - -<p>She did not naturally love Ercole better for -getting rid of the woman who had been motherly -to her all her days, and for having thwarted -the one intense longing which it was in his power -to gratify. Their antagonism quieted not a whit -through the departure of Renée’s governess; -Ercole had rid himself of one grievance only to -find another grow more hardy.</p> - -<p>Its first public demonstration took place -during a Good Friday service in the church of -Ferrara. As the cross was being raised for -adoration, a little singer, Zanetto, belonging to -the duchess’s service, suddenly walked out of the -building, making blasphemous comments in a -voice of penetrating clarity. He was arrested -that evening, and trouble and danger swept into -Renée’s household. She herself had for some -time past secretly belonged to the Protestant -party. Ercole’s hope that his wife would fall -into a weary acquiescence of conduct, when the -influence of Madame de Soubise had been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>273]</a></span> -withdrawn, ended in inevitable failure. Renée was -disastrously obstinate, and in addition, the doctrines -of Calvin had already become too deeply engrafted -in her ever to be really uprooted. Religion was -an urgent necessity to her.</p> - -<p>She was an unloved woman, and consequently -the other world had never slunk into vagueness -through the engrossing sufficiencies of this one. -The appeal made to her by the new religion -is easy to understand. Her little soul was narrow, -but it was at the same time eager, and temperamentally -attuned to austere and dreary dogmas. -Renée belonged to the class who prefer to take life -sadly—a gloomy religion, hedged in by appalling -terrors, met the needs of her character far more -closely than the shifty and cheerful methods of -Roman Catholicism could ever have done.</p> - -<p>Before the Good Friday incident Calvin had -secretly been to see her, had preached to her, -and exhorted her. No man was better fitted to -keep a hold over Renée; for Calvin was not -merely the great preacher of a new religion, -he was an impassioned and autocratic schoolmaster. -When later he controlled the town of -Geneva, it became impossible to indulge in even -the mildest private weaknesses. Domestic conduct -fell under the jurisdiction of a council, which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>274]</a></span> -inflicted penalties for the least undesirable idiosyncrasy. -It was at Geneva, for instance, that Calvin -had a gambler set in the stocks for an hour, -with his playing-cards hung round his neck; the -inventor of a masquerade was forced to ask -pardon for it on his knees in the cathedral; a -man guilty of perjury they hoisted on a ladder -and kept there for several hours, his right hand -fastened to the top; while a man and woman, -whose love lay under the stigma of impropriety, -were paraded through the streets of the city for -the abuse of virtuous horror. Calvin flung -immense energy into the conversion of Renée. -As an individual he thought little of her, but -converts among the socially great were momentous -for the growth of the cause. Renée, -moreover, gave awed and pliant assent to the -uncompromising preacher’s teaching, until the -arrest of her singer for blasphemy brought -the sudden sharpness of danger into her household. -This created panic. Not actually for -herself—while Francis I. remained King of -France she relied implicitly upon French protection—but -for the people of her entourage. -Zanetto, placed upon the rack, broke down at -the third twist of the screw, and a list of names -poured out of his lips. They were all persons -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>275]</a></span> -employed in the duchess’s service. Several had -already been arrested as accomplices, though -concerning one of them, usually thought to be -Calvin, there is considerable mystery. The -arrests had been made by Ercole’s orders, chiefly, -it would appear, to exasperate his wife.</p> - -<p>He owed her a fresh sword-thrust. This -public religious scandal constituted a really serious -danger for him. The Vatican had some time -previously realized that the new heresy must be -exterminated if it were not to become a growing -danger to the power at Rome. Apart from this, -Renée had been behaving with an inimical -cunning difficult for any man to pass over good-humouredly. -She had been writing secret letters -to the Pope, supplicating him to have the prisoners -delivered out of the power of Ercole into the -authority of France.</p> - -<p>In retaliation, Ercole had Cardillan, treasurer -and controller of finances to Renée ever since -her arrival in Ferrara, imprisoned with the others. -Few things could have hurt her more, and the -scenes that took place between the two over the -Zanetto business must again have driven them -into unforgettable personalities. In the matter -of personal interviews Ercole no doubt had the -best of it. Renée did not possess the gift of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>276]</a></span> -facile utterance; her face alone shows a mind -easily disconcerted. But her stolid silence would -have held as much inner rancour as the other’s -violence. Beyond question, when roused, Ercole -frightened her, but not sufficiently to abate forlorn -contrariness. All he could achieve was to -make her hate him a little more desperately than -before, and to fling her with renewed tenacity -upon the policy of aggravation. According to -current rumour, Ercole beat her. The allegation -has not been proved, but she was the type of -woman liable to ill-treatment, and it is more than -likely that he did. Certainly no respect was -enforced towards her, for Renée, writing to Margaret -of Navarre, complained that the Inquisitor -whom she interviewed concerning the arrested -heretics spoke to her with so much contempt and -insolence, that the other would have been dumbfounded -had she been present.</p> - -<p>The situation of husband and wife at that -period could not possibly have been worse. -Ercole’s enflamed resentment also found utterance -in a letter. It was written to the Ferrarese -envoy at the French court. Extreme caution -in statements conveyed to paper formed part of -Italian education, and the plain truthfulness of -the duke’s expressions could only have issued -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>277]</a></span> -from a spirit choking with a sense of injury. -He wrote: “If it were not for the respect I owe -to the king, I should certainly not have suffered -such an insult, and should have shown madame -the deep resentment I feel.”</p> - -<p>The bustling distress and excitement roused -by the heretics nevertheless fizzled out. That a -scandal of this sort should take serious proportions -would have brought very evil notoriety -upon the Ferrarese court. Cardillan was released -and banished; the other prisoners conveniently -permitted to escape. Ercole still gained his main -object—the satisfaction of depriving Renée of -another of her French attendants. Probably -husband and wife hated each other a little more -keenly than before, but to all appearances another -storm had passed over. For the two still continued -to share one bedroom. They must in -consequence have enjoyed intervals of ordinary -conversation and apparent friendliness. Moreover, -they had children. In all the divergences -of their interests, there remained some that could -not be separated. After the sharp encounter -brought about by the unwisdom of Zanetto, -Renée gave birth to another infant. Household -trivialities provided permanent groundwork for -amiable bedroom discussions, and, however -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>278]</a></span> -apathetically, they must at least have gone through -intervals of superficial good-humour.</p> - -<p>Outwardly, at any rate, there occurred another -lull in the fighting. The court removed into the -country, and eased everything by an out-of-door -existence. Marot, who had been sent by Margaret -of Navarre to Renée for safety, made light, -enticing verses upon the ladies he transiently -delighted in. He also wrote a sonnet to Renée -herself, that, besides containing one line of exquisite -musicalness—“<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">O la douceur des douceurs -feminines</i>”—shows how unconcealed the failure -of her marriage had become. It suggests, in fact, -that Ercole’s behaviour was publicly abusive and -unpardonable. He wrote—</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“Souvenant de tes graces divines<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Suis en douleur, princesse, en ton absence,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Et si languis quand suis en ta presence<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Voyant ce Lys au milieu des épines.<br /></div> -<div class="i0">O la douceur des douceurs feminines?<br /></div> -<div class="i0">O cœur sans fiel? O race d’excellence?<br /></div> -<div class="i0">O dur mari rempli de violence.”<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The rest is uninteresting. But the reference -to Ercole, allowing for prejudice, could not -have been uttered, one imagines, wholly without -justification. No fundamentally pleasant person -could be referred to so uncompromisingly as -steeped in hateful violences.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>279]</a></span> -Marot sided deeply with Renée, and wrote -some additional verses to Margaret, which he told -her openly were intended to convey a picture of -the wrongs and sufferings to which the duchess -was subjected. All the lines dealing directly with -the subject read as if sincere and vivid, while the -note of gravity was struck in the poignant bluntness -of the opening verse. Marot meant the -queen to realize that he handled something unmistakably -and acutely tragic—</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“Playne les morts qui plaindre les voudra<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tant que vivrai mon cœur se résoudra<br /></div> -<div class="i0">A plaindre ceux que douleur assauldra<br /></div> -<div class="i2">En cette vie.<br /></div> -</div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i4"><sub>* * * * *</sub><br /></div> -</div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“Ha Marguerite, écoute la souffrance<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Du noble cœur de Renée de France<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Puis comme sœur plus fort que d’espérance<br /></div> -<div class="i2">Console-la.<br /></div> -</div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“Tu sais comment hors son pays alla<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Et que parens et amis laissa là,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Mais tu ne sais quel traitement elle a<br /></div> -<div class="i2">En terre étrange.<br /></div> -</div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“De cent couleurs en une heure elle change,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">En ses repas percée d’angoisse mange<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Et en son vin larmes fait melange<br /></div> -<div class="i2">Tout par ennui.<br /></div> -</div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">“Ennui reçu du côté de celui<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Qui dut être sa joie et son appui<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Ennui plus grief que s’il venait d’autrui<br /></div> -<div class="i2">Et plus à craindre.”<br /></div> -</div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i4"><sub>* * * * *</sub><br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>280]</a></span> -Few phrases could expose more explicitly -a brutal husband. Allowing for exaggeration, -Ercole obviously behaved like a boor, making -his wife’s meals, when he was present, little else -than a weeping martyrdom. Renée certainly had -the temperament to cry often and easily, though -not tempestuously; but at Ferrara the vague-looking -eyes seem to have possessed ample reason -for being constantly and bitterly watered. Marot, -of course, had neither the opportunity nor the -desire to dwell upon intervals of passivity. But, as -one knows, there must inevitably have been some -in the hectored years of Renée’s Italian existence. -And among them was certainly the visit of Vittoria -Colonna. She stayed for ten months, and -all the information given implies that during that -period there was almost peace at the Castello. -This is to Ercole’s credit, for Vittoria Colonna -would have bored any but a practised intelligence. -Her <i>forte</i> lay in an unerring sense of what was -fine in everything—art, conduct, and deliberation. -Clever men adored her, and her brain was -certainly imposing, deliberate, attentive, and -comprehending. The woman who understood -Michelangelo could scarcely fail to grasp the -meanings of lesser intelligences. But the minor -gaieties she had not; the quaint, swift humour -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>281]</a></span> -with which subtle women sweep away tension -would never have lightened Vittoria’s solid arguments. -She wrote poetry—very insincere and -laboured—but she possessed no imagination. -The gravity of existence, and the fact that each -soul in it is born to exist eternally, clothed her -thoughts with an almost restricting austerity. -Few jokes would have sounded suitable in her -presence. She appeared too exquisitely reasonable, -cool, and punctiliously magnificent for any -descent into the ridiculous.</p> - -<p>Undoubtedly Vittoria’s presence eased domestic -friction, though it is doubtful, notwithstanding, -whether Renée liked her. There are -letters between Vittoria and Ercole, but none -to be found between the two women. Vittoria -Colonna was inherently good, but she was also -triumphant, pampered, flattered, and successful. -When she came to Ferrara she was received with -a voluntary public ovation. Flanked by the -mental sumptuousness of this efficient creature, -Renée’s insignificance was accentuated; the contrast -dragged the whole extent of her ineffectuality -into light. And Renée, almost meek in appearance, -with her “weakened body,” as Brantome -put it, and her vague-looking face, was not meek -in disposition. She forgot at no time of her life -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>282]</a></span> -that but for the Salic law she would have sat -upon the throne of France.</p> - -<p>There is no statement against the existence -of affection between the two women, but the -probabilities are not for it. There is far more -likelihood that Vittoria got upon her hostess’s -nerves, and chilled her by flaming, for all her -disadvantages of years, with a sort of opulent -beauty that intensified the pallid ugliness of the -foreign duchess. Small wonder that Renée -turned to the sympathy offered by Monsieur -Pons; small wonder that she permitted the -elegant and amiable Frenchman to make inroads -upon her affections.</p> - -<p>Monsieur Pons represents the solitary scandal -of Renée’s existence. Some writers do not like -Monsieur Pons. They desire the page unblemished -by this warm and doubtful incident. -To them Renée must stand as a blameless martyr -to the cause of Protestantism, and this friendship -confuses the picture. In such hands Monsieur -Pons fades into an insignificance not sufficiently -substantial for impropriety.</p> - -<p>The effacement is entirely to be regretted. -Monsieur Pons was the one wholly tender circumstance -in Renée’s life. It is ridiculous to -pretend that she did not love him. Her harassed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>283]</a></span> -heart, unaccustomed to being besieged, surrendered -naturally to sympathetic advances from -a fascinating man of her own nationality. He -made love to her discreetly, mildly, and, no -doubt, indirectly, while the woman warmed under -it before she realized the fearsome pleasantness -of the sensation. They may actually have had -sympathy of temperament. Monsieur Pons also -may really have experienced a slight compassionate -tenderness for the frail, misshapen little -duchess, who was openly ill-treated by a lusty -and unfaithful husband. It is difficult to probe -Monsieur Pons’s motives. Policy is rarely absent -from the mind of those who deal with powerful -persons. He was upon admirable terms with his -own wife. So was Renée, notwithstanding a -friendship for the husband exhilarated by a hint -of something just a little more alive and poignant. -Genuine impropriety, one feels assured, there was -not. Yet to those anxious for scandal the -duchess’s letters would in themselves be considered -sufficient to take away any woman’s character. -They are personal, intimate, and interwoven with -unspoken statements. Actually they have charm—the -charm that issues when a woman with some -grace of mind desires her letter to be chiefly a -persuasive form of flirtation. The word “love” -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>284]</a></span> -is not mentioned in them, but for all that they are -undeniably love-letters. They are, in addition, -the love-letters of a woman not yet muddled by -any uncertainty as to the recipient’s reciprocity.</p> - -<p>It must be admitted that Renée, had she -behaved with strict decorum, would not have -written these documents. Married persons forfeit -the licence to indulge in a certain kind of -correspondence. But there is no reason to -suppose that because a woman writes a delicately -flirtatious letter she has any evil thoughts at the -back of it, or that the relations of the two will at -any time transgress the limits of an audacious -friendliness. The mistake is usually made, though -few things show less acquaintance with human -nature.</p> - -<p>Renée of Ferrara was temperamentally incapable -of the scandal some of her biographers -have foisted upon her. Putting it upon the -lowest basis, she had neither sufficient courage -nor sufficient pliancy for unfaithfulness. The -distinguishing trait of Renée’s character was her -incapacity ever to go the extreme length in -anything. There are no tenable grounds, besides, -for supposing that she desired to forget right -living for Monsieur Pons and passion. She was -not an ardent woman; the dull face expresses -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>285]</a></span> -nothing so unmistakable as a wistful apathy and -a bad circulation.</p> - -<p>From the internal evidence of the letters -themselves, one finds a romantic and sentimental -friendship, or, phrased more colloquially, a flirtation. -But the essence of a flirtation is to play -at being more than it is in reality—to hover skilfully -about borders neither player would really -care to trespass. Not a phrase in Renée’s letters -reveals any desire to thrust aside cautious boundaries. -She had also perfect knowledge of Monsieur -Pons’s comfortable domestic circumstances. -Madame de Pons was her friend, the closest -woman companion remaining to her. What is -more than likely is that she and Madame Pons—madame -with a finger secretly to her nose—enjoyed -a perfect understanding as to Renée’s -relations with the husband. They agreed together -in worship of Monsieur Pons, while he on his side -was supposed to love them both—though Renée, -of course, with discretion, with reverence, with -the distance that her rank necessitated.</p> - -<p>Madame Pons was safe; she could afford this -dismal and lonely woman some farcical illusions. -Renée, in consequence, was allowed her pathetic -share in Monsieur Pons. The real, warm, comfortable -possession could only be the wife’s, but -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>286]</a></span> -Renée felt that she also had her small, vague -place; she was included; she was dear to Monsieur -Pons; she had her right of confidences, and -perhaps—who knows?—in certain ways, might -convey an appeal his wife lacked possession of. -The wanderings of a heart ill-fed are always wild -and a little tragic.</p> - -<p>The letters were written during a diplomatic -mission to France, upon which Monsieur Pons -had been sent by the duke. They contain intimate -accounts of little everyday doings, put down -with a woeful disregard of grammar, and yet with -something approaching literary instinct. Reading -them, one discovers that the duchess was not -an entirely stupid woman. Without possessing -the least intellectual capacity, she shows a gift -of irony, of graceful utterance, and of oblique -suggestion that is totally unexpected.</p> - -<p>She says in one, “If this letter is badly -written, it is because of the place and the hour, -for I write in bed, and I began so early that I -can scarcely see clearly; but I hope to write -more every day until the Basque starts again. -I began yesterday, the very day he arrived.... -The wee doggie came, and fondled me a thousand -times, in betweenwhiles seizing the pen with his -little teeth, after which he came and settled himself -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>287]</a></span> -on my arm, with the pen under his head, and so -went to sleep, and I too, to keep him company, -for I don’t know which of us needed it most.” -This little pet dog, and another, evidently given -to her by Monsieur Pons, figure several times in -the correspondence. She writes again, “The -Basque will give you an account of your wife’s -state of health, of our little company, and, above -all, of the wee doggies who still, as always, sleep -with me, and refuse to leave my side.”</p> - -<p>How much Monsieur Pons was missed, is -said many times and in diverse ways. She conveys -it very prettily upon one occasion, in the -statement, “Lesleu was saying that since you -had gone the house seems deserted. He is not -the only one who thinks this. Several others -say the same, and there are some who are only -too well aware of it.” In French the meaning -is both more finely and more definitely transmitted. -In another place she says, “We need -you to bring back the joy you took away with -your departure.”</p> - -<p>Madame Pons gave birth to a boy during -her husband’s absence, and Renée writes that it -resembles its father in chin and mouth, adding -immediately that she had kissed the little lips -“two or three” times. She also says, “He has -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>288]</a></span> -such a sweet expression; everybody likes to look -at him. He does not sulk like the others.” His -mouth, she states, is infinitesimal. Later, when -his wife continued very unwell, Renée wrote, -“I beg you to try and return before the winter, -as much for her as for me, of whom I will say -nothing, for I think less of my own troubles -than that you should be successful in your undertaking.”</p> - -<p>There were no concealments between Monsieur -Pons and herself concerning Ercole. She -tells the diplomatist that her visit to France had -once more been broached by the ambassador, -who had received the usual answer, “when the -weather permitted.” With delicious irony the -duchess adds, “I think he means when the wind -carries me.” At all times she was indifferent to -her husband’s mistresses. And she tells Monsieur -Pons, “Monday, which was the eve of St. -John, I took him (the ambassador) to the mountain -where monsieur was having supper with the -Calcaquine.... The day after the birth of your -son I had supper with the cardinal and monsieur, -and the day of St. John I had supper in the -‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">bosquet</i>’ with monsieur and the ambassador.” -The Contessa Calcaquine was at that time Ercole’s -mistress.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>289]</a></span> -In the continuation of daily details Renée -makes it quite clear how little she enjoyed -“monsieur’s” society. She had been asked by -him to join, if she cared to, a little party spending -the evening on the hill—presumably at the contessa’s. -But, she says, with an undercurrent of -wider meaning than the actual words express, -“I made the excuse that it would be too late.”</p> - -<p>Renée implied no objection upon the grounds -of the hostess. She mentions quite gaily a visit -to one of Ercole’s ladies, concluding, “That is -all the fresh air I have had since you left, but I -am waiting till your wife is up again, and then -we shall go out together, and with all the more -pleasure because you will be with us.”</p> - -<p>It is deeply to be regretted that all these -letters, unknown to Renée, were intercepted by -the duke, though he must have been interested -at the almost contemptuous calm of his wife’s -attitude towards him personally. Renée wondered -why the answers from France were so -few. She had no suspicion that her lengthy -correspondence lay locked up in the care of her -husband, and never journeyed across the Alps at -any time. Ercole, secretive by nature and by -training, made no remarks about these intercepted -letters. With a house full of spies, he stood in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>290]</a></span> -a position to know how flimsy the flirtation -really was. When Monsieur Pons returned, he -allowed the same intimacy as previously. Only -very soon afterwards Renée was sent into the -country and kept there, away from her friend.</p> - -<p>Then Ercole, considering the moment opportune, -got rid of both wife and husband. A story -of an extremely mischievous nature was foisted -upon them. The charges were, in fact, dangerous -for two foreigners in the power of a man hating -them both. Renée’s household became shaken -to the depths with fear and excitement, and -Monsieur and Madame Pons fled almost immediately -to Venice. The action was no more than -wise. Ercole had called Madame Pons “an -infernal fury.” Any possible extremity would -have been proceeded to, if even a fraction of the -charges stated could have been proved against -them.</p> - -<p>The months that followed were among the -most dismal of Renée’s life. The flight of her -friend chilled her to the marrow of her being. -Realization could not be avoided. She was over -thirty, and the bitter sense of being suddenly old -and weary is unavoidable in any woman brusquely -abandoned by the man who has kept her young -with kindnesses. All the vaporous flimsiness of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>291]</a></span> -her hold upon Monsieur Pons lay brutally exposed -and patent. His wife had got into difficulties; -his business lay immediately with the welfare -of his wife. No outside woman existed in the -intimate agitation of private affairs. Renée was -simply dropped like some acquaintance grown -needless, and husband, wife, and the baby, whose -mouth Renée had described as so incredibly small, -practically withdrew from her existence.</p> - -<p>The next crucial circumstance—perhaps the -most crucial of Renée’s long and uncomfortable -life—was her encounter with the Inquisition. -This supreme test of Renée’s character came -when Paul III. died and Julius III. succeeded -to the throne of Rome. Paul had been mild, -gentle, and favourable to some reformation in the -ways of the Church. Contarini, in a letter, spoke -of him as “this our good old man.” His successor -had no leanings towards change; mercy -sent no gentle warmth through his system. The -heresy practised by the Duchess of Ferrara had -been notorious for a considerable period; her -household constituted a sanctuary for heretics; -she permitted herself Protestant preachers and -Protestant services. Her attendance at mass had -ceased, and she was accused, though it seems -unjustly, of eating meat on Fridays.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>292]</a></span> -Ercole’s position, consequently, at this time -was far from easy, the basis of his political -security requiring that he should maintain peace -with the authorities of Rome. Renée’s new -religion endangered his duchy. She either did -not understand the political risks of what she -persisted in doing, or did not care. But Ercole, -alarmed as well as furious, wrote bluntly to the -King of France, saying what he thought of her. -The unburdenment was no longer incautious. -Francis I. had been dead some time. Henry II. -felt no obligation to be bothered by an elderly -woman whom he did not know, and whose claims -upon him were negligible. Himself an intolerant -Roman Catholic, he wrote to her upon receiving -Ercole’s letter, and explained unambiguously that -should she be relying upon the support of France, -her confidence was founded upon false anticipations. -He did more—he sent the famous -Inquisitor Orriz, with orders to use “rigour and -severity,” sooner than return to France without -having reduced the elderly lady to a proper -religious disposition.</p> - -<p>The letter in which Orriz received directions -shows a curious method of thinking. Renée -was exhorted to return more easily to the Mother -Church, “by consideration of the great favours -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>293]</a></span> -which God has granted to her, and among others -that of being the issue of the purest blood of -the most Christian house of France, where no -monster has ever existed.” The sentence ended -with the statement that should she “choose to -remain in stubbornness and pertinacity, it would -displease the king as much as anything in the -world, and would cause him entirely to forget -the friendship, with all the observances and -demonstrations of a good nephew, he hating -nothing with a greater hatred than all those of -the reprobate sects, whose mortal enemy he -was.”</p> - -<p>The following paragraph was still more plain -spoken, and might well have sent a shiver through -the hard-pressed duchess. Henry wrote, “And -if, after such remonstrances and persuasions, -together with those which the said Doctor Orriz -shall employ of his own way and profession, to -make her know the truth, and the difference -there is between light and darkness, it shall -appear that he is unable by gentle means to gain -her and to reclaim her, he shall take counsel with -the said lord duke as to what can possibly be -done in the way of rigour and severity to bring -her to reason.”</p> - -<p>Renée’s position had at last become dire and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>294]</a></span> -dangerous. She stood with none to help her, -pressed about by a crowd of enemies. From -the moment Orriz arrived in Ferrara her life -became a nightmare. When he chose to preach, -she had to listen; when he questioned, she had -to answer; when he threatened, she had to preserve -quiescence. Morning, noon, and evening, -the menacing presence of the French Inquisitor -kept her shaken, sickened, lacerated. His arguments -could only have been torture to her, for -pitted against the subtlety of the trained heretic-catcher, -Renée’s mentality would have been the -incarnation of incoherent feebleness. Her person, -moreover, made no appeal to mercy; ugly, drear, -and wrinkled, she did not even possess dramatic -dignity—only tears and an obstreperous dismalness -of manner. Gradually, however, Orriz was -to discover that dismalness did not necessarily -accompany weakness. He could make her cry, -but that was about all he could do with her. His -own temper must have quickly sharpened. The -position left him ridiculous. Presently the -Inquisitor and the husband took counsel together. -Renée’s unexpected fortitude proved equally -serious for both. Ercole had given his word to -the Pope that the lady should return duly submissive -to the fold she outraged. Renée had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>295]</a></span> -got to be mastered somehow. Words left her -tearfully obstinate—there remained nothing but -harsher measures. Ercole himself wrote in a -letter, “We kept her shut up for fifteen days, -with only people who had no sort of Lutheran -tendencies to wait upon her. We also threatened -to confiscate all her property.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 532px;"> -<a name="plate24" id="plate24"></a> -<img src="images/qotr24.jpg" width="532" height="700" -alt="" /> -<p class="caption">RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA<br /> -<span class="subcap">FROM A DRAWING IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE</span></p> -</div> - -<p>She held out, notwithstanding. Some decree -of courage must have stiffened resistance, but -it also is probable that the little creature relied -upon a definite limit to persecution. A daughter -of the royal house of France stood too high for -genuine martyrdom. She had, in addition, a -secret Bull previously given her by Paul III., -which exempted her from the jurisdiction of all -local inquisitions.</p> - -<p>Up to a certain point there is, beyond question, -an underflow of sweetness in being persecuted, -especially when, besides the persecutors, there are -people who realize the persecution. To show -endurance is softly comforting to the soul. -Character, exultant at finding itself not wholly -worthless, is joyous below its pain. There are -few people, indeed, who do not want to prove -themselves morally better than their ordinary -conduct, and who are not exalted by a sudden -blaze of inner illumination when they have let the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>296]</a></span> -good rise triumphant over an ardent and forceful -temptation. At any rate, whether Renée was, -or was not, sustained by a sense of proving something -finer than she had hoped for, she certainly -showed such curious tranquillity that those who -attended her remarked upon it. The fact puzzled -everybody—she was by nature distinctly flaccid. -It has since been put down to the possession of -the Bull from Paul III., but the explanation is -unlikely. Nothing could be more simple than -a fresh Papal Bull annulling the first. Besides, -what followed shows that she either made no -use of it, or was quickly undeceived as to its -utility.</p> - -<p>But the crisis of her life was stalking grimly -nearer every hour. Confinement leaving steadfastness -intact, a rasped husband and exasperated -inquisitor flung themselves upon a last extremity, -and Renée, Duchess of Ferrara, was actually -brought before the Ferrarese Inquisition, and -tried for heresy by that body. Her answers at -the trial are not given, but that she went through -the ordeal at all compels admiration. She was -utterly alone—hemmed in by Roman Catholics -and Italians—and grievously subject to prostration -and headaches. Few people thought of her save -as an unmitigated nuisance. Still she continued -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>297]</a></span> -firm. Her answers were probably stupid and -reiterated, but if flustered on the surface she -was stolid at the foundations. After an angry, -blustering trial, during which nobody could browbeat -her into helplessness, defeat had to be -admitted, and a formal sentence passed against -the duchess. She may have winced for a moment -when it came; the indignity alone would have -stung her like a blow upon the face. There was -nothing in this world she felt more pride in than -the fact that she was a king’s daughter; this -sentence put her on the level of any refractory -woman that the Church and her husband considered -in need of punishment. She was to -suffer perpetual solitary imprisonment, and her -children and the greater part of her revenue were -to be taken from her.</p> - -<p>Still she maintained the same unaccountable -self-possession. It seemed almost as if some -store of inner strength placed her beyond the -reach of personal sufferings. All who knew her -were bewildered. For, the very morning after -condemnation, she was driven from the Castello -to an old building next door, to be imprisoned -under guards chosen carefully by Ercole. Two -servants, also picked out by him, were the only -people allowed in her presence.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>298]</a></span> -She held out for a week. It was too little; -mere sulkiness could have endured that period. -Six months would have made her sympathetic -and dignified, a week rendered her previous -fortitude useless. Still, it should be borne in -mind that imprisonment for life with two foreigners -of a different class is very cold to the heart after -the first glow of resistance has faded. Renée had -known her triumph. The famous Inquisitor, so -proud of his infallible method, had exhausted -cunning for nothing. They were obliged to shut -her up for the humiliating reason that not one of -them had been able to move her by a hair’s -breadth. She had that victory to kindle satisfaction -with for the rest of existence.</p> - -<p>During a day or two she probably lived -supported by the joy of steadfast conduct. Then -gradually the meaning of a lifetime’s solitude -pressed upon imagination. At any rate, by the -end of seven days, everybody knew in Ferrara -that the duchess had surrendered. The news -reduced her to an absurdity; she had possessed -sufficient courage to be maddening, and no more. -Capitulation, however, was complete. She not -only expressed her desire openly to attend mass, -but her willingness to return to confession. By -her own choice, a Jesuit confessor was sent for, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>299]</a></span> -and in a “flood of tears” the necessary recantation -was given.</p> - -<p>Instantly the guards were withdrawn, and -her ordinary household allowed to recommence -attendance. The struggle was over. Ercole could -feel at last that he had tamed her, and in a few -days the surface showed no signs of the immense -upheaval it had suffered. Only the Protestants -stood aghast. Calvin wrote bitterly when he heard -of it: “What shall I say, except that constancy -is a very rare virtue among the great of this -world?” Olympia Morata, who had a sore place -in her thoughts made by Renée, declared that -she was not surprised, and that she had always -said it was <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">une tête légère</i>.</p> - -<p>Upon one point, notwithstanding, the duchess -remained unexpectedly firm. She had surrendered -a good deal. But she drew the line for the -future at playing love-scenes with the man who -had caused her to be tried and imprisoned like a -common criminal.</p> - -<p>From the time of her trial, Renée occupied a -separate establishment, though Ercole, to whom she -could do no right, made even this a grievance, and -complained that “the duchess refused to return to -the chamber they had shared for fifteen years, and -in which they had made such beautiful children.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>300]</a></span> -With this brief, tense, and futile drama, the -interest of Renée’s life evaporates. The remainder,—long -and untranquil though it was,—reads like -an anti-climax. She never knew a year’s serenity -to the end of her lengthy and eventful existence. -And yet all that followed has a certain sameness -and monotony. The unhappinesses were constantly -repeated; also the piteous efforts to -remain firm in Protestantism only to be driven -back again to the old faith of her people.</p> - -<p>In 1559 Ercole died, and from that day -Renée passed entirely out of the sphere of the -Renaissance into that of the Reformation. She -returned to France, and went to live at the town -of Montargis, which belonged to her. Comfort -she never knew again. Her castle was so constantly -overcrowded that it became impossible to -move in it for people. Brantome, who visited her -there, says he saw “three hundred Protestant -refugees,” on the occasion of his visit. Horrors, -bloodshed, and persecutions became her daily -preoccupations. Blood, at that period in France, -made the world look red. During the massacre -of St. Bartholomew, she was in Paris, and remained -for nine days shut up in her rooms, before the -gates of Paris were opened once more, and she -was able to fly back to Montargis.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>301]</a></span> -But the latter part of her existence nobly atoned -for the dispirited uselessness of the beginning. -She took mass, and professed to be a humble and -obedient daughter of the Pope when there was -no alternative between that and being driven out -of Montargis. But continuously, hourly, and unhesitatingly, -she helped all those who came to her.</p> - -<p>At the time of her death she was sixty-four, -though long before that time she had looked a -hundred. All her friends died before she did. -Even Calvin, who from the day she left Ferrara, -had been the real prop of her existence, passed -out of life twelve years earlier.</p> - -<p>Though almost all that was best of the -Renaissance seemed gathered into the stretch -of Renée’s existence, it is difficult to remember -her association with it. Tintoretto, Titian, Correggio, -and Raphael were the joy of Italy during -her lifetime. Ariosto, Tasso, Montaigne, all -belong to this period—Ariosto dying when she -was twenty-three, while Tasso outlived her by -many years. She passed the whole of her -married life in a court of impassioned connoisseurs, -and never rose above a taste for cheap -majolica. Her niche was in a convent, a hospital, -or a training school for orphans, not in a -centre of artistic and literary efflorescence.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>302]</a></span> -She was unfortunate all her life, and even -after death it remained her tragic fate to be a -nuisance. Her son, Alphonso III., found difficulty -in coming to a decision as to what behaviour -to observe about the circumstance. She had -been his mother, but she had also been a heretic. -In the end he compromised, ordering mourning -for a brief period, but omitting any mourning -services. They buried her at Montargis, and on -her tomb made no mention of Italy, or of her discomforted -connection with the House of Ferrara. -The inscription merely bore the words—</p> - -<blockquote> -<p>“<span class="smcap">Renée de France, Duchesse de Chartres, Comtesse -de Gisors et Madame de Montargis.</span></p> - -<p>May many daughters of France yet rise to emulate -the example of her faith, patience, and charity.”</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>At a brief glance only the last virtue appears -appropriate. But the grace of Renée’s life lies -in the fact that she used it for development. The -self-engrossed, unfriendly girl who fought with -Ercole, slowly but momentously learned from -experience. Handicapped both by nature and -circumstances, she yet issued from the tempestuous -stumblings of youth into an old age, -still clumsy enough to an eye seeing only in a -dull moment, but exquisite to a consciousness -aware how the soul had continuously developed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>303]</a></span> -through every untoward incident of existence. -As a girl Renée had been too querulous to -circumvent her own ugliness. But as an old -woman she rendered it of no account. Surely—though -probably unconsciously—she learnt at -last that it is what a nature gives from within -that is the ultimate test of value, and that to a -great heart there are no denials, and cannot -be—in the world’s colossal and unceasing -need of sympathy—anything but welcome and -appreciation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304"><!--blank page--></a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>305]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="index" id="index"></a>INDEX</h2> -</div> - - - -<p class="indexlinks"> -<a href="#a">A</a> <a href="#b">B</a> <a href="#c">C</a> -<a href="#d">D</a> <a href="#e">E</a> <a href="#f">F</a> -<a href="#g">G</a> <a href="#h">H</a> <a href="#i">I</a> -<a href="#j">J</a> <a href="#l">L</a> <a href="#m">M</a> -<a href="#n">N</a> <a href="#o">O</a> <a href="#p">P</a> -<a href="#r">R</a> <a href="#s">S</a> <a href="#t">T</a> -<a href="#u">U</a> <a href="#v">V</a> <a href="#w">W</a> -<a href="#z">Z</a> -</p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="a" id="a"></a>A</p> - -<p class="index1">Adrienne, Madonna, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, -<a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="albret" id="albret"></a>Albret, Comte d’, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Albret, Henri d’, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Albret, Jeanne d’, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Alençon, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216-220</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Alençon, Duc d’, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Alençon, Françoise d’, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="alexandervi" id="alexandervi"></a>Alexander VI., Pope, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, -<a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164-172</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, -<a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Alphonso I., Duke of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, -<a href="#Page_177">177-190</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198-201</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, -<a href="#Page_269">269</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Alphonso II., Duke of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Alphonso, Don, of Naples, <a href="#Page_168">168-173</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Amboise, Castle of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Amboise, Cardinal d’, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Amily, Ser, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Angoulême, Charles d’, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Angoulême, Margaret d’, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, -<a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202-250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, -<a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Anna (wife of Alphonso I.), <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Anne of Brittany, <a href="#Page_104">104-149</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, -<a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, -<a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Anthony, Brother, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Aragon, Charlotte of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Aragon, Ferdinand of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Aretino, Donati, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Argentre, d’, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Ariosto, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Asti, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Avignon, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, -<a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38-40</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="b" id="b"></a>B</p> - -<p class="index1">Bari, Duchess of. <i>See</i> <a href="#beatricedeste">Beatrice D’Este</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Barone, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bartholomew, Saint, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bartolomeo, Fra, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bayard, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bayaret, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="beatricedeste" id="beatricedeste"></a>Beatrice D’Este. <i>See</i> <a href="#este">Este</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Beaujeu, Anne of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bellay, de, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bellay, Cardinal du, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bembo, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_186">186-191</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Benincasa, Giacomo, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Berger, Peter, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Berguin, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Beuve, Sainte, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bianca (illegitimate daughter of Ludovico), <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, -<a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bianca (sister of Giangaleazzo), <a href="#Page_87">87</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Blois, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, -<a href="#Page_207">207</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Boccaccio, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, -<a href="#Page_245">245</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>306]</a></span> -Bonnivet, <a href="#Page_209">209-216</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, -<a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bordeaux, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="borgia" id="borgia"></a>Borgia, Cæsar, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, -<a href="#Page_165">165-175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, -<a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Borgia, Giovanni, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Borgia, Jofre, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Borgia, Lucrezia, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, -<a href="#Page_150">150-201</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Borso, Duke, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bourbon, Connétable de, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Bourbon, Louis de, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Brantome, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241-253</a>, -<a href="#Page_300">300</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="briconnet" id="briconnet"></a>Briconnet, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217-220</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Burgundy, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="c" id="c"></a>C</p> - -<p class="index1">Cafferini, Thomas Antonio, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, -<a href="#Page_13">13</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Cagnola, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Calcaquine, Contessa, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Callagnini, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Calmeta, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Calvin, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, -<a href="#Page_273">273-301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Canali, Carlo, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Cardillan, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Carthusians, the order of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Castiglione, <a href="#Page_190">190-194</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Cataneri, Vanozza, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="catherine" id="catherine"></a>Catherine of Siena, <a href="#Page_1">1-52</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Cavelli, Mario, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Charles, Archduke, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Charles V., of Austria, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-230</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Charles VIII., of France, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, -<a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, -<a href="#Page_111">111-114</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Claude, of France, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, -<a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Claviere, R. de Maulde la, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Clement VII., Pope, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, -<a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Cleves, Duke of, <a href="#Page_236">236-239</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Clouet, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Cognac, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Collenuccio, Pandolfo, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Colonna, the, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Colonna, Vittoria, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, -<a href="#Page_280">280-282</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Commines, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, -<a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Corio, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Correggio, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Corsa, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Crivelli, Lucrezia, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, -<a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Croce, Giorgio di, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Cussago, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="d" id="d"></a>D</p> - -<p class="index1">Dante, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Dodici, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Dodicini, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Dolet, Etienne, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Domenico, St., <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Duchatel, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="e" id="e"></a>E</p> - -<p class="index1">Ercole I., Duke of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, -<a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, -<a href="#Page_184">184-186</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Ercole II., Duke of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_254">254-257</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, -<a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, -<a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288-290</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292-295</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="este" id="este"></a>Este, Beatrice d’, <a href="#Page_53">53-103</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Este, Hippolyte d’, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Este, Isabella d’, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>-57, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, -<a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, -<a href="#Page_181">181-184</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, -<a href="#Page_258">258</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>307]</a></span> -Este, Leonora d’, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, -<a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Este, Palissena d’, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="f" id="f"></a>F</p> - -<p class="index1">Farnese, Julia, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, -<a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, -<a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Feltre, Vittorino da, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Ferrante, of Naples, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Ferrara, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, -<a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, -<a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, -<a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Fleurange, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Foix, Gaston de, <a href="#Page_206">206-211</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Forli, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Francis I., <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, -<a href="#Page_203">203-208</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215-217</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-226</a>, -<a href="#Page_229">229-231</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236-238</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, -<a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253-255</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, -<a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Francis II., of Brittany, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="g" id="g"></a>G</p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="galeazzo" id="galeazzo"></a>Galeazzo, Maria, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Gallerani, Cecilia, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68-70</a>, -<a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> - -<p class="index1">“Gargantua,” <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Gasparo, Don, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Gelais, Jean de St., <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Ghibellines, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Giangaleazzo, Duke of Milan, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, -<a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81-83</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, -<a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Gie, Marechale de, <a href="#Page_143">143-145</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Grazie, St. Maria delle, <a href="#Page_100">100-102</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Gregorovius, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Gregory XI., Pope, <a href="#Page_30">30-34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, -<a href="#Page_39">39</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Guarino, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Guelfs, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Guicciardini, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, -<a href="#Page_177">177</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="h" id="h"></a>H</p> - -<p class="index1">“Heptameron,” the, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, -<a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Henri II., <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Henry VII., <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_206">206</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="i" id="i"></a>I</p> - -<p class="index1">Innocent VII., Pope, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Inquisition, the, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Isabella D’Este. <i>See</i> <a href="#este">Este</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Isabella of Naples, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, -<a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74-76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79-83</a>, -<a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87-89</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, -<a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="j" id="j"></a>J</p> - -<p class="index1">Jacomino, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Jacomo, Ser, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Jeanne, wife of Louis XII., <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126-128</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Joanna, Queen of Naples, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Julius II., Pope, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Julius III., Pope, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="l" id="l"></a>L</p> - -<p class="index1">Laizon, Lanothe, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Lamb, Charles, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Landoccio, Neri di, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, -<a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>308]</a></span> -Lapa, mother of Catherine of Siena, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, -<a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Laun, Van, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Lemale, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Leo X., Pope, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Leonora D’Este. <i>See</i> <a href="#este">Este</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Lesleu, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Limousin, Leonard, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Loches, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Louis XI., <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, -<a href="#Page_236">236</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Louis XII., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, -<a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, -<a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121-123</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Lucca, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Lucia, Sister, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Lucrezia Borgia. <i>See</i> <a href="#borgia">Borgia</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Ludovico Sforza. <i>See</i> <a href="#sforza">Sforza</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Luny, Phillipine de, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Luther, Martin, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="m" id="m"></a>M</p> - -<p class="index1">Machiavelli, <a href="#Page_175">175-177</a></p> - -<p class="index1">“Mantellate” sisters, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, -<a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Mantua, Francesco, Duke of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, -<a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Manuce, Aldo, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Marconi, Stephen, <a href="#Page_24">24-28</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, -<a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Maria Galeazzo. <i>See</i> <a href="#galeazzo">Galeazzo</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Marot, Clement, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222-224</a>, -<a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Marot, Jean, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Marsac, Louis de, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Marthe, St., <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Maximilian I., Emperor of Germany, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, -<a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110-112</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Meaux, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217-220</a>. -<i>See</i> <a href="#briconnet">Briconnet</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Medici, Giovanni de, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Mendoza, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Mezerai, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, -<a href="#Page_254">254</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Milan, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64-68</a>, -<a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, -<a href="#Page_88">88</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Michelangelo, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Michelletto, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Montaigne, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Montargis, <a href="#Page_300">300-302</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Montluc, St. Gelais de, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Montmorency, Anne of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, -<a href="#Page_239">239</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Montpensier, Charles de, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Morata, Olympia, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Moro, Il. <i>See</i> <a href="#ludovicosforza">Sforza, Ludovico</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Muralto, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Muratori, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="n" id="n"></a>N</p> - -<p class="index1">Nantes, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Naples, King of, <a href="#Page_54">54-57</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, -<a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Navarre, King of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Navarre, Henri de. <i>See</i> <a href="#albret">Albret</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Nepi, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Nove, the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Noveschi, the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="o" id="o"></a>O</p> - -<p class="index1">Olivet, Mount, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Orriz, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, -<a href="#Page_292">292-294</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Orsini, the, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Othagaray, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Ovid, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>309]</a></span></p> - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="p" id="p"></a>P</p> - -<p class="index1">Palice, La, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pantagruel, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pater, Walter, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Paul III., Pope, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Paule, François de, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pavia, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, -<a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, -<a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Perotto, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pesaro, <a href="#Page_162">162-164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, -<a href="#Page_174">174</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Petrarch, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, -<a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pintorricchio, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, -<a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pisa, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Poictiers, Diane de, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Polhain, Baron de, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Polignac, Jeanne de, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pons, M. de, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282-291</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pontanus, poet, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Portugal, Queen of, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, -<a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Predis, Ambrogio da, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Pucci, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="r" id="r"></a>R</p> - -<p class="index1">Rabelais, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, -<a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Raphael, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Raymond, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, -<a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, -<a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Raynaldus, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Rémond, Florimond de, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Renée, of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, -<a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251-303</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Riformatori, the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Rodriguez, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>. <i>See</i> <a href="#alexandervi">Alexander VI.</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="s" id="s"></a>S</p> - -<p class="index1">Sancia, Madonna, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Sanozzo, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Sanseverino, Galeazzo, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p> - -<p class="index1">San Sisto, convent of, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Savoie, Louise de, <a href="#Page_137">137-139</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, -<a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Seyssel, De, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="sforza" id="sforza"></a>Sforza, Catherine, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Sforza, Francesco, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Sforza, Giovanni, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, -<a href="#Page_162">162-167</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><a name="ludovicosforza" id="ludovicosforza"></a>Sforza, Ludovico, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, -<a href="#Page_60">60-62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64-70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, -<a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, -<a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Siena, Catherine of. <i>See</i> <a href="#catherine">Catherine</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Sorbonne, the, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, -<a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Soubise, Madame de, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, -<a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, -<a href="#Page_271">271</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Spagnali, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Spoleto, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Strozzi, Callagnini, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Strozzi, Tebaldeo, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="t" id="t"></a>T</p> - -<p class="index1">Tasso, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Tintoretto, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Titian, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Toledo, Nicholas di, <a href="#Page_17">17-21</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Toledo, town of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Tolomei, Francesco, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Tolomei, Giacomo, <a href="#Page_12">12-14</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Tolomei, Madonna, <a href="#Page_12">12-14</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Torelli, Ippolyta, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Toulouse, town of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Tours, Plessis Les, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></p> - -<p class="index1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>310]</a></span> -Trotti, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, -<a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Tufi, Porta, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Turenne, Elys de Beaufort, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="u" id="u"></a>U</p> - -<p class="index1">Urban VI., Pope, <a href="#Page_39">39-44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Urbino, Elizabeth, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="v" id="v"></a>V</p> - -<p class="index1">Valentinois, Countess of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Vanni, Francesco, <a href="#Page_21">21-24</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Vasari, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Venice, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></p> - -<p class="index1">Vinci, Leonardo da, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76-79</a>, -<a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="w" id="w"></a>W</p> - -<p class="index1">William of England, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> - - -<p class="indexletter"><a name="z" id="z"></a>Z</p> - -<p class="index1">Zanetto, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, -<a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311"><!--blank page--></a></span></p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312"><!--unnumbered in original--></a></span></p> - -<p class="printer">PRINTED BY<br /> -WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,<br /> -LONDON AND BECCLES.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_a1" id="Page_a1">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>1]</a></span></p> - -<h2>A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS<br /> -PUBLISHED BY METHUEN<br /> -AND COMPANY: LONDON<br /> -36 ESSEX STREET<br /> -W.C.</h2> -</div> - - - - -<h3><a name="cataloguecontents" id="cataloguecontents"></a>CONTENTS</h3> - - -<div class="centered"> -<table border="0" summary="Catalogue table of contents"> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt"> </td> - <td class="tdrb"><small>PAGE</small></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">General Literature,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#genlit"><span class="nowrap">2-20</span></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Ancient Cities,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#anccit">20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Antiquary’s Books,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#antboo">20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Arden Shakespeare,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#ardsha">20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Beginner’s Books,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#begboo">21</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Business Books,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#busboo">21</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Byzantine Texts,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#byztex">21</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Churchman’s Bible,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chubib">22</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Churchman’s Library,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#chulib">22</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Classical Translations,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#clatra">23</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Classics of Art,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#claart">23</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Commercial Series,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#comser">23</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Connoisseur’s Library,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#conlib">23</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Library of Devotion,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#libdev">23</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#iplboo">24</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Junior Examination Series,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#junexa">25</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Junior School-Books,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#junsch">26</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Leaders of Religion,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#learel">26</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Little Books on Art,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#litart">26</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Little Galleries,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#litgal">27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Little Guides,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#litgui">27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Little Library,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#litlib">27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Little Quarto Shakespeare,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#litqua">29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Miniature Library,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#minlib">29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Oxford Biographies,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#oxfbio">29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">School Examination Series,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#schexa">29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">School Histories,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#schhis">30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Textbooks of Science,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#texsci">30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Simplified French Texts,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#simfre">30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Standard Library,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#stalib">30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Textbooks of Technology,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#textec">31</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Handbooks of Theology,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#hanthe">31</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Westminster Commentaries,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#wescom">32</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlt">Fiction,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#fict"><span class="nowrap">32-37</span></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">The Shilling Novels,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#shinov">37</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Books for Boys and Girls,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#boochi">39</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Novels of Alexandre Dumas,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#novale">39</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdlin">Methuen’s Sixpenny Books,</td> - <td class="tdrb"><a href="#sixboo">39</a></td> - </tr> -</table> -</div> - - -<p class="center"><span class="lrgfont">JULY 1907</span></p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_a2" id="Page_a2">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>2]</a></span></p> - -<p class="reptitle"><span class="vsmlfont">A CATALOGUE OF</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Messrs. Methuen’s</span><br /> -<span class="vsmlfont">PUBLICATIONS</span></p> - - -<p>Colonial Editions are published of all Messrs. Methuen’s Novels issued -at a price above 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>, and similar editions are published of some works of -General Literature. These are marked in the Catalogue. Colonial editions -are only for circulation in the British Colonies and India.</p> - -<p>I.P.L. represents Illustrated Pocket Library.</p> - - - - -<h3><a name="genlit" id="genlit"></a><span class="smcap">Part I.—General Literature</span></h3> - - -<p><b>Abbott (J. H. M.).</b> Author of ‘Tommy -Cornstalk.’ <span class="smcap">AN OUTLANDER IN -ENGLAND: Being some Impressions of -an Australian Abroad.</span> <i>Second Edition. -Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Acatos (M. J.).</b> See <a href="#junsch">Junior School Books</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Adams (Frank).</b> JACK SPRATT. With 24 -Coloured Pictures. <i>Super Royal 16mo. 2s.</i></p> - -<p><b>Adeney (W. F.)</b>, M.A. See <a href="#bennettadeney">Bennett and -Adeney</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Æschylus.</b> See <a href="#clatra">Classical Translations</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Æsop.</b> See <a href="#iplboo">I.P.L.</a></p> - -<p><b>Ainsworth (W. Harrison).</b> See <a href="#iplboo">I.P.L.</a></p> - -<p><b>Alderson (J. P.).</b> MR. ASQUITH. With -Portraits and Illustrations. <i>Demy 8vo. -7s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Aldis (Janet).</b> MADAME GEOFFRIN, -HER SALON, AND HER TIMES. -With many Portraits and Illustrations. -<i>Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Alexander (William)</b>, D.D., Archbishop -of Armagh. THOUGHTS AND -COUNSELS OF MANY YEARS. -<i>Demy 16mo. 2s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Alken (Henry).</b> THE NATIONAL -SPORTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. With -descriptions in English and French. With -51 Coloured Plates. <i>Royal Folio. Five -Guineas net.</i> The Plates can be had -separately in a Portfolio. <i>£3, 3s. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">See also <a href="#iplboo">I.P.L.</a></p> - -<p><b>Allen (C. C.).</b> See <a href="#textec">Textbooks of Technology</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Allen (Jessie).</b> See <a href="#litart">Little Books on Art</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Allen (J. Romilly)</b>, F.S.A. See <a href="#antboo">Antiquary’s -Books</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Almack (E.).</b> See <a href="#litart">Little Books on Art</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Amherst (Lady).</b> A SKETCH OF -EGYPTIAN HISTORY FROM THE -EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT -DAY. With many Illustrations. -<i>Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Anderson (F. M.).</b> THE STORY OF THE -BRITISH EMPIRE FOR CHILDREN. -With many Illustrations. <i>Cr. 8vo. 2s.</i></p> - -<p><b>Anderson (J. G.)</b>, B.A., Examiner to London -University. NOUVELLE GRAMMAIRE -FRANÇAISE. <i>Cr. 8vo. 2s.</i></p> - -<p>EXERCICES DE GRAMMAIRE FRANÇAISE. -<i>Cr. 8vo. 1s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Andrewes (Bishop).</b> PRECES PRIVATAE. -Edited, with Notes, by <span class="smcap">F. E. -Brightman</span>, M.A., of Pusey House, Oxford. -<i>Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p><b>Anglo-Australian.</b> AFTER-GLOW MEMORIES. -<i>Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Anon.</b> FELISSA; OR, THE LIFE -AND OPINIONS OF A KITTEN OF -SENTIMENT. With 12 Coloured Plates. -<i>Post 16mo. 2s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Aristotle.</b> THE NICOMACHEAN -ETHICS. Edited, with an Introduction -and Notes, by <span class="smcap">John Burnet</span>, M.A., Professor -of Greek at St. Andrews. <i>Cheaper -issue. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Atkins (H. G.).</b> See <a href="#oxfbio">Oxford Biographies</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Atkinson (C.M.).</b> JEREMY BENTHAM. -<i>Demy 8vo. 5s. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Atkinson (T. D.).</b> A SHORT HISTORY -OF ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE. -With over 200 Illustrations. <i>Second Edition. -Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p>A GLOSSARY OF TERMS USED IN -ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE. Illustrated. -<i>Second Ed. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Auden (T.)</b>, M.A., F.S.A. See <a href="#anccit">Ancient Cities</a>.</p> - -<p><a name="aurelius" id="aurelius"></a><b>Aurelius (Marcus) and Epictetus.</b> -WORDS OF THE ANCIENT WISE: -Thoughts from. Edited by <span class="smcap">W. H. D. -Rouse</span>, M.A., Litt.D. <i>Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. -net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">See also <a href="#stalib">Standard Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Austen (Jane).</b> See <a href="#litlib">Little Library</a> and -<a href="#stalib">Standard Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Bacon (Francis).</b> See <a href="#litlib">Little Library</a> and -<a href="#stalib">Standard Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Baden-Powell (R. S. S.)</b>, Major-General. -THE DOWNFALL OF PREMPEH. A -Diary of Life in Ashanti 1895. Illustrated. -<i>Third Edition. Large Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_a3" id="Page_a3">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>3]</a></span></p> - -<p>THE MATABELE CAMPAIGN, 1896. -With nearly 100 Illustrations. <i>Fourth -Edition. Large Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Bailey (J. C.)</b>, M.A. See <a href="#cowper">Cowper</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Baker (W. G.)</b>, M.A. See <a href="#junexa">Junior Examination -Series</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Baker (Julian L.)</b>, F.I.C., F.C.S. See <a href="#busboo">Books -on Business</a>.</p> - -<p><a name="gbalfour" id="gbalfour"></a><b>Balfour (Graham).</b> THE LIFE OF -ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON. <i>Third -and Cheaper Edition, Revised. Crown -8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Ballard (A.)</b>, B.A., LL.B. See <a href="#antboo">Antiquary’s -Books</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Bally (S. E.).</b> See <a href="#comser">Commercial Series</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Banks (Elizabeth L.).</b> THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY -OF A ‘NEWSPAPER -GIRL.’ <i>Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Barham (R. H.).</b> See <a href="#litlib">Little Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Baring (The Hon. Maurice).</b> WITH -THE RUSSIANS IN MANCHURIA. -<i>Third Edition. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><a name="sbaringgould" id="sbaringgould"></a><b>Baring-Gould (S.).</b> THE LIFE OF -NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. With over -450 Illustrations in the Text, and 12 Photogravure -Plates. <i>Gilt top. Large quarto. 36s.</i></p> - -<p>THE TRAGEDY OF THE CÆSARS. -With numerous Illustrations from Busts, -Gems, Cameos, etc. <i>Sixth Edition. Royal -8vo. 10s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. With -numerous Illustrations by <span class="smcap">A. J. Gaskin</span>. -<i>Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. Buckram. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>OLD ENGLISH FAIRY TALES. With -numerous Illustrations by <span class="smcap">F. D. Bedford</span>. -<i>Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. Buckram. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>THE VICAR OF MORWENSTOW. Revised -Edition. With a Portrait. <i>Third -Edition. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF DARTMOOR: A Descriptive -and Historical Sketch. With Plans and -numerous Illustrations. <i>Second Edition. -Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF DEVON. Illustrated. -<i>Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF CORNWALL. Illustrated. -<i>Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF NORTH WALES. Illustrated. -<i>Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF SOUTH WALES. Illustrated. -<i>Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF BRITTANY. Illustrated. <i>Cr. -8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF THE RIVIERA. Illustrated. -<i>Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p>A BOOK OF THE RHINE: From Cleve -to Mainz. Illustrated. <i>Second Edition. -Crown 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p>A BOOK OF THE PYRENEES. With -24 Illustrations. <i>Crown 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p>A BOOK OF GHOSTS. With 8 Illustrations -by <span class="smcap">D. Murray Smith</span>. <i>Second Edition. -Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>OLD COUNTRY LIFE. With 67 Illustrations. -<i>Fifth Edition. Large Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>A GARLAND OF COUNTRY SONG: -English Folk Songs with their Traditional -Melodies. Collected and arranged by <span class="smcap">S. -Baring-Gould</span> and <span class="smcap">H. F. Sheppard</span>. -<i>Demy 4to. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>SONGS OF THE WEST: Folk Songs of -Devon and Cornwall. Collected from the -Mouths of the People. By <span class="smcap">S. Baring-Gould</span>, -M.A., and <span class="smcap">H. Fleetwood Sheppard</span>, M.A. -New and Revised Edition, under the musical -editorship of <span class="smcap">Cecil J. Sharp</span>, Principal of -the Hampstead Conservatoire. <i>Large Imperial -8vo. 5s. net.</i></p> - -<p>A BOOK OF NURSERY SONGS AND -RHYMES. Edited by <span class="smcap">S. Baring-Gould</span>, -and Illustrated by the Birmingham Art -School. <i>A New Edition. Long Cr. 8vo. -2s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p>STRANGE SURVIVALS AND SUPERSTITIONS. -<i>Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. -2s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p>YORKSHIRE ODDITIES AND -STRANGE EVENTS. <i>New and Revised -Edition. Cr. 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">See also <a href="#litgui">Little Guides</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Barker (Aldred F.).</b> See <a href="#textec">Textbooks of -Technology</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Barker (E.)</b>, M.A. (Late) Fellow of Merton -College, Oxford. THE POLITICAL -THOUGHT OF PLATO AND ARISTOTLE. -<i>Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Barnes (W. E.)</b>, D.D. See <a href="#chubib">Churchman’s -Bible</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Barnett (Mrs. P. A.).</b> See <a href="#litlib">Little Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Baron (R. R. N.)</b>, M.A. FRENCH PROSE -COMPOSITION. <i>Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. -2s. 6d. Key, 3s. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">See also <a href="#junsch">Junior School Books</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Barron (H. M.)</b>, M.A., Wadham College, -Oxford. TEXTS FOR SERMONS. With -a Preface by Canon <span class="smcap">Scott Holland</span>. -<i>Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Bartholomew (J. G.)</b>, F.R.S.E. See <a href="#cgrobertson">C. G. -Robertson</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Bastable (C. F.)</b>, M.A. THE COMMERCE -OF NATIONS. <i>Fourth Ed. -Cr. 8vo. 2s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Bastian (H. Charlton)</b>, M.D., F.R.S. -THE EVOLUTION OF LIFE. Illustrated. -<i>Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Batson (Mrs. Stephen).</b> A CONCISE -HANDBOOK OF GARDEN FLOWERS. -<i>Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Batten (Loring W.)</b>, Ph.D., S.T.D. THE -HEBREW PROPHET. <i>Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Bayley (R. Child).</b> THE COMPLETE -PHOTOGRAPHER. With over 100 -Illustrations. <i>Second Edition. Demy 8vo. -10s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Beard (W. S.).</b> EASY EXERCISES IN -ALGEBRA. <i>Cr. 8vo. 1s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">See <a href="#junexa">Junior Examination Series</a> and <a href="#begboo">Beginner’s Books</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_a4" id="Page_a4">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>4]</a></span></p> - -<p><b>Beckford (Peter).</b> THOUGHTS ON -HUNTING. Edited by <span class="smcap">J. Otho Paget</span>, -and Illustrated by <span class="smcap">G. H. Jalland</span>. <i>Second -Edition. Demy 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p><b>Beckford (William).</b> See <a href="#litlib">Little Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Beeching (H. C.)</b>, M.A., Canon of Westminster. -See <a href="#libdev">Library of Devotion</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Begbie (Harold).</b> MASTER WORKERS. -Illustrated. <i>Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Behmen (Jacob).</b> DIALOGUES ON THE -SUPERSENSUAL LIFE. Edited by -<span class="smcap">Bernard Holland</span>. <i>Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Belloc (Hilaire)</b>, M.P. PARIS. With -Maps and Illustrations. <i>Second Edition. -Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p>HILLS AND THE SEA. <i>Second Edition. -Crown 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p><b>Bellot (H. H. L.)</b>, M.A. THE INNER AND -MIDDLE TEMPLE. With numerous -Illustrations. <i>Crown 8vo. 6s. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Bennett (W. H.)</b>, M.A. A PRIMER OF -THE BIBLE. <i>Fourth Edition. Cr. 8vo. -2s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><a name="bennettadeney" id="bennettadeney"></a><b>Bennett (W. H.) <span class="regtext">and</span> Adeney (W. F.).</b> A -BIBLICAL INTRODUCTION. <i>Fourth -Edition. Cr. 8vo. 7s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Benson (Archbishop).</b> GOD’S BOARD: -Communion Addresses. <i>Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. -net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Benson (A. C.)</b>, M.A. See <a href="#oxfbio">Oxford Biographies</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Benson (R. M.).</b> THE WAY OF HOLINESS: -a Devotional Commentary on the -119th Psalm. <i>Cr. 8vo. 5s.</i></p> - -<p><b>Bernard (E. R.)</b>, M.A., Canon of Salisbury. -THE ENGLISH SUNDAY. <i>Fcap. 8vo. -1s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><b>Bertouch (Baroness de).</b> THE LIFE -OF FATHER IGNATIUS. Illustrated. -<i>Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Beruete (A. de).</b> See <a href="#claart">Classics of Art</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Betham-Edwards (M.).</b> HOME LIFE -IN FRANCE. Illustrated. <i>Fourth and -Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Bethune-Baker (J. F.)</b>, M.A. See <a href="#hanthe">Handbooks -of Theology</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Bidez (M.).</b> See <a href="#byztex">Byzantine Texts</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Biggs (C. R. D.)</b>, D.D. See <a href="#chubib">Churchman’s Bible</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Bindley (T. Herbert)</b>, B.D. THE OECUMENICAL -DOCUMENTS OF THE -FAITH. With Introductions and Notes. -<i>Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. net.</i></p> - -<p><b>Binns (H. B.).</b> THE LIFE OF WALT -WHITMAN. Illustrated. <i>Demy 8vo. -10s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Binyon (Lawrence).</b> THE DEATH OF -ADAM, AND OTHER POEMS. <i>Cr. 8vo. -3s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">See also <a href="#wblake">W. Blake</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Birnstingl (Ethel).</b> See <a href="#litart">Little Books on -Art</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Blair (Robert).</b> See <a href="#iplboo">I.P.L.</a></p> - -<p><a name="wblake" id="wblake"></a><b>Blake (William).</b> <span class="smcap">THE LETTERS OF -WILLIAM BLAKE, together with a -Life by Frederick Tatham.</span> Edited -from the Original Manuscripts, with an -Introduction and Notes, by <span class="smcap">Archibald G. B. -Russell</span>. With 12 Illustrations. -<i>Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p>ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE BOOK OF -JOB. With a General Introduction by -<span class="smcap">Lawrence Binyon</span>. <i>Quarto. 21s. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">See also <a href="#iplboo">I.P.L.</a> and <a href="#litlib">Little Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Blaxland (B.)</b>, M.A. See <a href="#libdev">Library of -Devotion</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Bloom (J. Harvey)</b>, M.A. SHAKESPEARE’S -GARDEN. 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See <a href="#antboo">Antiquary’s -Books</a>, <a href="#litgui">Little Guides</a>, <a href="#anccit">Ancient -Cities</a>, and <a href="#schhis">School Histories</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Winterbotham (Canon)</b>, M.A., B.Sc., -LL.B. See <a href="#chulib">Churchman’s Library</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Wood (Sir Evelyn)</b>, F.M., V.C., G.C.B., -G.C.M.G. FROM MIDSHIPMAN TO -FIELD-MARSHAL. With 24 Illustrations -and Maps. <i>Two Volumes. Fourth -Edition. Demy 8vo. 25s. net.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><b>Wood (J. A. E.).</b> See <a href="#textec">Textbooks of -Technology</a>.</p> - -<p><b>Wood (J. Hickory).</b> DAN LENO. Illustrated. -<i>Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">A Colonial Edition is also published.</p> - -<p><a name="wbwood" id="wbwood"></a><b>Wood (W. Birkbeck)</b>, M.A., late Scholar of -Worcester College, Oxford, and <b>Edmonds -(Major J. E.)</b>, R.E., D.A.Q.-M.G. A -HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR IN -THE UNITED STATES. 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G. -Ferrers Howell.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Spiritual Guide</span>, which Disentangles -the Soul and brings it by the Inward Way -to the Fruition of Perfect Contemplation, -and the Rich Treasure of Internal Peace. -Written by Dr. Michael de Molinos, Priest. -Translated from the Italian copy, printed at -Venice, 1685. Edited with an Introduction -by Kathleen Lyttelton. With a Preface by -Canon Scott Holland.</p> - - - - -<h3><a name="iplboo" id="iplboo"></a>The Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books</h3> - -<p class="center"><i>Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. net each volume.</i></p> - - -<p>A series, in small form, of some of the famous illustrated books of fiction and -general literature. These are faithfully reprinted from the first or best editions -without introduction or notes. The Illustrations are chiefly in colour.</p> - - -<h4>COLOURED BOOKS</h4> - -<p><span class="smcap">Old Coloured Books.</span> By George Paston. -With 16 Coloured Plates. <i>Fcap. 8vo. 2s. net.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Life and Death of John Mytton, Esq.</span> -By Nimrod. With 18 Coloured Plates by -Henry Alken and T. J. Rawlins. <i>Fourth -Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Life of a Sportsman.</span> By Nimrod. -With 35 Coloured Plates by Henry Alken.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Handley Cross.</span> By R. S. Surtees. With -17 Coloured Plates and 100 Woodcuts in the -Text by John Leech. <i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sponge’s Sporting Tour.</span> By R. S. -Surtees. With 13 Coloured Plates and 90 -Woodcuts in the Text by John Leech.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Jorrocks’ Jaunts and Jollities.</span> By R. S. -Surtees. With 15 Coloured Plates by H. -Alken. <i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">This volume is reprinted from the extremely -rare and costly edition of 1843, which -contains Alken’s very fine illustrations -instead of the usual ones by Phiz.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ask Mamma.</span> By R. S. Surtees. With 13 -Coloured Plates and 70 Woodcuts in the -Text by John Leech.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Analysis of the Hunting Field.</span> By -R. S. Surtees. With 7 Coloured Plates by -Henry Alken, and 43 Illustrations on Wood.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Tour of Dr. Syntax in Search of -the Picturesque.</span> By William Combe. -With 30 Coloured Plates by T. Rowlandson.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Tour of Doctor Syntax in Search -of Consolation.</span> By William Combe. -With 24 Coloured Plates by T. Rowlandson.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Third Tour of Doctor Syntax in -Search of a Wife.</span> By William Combe. -With 24 Coloured Plates by T. 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With numerous -Designs on Wood.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Real Life in London</span>: or, the Rambles -and Adventures of Bob Tallyho, Esq., and -his Cousin, The Hon. Tom Dashall. By an -Amateur (Pierce Egan). With 31 Coloured -Plates by Alken and Rowlandson, etc. -<i>Two Volumes.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Life of an Actor.</span> By Pierce Egan. -With 27 Coloured Plates by Theodore Lane, -and several Designs on Wood.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Vicar of Wakefield.</span> By Oliver Goldsmith. -With 24 Coloured Plates by T. Rowlandson.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Military Adventures of Johnny -Newcome.</span> By an Officer. With 15 Coloured -Plates by T. 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By Geoffrey -Gambado, Esq.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Real Life in Ireland</span>, or, the Day and -Night Scenes of Brian Boru, Esq., and his -Elegant Friend, Sir Shawn O’Dogherty. -By a Real Paddy. With 19 Coloured Plates -by Heath, Marks, etc.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Adventures of Johnny Newcome in -the Navy.</span> By Alfred Burton. With 16 -Coloured Plates by T. Rowlandson.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Old English Squire</span>: A Poem. By -John Careless, Esq. With 20 Coloured -Plates after the style of T. Rowlandson.</p> - - -<h4>PLAIN BOOKS</h4> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Grave</span>: A Poem. By Robert Blair. -Illustrated by 12 Etchings executed by Louis -Schiavonetti from the original Inventions of -William Blake. With an Engraved Title Page -and a Portrait of Blake by T. 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With 14 Plates and 77 -Woodcuts in the Text.</p> - -<p class="indent">This volume is reproduced from the beautiful -edition of John Major of 1824.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Pickwick Papers.</span> By Charles Dickens. -With the 43 Illustrations by Seymour and -Phiz, the two Buss Plates, and the 32 Contemporary -Onwhyn Plates.</p> - - - - -<h3><a name="junexa" id="junexa"></a>Junior Examination Series</h3> - -<p class="center">Edited by A. M. M. STEDMAN, M.A. <i>Fcap. 8vo. 1s.</i></p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Junior French Examination Papers.</span> By -F. Jacob, M.A. <i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Junior Latin Examination Papers.</span> By C. G. -Botting, B.A. <i>Fourth Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Junior English Examination Papers.</span> By -W. Williamson, B.A.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Junior Arithmetic Examination Papers.</span> -By W. S. 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Demy 16mo. 2s. 6d. net.</i></p> - - -<p>A series of monographs in miniature, containing the complete outline of the -subject under treatment and rejecting minute details. These books are produced -with the greatest care. Each volume consists of about 200 pages, and contains from -30 to 40 illustrations, including a frontispiece in photogravure.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Greek Art.</span> H. B. Walters. <i>Third Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Bookplates.</span> E. Almack.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Reynolds.</span> J. Sime. <i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Romney.</span> George Paston.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Greuze and Boucher.</span> Eliza F. Pollard.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Vandyck.</span> M. G. Smallwood.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Turner.</span> Frances Tyrrell-Gill.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dürer.</span> Jessie Allen.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Hoppner.</span> H. P. K. 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Sharp.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Claude.</span> Edward Dillon.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Arts of Japan.</span> Edward Dillon.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Enamels.</span> Mrs. Nelson Dawson.</p> - - - - -<h3><a name="litgal" id="litgal"></a>The Little Galleries</h3> - -<p class="center"><i>Demy 16mo. 2s. 6d. net.</i></p> - - -<p>A series of little books containing examples of the best work of the great painters. -Each volume contains 20 plates in photogravure, together with a short outline of the -life and work of the master to whom the book is devoted.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">A Little Gallery of Reynolds.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">A Little Gallery of Romney.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">A Little Gallery of Hoppner.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">A Little Gallery of Millais.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">A Little Gallery of English Poets.</span></p> - - - - -<h3><a name="litgui" id="litgui"></a>The Little Guides</h3> - -<p class="center">With many Illustrations by <span class="smcap">E. H. New</span> and other artists, and from photographs.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>Small Pott 8vo, cloth, 2s. 6d. net.; leather, 3s. 6d. net.</i></p> - - -<p>Messrs. <span class="smcap">Methuen</span> are publishing a small series of books under the general title -of <span class="smcap">The Little Guides</span>. The main features of these books are (1) a handy and -charming form, (2) artistic Illustrations by <span class="smcap">E. H. New</span> and others, (3) good plans -and maps, (4) an adequate but compact presentation of everything that is interesting -in the natural features, history, archæology, and architecture of the town or -district treated.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Cambridge and its Colleges.</span> By A. -Hamilton Thompson. <i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Oxford and its Colleges.</span> By J. Wells, -M.A. <i>Seventh Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">St. Paul’s Cathedral.</span> By George Clinch.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Westminster Abbey.</span> By G. E. Troutbeck.</p> - -<p class="indent">————</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The English Lakes.</span> By F. G. Brabant, M.A.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Malvern Country.</span> By B. C. A. -Windle, D.Sc., F.R.S.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Shakespeare’s Country.</span> By B. C. A. -Windle, D.Sc., F.R.S. <i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p class="indent">————</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Buckinghamshire.</span> By E. S. Roscoe.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Cheshire.</span> By W. M. Gallichan.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Cornwall.</span> By A. L. Salmon.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Derbyshire.</span> By J. Charles Cox, LL.D., -F.S.A.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Devon.</span> By S. Baring-Gould.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dorset.</span> By Frank R. 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Stewart).</b> A STRETCH OFF -THE LAND.</p> - -<p><b>Brooke (Emma).</b> THE POET’S CHILD.</p> - -<p><b>Bullock (Shan F.).</b> THE BARRYS.</p> - -<p>THE CHARMER.</p> - -<p>THE SQUIREEN.</p> - -<p>THE RED LEAGUERS.</p> - -<p><b>Burton (J. Bloundelle).</b> THE CLASH -OF ARMS.</p> - -<p>DENOUNCED.</p> - -<p>FORTUNE’S MY FOE.</p> - -<p>A BRANDED NAME.</p> - -<p><b>Capes (Bernard).</b> AT A WINTER’S -FIRE.</p> - -<p><b>Chesney (Weatherby).</b> THE BAPTIST -RING.</p> - -<p>THE BRANDED PRINCE.</p> - -<p>THE FOUNDERED GALLEON.</p> - -<p>JOHN TOPP.</p> - -<p>THE MYSTERY OF A BUNGALOW.</p> - -<p><b>Clifford (Mrs. W. K.).</b> A FLASH OF -SUMMER.</p> - -<p><b>Cobb (Thomas).</b> A CHANGE OF FACE.</p> - -<p><b>Collingwood (Harry).</b> THE DOCTOR -OF THE ‘JULIET.’</p> - -<p><b>Cornford (L. Cope).</b> SONS OF ADVERSITY.</p> - -<p><b>Cotterell (Constance).</b> THE VIRGIN -AND THE SCALES.</p> - -<p><b>Crane (Stephen).</b> WOUNDS IN THE -RAIN.</p> - -<p><b>Denny (C. E.).</b> THE ROMANCE OF -UPFOLD MANOR.</p> - -<p><b>Dickinson (Evelyn).</b> THE SIN OF -ANGELS.</p> - -<p><b>Dickson (Harris).</b> THE BLACK WOLF’S -BREED.</p> - -<p><b>Duncan (Sara J.).</b> THE POOL IN THE -DESERT.</p> - -<p>A VOYAGE OF CONSOLATION. Illustrated.</p> - -<p><b>Embree (C. F.).</b> A HEART OF FLAME. -Illustrated.</p> - -<p><b>Fenn (G. Manville).</b> AN ELECTRIC -SPARK.</p> - -<p>A DOUBLE KNOT.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_a38" id="Page_a38">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>38]</a></span></p> - -<p><b>Findlater (Jane H.).</b> A DAUGHTER OF -STRIFE.</p> - -<p><b>Fitzstephen (G.).</b> MORE KIN THAN -KIND.</p> - -<p><b>Fletcher (J. S.).</b> DAVID MARCH.</p> - -<p>LUCIAN THE DREAMER.</p> - -<p><b>Forrest (R. E.).</b> THE SWORD OF -AZRAEL.</p> - -<p><b>Francis (M. E.).</b> MISS ERIN.</p> - -<p><b>Gallon (Tom).</b> RICKERBY’S FOLLY.</p> - -<p><b>Gerard (Dorothea).</b> THINGS THAT -HAVE HAPPENED.</p> - -<p>THE CONQUEST OF LONDON.</p> - -<p>THE SUPREME CRIME.</p> - -<p><b>Gilchrist (R. Murray).</b> WILLOWBRAKE.</p> - -<p><b>Glanville (Ernest).</b> THE DESPATCH -RIDER.</p> - -<p>THE KLOOF BRIDE.</p> - -<p>THE INCA’S TREASURE.</p> - -<p><b>Gordon (Julien).</b> MRS. CLYDE.</p> - -<p>WORLD’S PEOPLE.</p> - -<p><b>Goss (C. F.).</b> THE REDEMPTION OF -DAVID CORSON.</p> - -<p><b>Gray (E. M‘Queen).</b> MY STEWARDSHIP.</p> - -<p><b>Hales (A. G.).</b> JAIR THE APOSTATE.</p> - -<p><b>Hamilton (Lord Ernest).</b> MARY HAMILTON.</p> - -<p><b>Harrison (Mrs. Burton).</b> A PRINCESS -OF THE HILLS. Illustrated.</p> - -<p><b>Hooper (I.).</b> THE SINGER OF MARLY.</p> - -<p><b>Hough (Emerson).</b> THE MISSISSIPPI -BUBBLE.</p> - -<p><b>‘Iota’ (Mrs. Caffyn).</b> ANNE MAULEVERER.</p> - -<p><b>Jepson (Edgar).</b> THE KEEPERS OF -THE PEOPLE.</p> - -<p><b>Keary (C. F.).</b> THE JOURNALIST.</p> - -<p><b>Kelly (Florence Finch).</b> WITH HOOPS -OF STEEL.</p> - -<p><b>Langbridge (V.) <span class="regtext">and</span> Bourne (C. H.).</b> -THE VALLEY OF INHERITANCE.</p> - -<p><b>Linden (Annie).</b> A WOMAN OF SENTIMENT.</p> - -<p><b>Lorimer (Norma).</b> JOSIAH’S WIFE.</p> - -<p><b>Lush (Charles K.).</b> THE AUTOCRATS.</p> - -<p><b>Macdonell (Anne).</b> THE STORY OF -TERESA.</p> - -<p><b>Macgrath (Harold).</b> THE PUPPET -CROWN.</p> - -<p><b>Mackie (Pauline Bradford).</b> THE VOICE -IN THE DESERT.</p> - -<p><b>Marsh (Richard).</b> THE SEEN AND -THE UNSEEN.</p> - -<p>GARNERED.</p> - -<p>A METAMORPHOSIS.</p> - -<p>MARVELS AND MYSTERIES.</p> - -<p>BOTH SIDES OF THE VEIL.</p> - -<p><b>Mayall (J. W.).</b> THE CYNIC AND THE -SYREN.</p> - -<p><b>Meade (L. T.).</b> RESURGAM.</p> - -<p><b>Monkhouse (Allan).</b> LOVE IN A LIFE.</p> - -<p><b>Moore (Arthur).</b> THE KNIGHT PUNCTILIOUS.</p> - -<p><b>Nesbit, E. (Mrs. Bland).</b> THE LITERARY -SENSE.</p> - -<p><b>Norris (W. E.).</b> AN OCTAVE.</p> - -<p>MATTHEW AUSTIN.</p> - -<p>THE DESPOTIC LADY.</p> - -<p><b>Oliphant (Mrs.).</b> THE LADY’S WALK.</p> - -<p>SIR ROBERT’S FORTUNE.</p> - -<p>THE TWO MARY’S.</p> - -<p><b>Pendered (M. L.).</b> AN ENGLISHMAN.</p> - -<p><b>Penny (Mrs. Frank).</b> A MIXED MARRIAGE.</p> - -<p><b>Phillpotts (Eden).</b> THE STRIKING -HOURS.</p> - -<p>FANCY FREE.</p> - -<p><b>Pryce (Richard).</b> TIME AND THE -WOMAN.</p> - -<p><b>Randall (John).</b> AUNT BETHIA’S -BUTTON.</p> - -<p><b>Raymond (Walter).</b> FORTUNE’S DARLING.</p> - -<p><b>Rayner (Olive Pratt).</b> ROSALBA.</p> - -<p><b>Rhys (Grace).</b> THE DIVERTED VILLAGE.</p> - -<p><b>Rickert (Edith).</b> OUT OF THE CYPRESS -SWAMP.</p> - -<p><b>Roberton (M. H.).</b> A GALLANT QUAKER.</p> - -<p><b>Russell (W. Clark).</b> ABANDONED.</p> - -<p><b>Saunders (Marshall).</b> ROSE À CHARLITTE.</p> - -<p><b>Sergeant (Adeline).</b> ACCUSED AND -ACCUSER.</p> - -<p>BARBARA’S MONEY.</p> - -<p>THE ENTHUSIAST.</p> - -<p>A GREAT LADY.</p> - -<p>THE LOVE THAT OVERCAME.</p> - -<p>THE MASTER OF BEECHWOOD.</p> - -<p>UNDER SUSPICION.</p> - -<p>THE YELLOW DIAMOND.</p> - -<p>THE MYSTERY OF THE MOAT.</p> - -<p>THE PROGRESS OF RACHAEL.</p> - -<p><b>Shannon (W. F.).</b> JIM TWELVES.</p> - -<p><b>Stephens (R. N.).</b> AN ENEMY OF THE -KING.</p> - -<p><b>Strain (E. H.).</b> ELMSLIE’S DRAG NET.</p> - -<p><b>Stringer (Arthur).</b> THE SILVER POPPY.</p> - -<p><b>Stuart (Esmè).</b> CHRISTALLA.</p> - -<p>A WOMAN OF FORTY.</p> - -<p><b>Sutherland (Duchess of).</b> ONE HOUR -AND THE NEXT.</p> - -<p><b>Swan (Annie).</b> LOVE GROWN COLD.</p> - -<p><b>Swift (Benjamin).</b> SORDON.</p> - -<p>SIREN CITY.</p> - -<p><b>Tanqueray (Mrs. B. M.).</b> THE ROYAL -QUAKER.</p> - -<p><b>Thompson (Vance).</b> SPINNERS OF -LIFE.</p> - -<p><b>Trafford-Taunton (Mrs. E. W.).</b> SILENT -DOMINION.</p> - -<p><b>Upward (Allen).</b> ATHELSTANE FORD.</p> - -<p><b>Waineman (Paul).</b> A HEROINE FROM -FINLAND.</p> - -<p>BY A FINNISH LAKE.</p> - -<p><b>Watson (H. B. Marriott).</b> THE SKIRTS -OF HAPPY CHANCE.</p> - -<p><b>‘Zack.’</b> TALES OF DUNSTABLE WEIR.</p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_a39" id="Page_a39">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>39]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="boochi" id="boochi"></a>Books for Boys and Girls</h3> - -<p class="center"><i>Illustrated. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.</i></p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Getting Well of Dorothy.</span> By Mrs. -W. K. Clifford. <i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Only a Guard-Room Dog.</span> By Edith E. -Cuthell.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Doctor of the Juliet.</span> By Harry -Collingwood.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Little Peter.</span> By Lucas Malet. Second -Edition.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Master Rockafellar’s Voyage.</span> By W. -Clark Russell. <i>Third Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Secret of Madame de Monluc.</span> By -the Author of “Mdlle. Mori.”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Syd Belton</span>: Or, the Boy who would not go -to Sea. By G. Manville Fenn.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Red Grange.</span> By Mrs. Molesworth.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">A Girl of the People.</span> By L. T. Meade. -<i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Hepsy Gipsy.</span> By L. T. Meade. <i>2s. 6d.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Honourable Miss.</span> By L. T. Meade. -<i>Second Edition.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">There was once a Prince.</span> By Mrs. M. E. -Mann.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">When Arnold comes Home.</span> By Mrs. M. E. -Mann.</p> - - - - -<h3><a name="novale" id="novale"></a>The Novels of Alexandre Dumas</h3> - -<p class="center"><i>Price 6d. Double Volumes, 1s.</i></p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Acté.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Adventures of Captain Pamphile.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Amaury.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Bird of Fate.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Black Tulip.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Castle of Eppstein.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Catherine Blum.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Cécile.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Chevalier D’Harmental.</span> Double -volume.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Chicot the Jester.</span> Being the first part of -The Lady of Monsoreau.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Conscience.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Convict’s Son.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Corsican Brothers; <span class="regtext">and</span> Otho the -Archer.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Crop-Eared Jacquot.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Fencing Master.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Fernande.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Gabriel Lambert.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Georges.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Great Massacre.</span> Being the first part of -Queen Margot.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Henri de Navarre.</span> Being the second part -of Queen Margot.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Hélène de Chaverny.</span> Being the first part -of the Regent’s Daughter.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Louise de la Vallière.</span> Being the first -part of The Vicomte de Bragelonne. -Double Volume.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Maître Adam.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Man in the Iron Mask.</span> Being -the second part of The Vicomte de -Bragelonne. Double volume.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Mouth of Hell.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Nanon.</span> Double volume.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Pauline; Pascal Bruno; <span class="regtext">and</span> Bontekoe.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Père La Ruine.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Prince of Thieves.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Reminiscences of Antony.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Robin Hood.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Snowball and Sultanetta.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sylvandire.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Tales of the Supernatural.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Three Musketeers.</span> With a long -Introduction by Andrew Lang. Double -volume.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Twenty Years After.</span> Double volume.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Wild Duck Shooter.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Wolf-Leader.</span></p> - - - - -<h3><a name="sixboo" id="sixboo"></a>Methuen’s Sixpenny Books</h3> - - -<p><b>Albanesi (E. M.).</b> LOVE AND LOUISA.</p> - -<p><b>Austen (Jane).</b> PRIDE AND PREJUDICE.</p> - -<p><b>Bagot (Richard).</b> A ROMAN MYSTERY.</p> - -<p><b>Balfour (Andrew).</b> BY STROKE OF -SWORD.</p> - -<p><b>Baring-Gould (S.).</b> FURZE BLOOM.</p> - -<p>CHEAP JACK ZITA.</p> - -<p>KITTY ALONE.</p> - -<p>URITH.</p> - -<p>THE BROOM SQUIRE.</p> - -<p>IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA.</p> - -<p>NOÉMI.</p> - -<p>A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. Illustrated.</p> - -<p>LITTLE TU’PENNY.</p> - -<p>THE FROBISHERS.</p> - -<p>WINEFRED.</p> - -<p><b>Barr (Robert).</b> JENNIE BAXTER, -JOURNALIST.</p> - -<p>IN THE MIDST OF ALARMS.</p> - -<p>THE COUNTESS TEKLA.</p> - -<p>THE MUTABLE MANY.</p> - -<p><b>Benson (E. F.).</b> DODO.</p> - -<p><b>Brontë (Charlotte).</b> SHIRLEY.</p> - -<p><b>Brownell (C. L.).</b> THE HEART OF -JAPAN.</p> - -<p><b>Burton (J. Bloundelle).</b> ACROSS THE -SALT SEAS.</p> - -<p><b>Caffyn (Mrs.)</b>, (‘Iota’). ANNE MAULEVERER.</p> - -<p><b>Capes (Bernard).</b> THE LAKE OF -WINE.</p> - -<p><b>Clifford (Mrs. W. K.).</b> A FLASH OF -SUMMER.</p> - -<p>MRS. KEITH’S CRIME.</p> - -<p><b>Connell (F. Norreys).</b> THE NIGGER -KNIGHTS.</p> - -<p><b>Corbett (Julian).</b> A BUSINESS IN -GREAT WATERS.</p> - -<p><b>Croker (Mrs. B. M.).</b> PEGGY OF THE -BARTONS.</p> - -<p>A STATE SECRET.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_a40" id="Page_a40">[<span class="hidden">Pg </span>40]</a></span></p> - -<p>ANGEL.</p> - -<p>JOHANNA.</p> - -<p><b>Dante (Alighieri).</b> THE VISION OF -DANTE (Cary).</p> - -<p><b>Doyle (A. Conan).</b> ROUND THE RED -LAMP.</p> - -<p><b>Duncan (Sara Jeannette).</b> A VOYAGE -OF CONSOLATION.</p> - -<p>THOSE DELIGHTFUL AMERICANS.</p> - -<p><b>Eliot (George).</b> THE MILL ON THE -FLOSS.</p> - -<p><b>Findlater (Jane H.).</b> THE GREEN -GRAVES OF BALGOWRIE.</p> - -<p><b>Gallon (Tom).</b> RICKERBY’S FOLLY.</p> - -<p><b>Gaskell (Mrs.).</b> CRANFORD.</p> - -<p>MARY BARTON.</p> - -<p>NORTH AND SOUTH.</p> - -<p><b>Gerard (Dorothea).</b> HOLY MATRIMONY.</p> - -<p>THE CONQUEST OF LONDON.</p> - -<p>MADE OF MONEY.</p> - -<p><b>Gissing (George).</b> THE TOWN TRAVELLER.</p> - -<p>THE CROWN OF LIFE.</p> - -<p><b>Glanville (Ernest).</b> THE INCA’S -TREASURE.</p> - -<p>THE KLOOF BRIDE.</p> - -<p><b>Gleig (Charles).</b> BUNTER’S CRUISE.</p> - -<p><b>Grimm (The Brothers).</b> GRIMM’S -FAIRY TALES. Illustrated.</p> - -<p><b>Hope (Anthony).</b> A MAN OF MARK.</p> - -<p>A CHANGE OF AIR.</p> - -<p>THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT -ANTONIO.</p> - -<p>PHROSO.</p> - -<p>THE DOLLY DIALOGUES.</p> - -<p><b>Hornung (E. W.).</b> DEAD MEN TELL -NO TALES.</p> - -<p><b>Ingraham (J. H.).</b> THE THRONE OF -DAVID.</p> - -<p><b>Le Queux (W.).</b> THE HUNCHBACK OF -WESTMINSTER.</p> - -<p><b>Levett-Yeats (S. K.).</b> THE TRAITOR’S -WAY.</p> - -<p><b>Linton (E. Lynn).</b> THE TRUE HISTORY -OF JOSHUA DAVIDSON.</p> - -<p><b>Lyall (Edna).</b> DERRICK VAUGHAN.</p> - -<p><b>Malet (Lucas).</b> THE CARISSIMA.</p> - -<p>A COUNSEL OF PERFECTION.</p> - -<p><b>Mann (Mrs. M. E.).</b> MRS. PETER -HOWARD.</p> - -<p>A LOST ESTATE.</p> - -<p>THE CEDAR STAR.</p> - -<p>ONE ANOTHER’S BURDENS.</p> - -<p><b>Marchmont (A. W.).</b> MISER HOADLEY’S -SECRET.</p> - -<p>A MOMENT’S ERROR.</p> - -<p><b>Marryat (Captain).</b> PETER SIMPLE.</p> - -<p>JACOB FAITHFUL.</p> - -<p><b>Marsh (Richard).</b> THE TWICKENHAM -PEERAGE.</p> - -<p>THE GODDESS.</p> - -<p>THE JOSS.</p> - -<p>A METAMORPHOSIS.</p> - -<p><b>Mason (A. E. W.).</b> CLEMENTINA.</p> - -<p><b>Mathers (Helen).</b> HONEY.</p> - -<p>GRIFF OF GRIFFITHSCOURT.</p> - -<p>SAM’S SWEETHEART.</p> - -<p><b>Meade (Mrs. L. T.).</b> DRIFT.</p> - -<p><b>Mitford (Bertram).</b> THE SIGN OF THE -SPIDER.</p> - -<p><b>Montresor (F. F.).</b> THE ALIEN.</p> - -<p><b>Moore (Arthur).</b> THE GAY DECEIVERS.</p> - -<p><b>Morrison (Arthur).</b> THE HOLE IN -THE WALL.</p> - -<p><b>Nesbit (E.).</b> THE RED HOUSE.</p> - -<p><b>Norris (W. E.).</b> HIS GRACE.</p> - -<p>GILES INGILBY.</p> - -<p>THE CREDIT OF THE COUNTY.</p> - -<p>LORD LEONARD.</p> - -<p>MATTHEW AUSTIN.</p> - -<p>CLARISSA FURIOSA.</p> - -<p><b>Oliphant (Mrs.).</b> THE LADY’S WALK.</p> - -<p>SIR ROBERT’S FORTUNE.</p> - -<p>THE PRODIGALS.</p> - -<p><b>Oppenheim (E. Phillips).</b> MASTER OF -MEN.</p> - -<p><b>Parker (Gilbert).</b> THE POMP OF THE -LAVILETTES.</p> - -<p>WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC.</p> - -<p>THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD.</p> - -<p><b>Pemberton (Max).</b> THE FOOTSTEPS -OF A THRONE.</p> - -<p>I CROWN THEE KING.</p> - -<p><b>Phillpotts (Eden).</b> THE HUMAN BOY.</p> - -<p>CHILDREN OF THE MIST.</p> - -<p><b>‘Q.’</b> THE WHITE WOLF.</p> - -<p><b>Ridge (W. Pett).</b> A SON OF THE STATE.</p> - -<p>LOST PROPERTY.</p> - -<p>GEORGE AND THE GENERAL.</p> - -<p><b>Russell (W. Clark).</b> A MARRIAGE AT -SEA.</p> - -<p>ABANDONED.</p> - -<p>MY DANISH SWEETHEART.</p> - -<p>HIS ISLAND PRINCESS.</p> - -<p><b>Sergeant (Adeline).</b> THE MASTER OF -BEECHWOOD.</p> - -<p>BARBARA’S MONEY.</p> - -<p>THE YELLOW DIAMOND.</p> - -<p>THE LOVE THAT OVERCAME.</p> - -<p><b>Surtees (R. S.).</b> HANDLEY CROSS. -Illustrated.</p> - -<p>MR. SPONGE’S SPORTING TOUR. -Illustrated.</p> - -<p>ASK MAMMA. Illustrated.</p> - -<p><b>Valentine (Major E. S.).</b> VELDT AND -LAAGER.</p> - -<p><b>Walford (Mrs. L. B.).</b> MR. SMITH.</p> - -<p>COUSINS.</p> - -<p>THE BABY’S GRANDMOTHER.</p> - -<p><b>Wallace (General Lew).</b> BEN-HUR.</p> - -<p>THE FAIR GOD.</p> - -<p><b>Watson (H. B. Marriott).</b> THE ADVENTURERS.</p> - -<p><b>Weekes (A. B.).</b> PRISONERS OF WAR.</p> - -<p><b>Wells (H. G.).</b> THE STOLEN BACILLUS.</p> - -<p><b>White (Percy).</b> A PASSIONATE -PILGRIM.</p> - - - - -<div class="bbox"> -<p><b>Transcriber’s Note</b></p> - -<p>Archaic and variant spelling is preserved as printed. This includes -French variants, for instance, hommage. The author uses both -Mezeray and Mezerai to refer to the French historian.</p> - -<p>The following have been noted as possible errors:</p> - -<div class="amends"> -<p>Page <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>—references the illustration facing page <a href="#plate14">140</a> -as an image depicting St. Ursula; however, the plate caption states that it depicts St. Helena. -By reference to the original <i>Grandes Heures</i> (available on Gallica at -http://gallica.bnf.fr) it appears that the plate caption is correct. However, -the differing references are preserved as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_102">102</a>—includes the quote “chastily and devoutly.” This has been -preserved as printed on the assumption that this was the spelling in -an original source.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_114">114</a>—includes the term ‘zebeline’. This is more usually spelled -as ‘zibeline’ or ‘zibelline’, but is preserved as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_115">115</a>—the extract from the ‘Farce du Cuvier’ references one of the -characters as Jacquemet; however, the original source (History of -French Literature Vol. 1, by Henri Van Laun, 1878) has this character -as Jaquinot. It is preserved here as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_218">218</a>—includes the quoted matter ‘defect sufflatorium in igne’. -This should be ‘defecit sufflatorium’, but as the material is quoted, -it is preserved as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_222">222</a>—includes quoted verse by Marot. Reference to other editions -of Marot’s work suggest that this verse should read as follows:</p> - -<div class="poemcenter"> -<div class="poem" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="i0">‘Tous deux aimons gens pleins d’honnesteté,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons honneur & netteté,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons à d’aucun ne mesdire,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons un meilleur propos dire,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons à nous trouver en lieux,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Où ne sont point gens melancolieux,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons la musique chanter,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Tous deux aimons les livres frequenter:<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Que diray plus? Ce mot là dire j’ose,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Et le diray, que presque en toute chose<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Nous ressemblons: fors que j’ai plus d’esmoy,<br /></div> -<div class="i0">Et que tu as le cœur plus dur que moy:’<br /></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The quoted version in the text has been preserved as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_224">224</a>—Bayaret should probably read as Bayard, but it is preserved -as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_231">231</a>—includes reference to the title ‘Historié du Progrès de l’heresie’, but -omits the accents. This is preserved as printed.</p> -</div> - -<p>Minor punctuation errors have been repaired.</p> - -<p>Hyphenation has been made consistent.</p> - -<p>The following amendments have been made:</p> - -<div class="amends"> -<p>Page <a href="#Page_xiv">xiv</a>—Crevelli amended to Crivelli—... as being the portrait of -Lucrezia Crivelli, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_18">18</a>—Ghilbellines amended to Ghibellines—... between the Sienses -Guelfs and Ghibellines, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_18">18</a>—Novescli amended to Noveschi—The <i>Noveschi</i> and <i>Dodicini</i> -members ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_32">32</a>—unxpected amended to unexpected—... chance incidents and -unexpected humanizing makeshifts.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_35">35</a>—courtseys amended to courteseys—He even admired the lovely -gowns and misleading courteseys ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_46">46</a>—regretably amended to regrettably—... to whom Catherine -wrote regrettably stern letter, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_49">49</a>—Jacome amended to Jacomo—... of the dead man, Ser Jacomo, -...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_64">64</a>—his amended to her—... who, after her death, was to be -succeeded ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_65">65</a>—Pallissena amended to Palissena—Not only Trotti, but -Palissena D’Este, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_66">66</a>—Muratari amended to Muratori—Muratori, writing of her ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_66">66</a>—Muratari amended to Muratori—Muratori also touches upon ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_66">66</a>—predeliction amended to predilection—In dress, Beatrice had -one peculiar predilection ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_81">81</a>—viscontis amended to Viscontis—The Viscontis held it in fief -...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_117">117</a>—Beaujeau amended to Beaujeu—Anne of Beaujeu, the former -Regent—harsh, ...</p> - -<p>Illustration facing page <a href="#Page_120">120</a>—CALENDRIES amended to CALENDRIER—FROM -THE <i>CALENDRIER</i></p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_135">135</a>—docctrine amended to doctrine—... which contained no false -doctrine, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_147">147</a>—dairy amended to diary—... Louise records the event in her -diary ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_153">153</a>—Rodriquez amended to Rodriguez—... then known as Cardinal -Rodriguez, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_156">156</a>—Medeci amended to Medici—... but Giovanni de Medici, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_166">166</a>—flightly amended to flighty—... the perfect tool, -childlike, flighty, inherently docile, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_177">177</a>—Macchiavelli amended to Machiavelli—It has been repeated by -Machiavelli, ...</p> - -<p>Illustration facing page <a href="#Page_188">188</a>—SUSSANAH amended to SUSANNAH—SUSANNAH -AND THE ELDERS</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_224">224</a>—Parie amended to Pavie—Il est mort devant Pavie.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_279">279</a>—coté amended to côté—Ennui reçu du côté de celui ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_283">283</a>—Pon’s amended to Pons’s—It is difficult to probe Monsieur -Pons’s motives.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_296">296</a>—Farrara amended to Ferrara—... and Renée, Duchess of -Ferrara, ...</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_299">299</a>—legère amended to légère—... said it was <i>une tête légère</i>.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_301">301</a>—Tintoretti amended to Tintoretto—Tintoretto, Titian, -Correggio, and Raphael ...</p> -</div> - -<p>Entries in the index have been made consistent with the main body of the text, -as follows:</p> - -<div class="amends"> -<p>Page <a href="#Page_305">305</a>—Bazaret amended to Bayaret—Bayaret, 224</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_305">305</a>—d’Este amended to D’Este—Bari, Duchess of. <i>See</i> Beatrice -D’Este</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_305">305</a>—d’Este amended to D’Este and D’Este amended to -Este—Beatrice D’Este. <i>See</i> Este</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_305">305</a>—Beaujeau amended to Beaujeu—Beaujeu, Anne of, 117, 203</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_305">305</a>—de amended to du—Bellay, Cardinal du, 243</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_306">306</a>—Jofra amended to Jofre—Borgia, Jofre, 164</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_306">306</a>—Clavière amended to Claviere and Manlde amended to -Maulde—Claviere, R. de Maulde la, 221</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_306">306</a>—Corregio amended to Correggio—Correggio, 301</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_307">307</a>—Pallisenna amended to Palissena—Este, Palissena d’, 65</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_307">307</a>—Guelphs amended to Guelfs—Guelfs, 31, 34</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_307">307</a>—d’Este amended to D’Este—Isabella D’Este.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_308">308</a>—d’Este amended to D’Este—Leonora D’Este.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_308">308</a>—D’Albert amended to Albret—Navarre, Henri de. <i>See</i> Albret</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_308">308</a>—Orris amended to Orriz—Orriz, 232, 233, 292-294, 298</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_309">309</a>—Palicé amended to Palice—Palice, La, 224</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_309">309</a>—Raynaldas amended to Raynaldus—Raynaldus, 33</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_309">309</a>—Remond amended to Rémond—Rémond, Florimond de, 231</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_309">309</a>—Callaquini amended to Callagnini—Strozzi, Callagnini, 190</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_309">309</a>—Nicolas amended to Nicholas—Toledo, Nicholas di, 17-21</p> -</div> - -<p>The frontispiece illustration has been moved to follow the title page. -Other illustrations have been moved where necessary so that they are not in -the middle of a paragraph.</p> - -<p>Alphabetic links have been added to the beginning of the Index, for the -convenience of the reader.</p> -</div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Queens of the Renaissance, by M. 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