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diff --git a/old/54346-0.txt b/old/54346-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c4ac6ca..0000000 --- a/old/54346-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13370 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Queens of the Renaissance, by M. Beresford Ryley - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Queens of the Renaissance - -Author: M. Beresford Ryley - -Release Date: March 12, 2017 [EBook #54346] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK QUEENS OF THE RENAISSANCE *** - - - - -Produced by Irma Spehar, Sam W. and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note. - -Bold text is indicated with =equals signs=. Italic text is indicated -with _underscores_. - -Further transcriber's notes may be found at the end of the book. - - - - - QUEENS OF THE - RENAISSANCE - - BY - M. BERESFORD RYLEY - - -WITH TWENTY-FOUR ILLUSTRATIONS - - - METHUEN & CO. - 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. - LONDON - - - _First Published in 1907_ - - - - - [Illustration: BEATRICE AND LUDOVICO KNEELING - ALTAR-PIECE BY ZENALE] - - - - -To B---- - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - PREFACE ix - - CATHERINE OF SIENA 1 - - BEATRICE D'ESTE 53 - - ANNE OF BRITTANY 104 - - LUCREZIA BORGIA 150 - - MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME 202 - - RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA 251 - - - - -PREFACE - - -There are no two people who see with the same kind of vision. It is -for this reason that, though twenty lives of the six women chosen for -this book had been written previously, there would still, it seems to -me, be room for a twenty-first. For though the facts might remain -identical, there is no possible reiteration of another mind's exact -outlook. Hence I have not scrupled to add these six character studies -to the many volumes similar in scope and subject. - -The book is called "Queens of the Renaissance," but Catherine of Siena -lived before the Renaissance surged into being, and Anne of Brittany, -though her two husbands brought its spirit into France, had not -herself a hint of its lovely, penetrating eagerness. They are included -because they help, nevertheless, to create continuity and coherence of -impression, and the six leading, as they do naturally, one to the -other, convey, in the mass, some co-ordinated notion of the -Renaissance spirit. - -The main object, perhaps, in writing at all lies in the intrinsic -interest of any real life lived before us. For every existence is a -_parti pris_ towards existence; every character is a personal opinion -upon the value of character, feeling, virtue, many things. No -personality repeats another, no human drama renews just the same -intricate complications of other dramas. In every life and in every -person there is some element of uniqueness, some touch of speciality. -Because of this even the dullest individuality becomes quickening in -biography. It has, if no more, the pathos of its dulness, the didactic -warnings of its refusals, the surprise of its individualizing -blunders. - -All the following lives convey inevitably and unconsciously some -statement concerning the opportunity offered by existence. To one, it -seemed a place for an ecstasy of joy, success, gratification; to -another, a great educational establishment for the soul; to a third, -an admirable groundwork for practical domestic arrangements and -routine; to Renée of Ferrara, a bewildering, weary accumulation of -difficulties and distress; to her more charming relative, an enigma -shadowed always by the still greater and grimmer enigma of mortality. -And lastly, for the strange, elusive Lucrezia, it is difficult to -conceive what it must have meant at all, unless a sequence of -circumstances never, under any conditions, to be dwelt upon in their -annihilating entirety, but just to be taken piecemeal day by day, -reduced and simplified by the littleness of separate hours and -moments. - -In a book of this kind, where the intention is mainly concerned with -character, and for which the reading was inevitably full of bypaths -and excursions, a complete bibliography would merely fill many pages, -while seeming to a great extent to touch but remotely upon the ladies -referred to, but among recent authors a deep debt of gratitude for -information received is due to the following: Jacob Burckhardt, Julia -Cartwright, Augusta Drane, Ferdinand Gregorovius, R. Luzio, E. Renier, -E. Rodoconarchi, and J. Addington Symonds. - -Finally, in reference to the portraits included in the life of -Beatrice D'Este, a brief statement is necessary. For not only that of -Bianca, wife of Giangaleazzo, but also those of Il Moro's two -mistresses, Cecilia Gallerani and Lucrezia Crivelli, are regrettably -dubious. The picture of Bianca, however, by Ambrogio da Predis, is -more than likely genuinely that of Bianca, though some writers still -regard it as a likeness of Beatrice herself. It is to be wished that -it were; her prettiness then would have been incontestable and -delicious. But in reality there is no hope. One has but to look at the -other known portraits of Beatrice to see that her face was podgy, or -nearly so, and that her charm came entirely and illusively from -personal intelligence. It evaporated the moment one came to fix her -appearance in sculpture or on canvas. Nature had not really done much -for her. There was no outline, no striking feature, no ravishing -freshness of colouring. On a stupid woman Beatrice's face would have -been absolutely ugly. But she, through sheer "aliveness," sheer -buoyant trickery of expression, conveyed in actuality the equivalent -of prettiness. But it was all unconscious conjuring,--in reality -Beatrice was a plain woman, with sufficient delightfulness to seem a -pretty one, while the portrait of Bianca is unmistakably and lovingly -good-looking. - -As regards the portraits, again, of Il Moro's two mistresses, Cecilia -Gallerani and Lucrezia Crivelli, there is no absolute certainty. The -portrait facing page 6 in the life of Beatrice has been recently -discovered in the collection of the Right Hon. the Earl of Roden, and -in an article published by the _Burlington Magazine_ it has been -tentatively looked upon as that of Lucrezia Crivelli. This does not, -however, appear probable, because Lucrezia, at the time of Il Moro's -infatuation, was a young girl, and the picture by Ambrogio da Predis -is certainly that of a woman, and a woman, moreover, whose experiences -have brought her perilously near the verge of cynicism. - -At the same time, the portrait is not only beyond doubt that of a -woman loved by Il Moro, but was presumably painted while his affection -for her still continued, as not only are the little heart-shaped -ornaments holding together the webs of her net thought to represent Il -Moro's badge of a mulberry-leaf, but painted exquisitely in a space of -⅜ by ⅝ inch upon the plaque at the waistbelt is a Moor's head, -another of Ludovico's badges, while the letters L. O. are placed on -either side of it, and the two Sforza S. S. at the back. A discarded -mistress, if Ambrogio--one of Il Moro's court painters--had painted -her at all, would have had the discretion not to wear symbols -obviously intended only for one beloved at that moment. - -There seems--speculatively--every reason to suppose that the picture -represents Cecilia Gallerani, who was already beyond the charm of -youth before Ludovico reluctantly discarded her, and whom he not only -cared for very greatly, but for quite a number of years. Cecilia -Gallerani, besides, to strengthen the supposition, was an -exceptionally intellectual woman, and the portrait in the possession -of the Earl of Roden expresses above everything to an almost -disheartened intelligence. To think deeply while in the position of -_any_ man's mistress must leave embittering traces, and Cecilia became -famous less even for physical attractions than because her mind was so -intensely rich and receptive. - -The other two--the pictures of "La Belle Ferronière" and the "Woman -with the Weasel,"--by Leonardo da Vinci, have both a contested -identity. But since the first is now almost universally looked upon as -being the portrait of Lucrezia Crivelli, the second must surely -represent her also. For in both there is the same beautiful oval, the -same youth, the same unfathomable eyes and gentle deceit of -expression. Both, besides, represent to perfection the kind of -beautiful girl likely to have drawn Ludovico into passionate -admiration. He was no longer young when he cared for Lucrezia, and if -Leonardo's paintings are really portraits of her, she was like some -emblematical figure of perfect youthfulness,--unique and unrepeatable. - - M. B. R. - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - TO FACE PAGE - BEATRICE AND LUDOVICO KNEELING. ALTAR PIECE BY - ZENALE AT BRERA _Frontispiece_ - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - STATUE IN WOOD OF ST. CATHERINE, BY NEROCCIO LANDI 2 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Lombardi_ - - ST. CATHERINE'S HOUSE AT SIENA 16 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Lombardi_ - - CATHERINE PRAYING AT AN EXECUTION. FRESCO BY SODOMA 18 - - THE BRIDGE AT PAVIA 61 - - BEATRICE D'ESTE. BUST IN THE LOUVRE 64 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Levy_ - - PORTRAIT, PROBABLY OF CECILIA GALLERANI, SAID TO BE BY - AMBROGIO DA PREDIS 90 - _From the Collection of the Earl of Roden_ - - LUCREZIA CRIVELLI, BY LEONARDO DA VINCI 96 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Mansell_ - - PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF BIANCA SFORZA, WIFE OF GALEAZZO - SANSEVERINO 98 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Mansell_ - - CHURCH OF ST. MARIA DELLE GRAZIE AT MILAN 100 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Brogi_ - - EFFIGY OF BEATRICE D'ESTE AT SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM 102 - - FROM THE CALENDRIER, IN ANNE'S BOOK OF HOURS IN THE - BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE, PARIS 120 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud_ - - ANNE KNEELING. FROM THE BOOK OF HOURS IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE - NATIONALE 128 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud_ - - ST. URSULA. FROM ANNE'S BOOK OF HOURS IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE - NATIONALE 140 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Berthaud_ - - PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF LUCREZIA IN "ST. CATHERINE AND THE - ELDERS," BY PINTORRICCHIO 152 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Brogi_ - - VIRGIN AND CHILD, BY PINTORRICCHIO, IN THE HALL OF ARTS - AT THE VATICAN 159 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - THE ANNUNCIATION. FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED - BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN 171 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS. FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES - PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE VATICAN 188 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Anderson_ - - HEAD OF GASTON DE FOIX 206 - _From the Monument at Milan_ - - CHARLES V. 226 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME. FROM A DRAWING AFTER CORNEILLE - DE LYON 248 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - RENÉE OF FERRARA, AGED FIFTEEN, BY CORNEILLE DE LYON 254 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - THE CASTELLO AT FERRARA 260 - - RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA. FROM A DRAWING AT THE - BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE 294 - _From a Photograph by Messrs. Giraudon_ - - - - -QUEENS OF THE RENAISSANCE - - - - -CATHERINE OF SIENA - -1347-1380 - - -Catherine of Siena does not actually belong to the Renaissance. At the -same time she played an indirect part in furthering it, and she -represented a strain of feeling which continued to the extreme limits -of its duration. During the best period of the desire for culture, a -successor--and imitator--of Catherine's, Sister Lucia, became a craze -in certain parts of Italy. Duke Ercole of Ferrara, then old and -troubled about his soul, took as deep and personal an interest in -enticing her to Ferrara as he did in the details of his son's marriage -to Lucrezia Borgia, just then being negotiated. The atmosphere -Catherine created is never absent from the Renaissance. She fills out -what is one-sided in the impression conveyed by the women who follow. -She was also the contemporary of Petrarch and Boccaccio, the -acknowledged forerunners of the intellectual awakening that came after -them, and being so, is well within the dawn, faint though it still -was, of the coming Renaissance day. Finally, in her own person she -contained so much power and fascination that to omit her, when there -exists the least excuse for inclusion, would be wilfully to neglect -one of the most enchanting characters among the women of Italian -history. - -The daughter of a well-to-do tradesman, Giacomo Benincasa, Catherine -was born in Siena in 1347. Her father possessed several pleasant -qualities, and a great reserve of speech, hating inherently all -licence of expression. Catherine's mother, Lapa, on the other hand, -belonged to an ordinary type of working woman--laborious, but -irritable and narrow. She brought twenty-five children into the world, -and her irascibility may have been not unconnected with this heroic -achievement. The sons also, after their marriages, continued to live, -with their wives--it being the custom at that time--under the parental -roof. Even a sociable temperament would easily have found such a -community difficult always to handle cordially. - - [Illustration: STATUE IN WOOD OF ST. CATHERINE - BY NEROCCIO LANDI] - -Catherine was Benincasa's youngest child. As a baby she proved -extraordinarily attractive. She was, in fact, so sweet and radiant -that the neighbours nicknamed her Euphrosyne, and her little person -was much enticed and humoured. Unfortunately, like all children of -that period, she became bewilderingly precocious, and with the first -development of intelligence, the religious passion revealed itself. -With Catherine the desire for spirituality was inborn. At five years -old she formed the habit of going upstairs on her knees, reciting the -"Hail, Mary," at every step. She delighted in being taken to churches -and places of devotion, and at the age of six years her deliberate and -piteous self-martyrdom commenced. - -The child, during an errand on which she was sent, believed herself to -have seen a holy vision. The incident had nothing extraordinary, for -her imagination was keen, and her temperament nervous. In a later -century, fed upon fairy stories, she would have seen gnomes, sprites, -or golden-haired princesses. Instead, saturated in religious legends, -she perceived Jesus Christ in magnificent robes, and with a tiara on -His head, while on each side of Him stood a saint, and several nuns in -white garments. This unchallenged vision produced colossal -consequences. The child went home convinced that God Himself had come -to call her to a better life; proud, frightened, and exultant, she set -her mind to find out, therefore, how she might best become as good as -God wanted her to be. - -This beginning of Catherine's religious life is painful to remember. -She decided primarily that she must give up childish amusements; in -addition, she determined to eat the least possible amount of food, and -to fill up her life with penances in the manner of the grown-up holy -men and women about her. She also procured some cord, and, having -knotted it into a miniature scourge, formed the habit of secretly -scourging herself until her back was lined with weals. Describing -these first spiritual struggles of a child of six years old, -Cafferini, her contemporary and biographer, says, "Moreover, by a -secret instinct of grace, she understood that she had now entered on a -warfare with nature, which demanded the mortification of every sense. -She resolved, therefore, to add fasting and watching to her other -penances, and in particular to abstain entirely from meat, so that -when any was placed before her, she either gave it to her brother -Stephen, who sat beside her, or threw it under the table to the cats, -in such a manner as to avoid notice." - -This pitiable "warfare with nature" continued until she reached the -age of twelve. Her parents, so far, had been pleased at her religious -fervency. But at twelve years old the girl became marriageable. The -comparative freedom of childhood ceased; Catherine was kept secluded -in the house, besides being harried with injunctions concerning the -arrangement of her hair and her dress. - -She had, as a matter of fact, charming, warm brown hair. -Unfortunately, a shade of gold was then fashionable, and Lapa, -ambitious for a good marriage, insisted that the girl should do like -others, and have it dyed that colour. Catherine resisted with all the -strength of her frightened soul. But in the end, apparently through -the persuasions of a favourite married sister, she allowed her hair to -become golden. It was no sooner done than conscience suffered -passionate remorse. In fact, to the end of life this one backsliding -remained almost the sharpest regret Catherine possessed. She could -never refer to it without sobbing, from which it is at least -presumable that a canary-coloured head had its attractions for a saint -of twelve years old. - -Meanwhile, the choice of a husband became imminent. At this -Catherine's semi-passivity turned into actual panic. It was not -possible both to marry and to give up one's life to God. Only, who -would listen to the refusals of so young a girl? Following the -practice of the Roman Catholic religion, she took her difficulties to -her confessor, and was saved through the proposal of a rather -questionable trick. She had only to cut her hair off to make marriage -impossible: no Italian would marry a woman with a shaven head. -Catherine rushed home, and at once did as she was told, covering her -work, when she had finished, with a white linen coif. Virgins in Italy -wore their hair flowing; the stratagem, therefore, did not exist an -hour before discovery took place. Then followed a passionate domestic -scene. The whole family appears for once to have unanimously agreed -that Catherine's piety had overstepped the bounds of common sense. The -loss of her child's hair left Lapa infuriated. Exasperation grew so -intense that for a time, with the view to breaking her stubborn -spirit, Catherine was deliberately ill-treated. A servant had been -kept for rough work in the kitchen; she was dismissed, and Catherine -made to take her place. But the girl had not a temperament that could -be cowed. She was a true Sienese, and Boccaccio, as well as others, -speaks of the virile character of the people of Siena. The name -Euphrosyne also still expressed her disposition. With a pretty -childishness of imagination, she made religious play out of their -harshness. Her father, she pretended, was Jesus Christ, Lapa she made -the Virgin Mary, and her brothers and sisters the apostles and -disciples. The kitchen became the innermost tabernacle of the temple -where sacrifices were offered to God. In consequence, she went about -diffusing radiance and a sober joy, and bewildering those who wanted -to see her crushed and penitent. - -In the end Giacomo interfered. He had the instinct of kindness, and -was himself sincerely religious. Both the question of marriage and the -system of ill-treatment were abandoned. A little later he gave consent -to the pursuance of a religious vocation, and Catherine, still a -child, became a member of the order of St. Dominic. It was not a -strict community. The sisters did not live in retirement, but in their -own homes, merely wearing a white veil and a black habit called -_Mantellate_. - -Just before this Catherine experienced a very human temptation. She -became possessed by the longing to dress herself in the pretty -clothes of a rich married woman, and to go out flaunting in silks and -extravagance. The wish is more likeable than her physical -self-torturings. The latter gain their power to distress, in fact, to -some extent because her few temptations show that Catherine had all -the average longings of humanity, and was not devoid of the -companionable frailties of ordinary men and women. - -The temptation was, of course, conquered, and from the glad moment of -taking her vows Catherine intensified every austerity of conduct. As a -child she had been robust and hardy. But the frightful treatment to -which she subjected her system would have ruined any constitution, and -from the time she grew up she became more and more delicate, -suffering, and neurotic. The desire to suppress her excesses is very -great. One could write abundantly and give only a life overflowing in -fragrant incidents. But in the case of Catherine, to pass over -foolishness would entail not only a falsification of character, but a -falsification also of the curious atmosphere from which she drew the -principal inspirations of her conduct. - -From the age of twelve she forced herself gradually to eat so little, -that her stomach became finally incapable of retaining solid food at -all. How she kept life in her body for the last half of her existence -is difficult to understand. Her bed, from the time she became a nun, -consisted of a few planks with a log of wood for pillow. An iron band -made part of her wearing apparel, and her discipline--if the one now -shown as hers in the sacristy of St. Dominico is genuine--consisted of -an iron chain with sharp projections for piercing and tearing the -flesh. The idea was monstrous and horrible; nevertheless, its -fortitude uplifts it into heroism. To pursue unflinchingly martyrdom -such as this may be grotesque and ridiculous, but no invertebrate -creature could contemplate it. Of all the violences, however, which -Catherine did to her body, the one under which she suffered most -acutely was her refusal of proper sleep. It is said, though it is -extremely hard to believe, that for a certain length of time she took -only half an hour's sleep in the twenty-four hours, and that--only -every other day. - -Notwithstanding this, a picture given of her at the time by Father -Thomas Antonio Cafferini, also a member of St. Dominic, and an -intimate friend of the family, is altogether charming. He asserts that -her face was always gay and smiling, more especially if she were -called upon to help those troubled or out of health. Other -contemporaries bear out this possession of an effulgent gladness. -When she spoke her face became illuminated, and her smile was like -some living radiance passing into the hearts of those she looked at. -The same writer mentions her delight in singing and her love of -flowers. A certain Fra Bartolomeo of Siena bears similar witness. He -wrote, "She was always cheerful, and even merry." He mentioned, -besides, that she "was passionately fond of flowers, and used to -arrange them into exquisite bouquets." Catherine's personal writings -are strewn with references to plants and blossoms. It was also part of -the fulness of a character unusually rich in finer fascinations that -she was constantly singing. Melancholy she scarcely knew. The -spirituality which did not produce happiness, she could only feel as a -spurious effort. Either it lacked love or understanding. - -For years she lived as a recluse in her father's house, but while -still in her teens it appeared to her--presumably through a natural -wisdom of character--that God needed less personal worship than -continuous benefits to others, out of her religious exaltation, and -from that time Catherine's public career commenced. Almost the first -result of her belief in being called to an active existence was her -constant attendance at the hospitals and among the lepers. One of the -prettiest of all the stories told about her deals with her nursing -labours. Pity had very small vitality either during the Middle Ages or -the Renaissance; it was almost a dead quality of character, and the -Sienese were particularly hardened by harsh experiences. - -A woman who had lived a notoriously bad life lay dying in one of the -hospitals, absolutely and deliberately neglected. A sinner laid low -was scum to spit at for most people. Catherine saw no scum on earth. -She smiled with all her native inborn softness at the dying woman, -listened to her desolate complainings, her maundering reminiscences, -gave her the nourishment she liked best, coddled her with sweet -attentions, and finally, without any violent denunciations, brought -her to repentance and tranquillity. A child might as tenderly have -been coaxed out of a phase of naughtiness. - -The incident brings one naturally to Catherine's reputation as a -peacemaker. She was still a young girl when tales of her -persuasiveness were told to amazed, arrested audiences throughout the -country. The Sienese temper was fundamentally savage; nothing, -therefore, could touch fancy more than stories of a nature capable of -acting as a gentle and cooling balm upon outrageousness. Catherine, as -a matter of fact, possessed both the magnetism of intense belief and -the power of innate urbanity. The first awed superstition by -incomprehensible achievements. Forestalling the Christian Scientists, -she had healed the sick by prayer, while her mere enticements brought -about the end of many virulent dissensions. - -To dabble with mystical methods is an old and universal weakness. The -wife of a certain Francesco Tolomei, head of one of the noblest -families in Siena, heard of Catherine's miracles, and being hard -pressed by domestic difficulties, turned to the dyer's daughter for -assistance. Madonna Tolomei was herself a profoundly religious woman, -but she anguished with the consciousness that the rest of her family -were damned. The eldest son, Giacomo, had murdered two men before he -was grown up, and his cruelty had now become diabolical, ingenious, -and systematic. There were also two daughters, bitten with worldliness -to the marrow of their bones. Both were fast, dyed, and painted. -Catherine offered to see the girls, but expressed no confidence as to -the consequences. She found them with the garish hair that always -touched her to the quick, and possibly felt more yearningly because of -it. No account has been given of the interview. The two sisters, with -the Tolomei blood in their veins, could hardly have been easy natures -to lure out of worldliness; but at the end of Catherine's visit, they -were like lambs in the hands of a skilful shepherd. According to -Cafferini, they threw their cosmetics into the gutter, cut off their -gleaming hair, and in a few days joined the Sisters of St. Dominic. -This is the kind of triumph of which Catherine's life is full. Her -personal magnetism was extraordinary, her insight actually a touch of -genius. At this time also she was young, and herself a living exponent -of how seductively gay goodness could make one. To the end, in truth, -she remained less a nun than a woman, and as a woman she was the -embodiment of enchanting sympathies and comfort. Merely to see -her,--soft, sweet, mysteriously comprehending,--was like a cordial to -an aching heart. But the most astounding part of the Tolomei story is -still to be told. Giacomo, with his mad and bloody passions, was away -when his sisters' conversion took place. He came home to cow the house -with terror. A lunatic let loose would have been less persistently -dangerous. Donna Tolomei, shaken now with physical and not spiritual -forebodings, immediately sent a messenger to warn Catherine that no -danger was too horrible to anticipate; in his present condition he was -capable of doing anything. Catherine did not feel a quicker -heart-beat. She was steeped in intuitions and spontaneous knowledge. -Ostensibly as an act of exquisite courtesy, she sent Fra -Bartolomeo--who must have been a brave man--to explain matters, while -she prayed with all her heart and soul for the unmanageable sinner. -Some hours later Bartolomeo came back. Catherine met him smiling; she -knew already the news he brought. Her prayers--so passionately -eager--had already been answered. Giacomo--the diabolical, murderous, -implacable Giacomo--was already meek as a lamb under the shock of a -new and overwhelming emotion. It is not the least curious part of the -story that he remained a changed character, and continued to abominate -wickedness with the same intensity that in his earlier days he had -practised it. Towards the end of his life he even took the habit of a -Dominican of the Tertiary Order, the obligations of this third order -not being excessive. - -There is another story of this earlier period more enchanting still, -in its original and tragic graciousness. Only before telling it the -question of Catherine's miracles should, perhaps, be dealt with, for -they also commenced when she was scarcely out of childhood, and helped -enormously to render her a recognized celebrity. They and her -austerities are the unlikeable side of Catherine's holiness. At the -same time no saint of the period could have obtained a hearing without -them, and no human system could have endured the strain put upon it by -a mediæval religious enthusiast, without producing self-hypnotism and -catalepsy. Catherine, at an early age, fell into trances, described by -her biographers as "ecstasies at the thought of God." Describing one -of these ecstasies, her friend Raymond wrote "that on these occasions -her body became stiff, and raised in the air, gave out a wonderful -fragrance." All the old Catholic writers, to whom miracles were an -integral part of saintship, were generous in multiplying supernatural -details. A good deal has to be deducted from these statements; but -even then there remain a good many so-called miracles attested by -other and more critical witnesses. That she was seen raised from the -ground while she prayed, is a fact sworn to by a number of people. A -man called Francesco Malevolti affirms that he saw her "innumerable -times" raised from the ground as she prayed, and remaining suspended -in the air more than a cubit above the earth. He mentions, to give -weight to his evidence, that in order to test the reality of the -occurrence, he and some others passed their hands between her and the -floor--a thing perfectly easy to do. As this occurred in broad -daylight, modern spiritualistic _séances_ become clumsy in comparison. -Catherine could do better in the fourteenth century. - -The most important miracle of all was, of course, the stigmatization. -That alone definitely assured her position as one with authority from -God; it constituted the final and irrefutable sign of Divine and -miraculous intervention. At the time of its occurrence Catherine was -twenty-eight, and suffered extreme agony from it. The most curious -circumstance about the stigmata in Catherine's case was that they were -not properly visible during her lifetime, but became perfectly clear -after her death. In this one matter her successor, St. Lucia, the -religious celebrity of Lucrezia Borgia's day, outdid the woman she -tried to follow. Her stigmata were always visible--bleeding wounds -anybody could look at. - - [Illustration: ST. CATHERINE'S HOUSE AT SIENA] - -Returning to the loveliest of all the stories concerning Catherine's -girlhood, it must be remembered that the prisons of Siena were almost -more filled with political prisoners than criminals. During the whole -of the Renaissance political prisoners were in themselves almost -sufficient in number decently to fill Italian dungeons. Catherine, who -had the understanding to love sinners, habitually visited condemned -offenders. Those forlorn of any hope in this world she insidiously -replenished with winning dreams of hope hereafter. She did more. When -the day of execution came, she joined the procession to the scaffold. -What it meant, in the unconveyable desolation of that last public -outgoing, to have the company of this woman, with her sweet, -contagious promises in the name of Christ, would be hard to -overestimate. She was at all times embodied comfort to be with, and -even a sharp and reluctant death must have been easier when she was -there to pour out pity and encouragement. - -Among the prisoners at one time was a certain Nicholas di Toledo, who -had spoken irreflectively against the Riformatori--the strong -Government party. This Riformatori consisted of a council chosen -originally at a tense political crisis for purposes of urgent -amendments. The nobility had no part in it. Siena, since 1280, when a -reconciliation occurred between the Sienese Guelfs and Ghibellines, -had been a merchant oligarchy, first governed by the _Nove_, then by -_Dodici_, and after both these had been swept away, by the -_Riformatori_, into which some members of both the previous -Governments had been included. The _Riformatori_ began well and ended -badly. The _Noveschi_ and _Dodicini_ members almost immediately worked -against it; civil trouble became interminable. The new power, -exasperated, fell back upon repressive horrors. People were arrested -upon simple suspicion of disapproval, and then publicly tortured in -order to appal others. A common habit was to tear a criminal slowly to -pieces with red-hot pincers while he was bound upon a cart driven -slowly through the principal streets. - - [Illustration: ST. CATHERINE PRAYING AT AN EXECUTION - FRESCO BY SODOMA] - -In the case of Nicholas di Toledo, he had barely gone from the place -of his impulsive utterance before he was arrested, and he was barely -arrested before he was condemned to death. Such a sentence had never -risen in his thoughts for one sickening moment even; it came with so -awful an unexpectedness that his mind for an interval whirled to the -verge of insanity. Nicholas di Toledo was scarcely more than a boy, -and the first warmth of life ran in every pulse. This bitter, -inconceivable end unnerved him--he could not make up his mind to die. -Suddenly he thought of Catherine, of whom other prisoners may have -babbled, and sent a messenger imploring her to come to him. She wrote -afterwards to her confessor a full description of the brief drama. Her -presence almost immediately calmed and heartened him. Both were young, -and Catherine, if not actually pretty, was delicious with overflowing -tenderness. For Nicholas, besides the optimism communicated to him by -her spiritual promises, there must have been the unconsidered but -poignant fact that she was a woman and he a man. It is undeniable that -no monk, however good, could have helped his dying to the same extent. -Catherine not only rendered it possible to go through with courage, -but in the end tinged it with something almost blessed. She was with -him, it would seem, most of the time, and not only promised to -accompany him to the scaffold when the day of execution came, but -previously took him to Mass, and persuaded him to communicate for the -first occasion in his life. - -Nicholas had been nothing deeper than a young society man, and the -wrench of this merciless conclusion was all the greater because of -it. Catherine, in her account of the circumstance, went on to say -that he grew quite resigned, his only dread being lest his courage -should fail him at the supreme moment. He repeated constantly, "Lord, -be with me; abandon me not." To help him she reiterated her assurance -that she would be with him at the last. In a moment his face -brightened, and he asked her with a boyish impulsiveness how it was so -great a sweetness was being vouchsafed to him. With this to look -forward to he could face the end, not only with courage, but with -something strangely akin to pleasure. - -They met, as she had promised, at the scaffold next day. Catherine -wrote concerning it that when he saw her his face broke into a smile, -and that he begged her to make the sign of the cross upon his -forehead. She did so, whispering that soon, very soon, he would have -passed to a life that never ends. Then occurred the unforgettable -incident of the story. At the best Nicholas was a creature not -disciplined to suffering, and the worst moment had yet to come. -Leaping to obey an intuition in itself exquisite, Catherine did what -the prudery alone of most religious women would have made unthinkable. -She took the boy's head in her thin, soft hands, and herself laid it -in position upon the block. The action was like a caress in which his -last impressions melted. He murmured the words "Jesus and Catherine." -The knife ripped through the air to his neck, and his head fell into -the same trembling hands that had guided it during its last activity. - -On its human side Catherine's spirituality was seldom less than -perfect. Character and beauty emanated from her every spontaneous -action. Nicholas di Toledo was only one of the many men she -fascinated, and the fact renders the question of her personal -appearance peculiarly interesting. The triumphs of a plain woman are -always more stirring than those achieved by a simple success of -feature. The "divine plainness," immortalized by Lamb, can convey -subtleties not possible to the simple regularities of well-cut -features. Catherine proved adorable to most people, but from her -portraits it is practically impossible to receive any impression save -that of dulness. This, at any time, was the last thing she could have -been, but the conventions of the Roman Catholic Church in dealing with -the portraits of saints opposed any lifelike treatment. The picture of -her in the church of St. Domenico at Siena, said to be by Francesco -Vanni, might do equally well for any other emaciated sister. There is -no temperament in it, no illumination, no visible sweetness. The eyes -are half closed, the expression is inert and apathetic. The mouth is -small but meaningless, the nose is long and well formed, the oval of -the face delightful. Vanni did slightly better on another occasion. -There is an engraving by him which is very nearly attractive. The -eyes, owing to the religious demand for humility, are again half -closed, but the mouth is both delightful and winning, and a half-smile -plays about her expression. Given the glamour of vivacity, the -kindling changes of life, and Catherine when young must have been -delightful to look at. Certainly many men loved her. She had the power -of being poignant in recollection, and disturbingly sweet in her -bodily presence. - -Even the painter Vanni, wicked enough to have been conversion-proof, -yielded to the disquieting need she roused in him. He had been a great -hater, and the men he hated were assassinated without after-remorse. -For some amazing reason--probably that of curiosity--he consented to -interview Catherine. She was out when he called, and her Confessor -Raymond received him. According to Raymond, who describes the -incident, Vanni soon grew bored, and presently remarked bluntly that -he had promised to call upon Catherine, but since she was out, and he -was a busy man, he could not wait for her any longer. - -At that moment Catherine appeared--according to Raymond, much to -Vanni's disgust. But Catherine was all smiles, comfortableness, and -simple ease of manner. Vanni's chances, in fact, of not being -converted ended with her entrance. The manner of his surrender was -humorously characteristic of the man himself. Catherine--she was -always so clever when she was good--presently left the room. No woman -ever knew better when another word would have been too much. She had -hardly gone when Vanni broke out that, for the sake of courtesy, he -could not wholly refuse her some gratification. At the moment he had -four virulent hatreds, but to please Catherine he would give up, in -the case of one of them, all thoughts of vengeance. He then started to -leave the house, but before he reached the door stopped suddenly and -declared he could hardly draw his breath, so intense was the sense of -peace and ecstasy this one small action of the right kind had given -him. Evidently it was useless to hold out against her influence, and -he then and there declared himself conquered, and ready to abandon all -the vices he could under Catherine's gentle guidance. - -Thus came an end to Vanni's murders. Catherine held him for the rest -of his days. It is only to be regretted that he did not paint her -portrait before instead of after his conversion. He would have -attended less to her reputation as a saint, and more to what was -lovely and pictorial in her person. - -Catherine no longer lived at home. She had instituted an informal -sisterhood at Siena, where "Mantellate" sisters from every part of -Lombardy lived in community. Her work still continued among the sick, -the lepers, and prisoners. But rumours of her miracles, and of an -almost miraculous gift of persuasion, were spreading to many parts of -Italy. Talk of the dyer's daughter had already reached the ears of the -Pope at Avignon, and was paving the way to further political -successes. Before Catherine had passed out of her teens she employed -four secretaries to cope with the colossal inflow of correspondence -that reached her. It was through the urgency of help in answering -letters in fact that Catherine made the great friendship of her life, -and drew under her influence the man who largely contributed towards -keeping natural feelings alive in her. - -Stephen Marconi never cast off a cheerful and innate earthliness. He -came across Catherine originally, as so many people did, over the -matter of a Sienese family feud. Stephen, headstrong and exuberant, -had roused ill-feeling in both the Tolomei and Rinaldini families. -Torrents of blood loomed as the sole termination. Mutual acquaintances -had made useless attempts to produce peace; at the last crisis before -violence Stephen's mother implored him to go to the "Mantellate" -sister. The suggestion drew some contemptuous comments. But the woman -persisted, and essentially good-natured, Stephen went in order to -pacify her. He had every reason subsequently to thank the -solicitations that overbore derision. Catherine settled everything -with absolute successfulness, Stephen himself speaking of the -reconciliation that followed as truly miraculous. - -More extraordinary than the reconciliation even was the effect of -Catherine's individuality upon Stephen Marconi. He possessed no -natural aptitude for spirituality. Handsome, irresponsible, sought -after, he epitomized effervescent worldliness. But, having once seen -Catherine, he could not keep away. Excuses were raked together for -further interviews, and one day, finding her overburdened with -correspondence, he wrote a letter at her dictation. It was the -beginning of the end. At first informally, and later explicitly, he -became one of her secretaries; presently also a member of what was -called her "spiritual family." - -Siena relished as a joke the dandy converted by the ascetic, but -Stephen was unconcerned. An irrepressible humourist, he appreciated to -the full the oddity of the situation; though if jocose, he was also -deeply contented. Catherine had become almost instantly the -instigating motive of his life, the one precious thing his heart -needed. Catherine, on her side, was known to care for him more than -for almost any other person. Her relations with him became those of a -deep and exciting friendship. Towards the end of her life she heard a -report that Stephen had definitely cast off his semi-worldliness and -taken ascetic vows. Catherine should have known an exquisite and -glowing comfort. Instead of it, her letter to him on the subject is -very nearly petulant. That any action should have been taken without -first becoming a matter of confidences between them clearly -unspeakably hurt her. She wrote that of course it was a great joy to -hear that he desired to lead a better life, but that she was "very -surprised" that he should have made any decision without previously -having said a word to her about it. She added further that there was -something in the matter that she could not understand, though she -prayed that whatever he did would prove to be for the benefit of his -soul. - -There is more sign in this of a woman stung by an unexpected neglect, -than any religious exaltation at a soul saved. Stephen had not become -a monk, and the misunderstanding swiftly passed over. But the letter -is pleasant reading, because it was written at a time when Catherine's -mysticism threatened to overshadow the purely human kindnesses of her -earlier years. The idea of Christ as the heavenly Husband had -developed from vague symbolism into a definite expression of spiritual -familiarity. It was an unrealized element of good fortune that -Stephen's whimsical frivolity kept alive in her a strain of normal -sensations. She suffered whenever they were separated, and among the -last letters she ever wrote, moreover, was one to Stephen with the -pathetic, dependent cry, "When will you come, Stephen? Oh, come soon!" - -Another secretary closely associated with Catherine's life for many -years was Neri di Landoccio, a poet belonging to the group of dawning -Renaissance writers. He suffered from melancholy, and having once met -Catherine, naturally clung to the heartening radiance of her -presence. From his letters, his youth appears to have been vicious. He -was, at any rate, haunted by the notion that his misdemeanours were -greater than God would be likely to forgive. He worried himself into a -dangerous dismalness--a gloom perceiving no remedy. Then Catherine -wrote him a long letter. She reiterated that God was far more ready to -forgive than humanity to offend; that He was the Physician, and -mankind His sick and ailing children. She told him that sadness -constituted the worst fault of all in a disciple of Christ. To believe -in the unplumbable love of God, and still persist in disheartenment, -was a form of unrighteousness. - -Neri did his best, but a gentle wistfulness penetrated his -disposition, and not even Catherine could give him gaiety of thoughts. -He and Stephen Marconi--the extreme opposites in temperament--became -deeply attached to one another. They corresponded when apart, and -Stephen, after Catherine's death, called Neri "among those whom the -Lord has engrafted in the very innermost depths of my heart." A third -man constantly in Catherine's society was her Confessor Raymond. Two -small incidents told by himself, and against himself, suggest a -perfectly honest and rather pleasant temperament, but a somewhat -limited spiritual capacity. In the first, he confesses that when on -their journeys great multitudes thronged to Catherine for confession -and comfort, and that the fact of having to go for hours without food -or rest greatly annoyed as well as wearied him. - -From the other, both issue rather sweetly, but Catherine with almost a -touch of greatness. Raymond, who again tells the story, says that she -loved to talk to him upon spiritual matters, but that, not having the -same mystical sensibility, these conversations frequently sent him to -sleep. Catherine, absorbed in her subject, would continue for some -time talking without perceiving that she lacked a listener, but when -she did, she would merely wake the other, and good-humouredly tease -him for allowing her to talk to the walls. - -Catherine had by nature the sanest and tenderest common sense. It was -she who wrote of prayer that everything done for the love of God or of -our neighbours was a form of prayer, and those who were always doing -good were always, as it were, at prayer. Love of one's fellow-creatures -was practically one long-continued lifting of the heart to God. - -When Catherine came to the political portion of her life, the point -at which she may be said to have indirectly affected the Renaissance -in Italy was reached. The popes were still at Avignon, while Rome -clamoured for a return of the papacy to its original capital. -Petrarch, in a letter, pictured Rome as a venerable matron standing -desolate and in rags at the gate of the Vatican. "I asked at last," he -wrote, "her name, and she murmured it forth. It reached me through the -void, in the midst of sobs--it was Roma." Certainly, since the removal -of the popes to France, Rome, as a city, had gone to pieces. The -churches were in ruins, grass grew through the pavements up to the -very steps of St. Peter's, peaceful sheep used its environments for -pasturage. As the two great families of the town, the Colonna and -Orsini fought unceasingly for supremacy, while the people were equally -pestered, tortured, and destroyed by both. Save for those who fancied -murder as a profession, life had grown a nightmare; decency and quiet -were as things of which even the ashes had been scattered. - -Catherine, like Petrarch, flung the weight of her eloquence on the -side of the Romans, and Gregory's return to Italy is always attributed -by Roman Catholics to her influence. But before this question had -become poignant between them, Gregory had already tested Catherine's -good sense in two political missions--one to Lucca, and one to Pisa. -Both were successfully concluded, and in consequence, when Florence -rose openly against the authority of the Pope, Catherine was chosen -for a third time to conduct mediation. The employment of any woman as -a diplomatic agent as early as 1370, was an extraordinary -circumstance. During the Renaissance, frequent use was made of the -intellectual adroitness of women. But, in Catherine's day, females, as -Boccaccio states definitely, had few occupations besides house-bound -duties and the excitements of intrigue. - -Catherine created an admirable impression in Florence. On her arrival -she was formally met by the principal men of the city. The Florentine -Republic had itself invited her to come to their assistance. At the -same time pure enthusiasm would have effected nothing. Consummate -intelligence only could move the Florentines. Each Bull that came from -the French Court, and from a pope with every personal interest in a -foreign country, newly exasperated them. Catherine watched warily, -judging character and manipulating it, until Guelfs and Ghibellines, -acute in unfailing antagonisms, equally authorized her to commence -peace negotiations at Avignon. Catherine immediately started for -France. Stephen Marconi went with her, and the actual journey must -have filled her with many unavoidable pleasures. To begin with, she -loved the country. In addition, the gypsy travelling of the day -entailed perpetual chance incidents and unexpected humanizing -makeshifts. A week of gentle progress among Italian scenery would keep -the joy of life stirring in most people, if only unawares. - -At Avignon her story becomes, even more than before, the dramatic -triumph of personality. When she came nobody wanted her. The cardinals -had strong reasons for not wishing an ascetic's influence in the -palace; Gregory, inert and ailing, flinched at the thought of a person -noted for arousing qualities. She was received, notwithstanding, with -ceremony. At her first audience, Gregory sat dressed in full -canonicals, and surrounded by the entire conclave of cardinals, like a -brilliant jewel in a purple case. Catherine behaved meekly, though in -all likelihood her thoughts were less quiet than usual. For the papal -residence was a gorgeous place; there were galleries, marble -staircases, colonnades, magnificent gardens, elegant fountains. The -ultimate possibility of luxury lay before Catherine's sober eyes, the -very air itself being perfumed. - -This was sufficient to have perturbed her, for a markedly unclerical -influence emanated from so much comfort. But the women who filled the -palace jarred still more emphatically. Their sumptuous persons were -obviously at home--the very atmosphere indicated femininity. A large -number were, in fact, mistresses of the cardinals; the rest, relatives -and friends of the Pope, who had been granted apartments in the palace. -Gregory's own morals have never been questioned. He sanctioned, by -ignoring them, the scandals of his household, but his own life was that -of an innocent and cultivated gentleman, with a liking for expensive -living. Raynaldus, in his "Ecclesiasticus Annals," says that he was of -an affectionate and domestic nature, loving his own people, and, in -fact, too much led by them, especially in the matter of benefices. His -private life was above reproach,--chaste, kindly, and generous. A -scholarly man, he delighted in the society of other scholars. At Rome -he instantly remitted all the duties on corn, hay, wine, etc., which -the clergy had previously levied, and which fell most heavily on the -poor people. But the troubles and anxieties that followed his return -to Italy, added to an internal disease, from which he had for some time -suffered, brought about his death at the age of sixty-seven. - -This internal disease had something to do with the gentle inertia of -Gregory's conduct. Once roused by Catherine to a certitude as to where -his duty lay, he did it regardless of every personal inclination and -affection. - -But at the commencement of Catherine's visit, the question was solely -how best to deal with the disaffected Florentines. The issue did not -prove gratifying. The Government had promised Catherine to send -ambassadors to Avignon, suing for peace. New dissensions leaping up -between Guelfs and Ghibellines, none were sent, and negotiations -collapsed. In the mean time the ladies at Avignon had grown interested -in the attenuated sister, who passed them constantly on her way to and -from an audience. They started primarily with the frank indifference -of society women to another of a lower class. But indifference became -painful interest when in a few days it was breathed tempestuously that -this pale woman had come almost solely in order to persuade the Pope -to return to the Vatican at Rome. Scared and disordered, the papal -ladies ceased to look insolent; they set themselves instead to -conciliate the "Mantellate" woman. Led by the Pope's sister, the -Countess Valentinois, they made religion fashionable. Discarding all -dancing, they instituted afternoon parties for pious conversation. The -Countess Valentinois also visited Catherine in her own room, and after -a few days, whenever Catherine went to the chapel to pray, she found -all the court ladies following her example. Raymond, never very -perspicacious, owns to being moved by "such unexpected signs of -grace." He even admired the lovely gowns and misleading courteseys of -the seemingly repentant ladies. Clearly a little susceptible, -Catherine's churlish indifference greatly annoyed him. As her -confessor, he had the opportunity of chiding her for this -incivility--it was painful to see such pretty, graceful creatures -repulsed so sternly. But Catherine upon this subject was adamant, and -merely replying that had he the smallest inkling of the true -dispositions of these mistresses of the cardinals, he would be nothing -less than horrified. - -Raymond, one imagines, still privately clung to a more pacific opinion; -but if the story generally attributed to the Pope's niece is true, his -eyes were soon opened to the real sanctity of these ladies. Catherine -had fallen into one of the trances frequent with her when at prayer. -Elys de Beaufort Turenne happened to be kneeling conveniently near, and -the opportunity to expose a spurious absorption thrilled her with -pernicious pleasure. The temptation was too exceptionable to resist, -and bending over, she presently ran a big pin into the Mantellate's -toe. The joke, as far as she was concerned, spurted into no more life -than saturated fireworks. Catherine never stirred--unaware of the -incident until afterwards. But Raymond realized for the future that -some courtesies are means of concealment only. - -The women of the Pope's household were not alone in disliking -Catherine. The cardinals objected to her as strongly. She had come to -labour against everything pleasing in their lives. Those won over, -besides, praised immoderately, and the instinct to strike a balance is -natural and intuitive. - -Her spiritual pretensions had not even, as far as they were concerned, -been proved to be genuine. They solicited from the Pope, therefore, an -interview with the Mantellate nun, in which the soundness of her -theology might be tested. This encounter lasted from noon until late -in the evening, during the whole of which time they endeavoured to -confuse her into foolishness. But Catherine had a very clear brain and -a very quick one. She knew her subject, and, being a clever woman, in -a few minutes also, roughly, the temperaments of the men she was -dealing with. The thought is a purely personal one, but it is -difficult not to believe that she enjoyed the excitement. Catherine -was humble through instinct, but she must have realized that she was -considerably more capable than most people. Stephen Marconi, present -during the interview, says that two of them were enticed over almost -immediately, and took sides with Catherine against their own party. -The questions put, however, were anything but easy to deal with. Among -other points they queried how she knew that she was not really in the -subtle clutches of Satan; it was no uncommon trick for the Evil One to -change himself into an angel of light, or sham to be a vision of -Christ himself. All this time her extraordinary manner of life might -be simply a cunning prelude to damnation. - -Catherine neither wavered nor deliberated; her calm was gracious and -simple; she was exquisitely willing to be interrogated. The cardinals -gave in; the struggle over, they had even the grace to admit that -"they had never met a soul at once so humble and so illuminated." -Gregory, inherently a gentleman, afterwards apologized to Catherine -for having permitted her to be molested by them, and from that time -her troubles with the cardinals at any rate terminated. - -Gregory himself had from the beginning been openly impressed by her. -She left Avignon before the actual journey to Rome was made, but her -passionately eager persuasions were the fire at which Gregory's -conscience chiefly ignited. For his household became desperate and -loquacious at the mere suggestion. Gregory also had been born in -France; all his roots were in the genial soil of Avignon. But -Catherine would not let the matter rest. In a yearning and courageous -letter, beginning, "Holy Father, I, your miserable little daughter -Catherine," she urged him to be overborne by nobody against doing his -duty, for if God was with him, nobody could be against him. - -Gregory went, and in a man old, fearsome, and extremely out of health, -the action has an element of greatness. For the reputation of Rome, -constantly reiterated by those about him, was very much like that of a -den of wild beasts. Ser Amily, a provincial poet, who gives a rhymed -description of the journey from Avignon, says, further, that all the -physicians and astrologers prophesied a fatal termination to the -expedition, but adds that they had apparently misread the -constellations, as after some terrifying storms they sailed for the -rest of the way upon a tranquil sea. - -The fatal termination merely tarried somewhat, though the entrance -into Rome proved a triumphant pageant. The streets had been laid with -carpets, white flowers rained from every window--no welcome could have -looked more cordial or inspiriting. The entry once over, however, -Gregory found himself alone in an inimical country. Catherine wrote -encouraging letters to him to discard all fears and strenuously to do -all he could. But Gregory _had_ done all he could. Rome, depraved and -indocile, required a sterner nature at its head. He was ill and -overtired, and fourteen months after having reached Italy, died, -lonely and disheartened, at the age of sixty-seven. - -Urban VI., by birth a peasant, short, squat, unpolished, succeeded -him. The election was instantly unpopular. Half the people desired a -French pope, residenced at Avignon and keeping French interests -uppermost. The rest writhed under the truculent uncouthness of the -new Pope, hating him personally. Matters became so envenomed that the -most acutely aggrieved presently declared his election to have been -illegal, and proceeded to place another pope at Avignon, known as -Clement VII. - -There were, in consequence, two popes--one at Rome, and the other in -France. Both claimed supreme authority, and the confusion produced by -them brought the papacy very near to the ridiculous. Then commenced, -according to Muratori, a long series of terrible scandals in the -Church. The result was unceasing private and public dissensions, -incessantly culminating in murder. Urban excommunicated Clement and -his cardinals. Clement, on his part, excommunicated Urban and his -followers. The same benefices were conferred on different persons by -the rival popes, each appointing his own bishop to every vacant see. -Urban had been one of the cardinals during Catherine's momentous stay -at Avignon, and knowing his character, she wrote him after his -election some very wistful counsel. The necessity of behaving -benevolently was like a cry wrung out of her involuntarily; again and -again, in different phraseology, she begged him to "restrain a little -those too quick movements with which nature inspires you." - -This puts matters prettily--with an innate tact of feeling. Urban, in -reality, was a man destitute of pleasant impulses. Fundamentally -irritable, he possessed no control of utterance. Towards the cardinals -his manners were inexcusable. He shouted the word "Fool!" at them upon -the least hint of contradiction: over a difference of opinion he -blurted furiously, "Hold your tongue; you don't know what you are -talking about." Having determined to put down the rampant cupidity and -immorality of these same cardinals, he raided their palaces as the -quickest method of exposing them. On the other hand, he was a man of -absolute probity, austerity, and courage. Petrarch had several times -attacked the gluttony of high ecclesiastics. Urban ordered that one -course only was ever to be seen upon the table of any prelate -whatsoever, and adhered to the rule himself even upon occasions of -hospitality. The following incident is a good example of his courage. -As a result of the schism and his own extreme unpopularity, the people -of Rome broke into open rebellion. The mob rushed to storm the -Vatican. At the first rumour the household had fled to take refuge in -other places. Only Urban refused to move, and remained alone in the -great empty palace. When the mob stormed the doors and made for the -Pope, they found him sitting motionless upon the throne, dressed in -full pontifical splendour and holding the cross in solemn defiance in -one upraised hand. The sight of his immovable figure, dramatic, -repellent, denunciatory, broke the nerve of the impressionable Romans. -They saw before them the representative of God, and with incoherent -noises, fearful of eternal wrath, they fled, leaving the rigid figure -impassive as an image, alone once more. - -It was with Urban that Catherine went through the last exciting -interview of her life. The impression left by her personality at -Avignon must have been considerable, for when the election of Clement -VII. took place and divided the Church into two disordered and -querulous factions, the man who could not support a single adverse -suggestion actually sent for Catherine to come and help him render the -people of Rome at least loyal to the true Head of the Church. -Catherine, though by now very frail in body, set out immediately, -taking twenty helpful people with her, but, for some reason not given, -leaving Stephen Marconi behind. Then, when she had got to Rome, and -had recovered from the exhaustion of the journey, Urban insisted that -she should give an address upon the schism before the entire assembly -of cardinals. - -She could only have looked a rather wan and paltry object set against -the lace and silk and breadth of the well-fed cardinals. She was by -this time nothing but a narrow line of black draperies and a thin -white face. But the moment she began to speak the old warmth leapt -into her voice, and the nun became more deeply rich in colour than all -the scarlet and purple she fronted. Catherine never lost her head or -her courage. She was there to rouse the sluggish morals of the -cardinals, but she was quite aware that Urban stood almost as much in -need of improvement as they did. With admirable clarity she laid -stress upon the fact that the only weapons suitable for a pope were -patience and charity. Urban owned neither, but the pluck and eloquence -of the woman reached some responsive feeling, and he praised her then -and there in a generous abundance of phrases. Unfortunately he did -nothing else, and the following Christmas Catherine sent him another -cajoling reminder--the kind of reminder only a subtle woman, and one -with charming ways in private life, would have thought of. She -preserved some oranges, coated them with sugar, and having gilded -them, sent them to the Pope. With the present came a note, explaining -that in the preserving all the acidity of the orange had been drawn -out, and that, like the orange, the fruit of the soul, when prepared -and sweetened and gilded on the outside with the gold of tenderness, -would overcome all the evil results of the late schism, or, as with a -careful selection of an unhurtful word, she put it--"the late -mischance." - -Urban had previously empowered her to invite to Rome in his name -whoever she considered would be useful to the divided Church in its -hour of need. Among those Catherine wrote to William of England and -Anthony of Nice, two friends, who lived in a pleasant convent at -Lecceto, a few miles from Siena. A quaint correspondence resulted, for -the two old men were sadly shaken in their comfortable habits by -Catherine's letter. Yet the letter itself was a singularly good one. -She states in it plainly that the Church was in such dire necessity -that the time had come to give up all questions of peace and solitude -in order to succour her. - -There were few characters that Catherine could not understand; -certainly she understood her two friars perfectly. For the peace and -quiet of their country retreat, where they sat and talked in the shady -woods, had made them absolutely flabby of spirit. The thought of -change and bustle flustered them from head to foot. Catherine had to -write again, and this time she wrote with some directness that this -was a crisis when character became visibly tested, and when there was -no mistaking who really were the true servants of God, and who were -merely seekers of a way of life personally congenial to them. These -latter, she said, seemed to think that God dwelt in one particular -place, and could not be found in any other. This letter must have -harried the two old gentlemen sadly. Friar Anthony came to Rome at -last, and though it is not clear whether Friar William accompanied him -or not, it is probable that, when one gave in, both did. - -Catherine endured great fatigue in Rome; it drained the remnant of -strength left in her. Nevertheless she sent a letter from there to -Stephen that was still almost playful. It is in this letter that -occurred the winning petulance concerning the rumours of Stephen's -conversion. How little she could do without him issued again in a -still later epistle, when she wrote to him, "Have patience with me." -At this time she was ill, in pain, tired to breaking-point with the -Roman risings against the Pope. The schism had spread rapidly. Queen -Joanna of Naples, to whom Catherine wrote regrettably stern letters, -had flung her influence upon the side of Clement. Urban grew so -uncertain that there was talk of sending Catherine--nearly dead -through the strain already--to Paris, as the only ambassador likely to -draw the French king over to the true Pontiff. She wrote instead, and -while her letter was on its way, Charles V. joined the Anti-pope -party. - -When Rome, at least, had grown comparatively reconciled to Urban, -Catherine returned to Siena. She was thirty-three, and the radiance -that had magnetized men into contemplating even death with -tranquillity, if she was only with them, had to a great extent gone -out of her. Nevertheless, her correspondence shows that she never lost -her fine discernment of character. Some of her letters are still -masterpieces of practical understanding. - -For a short time still she lived quietly with the men and women who -loved and made much of her, though had she for a second realized how -subtly indulged she was, a panic of dismay would have shaken her -strenuous spirit. Physical strength, however, was almost exhausted. -She suffered greatly, and with a touching foolishness--touching -because of its presence in so much wisdom--she repeated again and -again that God permitted demons to distress her, and, in consequence, -bent her failing strength to wrestle with their torments. That a -natural disease was killing her did not seem credible to imagination. -Nevertheless, except during intolerable pain, her expression continued -pathetically joyous. When she was well enough they carried her out -into a neighbouring garden, lent for her use. Catherine never, after -the first excesses of her childhood, repudiated out-of-door pleasures. -She died in 1380, surrounded by a very passion of regret and -tenderness. On her death-bed she confessed quaintly that in the early -days of her spiritual career she had yearned for solitude, but that -God would have none of it. Each creature possessed a cell in their own -souls, where the spirit could live as solitarily and as enclosed in -the world as out of it. - -Stephen Marconi was with her when she died, and just before the end -she entreated him to enter the Order of the Carthusians. Neri she -begged to become a hermit. The injunction for a moment appears to lack -her usual intuition. Yet it was probably the result of a very deep -understanding. Neri's nerves may have been more tranquil when not -played upon by other people. - -To the last she prayed, dying peacefully towards the "hour of Sext," -one Sunday evening, according to Stephen, the body until her burial -retained a wonderful beauty and fragrance. - -Her last request to the latter was reverently complied with, and for -the future he carried on, with the grace of nature that made him so -lovable, the most endearing of his dead friend's labours--he became -famous as a healer of feuds. The cult of Catherine's memory gave a -sentimental happiness to his days. He remembered her with the painful -delight of a faithful lover. Nothing in their companionship had been -too trivial for a living recollection. Being elected Father Superior -to his monastery, he "invariably added the delicacy of beans to the -fare of his religious on Easter Day." He did this because one Easter -Day he had dined with Catherine on beans, there having been nothing -else in the house, and as Friar Bartholomew puts it, "the remembrance -of that dinner stuck fast to the marrow of his spine." As an old man, -Stephen still cherished the smallest details of her life, and on one -occasion, at the sudden recall of some little incident illustrative -of her loving-kindness, he burst abruptly into tears, seeming as if -his heart would break. The brothers were obliged to lead him gently to -a seat out-of-doors, where a freshening wind restored him. - -Neri also did as she wished. But his life as a hermit did not -interfere with his literary labours, nor did it by any means leave him -without society. Once he seems to have gone out of his mind for a -time. Stephen mentions in one letter that he was told that he had been -_alienato_, but that it is evident, since he had now heard from him, -that he had recovered. - -An account of his death, written by a monk to a certain friend of the -dead man, Ser Jacomo, and given in the English version in Miss Drane's -life of Catherine, is sufficiently unusual to quote. It falls to the -lot of few people to have their deaths recorded in quite such a -superfluity of phrases. - - "Dearest Father of Christ, - - "My negligence--I need say no more--but yet with grief and - sorrow I write to you, how our Father and our comfort, and our - help, and our counsel, and our support, and our refreshment, - and our guide, and our master, and our receiver, and our - preparer, and our writer, and our visitor, and he who thought - for us, and our delight, and our only good, and our entertainer; - and his meekness, and his holy life, and his holy conversation, - and his holy teachings, and his holy works, and his holy words, - and his holy investigations. Alas, miserable ones, alas poor - wretches, alas orphans, where shall we go, to whom shall we have - recourse? Alas, well may we lament, since all our good is - departed from us! I will say no more, for I am not worthy to - remember him, yet I beg of you that, as it is the will of God, - you will not let yourself be misled by the news; know then alas, - I don't know how I can tell you--alas, my dear Ser Jacomo, alas, - my Father and my brother, I know not what to do, for I have lost - all I cared for. I do not see you, and I know not how you are. - Know then that our love and our father--alas, alas, Neri di - Landoccio, alas, took sick on the 8th of March, Monday night, - about daybreak, on account of the great cold, and the cough - increasing, he could not get over it, alas. He passed out of his - life, confessed, and with all the sacraments of the Holy Church, - and on the 12th of March was buried by the brethren of Mount - Olivet, outside the Porta Tufi, and died in the morning at the - Aurora at break of day." - -According to the writer, Neri did not die until some hours after he -had been buried at the Porta Tufi! - -Catherine's influence lingered in almost all those who had once -responded to it. But the quality that remains rousing to the present -day was her unremitting remembrance that one cannot be good without -being happy. Though due to a different source, the spirit of the -Renaissance seemed to emanate from her--the spirit that laboured so -hard, in a world rich in all manner of things, to be joyful every -minute. In Catherine's case, it was the result, not only of a -realization of life's inherent wondrousness, but of an unconscious -knowledge that heroism is never anything but smiling; that the -acceptance which is not absolute, composed, and tendered in fulness of -heart, is but a semi-acceptance after all. - -In addition, Catherine had the one supreme characteristic that no age -can render less superb or less inspiring. She was a nature drenched in -loving-kindness. Consciously and unconsciously love streamed out of -her, penetrating and unifying every soul she came in contact with. At -all times there is nothing the world stands more in need of than -loving saints,--at all times there is nothing that brings more -creatures out of mistakenness, intractability, and mean-souled egoism -than a glowing greatness of heart. And finally, there is nothing so -vividly illuminating upon the intense and vital beauty of life and -human efforts than the persons who, like Catherine, have but to enter -a room, and,--satisfied, aflame, compassionate,--instantly transpose -its atmosphere into delicious, renewing goodness. - - - - -BEATRICE D'ESTE - -1475-1497 - - -Beatrice D'Este could never have been a beautiful woman, though most -contemporary writers affirmed that she was. Neither was she -particularly good; nevertheless, very few women of the Renaissance -make anything like the same intimacy of appeal. Nothing in her life -has become old-fashioned. She suggests no reflections peculiar merely -to the time in which she lived. The drama of her domestic existence is -so familiar and modern, that it might be the secret history of half -the charming women of one's acquaintance. - -At the same time she was vividly typical of the Renaissance. Nobody -expressed more completely what the determined quest for beauty and joy -could do. And as far as she was concerned it could do everything--except -make a woman happy. Her life, in fact, is one of the most absorbing -instances of the tragedy that lies in wait for the majority of women -after the pleasantness of youth is over. - -Born at Ferrara on June 24, 1475, Beatrice was the younger sister of -the great Isabella D'Este, who became one of the chief connoisseurs of -the Renaissance. There is always some pain entailed in being the -plainer sister of a beauty. Triumph also, in those days, was entirely -for the precocious. Isabella embodied precocity itself. Though only a -year older than Beatrice, she showed herself incomparably the more -graceful, the more receptive, the more premature of the two. At six -she had become the talk of the Ferrarese court circle. As a future -woman was desired to do, she already showed signs of culture, of tact, -of fascination. A pretty little prodigy, with hair like fine spun -silk, her hand was constantly being asked for in marriage; and no -visitor ever came to the court but Isabella was sent for to show off -her premature accomplishments. - -There is little said about Beatrice. A second girl had been so frankly -unneeded that at her birth all public rejoicings were omitted. She -passed her babyhood with her grandfather, the King of Naples, and when -she came back, a round contented child, with a chubby face and black -hair, she served chiefly as a foil to Isabella, who was like some fine -and dainty flower, with her pale soft hair and finished elegancies of -behaviour. At Ferrara education had become a hobby. A son of the great -Guarino, who with Vittorino da Feltre practically laid the foundations -of modern schooling, had the chief control of their education. It was -not a bad one, perhaps, save for its excess. These two mites were at -lessons of some kind from the time they got up to the time they went -to bed. Happily, the Renaissance was all for the open air, and a good -deal of their education took place in the garden of a country villa -belonging to the D'Estes. Petrarch's sonnets were among the lighter -literature allowed them, and a good many of the sonnets were set to -music especially for their thin incongruous voices. Guarino was their -master for Cicero, Virgil, Roman and Greek history; other teachers -took them in dancing, deportment, music, composition, and the -rudiments of French. Isabella, indeed, is said to have spoken Latin as -easily as her native tongue. - -Though a little severe, Leonora was a capable and conscientious woman. -Most of the qualities that Beatrice could have inherited from her -mother would have been very good for temperament--presence of mind, -courage, intelligence, decision. The girl's light-heartedness she -probably got from her Uncle Borso, Ercole's brother and predecessor, -whose fat and smiling face Corsa's painting has made the very type of -cruel joviality. Ercole was not jovial, and the chief characteristics -he transmitted to his daughters were strong artistic and literary -passions, a gift for diplomacy, and, perhaps, a little elasticity in -the matter of conscience. - -Culture pervaded the atmosphere at the court of Ferrara. And though -Leonora saw to it that the children were strictly trained in religious -observances, it was essentially life, and a full and engrossing life, -that they were being prepared for. At six Isabella was already engaged -to the future Duke of Mantua. Some time afterwards, Ludovico Sforza of -Milan, uncle and regent for the young Duke Giangaleazzo, wrote and -asked for her in marriage. He was not a person to refuse lightly. The -real duke everybody knew to be foolish almost to the point of mental -deficiency. Il Moro, as Ludovico was called, held the power of Milan, -and politically an alliance with Milan would be good for Ferrara. -Ercole answered the request by saying that his eldest daughter was -already promised to Mantua, but that he had another daughter a year -younger, and if the King of Naples, who had adopted her, gave his -consent, Ludovico could have her instead. The political value of the -marriage remained the same, and Ludovico accepted without demur the -little makeshift lady. Hence, at nine years old, Beatrice, as a -substitute for her more elegant sister, became engaged to a man of -twenty-nine. She was then still living with her grandfather at Naples. -But when, in the following year, she returned to Ferrara, to be -educated with Isabella, she was publicly recognized as Ludovico's -future wife, and known as the Duchess of Bari, the title to be hers -after marriage. - -It was over this engagement that Beatrice was made acutely to realize -the difference of life's ways with the plain and the bewitching. The -young Marquis of Mantua soon became an ardent lover of his -golden-haired lady. He wrote to her, he sent her presents; a slight -but pretty love affair went on between the two during all the years of -their engagement. And when in due course they were married, it was -with every show of eagerness upon the side of the handsome bridegroom. -Ludovico, on the other hand, took no notice whatever of the childish -Beatrice; there was no interchange of winning courtesies, no -presents, no letters. Twice, when the marriage was definitely settled, -Ludovico put it off; and on the second occasion, at any rate, no girl -could avoid the sting of wounded vanity. Everybody had been eager to -marry Isabella. Beatrice also, according to the notions of her time, -was grown up, and far too clear-witted not to understand the gossip -following upon Ludovico's second withdrawal. Unmistakably she was not -wanted. Her future husband had his heart already filled. There was -another woman in the case, and a woman loved with such intensity that -Il Moro literally had not the courage to face marriage with a -different lady. On the arrival of the ambassadors asking for a second -delay, an agent of the court wrote that everybody was annoyed and the -Duke of Ferrara extremely angry. - -This was in April, 1495, and for several months Beatrice lived on -quietly in the Castello at Ferrara. To deepen the dulness, not only -Isabella, but her half-sister Lucrezia, was now married. Among the -people of the court it was openly said that the marriage with Ludovico -would probably not take place at all. Beatrice went back to lessons, -music--she was all her life a great lover of music--and to needlework -in the garden. But she probably felt fiercely dispirited and without -hope. Thankfulness for life itself cannot exist in youth. At fifteen -it is not possible to thank God for just the length of time ahead. -Most likely, also, she hated Ludovico. No girl of any spirit could -have done otherwise, and Beatrice had more spirit than most. - -Then, suddenly, in August, another ambassador arrived from Milan, and -even then hopes began to float again. The ambassador had come this -time with a present from the bridegroom to his betrothed. It was -exquisite--a necklace of pearls made into flowers, with a pear-shaped -pendant of rubies, pearls, and diamonds. The ambassador came also to -fix a day for the wedding. Ludovico had at last made up his mind to -the rupture with his mistress, Cecilia Gallerani, the rare and -beautifully mannered woman, who has been compared, with Isabella -D'Este and Vittoria Colonna, as among the most cultured women of the -Renaissance. - -Now, at last, Beatrice became brusquely a person of importance. The -subject of Cecilia Gallerani was dropped like a burning cinder, and -outwardly everything smoothed to a satin surface. There was more money -than in the Mantuan marriage, and no expense was consequently spared -in Beatrice's trousseaux. Only Leonora still worried a little. -Ludovico came of a bad stock--the only one among the family to show -fine qualities had been the famous Francesco Sforza, founder of the -dynasty. - -As for the present duke's father, and Ludovico's brother, Galeazzo -Maria, he had been a fiend, whose very soundness of mind was -questionable. True, Ludovico's own ability was indubitable. The skill -with which he had steered himself from exile into the regency could -not be questioned. Moreover, though nominally only Regent, he had -already commenced to drive in the thin end of the wedge of usurpation. -The real duke was old enough to control his own state, and had -recently been married to Isabella, daughter of the King of Naples. -Notwithstanding this, the regency continued with a grasp tightened, -rather than loosened, upon the affairs of Northern Italy. Meanwhile -preparations for the marriage were rapid and luxurious, and as soon as -possible, though it was then in the depth of winter, Beatrice and her -suite started for the wedding. At Pavia Ludovico was waiting to -receive them, and as soon as Beatrice had been helped on to a horse, -wonderfully caparisoned for the occasion, the two rode slowly side by -side from the water's edge--she had come by boat up the Po--across -the bridge that spans the river Ticino, and through the gates of the -Castello of Pavia. - - [Illustration: THE BRIDGE AT PAVIA - _Alinari_] - -It would be interesting to know what lay in the minds of both. In the -case of Ludovico one surmise has as much likelihood as another. He was -a man much experienced in women, and to a person whose mistresses were -always beautiful and interesting, Beatrice, at first sight, could have -offered very small attractions. She had not the features to possess -beauty of the finest quality. At the same time she was compensated by -almost all the minor enticements. The smooth and delicate freshness of -youth was fragrant in her, and, like Isabella, she was extremely -graceful in body. But the chief attraction of her face sprang from its -oddity, and the inner rogue it suggested. According to rigid canons -she was plain, but her plainness was so near to prettiness that it was -as often as not over the border. - -The first impression given by her portrait in the Altar-piece, said to -be Lemale's, is disappointing. From her personality the expectation is -of something different--a little more distinguished, a little more -wanton, and a little more incontestably seductive. But a mild -fascination comes with familiarity. Waywardness and intelligence are -both in the face; the gift of humour is clear as day. Her expression -radiates a mixture of sauciness and wisdom. In certain clothes and in -certain moods she must have looked adorable, more especially before -she was actually dressed, when her curls hung upon her shoulders. - -What Beatrice thought of Ludovico is more easily hazarded. The man was -handsome, and bore every sign of a personal force of character. His -profile formed too straight a line, but in the general effect his -features were impressive and masterful. Beatrice was fifteen, and as -Isabella's plain sister had never yet been incensed with too much -flattery. Ludovico had in fact reached at her childlike heart with -unequal advantages; confronted by this suave and dignified person a -girl's imagination had everything to feed upon. - -They were married next morning, and a few days later Beatrice made her -state entry into Milan--Ludovico, Giangaleazzo, the real duke, his -wife Isabella, and every Milanese person of importance, meeting her at -the gates. She and Ludovico then rode side by side in a procession -through the town, the horses being decorated and the streets lined -with people to cheer them as they passed. - -But the really interesting incident of the day was the meeting of the -two girls, the reigning duchess and the duchess of the Regent. The -situation pushed them into antagonism, and into mean and agitated -rivalries. Isabella's was the position of easier righteousness, -Beatrice's the one of more colossal temptations. Everything moreover -in the future was to help them into unfairness. The wife of the futile -duke was cringed to by nobody. All Milan cossetted and flattered the -wife of the Regent who held the power, and suggested still greater -power in the future. To have been meek and secondary would have -required a temperament of great spiritual vitality. Beatrice came of a -worldly family, and the reasons for not tethering ambition grew to be -very specious. Giangaleazzo, as head of the State, was too clearly -incapable. Il Moro did all the work, bore all the responsibility, and -when necessary, all the execration. Why should an idle, dull-witted -boy, who did nothing, enjoy the benefit of public precedence? Why -should Beatrice and her husband walk humbly behind these two, whose -importance was as a balloon inflated for the occasion? - -Corio says that from the first days of her arrival in Milan, Beatrice -chafed at yielding place to Isabella. But Corio, who wrote many years -after the death of Beatrice and Ludovico, was bent upon making the -worst of them. And to contradict him there is a good deal of -correspondence which goes to show that at the beginning the girls were -glad enough to have each other for companionship. Some writers of the -struggle between Beatrice and Isabella also urge that it was Beatrice -who drove Ludovico to schemes of usurpation. This is one of the -statements that are introduced in the heat of advocacy. Ludovico had -made his mark as a dangerous personality years before he married -Ercole's second daughter. The Ferrarese ambassador had written of him -long before his marriage that he was a great man, who intended later -on to make himself universally recognized as such. - -The day before her state entry into Milan, Beatrice's brother Alphonso -was married to the gentle Anna, who, after her death, was to be -succeeded by the enigmatic Lucrezia Borgia. A week of public rejoicing -followed, after which Leonora returned to Ferrara, and Beatrice -commenced the routine of her new existence. But the reports of -Ludovico, sent shortly afterwards, were pleasant reading for the -girl's father. - - [Illustration: BEATRICE D'ESTE - BUST IN THE LOUVRE] - -The Ferrarese representative at the court of Milan wrote that Ludovico -was incessantly singing his wife's praises, and a few days later -added that he was brimming over with admiration both for his wife and -his sister-in-law, and that he reiterated incessantly the extreme -delight their society gave him. Then, some time after the last of -Beatrice's people had left, Trotti once more repeated that Ludovico -appeared to have no thought but how to captivate and amuse his wife, -and that every day he repeated how much he loved her. - -Not only Trotti, but Palissena D'Este, a cousin, and one of Beatrice's -elder ladies-in-waiting, wrote enthusiastic accounts of the Milanese -_ménage_ at the commencement. Palissena's letter was to Isabella, and -not to Beatrice's parents. She wrote that Beatrice was unceasingly -made much of by her husband, and that every possible tender attention -was paid to her by him. According to her accounts the two were -delightful to see together, the man being evidently as delighted to -spoil the pretty child, as the child was to be spoilt by him. And -since Beatrice had been the plain member of the family, with uncertain -prospects of future beauty, the writer mentions, with an evident sense -of conveying good news, that in the new climate the girl had grown not -only very much stronger, but very much better looking. - -Beatrice was certainly very happy at this time--nothing in life -compares with the first days of the first love affair--and Ludovico as -a lover has already been insisted upon. Muratori, writing of her after -the shyness of her arrival had worn off--she is mentioned as being -timid at first--describes her as young and always occupied in dancing, -singing, or in some kind of amusement. Muratori also touches upon one -of Beatrice's weaknesses. Truly never was a woman more intelligently -fond of dress. She came to Milan a child, but within a year she knew -her woman's business like her alphabet, and of that, one of the -serious items is to understand that a woman is most frequently -rendered attractive by her clothes. In dress, Beatrice had one -peculiar predilection--she loved ribbons. She liked to have her -sleeves tied with them; she liked them, in fact, almost everywhere. In -the Altar-piece portrait her gown is extremely ugly, but little -superfluous-looking ribbons are tied all over it. She also grew -certainly to be extravagant. On one occasion, when her mother went -over her country house, she was shown the Duchess of Bari's wardrobe. -There were eighty-four gowns, pelisses, and mantles, besides many more -that had been left in Milan. There is no doubt that eighty-four gowns -and mantles were too many at one period. Beatrice grew over-rich for -the finer qualities of character to keep exercised. To desire a thing, -if only in passing, was to have it. - -During the first months after her arrival in Milan, however, she was a -child, and too much cossetted to realize more than a very limited -responsibility. Her life for some time was little more than a perfect -example of the winning freshness belonging to the Renaissance -conception of happiness. Open-air pleasures were a large part of its -delight. Every man who was rich enough had a country residence with -shady places and pools of water. Beatrice constantly went picnics into -the country. A certain Messer Galeazzo Sanseverino, who later married -Ludovico's illegitimate daughter Beatrice, wrote a description of one -of them. He said--it was in a letter to Isabella--that they started -early in the morning, and as they drove--he, Beatrice, and another -lady--they sang part-songs arranged for three voices. Having arrived -at their destination--Ludovico's country house at Cussago--they -immediately commenced fishing in the river, and caught so many fish -that they were obliged to fling some back into the water. A portion of -the rest was cooked for their midday meal, and afterwards, the writer -says, for the sake of their digestions, they played a vigorous game of -ball. This finished, they made a tour over the beautiful palace, and -after that once more started fishing. This might well have been -occupation enough for one day, but when fishing had grown wearisome -horses were saddled, and they first flew falcons by the river-side, -and then started hunting the stags on the duke's estate. It was not -until an hour after dark that the indefatigable and cheerful party got -back to Milan. - -When Rabelais wrote his description of a day in Pantagruel's life, he -might well have had this pleasure outing in remembrance. - -Ludovico took no part in these outings; affairs of state, he said, -absorbed his time. To have instantly suspected these affairs of state -would have needed the sharpened wits of worldly knowledge. But -presently, since everybody but the bride knew or guessed from the -beginning how the duke really occupied himself, comments began to -circulate. In the end Beatrice realized the truth. There are no -letters showing how she first grasped the fact that Ludovico still -gave tenderness to another woman; but she knew at last that Cecilia -Gallerani was not only shortly expecting to be confined, but was also -still lodged in apartments at one end of the Castello. The last fact -in itself must have sufficed to be insufferable. Whether Beatrice made -a scene or not, she could only have felt burnt up with anger as well -as with sickness of heart. A crisis became inevitable. The particular -motives were trivial, but the triviality occurred when anything would -have been too much for her. Ludovico gave his wife a gown of woven -gold. The moment she wore it curious expressions flickered over the -faces of her household--Cecilia Gallerani was going about in its -counterpart. Only one inference presented itself. Beatrice soon knew, -and by this time had borne as much as the unseasoned endurance of her -years was able. What followed is summarized in a letter by Trotti to -the Duke of Ferrara--a letter which he begs the duke to burn -immediately. Trotti speaks of the garment as a vest, showing that it -was only part of a dress, and he says that Madonna Beatrice had -refused to wear hers again if Madonna Cecilia was allowed to appear in -another similar. The attitude was a bold one for a child of fifteen, -and Beatrice must have made it with the most unhindered courage. For -immediately afterwards Ludovico himself went to interview Trotti, and -so make sure that something more soothing than a mere statement of -Beatrice's grievance went to Ferrara. He gave an actual promise that -the liaison should come to a conclusion. He would either find a -husband for the lady or send her into a nunnery. - -Beatrice won, and, indeed, won handsomely. Political expediency was on -her side, but the girl's own likeableness must be counted for -something in the matter. Ludovico was among the most cunning men of -Italy, yet upon this occasion he did exactly what he promised. As soon -as Cecilia had recovered from the birth of a son the two alternatives -were considered. Her tastes were not for convents, and she married a -Count Ludovico Bergamini. With this, as far as Il Moro was concerned, -the episode closed. Beatrice would probably have preferred the -convent, for, as things remained, Cecilia was not in any sense removed -out of society. She continued to receive all the notable men of that -part of the world at the beautiful palace a little way out of Milan -which Ludovico had given her as an inheritance for his son, and at all -court functions she appeared as usual. - -Beatrice's triumph may have come to her a little through her courage. -It was a quality Ludovico admired above all things, though his own was -not to be relied upon. Commines says of him, "Ludovico was very wise, -but extremely timid, and very slippery when he was afraid. I speak as -one well acquainted with him, and who has arranged much diplomatic -business with him." - -Few characters of the Italian Renaissance are more difficult to get at -than Ludovico's. Like Cæsar Borgia, he had much of the magnificent -adventurer in his blood, and though he never cut the figure in Italy -that Cæsar Borgia did, he was in many ways the more interesting of the -two. Cæsar Borgia outshines him easily as a schemer, as a fighter, as -a man nothing stopped and nothing staggered; but Cæsar Borgia was -known as a being more eager to conquer towns than to govern them, and -Il Moro was above all admirable at the head of a state. His politics -were over-cunning, but as a ruler of Milan he went consistently for -improvement and for more humanity than was customary. In personal -charm he must have run the Borgia close. All those who knew him -intimately liked him. There was dignity of presence and an eloquent -habit of speech. Leonardo da Vinci could not be reckoned an easy man -to satisfy, but he lived for sixteen years contentedly under the -patronage of Ludovico. Ludovico's ambitions did not drive him at the -same furious pace as the other's, and he worked for a city and the -future along with and in the interval of his own deep plots. A -contemporary writer, Cagnola, says of him that he improved to an -extraordinary degree the town of Milan, by enlarging and embellishing -the streets and squares, and by the erection of many fine buildings, -the fronts of which were decorated with frescoes. He did the same at -Pavia, until both towns, previously hideous and filthy, were scarcely -recognizable. Corio adduces further evidence in his favour by saying -that every man of culture and learning, wherever he could be found, -was enticed by Ludovico to Milan, and in some flowery phrases writes -that all that was sweetest in music and finest in art and literature -was to be found in the court of Il Moro. - -This, put in plainer language, was very nearly true. Ludovico had a -passion for having great men as company. His library, too, was famous. -He collected books in France, Italy, and Germany. He had manuscripts -printed, copied, illuminated wherever he could find them. In -connection with this library, besides, a pleasant trait in his -character comes out. He allowed scholars to borrow his books for -purposes of study, and even gave facilities to them for using his -library. The universities of both Milan and Pavia were saved by his -energy, and his attitude towards education was always generous and -impersonal. - -To a man so full of temperament Beatrice's own nature was very much in -tune, and after the disposal of Cecilia Gallerani there came to her -the really good time of her life. It seems more than probable, in -fact, that Ludovico had already grown fond of the round-faced girl -with the audacious expression and the inexhaustible vitality of ways. -Some of her earlier escapades were like a schoolboy's home for the -holidays, but Ludovico referred to them invariably with a touch of -pride. He wrote on one occasion to Isabella that his wife, the Duchess -of Milan, and their suites, had, at Beatrice's instigation, been -dressing up in Turkish costumes. These dresses, also under Beatrice's -impetuous influence, were finished in one night's labour. She herself -sewed vigorously with the rest, and Ludovico wrote that upon the -duchess expressing surprise at her energy, replied that she could do -nothing without flinging her whole soul into it. That was like -Beatrice; she had no impulses that were not glowing, tremendous, -whole-hearted. Some of her nonsense at this time, nevertheless, was -not so pleasing, though Ludovico does not appear to have realized its -naughtiness. He wrote on another occasion, and still with an air of -pride, that one of her amusements in the country was to ride races -with the ladies of her suite, when she would gallop full speed behind -some of them in the hope of making them tumble off their excited -horses. - -Of Beatrice's pluck many instances are given, but at this time, -undoubtedly, she was a little drunk with youth and happiness. Trotti -wrote to Ferrara of a wrestling match between her and Isabella of -Milan, in which Beatrice succeeded in throwing Isabella down. And the -tirelessness of the creature came out also in a letter of her own to -Isabella of Mantua, in which she told her sister how every day after -their dinner she played ball with some of her courtiers. In the same -letter there is another assurance that she was really happy, not only -because she was young and vigorous, but because her heart was -satisfied, for she mentions, as if it brimmed over spontaneously from -a joy still fresh enough to be marvelled at, how tender her husband -was to her. She added a pretty and affectionate touch by mentioning a -bed of garlic which she had planted on purpose for her sister when she -should come to stay with them, garlic being evidently a flavouring of -which Isabella was extremely fond. - -Beatrice's statement of Ludovico's affectionate habits is largely -corroborated. Once, when she was ill, Trotti reported to Ferrara that -Ludovico left her bedside neither night nor day, but spent his entire -time trying to soothe and distract her. - -As far as Beatrice was concerned, this illness could not consequently -have been entirely lamentable. It is in the nature of women not to -begrudge the price paid for visible assurances of being beloved, and -to Beatrice Ludovico had soon become the integral requirement of life. - -Some time after this the real duchess, Isabella, gave birth to a son. -At last Giangaleazzo was not only duke, but possessed an heir to come -after him. This child destroyed the Regent's prospects. Giangaleazzo, -weak as well as foolish, had not the making of old bones in him. Until -now the able and popular Regent stood with an easy grace, one day to -be persuaded to step into his nephew's shoes. Isabella's son put -girders to her house, and thrust Ludovico's future back to that of -simple service, gilded and honourable, but yet, after all, merely -service to the house of which he was not head. For Beatrice and -Ludovico, moreover, this new-born infant tinged the situation either -with flat mediocrity or with a new and secret ugliness. No change -showed, however, upon the surface. Public rejoicings took place to -celebrate the birth of an heir, and life then fell back into its -customary habits. There is a picture of these days given many years -after by Beatrice's secretary, the _elegantissimo_ Calmeta, as he was -called at the time. He wrote that her court was filled with men of -distinction, all of whom were expected to use their talents for her -intellectual pleasure. When she had nothing else to do, a secretary -read Dante or some minor poet out loud to her, on which occasions -Ludovico would more often than not come and listen with her. - -Calmeta mentions some of the men who made Beatrice's court remarkable, -but the greatest of all, Leonardo da Vinci, is not included. From what -it is possible to ascertain, Leonardo came very little into Beatrice's -private existence. His life was enclosed by what Walter Pater calls -"curiosity and the desire of beauty," and the passion for humanity was -very slightly developed in him. He believed in solitude, and, in a -limited and cordial fashion, indulged in it. - -In reference to his coming to Milan, Pater, referring to the facts -given by Vasari, says, "He came not as an artist at all, or careful of -the fame of one; but as a player on the harp, a strange harp of silver -of his own construction, shaped in some curious likeness to a horse's -skull. The capricious spirit of Ludovico was susceptible also to the -power of music, and Leonardo's nature had a kind of spell in it. -Fascination is always the word descriptive of him." - -Leonardo's letter to Ludovico about his coming to Milan is written in -a very different mood, and, read in the light of his fame, is wholly -humorous. He says, "Having, most illustrious lord, seen and pondered -over the experiments of all those who pass as masters in the art of -constructing engines of war, and finding that their inventions are not -one whit different from those already in use, I venture to ask for an -opportunity of acquainting your excellency with some of my secrets. - -"Firstly, I can build bridges, which are light and strong and easy to -carry, so as to enable one to pursue and rout the enemy; also others -of a stouter make, which, while resisting fire and assault, are easily -taken to pieces and placed in position. I can also burn and destroy -those of the enemy. - -"Secondly, in times of siege I can cut off the water supply from the -trenches, and make pontoons and scaling ladders and other contrivances -of a like nature." - -Seven other paragraphs follow, explaining contrivances for ensuring -success in warfare by land or sea. It was only at the end of the tenth -that he touched upon less military matters. Then he wrote: "In times -of peace, I believe that I could please you as completely as any one, -both in the designing of public and private buildings, and in making -aqueducts. In addition, I can undertake sculpture in marble, bronze, -or clay. In painting I am as competent as any one else, whoever he may -be. Moreover, I would execute the commission of the bronze horse, and -so give immortal fame and honour to the glorious memory of your father -and the illustrious house of Sforza." - -Leonardo had painted Cecilia Gallerani for Ludovico before the time of -Beatrice's arrival, but, as far as one knows, never painted Beatrice. -Mrs. Cartwright suggests, and the opinion has been repeated elsewhere, -that the reason for this sprang from Beatrice's jealousy of the -beautiful woman who had preceded her. But this is not in keeping with -her nature. Beatrice loved all beautiful pictures, and was far too -intuitive not to know that if any one could give her portrait beauty, -Leonardo was that man. Whatever strangeness exhaled from within he -would have drawn upon the surface. That he should never have painted -her is extraordinary, but, at the same time, it is absolutely certain -that he would never have felt any inclination to. Leonardo did not -care for any woman's face that could look happy and be satisfied with -that mere possession. And the Regent's wife had no withholdings in her -expression, and no subtleties, save perhaps the subtlety of audacity -and laughter. - - * * * * * - -Presently Beatrice gave birth to a son, and whatever sinister thoughts -had ebbed and flowed in Ludovico's brain before, now became permanent -and concrete. Beatrice's confinement was in itself the first open -threat at Isabella. The arrangements for the child's arrival were a -menace in their unfitness. A queen's son could not have been received -into the world with more elaborate ceremony. The layette and cradle -were exhibited to ambassadors as if a future monarch were being waited -for. The cradle was of gold, its coverlet of cloth of gold. With no -restraint as to cost, three rooms had been decorated--one for the -mother, one for the child, and one for the presents, which poured in -every hour. The boy was no sooner born than public rejoicings were -ordered. Bells were rung for six days, processions were held, -prisoners for debt were released, and ambassadors, councillors, and -all important officials entered to congratulate the slender girl in -her magnificent bed, with its mulberry and gold coloured hangings. - -At the court of Giangaleazzo meanwhile Isabella must have felt as if -bitterness stifled her--bitterness and the sick despair of any -creature conscious suddenly that it is trapped. Everybody remembered -that when the real heir to the duchy had been born two years before, -there had been less extravagance and formality than for the entry of -the Regent's infant. And when a week later Isabella also went to bed -and brought a second child into the world, the torture of the body -must have been little in comparison to the torture of the mind that -knew its children already marked out for disinheritance. Even her -confinement became a convenience to Ludovico, who was able to inform -the ambassadors that the rejoicings were for a double joy, though the -statement was not made with any intention to deceive. The thin end of -the wedge had been driven in, and Ludovico desired men to grow -prepared and seasoned for what would one day be thrust upon them as an -accomplished policy. - -When both duchesses had recovered, ceremonies of thanksgiving were -organized. They drove together in wonderful clothes and as part of a -gorgeous procession to the church of St. Maria della Grazie. Beatrice -may have uttered some light gratitude as she knelt, but to Isabella -the day must have been a burning anguish, wearying to the very fibre -of her nature. She and Beatrice sat side by side, and their dresses -were almost equally extravagant. The public only saw two bejewelled -and magnificent figures, but one of the two women already hated the -other, with a heart swollen by the wrongs she did not dare to utter. - -From this day forward Isabella's life is ill to think of; for -Ludovico's plans were soon no longer secret. The King of the Romans -was to marry his niece--Giangaleazzo's sister--and to receive with her -an immense dowry. In return he was to give Ludovico the investiture of -Milan. On paper this change of dukes did not read as a flagrant -usurpation. Giangaleazzo had been cleverly thrust into the position of -sinner. It was seemingly abruptly discovered that he had no right to -the dukedom at all without the consent of Maximilian. The Viscontis -held it in fief from the empire. When they died it should have passed -back into the keeping of Germany. The duchy belonged to the emperor, -and the Sforzas holding it on their own authority made them nothing -less than adventurers. Il Moro, confirmed as duke by the King of the -Romans, would possess the duchy upon legal and unimpeachable grounds, -and have only dispossessed therefore a creature without any rights to -hold it at any time, and incapable into the bargain. - -Isabella fought with an impassioned fury for her child and her -position. It was brave, heart-rending, and useless. Giangaleazzo could -not be made even to understand Ludovico's treachery. In a fit of -temper he could beat his wife, as a child strikes what offends it. But -he could not grasp any more than a child that a person, who had never -given it an unkind word, should nevertheless intend to do it evil. -Sometimes driven beyond control, Isabella would fix the story of -Ludovico's coming usurpation into his wandering attention. For a -moment her burning phrases stimulated some dim perception. But -presently Ludovico and the boy would meet, and Giangaleazzo, in -reality bewildered and helpless without the support of this capable, -pleasant relative he had leant on since infancy, would blurt out all -his wife's accusations and come back to her soothed into the implicit -faith of before. Not a soul that would, had the capacity to help her, -whilst the crowd had gone over to the light-hearted, triumphant -duchess who was stepping remorselessly into her place. - -Of all the women of the Renaissance there are none more piteous and -more innocently forlorn than this girl Isabella, married to the futile -son of a madman and pitted against the unrighteous cravings of a -Ludovico. He and Beatrice between them made her life a nightmare, but -they never abased her courage. The letter to her father, given by -Corio as hers, but generally looked upon as worded by the historian, -shows the noble fierceness that ran through her body. In burning -phrases she laid bare the unjust misery of her position. Giangaleazzo -was of age, and should have succeeded some time back to the duchy of -his father. But so far was this from being the case that even the bare -necessities of existence were doled out to them by Ludovico, who not -only enjoyed all political power, but who kept them practically both -helpless and unbefriended. The bitter hurt she endured through -Beatrice came out in the mention of the latter's son and the royal -honours paid to him at birth, while she and her children were treated -as of no importance. In truth she added--and there is something so -hot, so passionately and recklessly sincere in the whole letter that -it is difficult to believe that anybody but Isabella herself wrote -it--they remained at the palace in actual risk of their lives, the -deadly envy of Ludovico aching to make her a widow. But her letter, -for all its despair and anger, was imbued with an unbreakable spirit. -When she had laid bare the danger, the loneliness, and humiliation of -her position, explaining that she lacked even one soul she dared speak -openly to, since all her attendants were provided by Ludovico, she -closed with a brave and defiant statement that in spite of everything -her courage still endured unshaken. - -Beatrice, it is true, does not show bravely in this one matter. True, -from the worldly standpoint of the time, it was not as ugly as it -seems to-day. Position during the Renaissance was legitimately to -those indomitable enough to seize it. But the private intuitions of -the heart do not alter greatly at any period, and in these Beatrice -was not by nature deficient. She had strong affections and abundant -fundamental graces of temperament--laughter, courage, insight, -whole-heartedness, multiplicity of talents. But during the first years -of her married life she had too many happinesses at once. There was -nothing in her life to quicken the spiritual qualities, nor to foster -the more delicate undergrowths of character--pity, compassion, the -living sense of other sorrows. She lived too quickly, and there was no -time for conscience to hurt her. That she could be tender there are -little incidents to bear witness. Her motherhood, for instance, was -both charming and childlike. She wrote to her mother, in sending the -baby's portrait, that though it was only a week since the picture had -been painted, the baby was already bigger, but that she dared not send -his exact height because everybody told her that if she measured him -he would never grow properly. - -The innocent foolishness of this disarms harsh judgment. And in -judging Beatrice's relations to Isabella of Milan there is no need to -deduce a bad disposition from one bad action. No individuality stands -clear from some occasional unworthinesses. In this one matter Beatrice -was inexcusable, heartless, driven by nothing but an unjust ambition. -But in others she was charming, affectionate, thoughtful, and -moreover, under circumstances of colossal temptations and a great deal -too much wealth, she remained a devoted wife, a faithful friend, and a -woman capable in the end of a sorrow deep enough, practically, to kill -her. In addition, it was harder for Beatrice than for most people to -be really very saintly. She had too much of everything--vitality, -intelligence, charm of person--and the call of life in consequence -became too loud and too insistent. It is partly because of this that -one loves her. For she had enough grace to be lovable, but not enough -to be above the need of a regretful compassion and understanding. It -is, of course, possible to be extraordinarily robust--to feel life -_sing_ in one's body through sheer physical well-being--and yet be all -aflame in spirit also. But it is certain that when for a woman -considerable personal fascination is added, this extreme vitality -makes it much harder to retain only a sweet and limpid thinking. Each -actual moment becomes too engrossing and sufficient. - -There is, of course, no use in denying that from the time Ludovico was -immersed in disreputable politics, Beatrice knew a great deal about -them. To help, in fact, in their fulfilment she was herself presently -sent as envoy to Venice. The Venetians were reluctant to fit in with -Il Moro's intentions, and it was realized at Milan that what may be -lost by argument may be won by unuttered persuasion. In any case, a -pretty woman, all gaiety, tact, and responsiveness, could only be a -pleasant incident for a party of elderly gentlemen. So Beatrice, with -all the clothes that most became her, went to Venice, where she set -the teeth of the women on edge with the wicked excess of her personal -splendour. But though the feminine society of Venice did not love her, -Beatrice knew that her business was with men, and that to fascinate, -therefore, she must give out the charm the eye perceives immediately. - -During her visit she wrote long letters to her husband, telling him -everything save the information not wise to trust on paper. She even -gave a description of the clothes she wore on each occasion. The fact -is interesting, because nothing could constitute a clearer revelation -of the closeness of their married relationship. Only when a husband -and wife are on the tenderest terms of comradeship does a man care to -hear what his wife wears, and even then he must possess what might be -called the talent for domesticity. - -The wedding of Bianca, sister of Giangaleazzo, became the next step in -Ludovico's policy. It was during the pageants organized to show the -greatness of the match that the Duchess Isabella made her last brave -show in public. She knew exactly what lay at the back of the marriage, -but maintained to the end the fine endurance of good breeding. Through -all the ceremonies that preceded Bianca's departure into Germany, -Isabella outwardly bore herself as any tranquil-hearted woman, who -was the first lady of Milan, should do. Later on, some at least of the -anguish surging within was to overflow in a sudden torrent. But in -public nothing broke her wonderful composure. Not until Charles VIII. -came to see her privately did her accumulated sorrows openly express -themselves. - -Previously to this Louis XII., then Duke of Orleans, had been sent -into Italy, to discuss plans with Ludovico. Nobody thought much then -of the man who was later to destroy Il Moro. A contemporary wrote -sneeringly that his head was too small to hold much in the way of -brains, and that Ludovico would find it easy enough to outwit him. -Charles followed, when Beatrice and her court journeyed from Milan to -Asti in order to fascinate and amuse him. Beatrice even danced for his -pleasure, and she was an exquisite dancer. As a result Charles -metaphorically fell at her pretty feet, which was only natural, -considering that her appearance must have been gay and young -enough--in a dress of vivid green and with a bewildering blaze of -jewels--to have fascinated anybody. - -Coming after a duchess all radiance and light-heartedness, Isabella, -on the other hand, empty of everything but desolation, could only -appear a disagreeable interlude. Giangaleazzo was already ill at -Pavia when Charles VIII. crossed into Italy, but after Ludovico and -Beatrice had done everything possible to amuse the French king, he -passed on to the town of Pavia. Here the real duke lay in bed, and it -was Isabella who received the king and Ludovico at the entrance to the -Castello, dramatically beautiful in her forlorn observance of social -obligations. Commines gives a detailed account of Isabella's sudden -outcry against the downfall being prepared for her house. In this -account he says that the king told him that he would like to have -warned Giangaleazzo had he not feared the consequences with Ludovico. -Commines adds that, disregarding the Duke of Bari's presence, Isabella -threw herself on her knees before the French king, and piteously -besought him to have pity on her father and brother, in answer to -which, the situation being a very awkward one for him, he could only -beg her to think of her husband and herself, she being still so young -and lovely a woman. - -That Charles pitied these two, as lambs lying in the paws of a wolf, -is very clear from Commines' statement. - -And a few days later Giangaleazzo died. His life had been useless, -but he took leave of it with an arresting gentleness. After a serious -illness he had rallied, taken a fair amount of nourishment, and slept -a little. That same evening he asked to see two horses Ludovico had -sent him, and they were brought into the great stone hall, out of -which his room opened. He talked of Ludovico, his confidence remaining -childlike and unshaken to the end. His uncle, he said, would have been -sure, would he not, to come and see him, if the French business had -not swallowed up attention? As he grew weaker, he asked his favourite -attendant--much as a woman might ask about her lover, for the pleasure -of the answer--if he thought his uncle loved him, and grieved at his -serious illness. Satisfied, he begged to see his greyhounds, and then, -all his little interests tranquillized, quietly fell asleep. He was -dead next morning, and Ludovico's path was made easier than before. He -was, in fact, instantly proclaimed head of Milan. Guicciardini says of -it, "It was proposed by the heads of the council that, considering the -importance of the duchy, and the dangerous times dawning for Italy, it -would be extremely undesirable that a child not yet five years old -should succeed his father.... Ambition getting the better of honesty, -the next morning, after some pretence of reluctance, he accepted -the name and arms of the Duke of Milan." - - [Illustration: PORTRAIT,--PROBABLY OF CECILIA GALLERANI - SAID TO BE BY AMBROGIO DA PREDIS] - -At the time Ludovico was almost universally credited with having -murdered Giangaleazzo, but the accusation has since fallen to the -ground. Practically it was based upon the fact that the moment of the -duke's passing was too opportune to wear an air of naturalness. In -spite, moreover, of what men thought, nothing dared be uttered openly, -and Ludovico, blazing in cloth of gold, rode to the church of St. -Ambrozio to give public thanks for his accession. The wind was with -him for the moment. Beatrice, too, had become the first lady of Milan, -and her soul stood in a more perilous state than ever. She had reached -the place of her desire by ways too shady for loveliness of thought to -have had much hold in her. - -Isabella meanwhile, from this time onwards, passes into a desolate -private existence. But there is an incident which occurred first that -remains very difficult to penetrate. Literally at Ludovico's mercy -after her husband's death, she still bore herself bravely. For a time -she refused to leave Pavia. When she did, we are told that Beatrice -drove out to meet her, and that when they came together, some two -miles from town, she got out of her own carriage and entered -Isabella's, both women sobbing bitterly as she did so. That Isabella -should cry was natural; she was weak with the weariness of sorrow. But -Beatrice's was not the nature to weep either easily or falsely. -Clearly face to face with the price paid for her own position, it beat -back upon her for a moment as an utter heaviness, and she cried -because Isabella was the living expression of despair, and they had -once been intimate and companionable. God knows what they said to each -other in this drive together, or whether through the passing grace of -a sudden penitence Beatrice found anything the widow could hear -without a sense of nausea. For how dire Isabella felt her life to have -become is revealed in a singularly tender reference made to her by the -court jester Barone, who wrote that she was so changed, and so thin -and grief-stricken, that the hardest heart could not have seen her -without compassion. - -But the Duchy of Milan was to yield little happiness to the two who -had acquired it so shabbily. Charles' Italian campaign soon thrust -Ludovico into both difficulty and danger. At the commencement of it he -had been a great man. But when one Italian town after another became -as a doormat for Charles to walk over, he perceived suddenly the flaw -in his French invasion policy. Ferrante of Naples wrecked was one -thing; Italy given over to Charles VIII. another. - -He was not even personally safe with Louis of Orleans at Asti. A -league was formed, in which the Pope, the King of the Romans, the King -and Queen of Spain, Henry VII. of England, the Signory of Venice, and -the Duke of Milan all combined. Isabella D'Este's husband was made -captain, with the express duty of cutting off Charles' triumphant -return into France. This fight against the king, so cajoled at the -beginning, and the subsequent peace patched up between him and -Ludovico, is purely a matter of history. In the attack against Asti, -made by Louis of Orleans, however, Beatrice showed a magnificent and -practical courage. Ludovico's own astuteness had died in a sickly -terror, and he had rushed back to his fortified castle at Milan. At -the time there is little doubt that he was suffering from nervous -exhaustion; but it was Beatrice whose courageous eloquence roused -Milan, and it was Beatrice who ordered the steps necessary to defend -the town and Castello. - -It was about this time, also, that she showed a disarming and -warm-hearted rightness of feeling. Among the booty her sister -Isabella's husband, Francesco, had acquired from the French were some -hangings that had belonged to Charles VIII.'s own tent. They were -originally forwarded to Isabella, but presently Francesco asked her to -send them back, as he wished to give them to Beatrice. That made -Isabella angry. She had some degree of reason, but her expression of -it was repellantly ungracious. The hangings, notwithstanding, were -sent to Beatrice. Happily, she would not have them. As keenly as -Isabella, she loved beautiful and notable things, but with the simple -statement that, under the circumstances she felt she ought not to have -them, she returned the draperies to her sister. In doing so she was -beginning to practise the little niceties that help to keep existence -lovable. Had she lived, she would almost surely have weathered the -over-eager selfishnesses of her married life. They were after all -largely due to the absorption that all youth suffers during the first -unsettled, uncertain period, when life is still all newness and -personal excitements. But her time was short, and after the settling -of peace with France, the end drew horribly near to her. - -For five years she had been happy. Ludovico constituted the integral -part of heaven for her, and after the first fierce struggle she had -lived in the soft security of an equal affection. Nature had given her -brains and seductiveness. To have both in one person, and then, as -crowning grace, to possess a genius for light-heartedness, was more -than most women can rely upon in the unceasing labour of retaining a -husband's affectionateness. But Beatrice was bolstered by even more -than this. The tastes of husband and wife were similar--Ludovico had -no hobbies outside the radius of her understanding. Nevertheless, at -twenty she stumbled upon the disheartenment that for most wives lurks -about the forties. She could not keep her husband from the charm of -other women. She had been everything, but the time had come when a -pretty face was to sweep her peace down like a house of flimsy -cardboard. - -She had grown stale--observation, dulled by familiarity, could receive -no fresh impression. The very years they had handled life together -worked not for, but against, her. All her ways had grown a parrot-cry; -those of other women were new and half mysterious. Further, she was at -that time physically in a peculiarly defenceless condition. When -Ludovico's last passion swept him away from her, Beatrice was once -more expecting to be a mother. - -Among the members of her household at this time there had been -included the daughter of a Milanese nobleman, a girl called Lucrezia -Crivelli. This Lucrezia Crivelli was far too beautiful to be a safe -person in the house of any man susceptible to all precious or lovely -objects. Could anything, indeed, be more exquisite than her face as -painted by Leonardo da Vinci? At the same time, to look for long at -the beautiful oval is to see that its meekness is purely a sham -expression. The eyes too, so gentle, undisturbed, observant, are just -a little, though illusively, unscrupulous. It is essentially the face -of a young girl with all the delicate finenesses and sweet, reliant -placidities of inexperience; but it is also a face already rich in -power, reservations, and a silent deliberateness of conduct. In -addition to all this, her hair was golden, her head almost perfectly -outlined. In any court she must have created a sensation--she was so -dazzling, and yet so quiet, so self-contained, and so demurely and -subtly dignified. The temperament was probably cold. There is more -thought than feeling in its gracious quietude--thought and a dim -suggestion of pain, not in the present, but for the future. Small -wonder she drew Ludovico. To be young, beautiful--a sweet wonder to -look at--and, in addition, to strain at men's heartstrings by just a -hint of wistfulness, is to be dangerous beyond bearing. - - [Illustration: LUCREZIA CRIVELLI - BY LEONARDO DA VINCI] - -Ludovico's admiration became rapidly unmistakable. From being -constantly pin-pricked, Beatrice saw the friendship between the two -spring suddenly into something mortal to her heart. The two were -thrown hourly into each other's society--the man with the inflammable -response to beauty, and the girl with the discreet and tantalizing -loveliness. It was a tense drama of three. For Beatrice was always -there as the tortured third. From the commencement nothing was spared -her. Each day some new incident shook her with unutterable -anticipations. Slowly existence, as she watched these two, became a -solidifying terror. There must have been some scenes at the -commencement. No woman could accept a crisis such as this and not cry -out for mercy. But Beatrice, with the innate wisdom that so soon grew -strong in her, quickly realized that to plead was like a voice trying -to be heard above a tempest. Ludovico was infatuated. Everybody knew, -and talked of the affair, both at the Court of Milan and beyond it. -In 1496, a Ferrarese ambassador wrote that the latest news from Milan -was the duke's infatuation for one of his wife's ladies-in-waiting, -with whom he passed the greater part of his time--a fact which was -widely condemned there. - -That same autumn Ludovico's natural daughter, whom Beatrice had -adopted when she came to Milan, and whom she loved dearly, died. Only -a few months back she had been married to the Galeazzo di Sanseverino, -who had helped so largely to keep Beatrice merry in the first months -of her marriage. Her name was Bianca, and in her portrait by Ambrogio -da Predis--a portrait sometimes said to be of Beatrice D'Este--she -looks adorable. Her death struck Beatrice when she was already -heartsick. A dozen times between daylight and bedtime Lucrezia and -Ludovico had acquired the power to drive the blood to her temples. -Muralto, who mentions Il Moro making the girl his mistress, says, with -the simplicity characteristic of the period when touching anything -emotional, that though it caused Beatrice bitter anguish of mind, it -could not alter her love for him. It is very evident that Beatrice -dared nothing against this later mistress. With an admirable -wisdom--the wisdom of an intelligence which had deepened upon the -facts of experience--she did not struggle, after five years of married -life, against the fever of this tempestuous passion. But a passionate -restlessness wore her out. She looked upon days unending and -unbearable. In a few weeks her manner changed entirely. She, who had -been like an embodied joy for years, grew to have tears always near -the surface. In the end she became too weary to control them; for -there is no weakness like that brought about by a forlornness -constantly goaded into fresh sensations. Both her ladies and her -courtiers, in the inevitable publicity of court habits, saw her eyes -frequently blinded by silent tears. But she said nothing, and they -could not be certain whether they fell because of her husband's -conduct or because of the death of Bianca. - - [Illustration: PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF BIANCA SFORZA - WIFE OF GALEAZZO SANSEVERINO] - -To some extent she had become abruptly absorbed by a new outlook. All -her life previously she had been a frank materialist; the question of -death had loomed too distant to need attention. But suddenly life had -betrayed her, and in the bitter knowledge of its cruelties the soul -stirred to tragic wakefulness. - -The Renaissance, as far as she was concerned, had shown itself -inadequate. It had promised, with artistic and philosophic culture, -to bring happiness. But in practice it provided nothing for the heart -of women. It could not make men faithful, nor help the warm and simple -ways of domesticity from the denudations of instability. There -remained only the question of the afterlife to fall back upon, and -Beatrice, enfevered and tortured, tried to fix her mind upon this -prospect. Bianca had been buried in the church of St. Maria delle -Grazie, and during the last months of her existence Beatrice formed -the habit of going constantly to her tomb, and of staying there for -hours at a time. In fact, shipwrecked as far as life was concerned, -and brought by her approaching motherhood to the nearness and -possibility of death, her soul sprung at last into a quivering -alertness, drawing her to silent introspections in the dark and -restful church, where the girl who had been alive a short time back, -now lay quietly buried. Only the most unshaken agnostics can come -close to death and not suddenly feel an overwhelming necessity for -some preparatory equipment--some consciousness of a clean and -justified existence. And Beatrice, whose manner hinted to those about -her the possession of a secret foreboding of what was coming, had -reached very close to the moment when this peace, both of -remembrance and of hope, would be tragically necessary. - - [Illustration: THE CHURCH OF ST. MARIA DELLE GRAZIE AT MILAN] - -On January 2, 1497, she drove as usual to the church of St. Maria -delle Grazie. She remained there for hours, as if only in this one -sombre place could she obtain a little respite and tranquillity. Her -ladies--who probably disliked these outings beyond expression--had -difficulty in coaxing her at last from the building. They got her -home, and she seemed much as usual until about eight o'clock in the -evening, when the agony of child-birth suddenly commenced in her. - -Her pains only lasted three hours. Then she gave birth to a still-born -child, and shortly after midnight she died. For a short hour she lay -in her canopied bed, worn in body and uncomforted in soul. Then she -died, and whom Ludovico loved or did not love mattered not one whit to -her. - -But her death had been brutal, unexpected, sudden, and acted upon -Ludovico like a douche of icy water. Passion for Lucrezia died -brusquely through the shock. Beatrice, had she known it, had never -been profoundly discarded, and the thought of life without her had not -formed part of the Lucrezia madness. - -And suddenly she was dead. There had been no reconciliation. In the -abruptness of her collapse, there had not been an interval in which to -endear her back to joy. She had suffered great pain, and then, in a -forlorn and piteous weakness, passed from existence. - -Ludovico's grief became intense. His passionate prostration was so -unusual in the callousness of the period, that every one talked about -it. He refused to have her name mentioned in his presence, and when -most widowers of that time would have been thinking of a second wife, -he was still spoken of as caring nothing any longer for his children, -or his state, or for anything on earth. - -Seven months after her death he continued still apparently a changed -man. He had become religious, recited daily offices, observed fasts, -and lived "chastily and devoutly." His rooms were still draped in -black, he took all his meals standing, and every day went for a time -to his wife's tomb in the church of St. Maria delle Grazie. - - [Illustration: THE EFFIGY OF BEATRICE D'ESTE - AT SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM] - -His last action in connection with Beatrice has a certain moving -sentimentality. It was when the miserable end of his adventure had -commenced, and he was obliged to escape from Milan with all the haste -he could. His safety depended upon his swiftness. Knowing this, he -nevertheless stopped at the church of St. Maria delle Grazie, and -stayed so long by the tomb of his wife that the small group with him -became anxious for their own skins as well as his. He came out at last -with the tears streaming down his face, and three times, as he rode -away, he looked back towards the church, as if all his heart held dear -lay there behind him. - -Not long afterwards he was captured, and his captivity at Loches is -one of the few inexcusable stains upon Louis XII.'s character. - - - - -ANNE OF BRITTANY - -1476-1514 - - -With Anne of Brittany the Renaissance entered France. She herself, -though she had her little fastidiousnesses, hardly belongs to it. No -artistic strain ran through her temperament. She was an intelligent, -but excessively practical woman, who twice married men of opposite -dispositions from her own. Anne, it is certain, never glowed at the -thought of a beautiful thing in her life, but both her husbands did, -and both, as a result of their Italian campaigns, brought into France -a variety of new and educative lovelinesses. Charles VIII., Anne's -first husband, and Louis XII., her second, gave the primary impulse to -the Renaissance movement in France. - -As for Anne herself, though in the end she appeals through a colossal -weight of sorrow, one feels her chiefly as a warning. Almost every -quality a woman ought to spend her strength in avoiding, she hugged -unconsciously to her soul, and every quality a woman needs as the -basis of her personality, she had not got. A woman should be -indulgence itself, and Anne indulged nobody; a woman should be as a -brimming receptacle of sympathy, toleration, and forgiveness, and Anne -forgave no one, and tolerated nothing that went against her. A woman -should be--it is without exaggeration her great essential--good to -live with, cosy, accommodating, an insidious wheedler, almost without -premeditation, not only into happiness, but into righteousness of -living. Now, Anne could never have been cosy, and it is doubtful -whether, once safely married for the second time, she would have -condescended to wheedle any one. She had not sufficient love to have a -surplus for distribution. Duties of some kinds she could observe -excellently, but there was no sub-conscious sense that in marrying she -was accepting one of the subtlest posts of influence in the world. She -had not the capacity for understanding that it is a woman's adorable -privilege to be _in herself_ so much, that the atmosphere of the house -she controls must in the end express principally her personality. And -nothing was more remote from Anne's intelligence than the secret -triumph of realizing how greatly the building up of character is the -charge intrusted to her sex by destiny. - -It was not her gift to make any house feel warmer when she entered -it. Her second husband loved her--contrast is a frequent motive for -falling in love--but she could do nothing for temperament. Character -is not upheaved by violences, and Anne was all imperatives and -despotism. Practical organizations are often admirably conducted with -these methods, and as a housewife Anne attained considerable -proficiency; but the more immaterial achievements are beyond the -reaching power of a chill autocracy. - -Born in 1476, she was the daughter of Francis II. of Brittany, enemy -of Louis XI. of France. Her mother, Marguerite de Foix, died when she -was little more than a baby, and the first thing one hears about the -child Anne was, as usual, concerned with the question of marriage. At -eight years old more than one suitor already desired her hand. The -English Prince of Wales had been accepted, when his murder put an end -to the engagement. Then the widowed Archduke of Austria, Maximilian, -was seriously considered, and for a short time Louis, Duke of Orleans, -subsequently her second husband, numbered among those said to be -possibly acceptable. He was married already to Jeanne, daughter of -Louis XI., but his dislike to the woman forced upon him by her -sinister parent had never been disguised. A dispensation from the Pope -could at any time make another marriage possible. - -The notion did not hold attention long, but the man and the child, -after all one day to come together, were excellent friends during the -period when Anne was in the schoolroom. Louis of Orleans, restless and -discontented, could bear anything better than the presence of his own -wife. Jeanne, who was not only deformed but hideous, had wrung from -her own father on one occasion the remark, "I did not know she was so -ugly." Curtained behind physical ungainliness, her nature was white as -snow and soft as the breast of a bird; but though every thought that -came to her fused into tenderness, she lacked the common gaieties -needful for ordinary existence. She had wanted to be a nun, and -instead they made her the wife of a boy who felt for her nothing but -an uncontrollable physical repulsion. - -Louis, when he fled to Brittany, did not take her with him, and every -writer is agreed that the pretty, precocious child whom he found -there, and the dissatisfied husband, became the best of comrades. One -chronicler mentions that Anne was flattered by the _hommage_ paid to -her by Louis, but it is very much in keeping with his character to -have been amused by a little creature with all the airs and graces, -and all the feminine obstreperousnesses, that Jeanne did not possess. -Louis admired character, and even at nine years old Anne must have -required no trifling efforts to manage. - -In 1488, her father, worsted at last by the French, was obliged to -come to terms with them. Almost immediately afterwards he died, and -Anne, at twelve years old, became Duchess of Brittany. - -It was, under the circumstances, a tragic position for any child to be -placed in, and Anne's little baby face and thin childish voice, at the -head of so forlornly placed a duchy, becomes suddenly pathetic. She -was no sooner proclaimed her father's successor, moreover, than France -sent to state that, since there were differences of opinion concerning -their respective rights to Brittany, she should, pending the decision -of arbitrators, not take the title of duchess. The reply--firm but -cautious--amounted to the statement that Anne had already convoked the -states of Brittany, in order to have the recent treaty made by her -father with France ratified. - -This answer the child probably had nothing to do with, but, in the -vital question of her marriage, she suddenly revealed herself very -definitely the authoritative head of her own dominions. All her -ministers desired a marriage with the Comte D'Albret, thought to be in -a position to help Brittany against the claws of its enemy. D'Albret -was a widower, old, ugly, bad tempered, and the father of twelve -children. Anne hated him--he is said to have had a spotty face--and -the shrinking antipathy of children is not controllable by reasons. -Primarily she must have felt a little frightened when both her -governess, and the great bearded men who controlled affairs, informed -her that, whatever her feelings, the marriage must take place. -Happily, she was not timid, and she understood perfectly that she had -succeeded to the power of her father. She refused point-blank to marry -D'Albret. They argued, coaxed, laboured with interminable -explanations, but the girl merely became mulish. When their -importunities allowed no other outlet, she declared that sooner than -marry him she would enter a nunnery and become a nun. Obstinacy such -as this, when the child owed subjection to nobody, was a thing to gasp -at. The tempers of her ministers must have been sorely tested, but -the D'Albret marriage had in the end to be abandoned. - -Maximilian was then brought forward once more--a suitor towards whom -Anne appears to have been more tractable. It was necessary to marry -somebody. Maximilian she had never seen, and therefore could regard to -some extent optimistically. At the worst he would be better than -D'Albret, and there was the chance that he might be actually charming. -Once she had consented they gave her no time to change her mind. -Maximilian sent his favourite, Baron de Polhain, to Brittany, and a -marriage by proxy, according to the German fashion, took place there. -The bride, having been dressed in her best frock, was placed in her -canopied bed, with the best pillows at her head, and the best -counterpane over her small person, and in the presence of the -necessary witnesses, Polhain bared one leg to the knee and introduced -it into the bed. This brief and simple ceremony rendered Anne a -married woman, wife of the King of Germany. For a year afterwards in -all proclamations she was called Queen, and Maximilian Duke, of -Brittany. - -Had he been rich, Maximilian might have kept his wife and changed -history. He was, however, too poor to send assistance, and France -inordinately wanted Brittany. Anne's position, therefore, grew month -by month more desperate, until, after the town of Nantes had fallen, -ultimate defeat became inevitable. Brittany, unaided, was a pigmy -standing up to a colossus. What facts the little duchess's childish -mind grew to understand during the two years she ruled in Brittany are -hard to imagine. Every night her people put her to bed knowing that -the enemy crept, hour by hour, nearer to her person. Every morning -fresh perplexities of state were tumbled into her strained, embittered -understanding. She learnt by heart the cheerless vicissitudes of life -before she knew its kindling compensations. And by nature Anne was -proud, obstinate, prematurely intelligent. This little thing was no -dazed creature propped up as a mere figure-head of state by powerful -officials. No one knew better than Anne the value of her own position. -If she cried when the lugubriousness of her household grew more -patent, she cried, not from terror, but from the bitter knowledge of -utter powerlessness. The mere thought of being conquered roused a -tempest in the fiery spirit of the child-duchess. - -She was fourteen when a compromise saved her. Charles VIII., to settle -matters more securely than could be done by any temporary conquest, -proposed to marry his past antagonist. When the proposal was first -laid before her, Anne naturally refused with a sickened fury and -vehemence. No extremity should drive her to think submissively of the -man whose ambition had been the bane of her short existence. She -argued, moreover, that she was already the wife of King Maximilian of -Germany. But Brittany was in sore distress, and once more all those -with power to persuade urged her to consider this proposal as a -godsend to her country. She would not listen; every nerve in her body -revolted against this man, whose very proposal carried a threat behind -it. Finally a priest was called upon to help the troubled counsellor, -and the poor girl, whose happiness throughout had been the one thing -nobody considered, was informed that the Holy Church demanded this -sacrifice for the welfare of her people. She gave in then; there -remained no alternative open to her. An interview took place, when the -enemies of yesterday fumbled with reluctant courtesies. Three days -later they were betrothed, the Duke of Orleans being among the -witnesses of the ceremony. - -Anne at this time was, it is said, a pretty, fresh-looking girl, with -an admirable carriage, for all that one leg was slightly shorter than -the other. Charles VIII., on the other hand, could hardly have been -uglier. His head was too big for his body, his eyes were prominent and -expressionless, his lips flabby. There was nothing in his lethargic -appearance to disarm Anne's sullen misery, and during their first -poignant meeting one can feel with certainty that she did nothing to -render easier the polite apologies stammered out by the uneasy lover. -But Charles's manner was gentleness and simplicity itself. Even -Commines, who considered him futile and childish, says of it, "No man -was ever more gentle and kindly in speech. Truly I think he never in -his life said a thing to hurt any one; small of body and ill-made, but -so good, a better creature it would be impossible to find." - -The marriage once accomplished, Anne and her husband started upon a -triumphal journey through Brittany. The marriage had been a brutal -necessity, and, for all her determination, the girl of fourteen was in -it only the tool of the men and women who called themselves her -subjects. But once married, Charles showed the utmost tactfulness. In -the "History of the Dukes of Brittany" we read, "The king, having -against his will, as it were, become her husband, omitted nothing -that could assuage the unhappiness their marriage had caused her, -behaving so well that in the end she was quite satisfied with her new -life, and felt for this prince the greatest love and tenderness." But -to have hated Charles would seem to have been impossible. All writers -are unanimous as to the sweetness of his character in personal -intercourse. - -A good deal is known about Anne's equipment for her first journey as a -married woman. Her travelling dress was of black velvet trimmed with -zebeline, and her gown for best occasions of gold material lined with -ermine. Among the furniture also were two beds--a serviceable one, -draped with black, white, and velvet cloth; and another hung with gold -brocade and bordered with a heavy fringing of black. - -During the journey Anne received innumerable wedding presents, and at -the gates and squares of every town plays were acted for the two young -people. Most of these were mystery plays, but a certain number of -farces were introduced for variety. What these comic plays were like -can be gathered from the _Farce du Cuvier_, famous a little later. It -deals with a hen-pecked husband, whose wife had provided a written -list of his household duties in order to jog his harried memory. - -One day, while washing the linen, his wife fell into the copper. The -conversation between them is the dramatic moment of the play. I quote -it as given in Mr. Van Laun's interesting "History of French -Literature." - - _Wife_ (_in the copper_). Good husband, save my life. I am - already quite fainting; give me your hand a while. - - _Jacquemet._ It is not in my list.... - - _Wife._ Alas! oh, who will hear me? Death will come and take me - away. - - _Jac._ (_reading his list_). "To bake, to attend to the oven, to - wash, to sift, to cook." - - _Wife._ My blood is already quite changed. I am on the point of - death. - - _Jac._ (_continuing to read_). "To rub, to mend, to keep bright - the kitchen utensils ..." - - _Wife._ Come quickly to my assistance. - - _Jac._ "To come, to go, to bustle, to run ..." - - _Wife._ Never shall I pass this day. - - _Jac._ "To bake the bread, to heat the oven ..." - - _Wife._ Ah, your hand; I am approaching my last moment. - - _Jac._ "To bring the corn to the mill ..." - - _Wife._ You are worse than a mastiff. - - _Jac._ "To make the bed early in the morning ..." - - _Wife._ Oh, you think this is a joke. - - _Jac._ "And then to put the pot on the fire ..." - - _Wife._ Oh, where is my mother, Jacquette? - - _Jac._ "And to keep the kitchen clean...." - - _Wife._ Go and fetch the priest. - - _Jac._ My paper is ended, but I tell you, without more ado, that - it is not on my list. - -In the end, having wrung from her a promise of docility, he helped her -out. The farce concluded with the joyful murmur, "For the future, -then, I shall be master, for my wife allows it." - -But the great day of Anne's youth was the day of her coronation in -France. No toy lay so dear to her heart as a crown, and no one could -have felt more unspeakably proud and great when, before an immense -crowd of nobles and people, her crowning took place at the church of -St. Denis. She wore a gown of pure white satin, and hung her -hair--which was long and beautiful--in two great plaits over her -shoulders. St. Gelais de Montluc said of her at this time, "It did one -good to look at her, for she was young, pretty, and so full of charm -that it was a pleasure to watch her." - -Afterwards followed the unavoidable reaction, when the ordinary -routine of existence had to be confronted. Anne's position, once the -glamorous days of public functions were over, revealed innumerable -drawbacks. She was a little girl in a strange country, surrounded by -persons unwilling to surrender either power or precedence. Anne of -Beaujeu, the former Regent--harsh, efficient, domineering--was the -first power with whom Anne suffered combat. Small questions of -precedence kindled the tempers of both. The elder Anne loved power as -much as the younger, and was a woman few people cared to defy. But the -juvenile bride had been modelled a little bit after the same pattern; -she also possessed indomitable qualities, and had no intention of -being a queen for nothing. The Regent--her surprise must have been -overwhelming--found herself worsted. Sensible as well as proud, she -retired before any pronounced unseemliness had occurred, and left the -two young people to manage the kingdom for themselves. - -But the period of domesticity between Charles and Anne did not -continue long. There was a little love-making, a little house -decorating, and then came the momentous first invasion of Italy. -Commines, a shrewd and plain-spoken observer, says a good deal about -this Italian campaign, which he accompanied. Both he and the Italian -historian Guicciardini refer with pronounced contempt to Charles's -mismanagement of it, while Commines goes so far as to state -practically that nothing but the grace of God kept the army from -annihilation. - -While Charles was away time passed wearily for Anne. Previously to -her husband's departure, when barely fifteen years old, she had given -birth to her first baby, the needful son and heir. But to make the -days more empty and interminable, the child was taken from her at the -beginning of hostilities. For safety's sake he remained at the castle -of Amboise, strongly guarded by a hundred of the Scottish guard. So -carefully was he protected, in fact, that when one of his godfathers, -François de Paule, came to see him, he was only allowed to bring one -other priest with him--a man born in France, and one who had never -been to Naples. Unfortunately, no guards could save a life so feeble -as this child's of a child-mother. Almost immediately after Charles -had come back from Italy the little creature fell ill and died with -tragic suddenness. - -Before this, and after her husband's safe arrival, Anne is said to -have been unprecedently light-hearted. To exist for months, as she had -been doing, waiting hour after hour for the daily courier's arrival, -was to become drained at last of every feeling except a tortured -expectancy. Charles's death would not only have made her a widow, it -would have taken her cherished crown away from her also. To hold both -safe again relaxed even Anne's cherished decorum of manner. But the -death of the Dauphin struck the newly arisen gaiety abruptly out of -her. She grieved passionately, bewildered that God should do this -inexplicable and bitter thing to her. How fiercely she rebelled is -shown by the following incident. Her friend of childish days, Louis, -Duke of Orleans, was now once more heir to the throne. In a court of -mourning he struck Anne as unduly blithe and cheerful, and instantly -her sore heart revolted and hated him. Commines, who mentions the -circumstance, says that "for a long time afterwards they did not -speak." As a matter of fact, Anne insisted upon his removal from the -court circle. Louis retired to his own home at Blois, where he fell -back upon the hobbies of his father, the childlike poet Louis of -Bourbon, whose poems he collected while he waited for his old friend's -nerves to tranquillize. - -Charles meanwhile gladdened his spirit with architectural interests. -He had come back deeply influenced by the beauty of Italian methods, -and having brought with him a crowd of Italian artists and craftsmen. - -How the tumultuous Anne struck him after the subtlety of Italian -womenfolk is not mentioned. The women of the Italian Renaissance were -an education in themselves. Charles had been cajoled by Beatrice, had -been knelt to by Isabella of Aragon, had been flattered delicately and -unceasingly. His path to Rome had been strewn with gracious ladies, -all more consummate, more complex, more highly wrought, as it were, -than his own house-bound countrywomen. Anne, besides, could never have -been a person of irresistible daily whimsicalities. Fortunately, -Charles possessed strong domestic instincts, and in justice to Anne it -should be mentioned that she did not show the same indifference to -personal graces usually associated with women of her practical -temperament. She had a few dainty vanities--was particular about baths -and washing in basins all of gold; and had shoals of little scented -sachets placed between her linen and in the clothes she wore, violets -being her favourite perfume. - - [Illustration: FROM THE _CALENDRIER_ - IN ANNE'S "BOOK OF HOURS"] - -In the April after the Italian campaign the two were at Amboise -Castle, Charles, it is said, having grown from an irresponsible youth -into a ruler actuated by definite tenderness for his people. And then -a tragic thing happened. On the Saturday before Easter some of the -household were playing tennis in the courtyard. Anne and Charles went -to watch them play, but in passing through a corridor known as the -_Galerie Hacquelebac_--about to be pulled down--Charles hit his -head against the low frame of a doorway. The accident seemed trivial, -and for some time he watched the players as if unaffected by it; but -suddenly, in the middle of a phrase, he dropped mysteriously to the -ground. Placed upon a mattress, he lingered until the evening, and -died at eleven o'clock at night. He was then twenty-eight, and Anne, -struck brusquely from placid trivialities to the supreme incident of -existence, was twenty-four. - -Louis of Orleans had become King of France. Anne, huddled in a -darkened room at Amboise, cried for hours without ceasing. She sat -forlornly on the floor, and knew the uselessness of wordy -consolations. Charles had been good to her; the future would have been -full of pleasant habits. Now he was dead, and there remained nobody -whose interests and hers were identical. Many would be brazenly glad -that she was cast down. She who yesterday had been Queen of France, -was now nobody--a widow--whose crown, that salient, exalting -possession, belonged to the wife of Louis. True, she was still Duchess -of Brittany, but she had suffered sufficient baneful experience to -know that they would soon try and wrench that honour from her also. - -No efforts could appease her grief. A contemporary nobleman, writing -to his wife four days after Charles's death, remarked, "The queen -still continues the same mourning, and they cannot pacify her." How -could they, when all that she craved had been subtracted from her -life? For days she crouched upon the floor of a black-draped room, -desolately rebellious against the stupid harshness of life. Hour after -hour she moaned, and cried, and wrung her hands. Nevertheless, for all -her stricken gestures, her brain worked well enough. She began to -write letters the day after Charles's death, and as soon as she had at -last been induced to eat, she signed an order to re-establish the -Chancellorship of Brittany. Courage and intelligence continued intact -for all the abasement of her attitude. She wept, but as she wept she -thought out practical behaviour for the future. - -At the same time, there is no doubt that she was genuinely disturbed -and disconsolate. When, after some days, they brought her the usual -charming white of royal widows, her pitiable and comfortless thoughts -mutinied instinctively against its serenity and calm. She would not -wear it: black was the only hue that could meet the blackness of her -life--white revolted her as an equal offence and mockery. With a -dogged insistence upon the hurt that tortured her, she set an -undesirable fashion, and through a tumultuous intolerance of pain did -away with an old prettiness of custom. - -Three days after her widowhood her old friend the new king called to -express condolence. Anne still repined in her darkened chamber. The -only light that fell upon her came from two great candles. She had not -risen when a bishop came to offer consolation, but she probably did so -now, and made a grudging obeisance to the man who had suddenly climbed -above her. - -Louis XII.'s manners, to every woman save his wife, were notoriously -deferential. Anne, moreover, was still very youthful, and in the -semi-darkness her great mass of shining hair could not but have looked -soft, and young, and movingly incongruous with her sorrow. They spoke -of the dead man's funeral. Anne expressed the wish that nothing that -could do honour to his memory should be omitted. Louis answered -instantly that all her wishes were sacred, and did, in fact, pay all -the funeral expenses out of his private purse. Then she stated her -desire to wear black as mourning, and once more Louis acquiesced with -a visible desire to spare her feelings to the utmost of his capacity. -In the soft, uncertain candlelight a new emotional quality may well -have appertained to the girl so harshly and abruptly widowed. -Surrounded by darkness, her desolate youthfulness, and her pitiful -desire to obscure her youth in still more blackness, might easily have -stirred an old admirer to a renewal of tenderness. - -Anne continued to moan a good deal for several days, but it is -questionable whether the hidden excursions of her mind were so -storm-beaten after this visit as before it. The majority of women have -an intuitive knowledge of the emotions felt by men when in their -company, and Anne possessed great powers of discernment. She could -perfectly understand that Louis XII. wished desperately to retain -Brittany. By the terms of her marriage settlement it now indisputably -belonged to her once more. She also knew, with an acute sense of the -potentialities flung open by the fact, that the idea of having his own -marriage annulled had become an invincible necessity of his nature. -The wayward brutality of her conduct to him after the death of the -Dauphin might have chilled original kindliness of feeling; but he had -thought her charming previously, and the desire for Brittany would -naturally facilitate the effort to find her charming henceforward. - -There is no doubt that Louis's visit, at least in some degree, -alleviated depression; for a little later, with the impetuosity that -kept Anne from being a totally dull woman, she said, in answer to some -remark of one of her ladies, that sooner than stoop to a lower than -her husband she would be a widow all her days, adding, in the same -breath, that she believed she could still one day be the reigning -Queen of France if she should wish it. A quaint writer of that time -described Anne accurately, but kindly, when he said, "The greatness of -heart of the queen-duchess was beyond all belief, and could yield in -nothing that belonged to her, neither suffer that she should not have -entire control of it." - -But her statement was literally correct. While she lived in the strict -retirement of mourning, writing lucid, emphatic letters to Brittany, -the new king flung himself into the business of repudiating Louis -XI.'s daughter. It is an episode that considerably smirches the -propriety of Anne--afterwards a great upholder of propriety--for -several further visits took place between the black-robed widow and -the new king, and that they did not meet merely to extol the merits of -the dead husband soon became apparent. Charles died in April, and in -August two acts, dated on the same day, were passed. In the one Anne -consented to marry Louis so soon as his present marriage should be -annulled in Rome, and in the second Louis agreed to give back to the -duchess the two towns of Nantes and Fougeres, if by death or other -impediment he should prove unable to marry her within a year. - -The divorce was not a difficult one to obtain. Alexander needed French -assistance for the aggrandisement of Cæsar Borgia, and sent him -personally with the Bull to Louis. Then a tribunal, formed of a -cardinal, two bishops, and other minor dignitaries, sat upon the case -and called upon the queen to appear in person. Both she and the -council knew that the inquiry was a degrading and unmerciful farce. -Nevertheless, for form's sake, endless questions were put to the woman -who was at one and the same time both so ugly and so beautiful. They -questioned her concerning her father, Louis XI., pressing to obtain -involuntary exposures. Jeanne's sensitive and finely poised reserve -could not be splintered by insistence. "I am not aware of it," or "I -do not think so," were all that her lips yielded. She rendered even -distress a little lovely by the silence in which she sheltered it. In -reality, Louis's memory must have been essentially painful. For, like -her husband, he had unremittingly hated her. As a child her tutor was -even in the habit of hiding her in his robe for safety if by chance -Louis met them in a corridor. - -From family discords the court passed to the question of her marriage. -Bluntly, they informed the martyred woman that she was a deformity. "I -know I am not as pretty or as well made as most women," was the -answer, that seemed to carry a lifetime's tears below its -plaintiveness. They insisted further that she was not fit for -marriage. Then a little anguished humanness seems to have fluttered -for a moment through her patient spirit. "I do not think that is so. I -think I am as fit to be married as the wife of my groom George, who is -quite deformed, and yet has given him beautiful children." But all the -while both she and those who questioned her knew with perfect clarity -that neither questions nor answers could affect the ultimate issue. -They were but a mean and vulgar form gone through to blind the -judgment of the people. Louis XII. denied that their union had ever -passed beyond the marriage service. Once more Jeanne fell back upon -grave words conveying nothing. "I want," she answered, "no other -judges than the king himself. If he swears on oath that the facts -brought against me are true, I consent to condemnation." - -That gave all they needed, and the marriage was declared null and -void. For the last time Jeanne and Louis went through the discomfort -of an interview, and for once, and once only, Jeanne's consummate -self-immolation drew tears from her husband. Then she passed out of -his existence, and became, what she had always desired to be, a nun. -In one of the sermons preached on the anniversary of her death, it was -said of her, "She was so plain that she was repudiated by her husband; -she was so beautiful that she became the bride of Jesus Christ." - -Anne and Louis were then delivered from all impediments, and in the -year after Charles's death were married at the Nantes Cathedral. The -marriage settlement drawn up was entirely advantageous to Anne. -Undoubtedly Louis loved her. In his time many kinds of women had -engrossed him, for he was a man who, as one writer puts it kindly, -"did not disdain the pastime of ladies." But after many love affairs, -and much knowledge of women's subtleties, he finally surrendered to -the charms of a woman possessed of no subtleties of any sort. - - [Illustration: ANNE KNEELING - FROM THE "BOOK OF HOURS"] - -The attraction is difficult to account for. Possibly Anne held him -through his domestic leanings, and through her own indomitable force -of character. The monotonies of guilty love episodes may have given a -restful grace to placid respectability; Louis knew by heart every -cankering perversity inherent to the women who are not virtuous, and -probably, therefore, set additional store by one possessing at least a -steadfast and limpid purity. How much virtue in a woman, when she was -not Jeanne, appealed to him is clear from a remark made some years -later. It had reference to Anne's aggressiveness. Some one complained -of it to Louis. His answer offered no consolation, but expressed a -definite attitude of mind. He remarked merely, "One must forgive much -to a virtuous woman." - -Anne's affection for Louis is more immediately comprehensible. He was -peculiarly lovable, though almost as ugly as Charles himself. He had a -low forehead, prominent ruminating eyes, a sensual, affectionate -mouth, high cheek-bones, and a flabby skin. It was the face of a man -who liked life as it was, and people as they were; there appeared in -it no desire for illusions of any kind. He had in his own nature all -the sympathetic weaknesses, and his expression conveyed the easy -tolerance of a nature which had at least used experience as a school -of understanding. A Venetian ambassador once called him "a child of -nature," and he was essentially natural, with an almost childlike -trustfulness, not so much of manner as of opinion. He ruled--save for -his unfortunate passion to possess a piece of Italy--like a man -preoccupied with the happiness of his children. The people adored him. -If money had to be raised, he made personal sacrifices rather than -burden the poor with additional taxation, while his home policy was -persistently humane and sensible. Historians rarely do him justice. -Because he failed to prove a great diplomatist, they ignore his -possession of a delightful personality. In regard to Italy, he was -plainly foolish; but then Italy stood for the romance of life--the -adventure that drew the commonplace out of existence. Even specialized -astuteness could have blundered easily in the cunning complications of -international politics at that crisis, and Louis went to Italy, not -out of policy, but literally because he could not keep himself away -from it. - -Though in private life his interests were largely intellectual, he had -always a certain strain of cordial earthliness. The "pastime of -ladies" he is said to have given up entirely after his second -marriage, but good dinners and good wine he liked to the end of life. -When Ferdinand of Aragon was told that Louis complained of being twice -cheated by him, he exclaimed exultantly, "He lies, the _drunkard_; I -have cheated him more than ten times." - -Anne stood for his antithesis. She was regrettably without small -weaknesses, and she forgave nobody. When Louis came to the throne he -remarked, "It would ill become the King of France to avenge the wrongs -of the Duke of Orleans." But if any one hurt Anne, she could not rest -until a greater hurt had been flung back upon the offender. Once a -grown woman, and married to Louis, she was, except from the point of -view of housewifery, almost completely a failure. She might have had -more flagrant vices and aroused compassionate affection. But she was -pre-eminently respectable, pious, hedged in by sedate rules of -conduct. And all the time one of the most corroding sins possible -flourished in her to offend posterity. Anne's revengefulness is like a -blight, destroying the grace of her femininity. - -Happily she was generous, and generosity is a sweet redemption of much -crookedness. She loved to give presents. After her second marriage -she kept a gallery full of jewellery and precious stones, which she -gave from time to time to the "wives of the captains or others who had -distinguished themselves in the wars, or faithfully served her husband -Louis." Also, she never denied the tragic clamour of the poor. Mezerai -wrote: "You saw thousands of poor waiting for her alms, whenever she -left the palace." - -Of the private life led by Anne and Louis an unusual amount is known. -They got up at six in summer and seven in winter. They had their -dinner at eight or nine in the morning. At two o'clock they took some -light refreshments. By five or six supper was served, and either at -eight or nine o'clock they went to bed, after having a glass of wine -and some spiced cakes. An old rhyme of the period might have been -written for them-- - - "To rise at five, and dine at nine, - Sup at five, and sleep at nine, - Keeps one alive until ninety-nine." - -Louis passed the larger part of the day occupied with state matters. -To quicken recognition of the gravity of a ruler's efforts, he read -fragmentarily but constantly Cicero's "Treatise on Duties;" it was to -him like a spring of stimulating waters. When he had nothing else to -do, he made love to his "Bretonne"--the name, for intimate use, given -by him to Anne. She could have stirred no poetic imaginings, but she -was comfortable to his nature. Domesticity and the hearthside -securities were expressed by her. - -Meanwhile, Anne ruled her household after the manner of an austere -schoolmistress. Like all unimaginative people, she shrank from any -form of waywardness, and none was permitted near her person. Her court -grew to be spoken of as a school of good conduct for girls of the -upper classes. Whether because she took so many or not, the beds for -the rooms of the maids of honour were six feet long by six feet wide, -so that several girls slept in the same bed--a little row of heads on -one long pillow. No maids of honour were allowed to address a man save -with an audience in the room. When the king went hunting, Anne sat -surrounded by intimidated ladies, all sedately at work upon huge -pieces of tapestry. - -Even their recreations had to be of a sober and cautious nature. -Françoise D'Alençon, the sister-in-law of Margaret D'Angoulême, is -reported to have kept intact the traditions of Anne's court, and the -following quotation is a description of how her household was -managed. "She made all her ladies also come into the room, and after -having looked at them one by one, she called back any whose bearing -struck her as plebeian or wanting in propriety. She scolded any whose -dress was not as it should be. Then she examined each one's work, and -if there was a fault, righted it, and if the little progress made -showed negligence and laziness, scolded the worker pretty sharply. As -to their morals, she allowed none of them to have any conversation -alone with any man, nor suffered any conversation before them not -strictly proper and honourable.... As to their pastimes and festivals, -this prudent princess did not keep them so strictly but that they were -allowed to walk about, and play in the gardens or in some honourable -house; or that they '_balassent_,' or played the guitar, -_d'espinettes_, or other musical instruments, recommended by the -nobility and other honourable minds; or that they should sing modestly -and religiously in their room, which she often made them do in her -presence, and while she herself joined them. But she never allowed -them to sing other songs than the Psalms of David, or the songs of the -dead Queen of Navarre. She did as much for their literature, for as -she herself only read the Scriptures, or some historical biography -which contained no false doctrine, so she would not allow her ladies -to read anything else either." - -With insignificant alterations the picture conveys as accurately -Anne's method of management as that of the inflexible Françoise -D'Alençon. Perhaps of the two Anne's control permitted more brightness -to stray through its severity. There were occasional dances at the -court, as well as journeys from one town to another. But it was not -Anne's destiny to retain either of her husbands comfortably at her -elbow. Though Louis loved both his wife and his people, the desire for -adventure fretted the surface of his domestic life. Before Anne gave -birth to their first baby, he had already gone to struggle for a piece -of the country which perpetually ensnared him with abnormal and -inexplicable longings. - -During the first expedition Ludovico Sforza was taken prisoner. In -this one matter Louis's conduct freezes one's blood. He brought Il -Moro to France, and imprisoned him underground at the castle of -Loches, while to increase safety he was placed every night in an iron -cage. For ten years Ludovico endured this extreme limit of mental and -physical privation, his magnificent physique refusing to admit Death -sooner. But even at this distance of time it is not possible to think -without unhappiness of the destroying agony of such imprisonment. - -While Louis was in Italy, Anne wrote to him daily. A little letter -from her proving that Louis was both affectionate and in love is still -in existence. It commenced, "A loving and beloved wife writes to her -husband, still more beloved, the object both of her regrets and her -pride, led by the desire of glory far from his own country. For her, -poor _amante_, every moment is full of terrors. To be robbed of a -prince more lover than husband, what a terrible anguish it is!" The -words "more lover than husband" reveal the practice of constant minor -and endearing attentions. - -A miniature painting of the period discloses Anne writing one of these -daily letters. She sits in her bedroom, clearly used as a sitting-room -as well. Her black gown trails consequentially upon the floor, but her -table and seat are both perfectly unpretentious. Round her, on the -ground, sit her ladies-in-waiting, intensely docile and industrious. -Besides being disciplined in an outward meekness, they were, it would -seem, obliged to adopt a court uniform, since in all the pictures they -are dressed absolutely alike. Anne's inkstand and pen are both gold, -and a little handkerchief is set conveniently near to wipe the seemly -tears that should blur her eyes as she writes. At the back is a -charming four-poster, rich and radiant with opulent gold hangings. - -When Louis returned to France, society flung its eager frivolity into -a series of organized rejoicings. But already to Anne life was -beginning to imply unrestfulness. Louise de Savoie had a son Francis; -and unless Anne gave birth to one later, this child became heir to the -throne of France. The two women hated each other with an almost -equally tortured intensity; certainly from this time forward Louise -spoiled the peace of Anne's existence. Even without the poignant -person of Francis, Duc D'Angoulême, some friction would still have -been unavoidable. Anne clung to sober and steadfast if uninspired -propriety; Louise de Savoie in conduct had no morals, no restraint, -and no delicate prejudices whatsoever. Her brain teemed with -complexities, exaggerations, and superlatives. She saw everything -through a falsifying excitement, while to weave a lie was one degree -more comfortable to her than to speak veraciously. In appearance also -the advantages were on her side, and possessing an intuitive gift for -understanding the worst of men, her society was dangerously -flattering and easy to them. - -Anne flinched, both at the other's conduct and at her possession of an -heir to the French throne. Fleurange, who knew Anne well, said that -there was never an hour but these two houses were not quarrelling. -Both women, as the years passed, grew to have a constant piercing -apprehension that killed all abiding buoyancy of feeling. In Anne's -case the anguish was far the sharper and the more pitiful. Again and -again she throbbed at the expectation of motherhood, and after nine -overwrought months, when to both women the suspense had grown almost -more than they could suffer, a girl, or a boy born dead, came to crush -the vitality out of Anne's brave spirit. - -After the birth of Claude a still keener edge was given to -disquietude. Almost immediately arose the question of a marriage -between the girl and Francis. For years, with all the passionate -fierceness of her nature, Anne fought to ward off this triumph for her -adversary and to marry the child to a different husband. In 1501 a -temporary victory expanded her heart. The baby became promised to the -Duke of Luxembourg, afterwards Charles V., son of the Archduke Philip -of Austria. This engagement continued for several years. Then Louis -realized that the probability of his having a son had grown very -small, and that under these conditions the Austrian marriage would be -in the last degree impolitic. For some reason not stated, he and Anne -stumbled at this period into a serious breach of tenderness. His -attitude to the question of Claude's marriage may have roused her to a -despairing fury. To surrender the little plain girl she delighted in, -to the son of the woman she abominated, was a hard thing to do--too -hard for a heart already contracted with useless yearnings. Louis met -her strenuous obstinacy with an implacable conclusiveness. The pulse -of the nation beat, he knew, for the young D'Angoulême, who was "all -French;" and his own opinion could be summed up in one sentence--that -"he preferred to marry his mice to rats of his own barn." - -A chill, destroying discord rose between the married lovers, who had -once known such warmth in each other's presence. Louis, stung out of -placidity, even commenced to snub the proud and suffering woman -struggling against his wishes. During one of the recurring discussions -upon the same subject, he informed her that "at the creation of the -world horns were given to the doe as well as to the stag, but the doe -venturing to use these defences against her mate, they were taken -from her." If he had whipped Anne, the sense of stinging humiliation -could hardly, one imagines, have been sharper. For no woman bore -herself with a more unyielding dignity before witnesses, and the -remark was not made beyond the reach of auditors. - -In 1505, Anne, fretted, sore of heart, beaten and discouraged, went to -Brittany. The actual reason of her going is not given, but having gone -she stayed there, and more, wrote no longer daily letters to "her -loving and beloved." Outwardly she was happy--held magnificent -receptions, and went interesting journeys from one town to another. -Clearly it was rest of heart to be away. Home had become a place of -piercing bitterness, of rending and exhausting antagonisms. On a vital -question she and Louis pulled different ways. Here in Brittany -friction and sorrow lulled a little. Her nerves took rest, and her -heart forgot at intervals. - - [Illustration: ST. HELENA - FROM ANNE'S "BOOK OF HOURS"] - -That she flinched from return as from a renewal of intolerable -provocation is unmistakable. In the September of 1505 she was at -Rennes; and while she was there, Louis's friend, the Cardinal -D'Amboise--upon whose death Pope Julius II. "thanked God he was now -Pope alone"--wrote with a hint of distraction concerning the -gravity of her prolonged absence from France. He said, "The king sent -for me this afternoon, madame. I have never seen him so put out, as -also I understand from Gaspar, to whom he spoke in my presence." The -letter concluded with an urgent appeal that she should return and "so -satisfy the king and also stop strangers from gossiping." - -Four days afterwards he wrote again: "Although wonderfully pleased at -the assurance you send me of making all possible haste to return to -court, I am deeply distressed that you do not mention any date. I do -not know what to answer the king, who is in the greatest -perplexity.... I wish to God I was with you.... I can only say that I -grieve with all my heart that you and the king no longer speak frankly -to one another." Still she lingered, like a person bathing weary limbs -in warm and soothing waters. Amboise, seeing the oncoming of permanent -alienation, wrote again, "For God's sake don't fall, you and the king, -into these moods of mutual distrust, for if it lasts neither -confidence nor love can hold out, not to speak of the harm that can -come of it, and the contempt of the whole Christian world." - -In the end Anne drew upon her tired courage and came back. Once -together again, moreover, she and Louis must have yielded to gentler -feelings, for two children were born afterwards. But from this time to -the end Anne never again felt the glow of life really stream upon -her--a chill loneliness sapped capacity for pleasure. Once Louis -exchanged the lover for the husband, they possessed no mental -companionableness to fall back upon. They saw few things with the same -emotion, and for successful marriage this is the primal necessity. Anne -was intuitively religious, and Louis had been excommunicated--without -visible disturbance--for his exploits in the second Italian campaign. -To increase a marked sense of the difference between their views, -Brittany had been excluded from the excommunication. - -Everything for Anne had grown a little out of gear--a little hurtful -and antagonistic. Claude was lame and not pretty--Louise's handsome -son and daughter were adored by everybody. - -Moreover, she had been coerced and disregarded; for all her excessive -stateliness men knew her as a humiliated and beaten woman. Before -Louis left for the third Italian campaign, the betrothal of Claude to -Francis had been ratified. Deputies from the different departments -had visited Louis at Plessis-les-Tours. They called him "Father of his -people;" then upon bent knees begged that he would "give madame your -only daughter to Monsieur François here present, who is a thorough -Frenchman." Both Louis and the kneeling deputies shed tears, but -though a sentimental emotion fluttered them in passing, the scene was -essentially an organized drama, gone through in order to cut the last -possible ground of resistance from under Anne's feet. Two days later -Francis, aged eleven, and Claude, aged six, were formally promised to -one another. - -There is one more outstanding incident in Anne's life--her bitter -warfare with the great Marechale de Gie. It has been called the -inexcusable stain upon her reputation. The story certainly leaves her -nakedly crude, fiercely elemental, but at least upon this occasion a -glaring provocation roused her to fury. Louis fell ill. He had enjoyed -his youth too coarsely, and paid heavily in after years for the -absence of more delicate cravings. Anne nursed him with an affection -made quick through terror. "She never left his room all day, and did -everything she was able herself." But Louis failed to get better. Each -day he drew nearer the purlieus of finality; his doctors perceived no -possibility even of return. Then Anne, sitting wearily by the bedside -of the sick man, did undoubtedly think of practical matters. She -remembered Louise and their mutual hatred. Historians express disgust -at what followed, but in reality there is nothing to be deeply -disgusted about. The brain in times of tense, overwrought excitement -is assailed by many discordant and trumpery remembrances. Anne, alert -and nervous both, gazed at the sinking patient, and recalled the -valuable furniture, jewellery, and plate, whose possession might be -contested later. Had she been a woman of momentous feeling, the -knowledge could equally have flashed through her kindled intelligence, -but would have left it bitterly indifferent. Anne was not strung with -overwhelming affections, and her predominating common sense saw that -after this man's death she had still a future to organize. Without -relaxing one personal nursing labour, she gave rapid orders to the -household, until all the articles stated as hers in the marriage -contract were despatched by ship to Brittany. - -Gie had long ago placed his interests upon the side of the power to -follow. Being informed of the queen's arrangements, he stopped her -vessels, definitely refusing to allow them to leave the country. - -There was a certain reckless temerity in the action; but Louis, it was -understood, could not live more than a few hours, and the new king -would know how to reward such strenuous adroitness in his interests. -But in this matter Gie was unlucky. - -Louis suddenly--and apparently unreasonably--abandoned the notion of -dying. From extreme collapse he rapidly recovered, and immediately -afterwards banished Gie from court. There are slight variations in the -story--in one account Anne was labouring to remove Claude to Brittany -as well--but the above is the account given by the greatest number. - -For a short time Gie remained thankfully at his magnificent place in -the country, clutching at the fact that his punishment went very -comfortably with his instincts. But Anne's heart was too primitive for -trivial retaliations. Mezerai did not say for nothing, "She was -terrible to those who offended her." Presently Gie received a summons -to answer to the charges of _lèse-majesté_ and peculation, was -arrested, and after being treated with a shameless brutality, received -a verdict of guilty, with a loss of all honours and five years' -banishment from court. The ugliest part of a story--in which from the -beginning everybody behaved with a rather ignoble sagacity--is the -report that Anne openly stated that she did not desire the Marechale's -death, since death gave relief from suffering, and she chafed for him -to live and feel all the misery of being low when he had been high; in -other words, that she craved a long and cankering duration to his -discomfiture. - -After the birth of another daughter--the child Renée, subsequently to -be Duchess of Ferrara--Anne's last fragment of happiness died in her. -Jean Marot, father of the famous Clement Marot, referred to her in -some verses with a singular realism and comprehension. He wrote-- - - "At this time was in Lyons - The uneasy queen. Always in grief - For the regrets her tired heart - Bore incessantly." - -She was, in truth, tired to death of the involved labour of life. -Thoughts of the complacent, unprincipled, mendacious Louise de Savoie, -whose son was heir to the throne of France, fermented in her blood, -and kept her heart from beating contentedly. From the time of Renée's -birth she surrendered to an uncontested weakliness. Though she became -_enceinte_ again shortly afterwards, hope scarcely fluttered, and her -physical condition bore witness to a mind past any salutary optimism. -She had already given birth to three sons, not one of whom had lived, -and throughout the household it was recognized that she lacked good -fortune in motherhood. - -In 1512, some one wrote: "The queen is in great pain, and her baby is -expected at the end of this month or the beginning of next. But there -is not the fuss and excitement here that was made over the others." - -The child came, but the triumphant Louise records the event in her -diary with cynical cheerfulness: "... His birth will not hinder the -exaltation of my Cæsar, for the infant was born dead." - -Anne, worn and heartbroken in her second best bed--always used for -_accouchements_--becomes at last entirely touching. She was by this -time ultimately and irremediably beaten. The child had been a son, but -was dead. "She took pleasure in nothing afterwards," said D'Argentre, -while she continued so ill that most of the time she had to stay in -bed. Louis, back from renewed disasters in Italy, found her there on -his return. Shortly afterwards--on the 9th of February, 1514--she -died. - -Louis grieved considerably. The flaring heat of latter quarrels had -burnt up much original tenderness, but De Seyssel's statement that -Louis "loved her so that in her he had placed all his pleasure and -delight," was an approximate interpretation of their position until -vital antagonisms sharpened the tongues of both. - -Anne was given a sumptuous funeral. The arrangements for it, could she -have known them, would have caused her exquisite pleasure. For six -days she lay in her own room, prayed for unceasingly. Then she was -placed upon a _Lit de Parade_, and covered with a pall of gold cloth -bordered with ermine, the fur represented by the coat-of-arms of -Brittany. She lay underneath this, with white gloves upon her hands, -and a crown upon her head; her dress was of purple velvet, and on each -side were cushions holding the Sceptre and the Hand of Justice. - -After the funeral Louis sent her heart in a golden case to be entombed -in Brittany. On the casket was written-- - - "In this small vessel - Of pure, fine gold - Rests the greatest heart - Of any woman in the world." - -But as a matter of fact, the one great drawback to Anne was that she -had not heart enough. Her presence inspired neither tenderness nor -laughter, her society neither encouraged nor comforted. And the -consequence was that nobody could have been missed less. On the whole -she had been a good woman; except in times of tumultuous temper, she -had endeavoured to live conscientiously and reasonably. Only she -possessed no deep-dwelling sympathies; consequently when she died she -was dead immediately. It is the people who kindle perpetually at the -needs of others who live for years in the hearts of those they have -penetrated. - - - - -LUCREZIA BORGIA - -1480-1519 - - -Of all the famous women of the Renaissance, Lucrezia Borgia is, in one -sense, though in one sense only, the most disappointing. There are a -great number of books dealing with her personality, but little real -information. Few personal friends reveal more of themselves than -Margaret D'Angoulême, Anne of Brittany, or Beatrice D'Este. What is -evasive about them is pleasantly evasive, since every woman should -retain a little that is inexplicable. But Lucrezia Borgia evades -altogether. There is nothing, from beginning to end, comprehensible to -seize upon. All the facts of her life are ascertainable, but never a -word concerning the temperament that to a certain extent gave life to -them. The events of the first half of her existence are begrimed with -evil, but the evil is so involved and extraordinary, so little in -keeping with the second half of her existence, and in many instances -so dubious, that it scarcely adheres to her. In the end she emerges -with such inherent calm, such effulgent gentleness, that the whole -story of her Roman days has an air, not only of inapplicability, but -of extraneousness. The actions of that early period seem to cling to -her little more than the unconscious proceedings of a sleep-walker. - -To disarm once and for all any preconceived prejudice, it is only -necessary to look at the supposed portrait of her as St. Catherine, -painted by Pintorricchio. In that she is adorable. To believe in the -absolute baseness of a creature with such an expression is not -possible. Looking at it, do we see anything save a child, nearly grown -up in years, but with a little brain absolutely muddled and -unreasonable? Exquisitely plaintive and helpless, the figure seems -surely as if its youth appealed against it knew not what. The creature -is all prettiness, weakness, and grace. Standing with slender hands in -a useless attitude, her expression appears destitute of any vital -understandings, but conveys instead the very essence of the sweetness -and dependence possible to femininity. The little mouth is weak but -endearing, the little chin weak but tender-hearted. The whole face, -framed in its loose and volatile hair, exhales a gentle, childish -passivity. Only in the eyes lurks an unconscious wistfulness, as if -they knew or foreboded being involved in many tragic contemplations. -There is no evil anywhere--there is no _parti pris_, in fact, of any -sort. A soft perplexity is perhaps the strongest impression given. - -The other likeness of her, stamped upon a medal, and known -incontestably to be a portrait, is not so lovable. But no woman's -charm could be conveyed in the few hard lines of a profile struck upon -a medal. There is no possible opportunity to convey more than an -accentuated impression of nose, chin, and forehead. In the medal -Lucrezia's gift of gaiety, here almost saucy, is the chief -characteristic visible. - - [Illustration: PROBABLE PORTRAIT OF LUCREZIA IN ST. CATHERINE - AND THE ELDERS - BY PINTORRICCHIO] - -This power to be continuously gay, which was so markedly to -distinguish her all her life, was perhaps the only good quality -Alexander was able to transmit to his daughter; but by this one -quality alone, almost, Lucrezia finally lifted herself away--as if it -had been solely a cloak thrust about her by the brutality of -others--from the darkness of her original reputation. Now one is -chiefly conscious of a creature courageously cheerful; a creature -continuously desirous to please, to convey gentle impressions, to -smooth out everything into pleasantness. Having carefully and -repeatedly read the various books upon her, the feeling left is -actually of a woman who understood, up to a point, her woman's -business uncommonly well, but who suffered sore mishandling during the -early crucial years of her existence. The moment they took her out of -the undesirable surroundings in which she had been reared, nothing but -brave, becoming laughter and comfortable domesticity--Ruskin's demand -that a woman should bring "comfort with pleasantness"--issued from -her. Obviously there were no roots of evil to renew themselves; at the -worst there had been only a nature over-adaptable to outside forces, -and a temperament not forceful in powers of resistance. - -Born in 1480, she was the daughter of Alexander, then known as -Cardinal Rodriguez, and Vanozza Cataneri, a woman whose origin is -obscure, but who was certainly educated, and who had two husbands, -Giorgio di Croce, and later, when Alexander had turned to younger -idols, a certain Carlo Canali, an author of some reputation in his -day. During her babyhood Lucrezia remained with her mother in a house -close to the cardinal's. But later, though why or when is not known, -she was taken from Vanozza and given into the care of Madonna -Adrienne, a widow, and a connection of the cardinal's, said by -Gregorovius to be also "very deep" in the Spaniard's confidence. The -atmosphere of Madonna Adrienne's house could not have created for -Lucrezia early impressions of delicate or winning conduct--she had no -groundwork afterwards of moving ideals to fall back upon. There is one -incident which lets in all the daylight necessary upon the character -of Lucrezia's guardian. Julia Farnese was her son's wife, and it was -with her mother-in-law's complete acquiescence that the girl became -Alexander's acknowledged mistress. There is something, therefore, -under the flagrant circumstances of the case almost offensive in the -fact that Adrienne had the child carefully instructed in religious -observances, though, for that matter, they were all religious, these -women of undesirable conduct. Vanozza, for instance, built a chapel, -and was looked upon as deeply devout long before Alexander's death. - -Lucrezia's intellectual education took the same surface quality as her -spiritual one. The Renaissance ideas of culture for women had not -penetrated to Rome, and the child underwent a very different schooling -from the D'Estes, the Gonzagas, and so many others. Her chief -facility appears to have been in the matter of languages. Bayard, in -1512, said of her, "She speaks Spanish, Greek, Italian, and French, -and a little and very correctly Latin; she also writes and composes -poems in all these languages." Moral sense must have remained -absolutely sheathed. None of the set who brought her up would have -dared to instil so dangerous and disturbing a quality. In -Pintorricchio's portrait there is no sign of a living conscience, -though she might well from her expression be wistfully looking for it, -aware of something wanting. - -When Lucrezia was eleven years old, besides, a new impropriety was -added to the number already submersing ordinary moral comprehension. -It was then that Julia Farnese, aged sixteen, became Alexander's -mistress. There was no concealment, and Lucrezia became unhesitatingly -involved in the new arrangements. To her the circumstance wore no more -unnatural air than marriage. The child had never been in an atmosphere -of customary domesticity since she was born; her playfellows were -almost all the children of other cardinals, and in thinking of her -life it should be remembered that few minds question easily the -standards of conduct grown familiar since early childhood. - -She was herself already engaged to two people. Alexander, looking at -this time to his own country for a good match for his daughter, had -formally promised her hand to a Spaniard. In the same year, -considering it a better bargain, he also affianced her to a certain -Don Gasparo; so that the child had actually two prospective husbands -at one time. Nothing came of either. In 1492, Innocent VII. died, and -Rodriguez Borgia was elected Pope in his place, assuming the name of -Alexander. He had always notably pleasant manners, but Giovanni de -Medici, looking at the new Pope, remarked, nevertheless, under his -breath, "Now we are in the jaws of a ravening wolf, and if we do not -flee he will devour us." He devoured a good many, though his primary -policy was widespread propitiation. - -For Lucrezia, her father's elevation from cardinal to Pope proved -immediately significant. The two previously chosen husbands were -dropped; neither was good enough for a Pope's daughter. And in 1493 -they married her to Giovanni Sforza, who was an independent sovereign, -and a relation also of the powerful Ludovico Sforza of Milan. She was -then thirteen years of age, and was to remain, after the marriage, one -more year in Rome before her husband took her away to his own -possessions. Ostensibly, however, they made a woman of her -immediately. She received a house of her own close to the Vatican, -Madonna Adrienne passed from governess into lady-in-waiting, and the -whole weariness of formal social life became a part of the child's -ordinary duties. She had to receive all important visitors to Rome, -and behave with the effortless dignity of a great lady. Alphonso of -Ferrara, come to render homage to the new Pope, had also to pay his -court to this thirteen-year-old bastard, whom he was himself later to -marry. He brought her, in fact, as a wedding present from the duke his -father, two large and beautifully worked silver washing jugs and -basins. - -Curiously enough, in the comments made about the marriage, there are -none at all concerning the girl herself. At that age she had clearly -no distinguishing precocities. The Ferrarese ambassador dismissed her -with a phrase, and that referring more to Alexander than the newly -made bride. He wrote that the Pope loved his daughter in a superlative -degree. It may have been so: it is a fact most biographers lay stress -upon. Nevertheless, almost every single known incident tells against -much affection, and it is very certain that he sacrificed her whenever -it was necessary, either for Cæsar's ambition or his own purposes. - -Another brief reference made to her at this time is in the well-known -letter by Pucci. From his statement it would almost seem as if Julia -Farnese and Lucrezia were housed together. For he mentioned going to -call upon Julia at the Palace of Santa Maria in Porlica, and wrote, -"When we got there she had just been washing her hair. We found her -sitting by the fire with Madonna Lucrezia, the daughter of his -Holiness, and she welcomed both my companions and myself with every -appearance of delight.... She desired me to see the child, who is -already quite big and as like the Pope _adeo ut vere ex ejus semine -orta dici possit_. - -"Madonna Julia has grown fatter, having developed into a very -beautiful woman. While I was there she unbound her hair and had it -dressed. Once loose it fell to her feet; I have never seen anything to -compare with it. Truly she has the most beautiful hair imaginable. She -wore a thin lawn head-dress, and over it the lightest of nets -interwoven with gold threads, shining like the sun.... Her dress was -made after the style of the Neapolitans, and trimmed with fur. So was -Madonna Lucrezia's, who after a while went and changed hers, coming -back in a gown made of purple velvet." - - [Illustration: VIRGIN AND CHILD - BY PINTORRICCHIO, IN THE HALL OF ARTS AT THE VATICAN] - -The reference to Lucrezia is singularly meaningless, but the letter -itself is interesting. The child of fourteen and the deliberate wanton -were evidently, at least, in constant companionship. "Wanton" is a -strong expression, but Julia Farnese belonged to the type for whom no -other word is equally applicable. She was young, fresh, beautiful, and -Pope Alexander was an old corrupt man of sixty. But she became his -mistress with the same tranquil publicity with which a woman might -become the consort of a reigning sovereign. The fact of her soiled -youth and abandoned domestic decencies weighed no more upon -imagination, than the casual discarding of an uncared-for garment. - -Pintorricchio, in his series of frescoes at the Vatican, is said to -have painted her as well as Alexander and Lucrezia. There is, above -the door of the Hall of Arts, a madonna and child, the madonna of -which is supposed to have been Julia. If so--and it looks essentially -like a portrait--she was very interesting as well as exquisite. There -is character and a sort of intelligent carelessness about the -face--the kind of carelessness that suggests an intuitive -consciousness of the insignificance of most minor occurrences. The -error made by Julia was in including ethics among the non-important -contingencies. - -As regards the question whether she and Lucrezia were really painted -by Pintorricchio, there seems little doubt that, since the portrait of -Alexander is incontestable, those of the two girls would have been -included somewhere in the series of frescoes. Alexander must so -certainly have desired them painted, and both would have been about -the ages they look in the frescoes at the time Pintorricchio was at -work upon the private apartments of the Pope. As a matter of fact, -Pintorricchio laboured quietly for years in the rooms through which -Lucrezia was constantly passing, and he must have become so much part -of unchanging daily impressions, that one imagines all her after -memories of life in Rome held as a sort of background the -consciousness of the wonderful pictures in which the painter -expressed, with perhaps more completeness than anywhere else, his -special sense of loveliness. - -Lucrezia must have known Pintorricchio from the time when she was -little more than a child until her third marriage, though it is -probable that she was at this period too engrossed and light-headed to -take much notice of the wistful-looking man making beauty upon every -side of her. Certainly the complicated nature of her own domestic -drama was in itself sufficient to absorb anybody. Not long after her -marriage Il Moro had drawn France into the Neapolitan adventure. -Alexander VI. was vehemently opposed to this invasion, and was, -besides, close friends with the King of Naples. Instantly the -situation became difficult for Lucrezia's husband; the policy of his -house and that of his father-in-law had grown brusquely antagonistic. - -Giovanni himself was acutely alive to the awkwardness of his own -position. In 1494 he wrote to Ludovico that he had been asked by the -Pope what he had to say to the situation, and had answered, "Holy -Father, everybody in Rome believes that you are in agreement with the -King of Naples, who is the enemy of Milan. If it is so, I am in a very -difficult position, for I am in the pay of your Holiness and of the -last-named state. If things are to follow this course, I do not see -how I can serve the one without abandoning the other, though I desire -to detach myself from neither." He concluded the letter by a -statement very unflattering to Lucrezia. "If I had known, monseignor," -wrote the distracted Sforza, "that I should find myself in my present -position, I would sooner have eaten the straw of my bed than have made -this marriage." - -As a young girl, Lucrezia obviously arrested nobody's notice. This -alone suggests that she was not wicked: wickedness always at least -produces attention. To her first husband, when he wrote the above -letter, she could have held no kind of significance. Shortly after -sending it, however, Giovanni left Rome for his own town, Pesaro, -taking the girl he so much regretted marrying with him. He was not yet -openly on bad terms with the Vatican: in addition to his own wife, he -had been given charge of quite a collection of the Pope's ladies. -Julia Farnese, Madonna Adrienne, and Madonna Vanozza were all -included, an outbreak of the plague in Rome having terrified Alexander -as to the safety of the two younger women. Giovanni, probably, would -have preferred Lucrezia to have been less accompanied. Involved always -in this crowd of feminine connections, she must, as a young girl, have -worn almost a mechanical air of manipulation--have seemed little -better than a mouthpiece for the Vatican opinions. While they were at -Pesaro, however, husband and wife went through the momentarily uniting -experience of falling equally under the Pope's displeasure. They had, -it seems, permitted Madonna Julia and Madonna Adrienne to leave them. -Julia's brother was seriously ill, and the two women had gone to nurse -him. Upon this matter, Alexander, who could be very petulant when -thwarted, wrote himself, and not at dictation, to Lucrezia. He wrote -that he was much surprised at not having heard more often from them, -and in a tense and irritated sentence ordered the girl to be more -punctilious for the future. But this was not the real grievance, and -he passed instantly to the departure of Julia and her mother. Lucrezia -and Giovanni were both held to have behaved equally inexcusably in -letting them go without permission from Alexander. He wrote as if they -had been two disobedient children, whose deliberate frowardness had -resulted, as they must have known perfectly from the beginning, in -great annoyance to him personally. At the end of exasperated -remonstrance, they were warned that for the future they would never -again be trusted. A letter like this, including both in mutual -disgrace, might easily have fugitively roused a slight bond of -friendliness between so young a couple. The general opinion is, -notwithstanding, that they were never sympathetic. At Pesaro, besides, -though Lucrezia remained there a year, they were very seldom together. -Giovanni held the position of officer in the Pope's army, and it was a -year of sharp anxiety for Alexander. It required Charles VIII.'s -feeble return journey to France before the papal ground felt once more -solid under the pontiff's feet. - -Then Lucrezia was recalled to Rome, and the old wayward existence at -her palace near the Vatican was taken up once more. From this time -onwards the Borgia scandals thickened with extraordinary rapidity, -becoming the interested gossip of every other court in Italy. -Alexander's youngest son, Jofre, had married a Spanish girl several -years older than himself, and upon the return of political quietude -brought her back with him to Rome. This Madonna Sancia alone piled up -a staggering accumulation of scandals for Italy to gasp at. She had a -passion, in her most innocent moments, for the less tranquil pleasures -of life. Her arrival whipped up the gaiety of social Rome into an -extremity of worldliness. She was openly flagrant: the word -"wickedness" seemed to have no more unpleasant meaning to her than -another. Both her husband's brothers, Giovanni and Cæsar Borgia, were -said to be among her lovers. Giovanni Borgia's subsequent murder, in -fact, was looked upon by many people as the outcome of her lack of -moral reasonableness, Cæsar's jealousy, it was thought, driving him to -thrust the other prematurely upon eternity. Between the gorgeous -wickedness of Sancia and Julia Farnese, Lucrezia was trailed like some -insignificant and unconsidered appendage. She is mentioned constantly -as in the society of Sancia, but no impropriety is even suggested -concerning her, until the divorce with Giovanni involved her in the -hate universally nourished against the rest of the family. - -This divorce had been shaping ever since the French invasion had -rendered the Sforzas politically useless to Alexander. One day -Giovanni Sforza was bluntly requested to abandon Lucrezia. Should he -refuse, extreme measures were threatened, and no man so intimate with -the family could possibly have been unacquainted with the kind of -coercion likely to be employed should he maintain obduracy. For a few -days he went about hoarding rather more bitterness than he knew how to -deal with. Then a dramatic urgency brought indecision to an abrupt -conclusion. According to most accounts of the story, Jacomino, -_camerière_ to Giovanni Sforza, was in Lucrezia's room one day when -they heard Cæsar Borgia's footsteps outside. Lucrezia had already been -made cognizant of the pending divorce. Alexander and Cæsar never -regarded the soft and pliant creature as likely to need concealments. -She was to them obviously the perfect tool, childlike, flighty, -inherently docile, and moved by the least enticement to new -anticipations. But Lucrezia even then had some instincts her people -did not know of, and to deprive a man of the delight of living was not -endurable to her. She must have suspected some sinister communication, -for on hearing Cæsar's footsteps she thrust Jacomino behind some -tapestry. In the course of conversation, Cæsar stated that the order -to assassinate her husband had already been given. It sounds -incredible, but then the whole Borgia history has the same quality of -impossible melodrama. The moment he had gone Lucrezia rushed to the -curtains: the man must go at once and save his master. Twenty-four -hours later Giovanni Sforza reached Pesaro. His horse fell dead as he -arrived. - -Gregorovius states that Lucrezia was not agreeable to the divorce. It -fits in pleasantly with one's conception of her to believe that this -was true. The Lucrezia of recent discovery would have been bound by a -light and gentle affection to any one not unkind to her, and all her -instincts would have been against giving pain to anybody. Certainly, -after Giovanni's escape, she felt the weight of some unpleasantness at -the Vatican. And shortly afterwards she either went, or was sent in -disgrace, to the convent of San Sisto on the Appian Way. In a letter -written that June by Donati Aretino to Cardinal Hippolyte D'Este, he -says: "Madonna Lucrezia has left the palace _insalutato hospite_, and -has gone to stay at a convent called San Sisto, where she still is. It -is rumoured by some that she desires to become a nun herself, but -there are a number of other rumours as well, of a nature not possible -to trust to a letter." - -These "other rumours" are presumably the scandals which leapt into -belief after the divorce, and which Giovanni, embittered to the marrow -of his bones, is credited with having started. - -But the divorce obtained, a new marriage was instantly negotiated for -the girl, whose ideas of customary conduct must have been so piteously -topsy-turvy. The new match contemplated was solely intended to -benefit Cæsar--in it Lucrezia became purely a means of assistance. -Cæsar, having renounced the priesthood after the mysterious murder of -his elder brother, which had taken place while Lucrezia was in the -convent, had conceived the scheme of marrying Charlotte of Aragon, and -through this marriage of becoming King of Naples. Since the French -invasion the present reigning dynasty crumbled visibly. Cæsar had -already asked for Princess Charlotte's hand, and had been emphatically -refused. It was hoped at the Vatican that Lucrezia's marriage to -Charlotte's brother, Don Alphonso, would pave the way for the other -and more important wedding. Lucrezia was eighteen at the time of her -second marriage, and, according to the ambassador of Mantua, really in -love with the handsome boy who made her Duchess of Biselli. - -Unfortunately they remained in Rome, in the undesirable set Lucrezia -had belonged to from babyhood, and from this time horrible scandals -grew as thickly round Lucrezia as the rest of her family. According to -one of them, she had given birth to an illegitimate son, by a certain -favourite of Alexander's, Perotto. This unfortunate is another person -whom Cæsar is credited with having murdered. He did it apparently in -the Pope's very presence, and splashed the blood all over the old -man's garments. The existence of a child by Perotto is not -corroborated, and the truth of later scandals, since discussed with -bated breath, is less ascertainable still. At the same time, that -Lucrezia should have given birth to an illegitimate baby is very -feasible. In a society where lovers were more normal than husbands, it -is difficult to conceive that she should have escaped with flawless, -untarnished innocence--probably took a lover because she was young, -affectionate, and nobody she knew thought it grievous behaviour. -Nevertheless, though there is every reason for this individual scandal -to have had roots in truth, the evidence for its genuineness is -equally flimsy and unsupported. - -For a year the Biselli marriage wore an air of ordinary -successfulness. Then the politics of the Vatican veered once more, and -tragically and brutally, Lucrezia's fate changed with them. Louis XII. -had started the second Italian campaign, and Alexander was now upon -the side of the French. Once more, therefore, the awkward factor in -the situation became Lucrezia's husband. It seemed, indeed, as if she -was to have a knack of possessing awkward spouses. In this second -crisis Lucrezia, however, did not wait to be warned of danger, and one -day Alphonso disappeared. A Venetian writer in Rome remarks: "The Duke -of Biseglia, husband of Madonna Lucrezia, has secretly fled, and is -gone to Genazzano, to the Colonnas. He has left his wife six months -_enceinte_, and she does nothing but cry." The statement is at last a -lifting of the veil for a second from the girl's character. She loved -this second husband; at the hint of danger she sent him away, but once -gone she cried for him all day. This is the whole conduct-sheet of any -normal, tender woman. - -Alphonso wrote and urged her to follow him, but Alexander, it is said, -forced her to beg Alphonso to return instead. There is some confusion -at this point. Certainly, in the end, Lucrezia was sent away into the -country--to Spoleto--and here, after a little while, Alphonso joined -her. It was dangerous, but they were at the age when evil -anticipations are sustained with an effort. It is not natural in one's -teens to hold for ever a problematical foreboding. Death in fulness of -physical well-being is a dark midnight possibility, not a permanent -obsession for broad and cheerful daylight. Foolishly, and yet so -naturally, their fears gradually fell away, and Cæsar Borgia being at -Forli, fighting, by the following October they were back in Rome, -where Lucrezia gave birth to a son, and where, for another year, they -lived undisturbed, while Michelangelo was at work upon his Pieta -Copernicus, and Pintorricchio continued to make pictures round the -walls of the Vatican. - - [Illustration: THE ANNUNCIATION - FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE - VATICAN] - -In 1500, the year of Alexander's jubilee, Cæsar returned, and the -calamity, which had practically been a foregone conclusion for a year, -came upon the Biselli household. Before it occurred, however, an -incident occurred which is another strong testimony to gentleness of -heart in Lucrezia. A chimney fell upon Alexander, and during his brief -illness it was not his mistress, nor any of the many persons whose -business it was more or less to attend to him, who undertook the -nursing, but the girl Lucrezia herself. It is said the old man refused -to have anybody else about him. Clearly, then, she had more tender -ways, more naturally capable and patient methods, than the rest, and -to a patient made herself the comfortable embodiment of motherliness, -sympathy, control, and unselfishness. No woman would be clamoured for -in a sick-room who did not possess all the finer and warmer qualities -of character. - -Soon after this the inevitable happened. Alphonso, walking up the -steps of the Vatican, was set upon by a group of masked men with -daggers. Grievously wounded, he managed to tear past them into the -Pope's own apartments, where Lucrezia was sitting with her father. As -the bleeding man staggered into the room she fainted dead away. So -would any normally tender woman, dragged suddenly from the trivial -conversation into this new horror of desolation. - -The dying man was put to bed, and joyfully given the last absolution. -But Lucrezia, ill herself with a fever brought on by shock, made a -desperate struggle to save the life belonging to her. Here again she -shows as a perfectly natural woman. Driven at last into revolt by -those she dared not openly defy, and heartsick, shaken, burning with -terror, impotence, and distress, she yet fought them with all the -pitiful means at her disposition. Nobody but herself or his sister -Sancia were allowed to attend the wounded man; all his food these two -cooked between them, probably with their hearts racing in perpetual -fearfulness. It is said--and there seems always a vague suggestion -behind these circumstances that Alexander was a weak man in the power -of Cæsar--that the Pope himself sided with the two aching, troubled -women, and helped to keep dangerous persons out of the sick-room. But -Alphonso once convalescent, Cæsar could not be refused admittance. He -had no recognized hand in the crime; none could openly accuse him. -Nevertheless, his visit accentuated sinister anticipations. After -making it he remarked grimly, "What was unsuccessful at noon may be -successful at night." - -He took every care that it should. One evening the two women--why is -difficult to understand, for both were soaked in heartbreaking -suspicions--left the room for a moment. Cæsar himself must surely have -seen to their absence, for instantly afterwards he slipped in with his -throttler Michelletto, and in a minute or two Lucrezia was a widow. -The agony, sharp enough, had at least been brief. - -This time, though there is not a single intimate statement written -about her, Lucrezia must have made some primary outcry, some first -plaint against the cruelty of such a widowhood. The Venetian -ambassador refers to trouble between Lucrezia and her father. He -writes: "Madonna Lucrezia, who is generous and discreet, was formerly -in high favour with the Pope, but he seems no longer to care for her." -The girl was then at Nepi. What had previously occurred no one knows, -but she and her father would certainly not have fallen out if her -meekness had remained predominant. Something must have overstrained -docility and sent her once more out of Rome, either in a spirit of -bitterness or because she exasperated those who controlled her -existence. - -But negotiations for a third marriage were not allowed to linger. When -Cæsar had subdued the plucky and intensely wicked Catherine Sforza, -and taken the town of Pesaro, Collenuccio mentions at the end of a -letter, "The Pope intends to give this town as a dowry to Madonna -Lucrezia, and to secure her an Italian husband who will always keep on -good terms with the Valentinois. I do not know if this is the truth, -but it is at least generally believed to be." In the same letter there -is a sketch of Cæsar himself. Collenuccio says, "He is looked upon as -brave, powerful, and generous, and they say he takes care to make much -of wealthy people. He is pitiless in his vengeances; many people have -told me this. He is a man with a great spirit, and set on greatness -and glory, but it seems he prefers to conquer provinces than to -pacify and organize them." - -Nevertheless, because the Borgia was a man with an unrelaxed purpose, -he stood, even for a good many of his enemies, as a type of greatness. -Machiavelli actually made him the ideal of governing princedom--the -subtle combination of the lion and the fox. - -Machiavelli--himself so extraordinarily interesting--belongs to the -history of Florence and not to that of Rome and Alexander. He never -came actually into contact with Lucrezia, but the following -description of his days, when he was living on his own small estate, -given in a letter to a friend, is so luminously expressive of the -spirit of the age in which he and Lucrezia lived that there seems more -than sufficient reason for including it. He wrote that he got up at -sunrise, and after a couple of hours in the woods, where he examined -the work of the previous day and chatted with the wood-cutters, he -walked to a certain grove with a volume of Dante, Petrarch, or one of -the Latin poets, to read. Subsequently he strolled to the inn, -gossiped with the people there, and by direct intercourse with many -kinds of temperaments studied human nature. For dinner, which he spoke -of as being very simple fare, he returned home; but the meal over, he -made his way back to the inn, where he passed the afternoon playing at -_cricca_ and _tric-trac_ with the host or any one else who happened to -be there. It was not apparently desired to be a peaceful recreation. -Machiavelli states, with a sort of cheerful glow, that they quarrelled -incessantly, and shouted at each other like infuriated lunatics. But -this boisterousness was for the day. When the evening came he once -more went homewards, and this time, having discarded his muddy country -clothes, and having dressed himself with as much care as if he were at -court, he retired to his library till bedtime, and became absorbed in -the works of past writers. This was in reality the intense portion of -his days; all his nature, he wrote, became immersed in the joy of this -intellectual companionship, everything else, every care, every thought -for the present or the future, slipping away from him while he read. - -Machiavelli's day contains the whole substance of Renaissance -behaviour--absolute immersion of personality in fine art or good -literature, and along with it the extreme of physical tempestuousness. -These people almost panted with vitality; they were not yet subdued -and wearied through the evil and sorrows of too many past generations. - -Lucrezia, like the rest, responded to life far too instinctively to -hold grief for any period. She took the interest of a giddy child in -the suggestions for her third marriage, and this time Alexander had -chosen Alphonso of Ferrara as the person essentially desirable. It was -aiming ambitiously. The besmirched, divorced, and widowed daughter of -a Pope did not constitute a suitable bride for the future Duke of -Ferrara. In fact, the proposal created nothing less than a panic when -laid before the chosen bridegroom and his father. Lucrezia's -reputation was unspeakable. - -The charge of incest was among others laid against her. It has been -repeated by Machiavelli, Guicciardini, and the poets Sanozzo and -Pontanus. Nevertheless, nobody now believes it. Neither Alexander nor -Cæsar's conduct makes it supposable. Secondly, all those who spread it -had either personal animosity against the Borgias or repeated it -solely from hearsay. The two poets, besides, were friends and subjects -of the house of Aragon, and in Naples, after the murder of Alphonso, -the word "Borgia" stood for abomination. - -But in Ferrara the accusation was unquestioned, and Alphonso -immediately and violently refused to entertain the idea of the -suggested marriage for a second. The old Duke Ercole, though no less -nauseated than his son, was even more harassed and more fearsome. To -offend Alexander involved the security of his duchy. To make matters -worse, when the Pope's proposal reached Ferrara, other wifely -negotiations had already been started with France. And suddenly all -pleasant plans were made parlous and uncertain. Distressed out of -circumlocution, Ercole wrote plainly and rather piteously to the -French ambassador, begging that the French king would not take the -side of the Pope, but would write and support him by stating, which -would have been almost the truth, that another marriage had already -been arranged for. The whole letter was full of stress and pleading, -and though ending with the statement that consent to the union would -in any case never be wrung out of him, and that in addition nothing -would induce his son to take the lady, it showed in every line the -anguish of a revolt that knows its own futility. - -Ercole found no friend to help him. His letters, after Louis had -slithered out of the responsibility of abetting him, revealed the -agitation this acceptance of a virtueless future duchess caused at -Ferrara. Exasperated and miserable, he showed openly that he regarded -the king's conduct as a mean refusal of good-fellowship. He gave in -finally, as he was bound to do, but spoke of it with a tragic veracity -as an act "postponing" the honesty of his most ancient house. - -The news caused an almost outrageous joy at the Vatican, though -Lucrezia's delight is perhaps the most inexplicable of the abundantly -inexplicable facts of her existence. She could not have believed -herself welcome, and she could not have conceived Alphonso as a -genial, heart-stirring companion. He was emphatically a man satisfied -with men's society. His appearance, besides, was in itself sufficient -to terrorize a woman of light reputation. Lucrezia had seen him and -the remorseless type of the straight, down-reaching nose, the tip -almost touching the upper lip. Physically he was a fine creature, but -cold suspicion glared out of him, and only excessive courage or -excessive obtuseness would have dared to be wholly at ease in his -presence. True, the marriage offered Lucrezia the great opportunity of -her life--the opportunity to retrieve, which should follow everybody's -primary misdemeanours. She rose, moreover, magnificently to the -occasion, and through that fact alone made her life of deep and -touching value. For no past human backsliding should be allowed to -blur the smoothness of a changed and nobler future. There is no object -in life if improvement is to be hindered by cast-off failings. But -though Lucrezia wiped out a bad beginning by the finest possible -maintenance of contrary behaviour, she was not the woman to think of -this beforehand, or to plan deeply and carefully the development of a -new character. She possessed too strongly the wisdom of living in the -moment, and her retrievement came, not from any long-considered -purpose, but _naturally_ when once removed from the constant, forceful -on-thrust of evil people. - -The instant the engagement had been brought about, a correspondence -began between her and Ercole. Certainly men were practised liars in -those days. When Ercole wrote to Cæsar Borgia accepting the proposed -marriage, he stated that he did so "on account of the reverence we -feel for the holiness of our Lord, and the admirable character of the -most illustrious Madonna Lucrezia, but even more for the great -affection we have for your Excellence." - -When the marriage by proxy had taken place, he further wrote to -Lucrezia herself that not only was the marriage a great happiness and -comfort in his old age, but that he had loved his new daughter-in-law -from the first, both because of the exceptional goodness of her -character, and because of her relationship to the Pope and to Cæsar -Borgia. Just at the end a grain of truth slipped in, when he stated -that he hoped that posterity through her would be assured to his house -in Ferrara. - -In spite of these protestations of affection, the D'Estes were -anything but comfortable. What they feared is clear from a letter of -the Ferrarese ambassador, written after a long interview with -Lucrezia. He wrote that she showed nothing but excellent qualities, -and appeared extremely modest, gracious, and decorous, as well as -fervently religious. He adds, "She is very pretty, but doubly so -through the charm of her manners. To be brief, her character seems to -me to warrant no evil anticipations, but to raise rather the most -pleasant expectations." Another writer says of her at this same period -that though she was not regularly beautiful, her golden hair, white -skin, and gentle manners made her a most attractive person. Also he -mentions, "She is very joyous and light-hearted, and is always -laughing." The radiance of a sunny temperament was in reality one of -the best things she brought to her reluctant husband. - -At Ferrara, Isabella of Mantua came to help her brother to receive -the Roman widow. Her letters to her husband give a graphic description -of the first days of Lucrezia's third marriage. Isabella--a keen lover -of admiration--was a little put out by rivalry with the new-comer. -Every reference to Lucrezia holds the suspicion of a sting. Even the -simple phrase, "I need not describe Lucrezia's appearance, as you have -already seen her," placed in Isabella's context, conveys an -unfavourable impression. - -The irritation of a certain insecurity acidified opinion. Isabella was -an acknowledged beauty; from babyhood she had been accustomed to be -looked upon as a pearl among women. This disreputable Borgia, with -hair equally as golden and with her incomparably magnificent clothes -and jewellery, might produce a division of opinions. Even Isabella's -own lady-in-waiting mentioned to the Marquis of Mantua that the bride -was sweet and attractive in appearance. At any rate, the marchesana -wrote: "Your Excellency enjoys more pleasure in being able to see our -baby son every day than I am able to get out of these festivities.... -Bride and bridegroom slept together last night, but we omitted the -usual morning visit, since, to be frank, this is a very chill -marriage. I think that both my suite and I compare favourably with -the rest here, and we shall, at any rate, win the prize for -card-playing, Spagnali having already won 500 gold pieces off the Jew. -To-day there is dancing till four o'clock, after which another play is -to be given...." She wrote again next day, and jealousy had evidently -not been alleged in the interval. "We passed yesterday shut up in our -rooms until four o'clock, as, being Friday, there was no dancing, and -Madonna Lucrezia, in order to outdo the Duchess of Urbino and myself, -insisted upon spending all these hours over her toilet.... Your -Excellency has no cause to envy my presence at this wedding, for never -was a more spiritless and unemotional an affair." - -Isabella was a great, lusty creature, and Lucrezia a frail, slight -woman, just arrived from an exhausting journey, after having been -overtired before she started. If she could not charm, besides, in -these first crucial days, her case was lost. Who cares at any time to -champion an ugly woman with every fragment of evidence against her? -But a fresh, smiling, childlike creature disarms antagonism through -sheer contagion of joy. And Lucrezia, as one knows, could be like -sunshine itself in her soft urbanity and good humour. She did her best -to create a pacifying impression, and succeeded. Nevertheless, the -marriage remained, as Isabella had said, a cold one. The bride was so -lightly thought of that not even a pretence of affection could be -asked from Alphonso. Alexander himself only required that he should -actually be her husband, and, satisfied upon that point, remarked to -the Ferrarese ambassador, "It is true that being young he wanders here -and there after pleasure during the day, but he does well." - -From the first, however, Lucrezia proved herself wonderful. She had no -sooner reached Ferrara than she shed the soiled Roman personality, as -she might have done a dirty garment. Without slow gradations, she -showed herself a pleasant, sober housewife, lacking even the -self-assurance to make demands upon fidelity. Intellectually, she -could not compete with Isabella of Mantua or Elizabeth of Urbino; but -she had, at least, sufficient vitality of character to turn her back -in one bound, as it were, on her entire past life, as if she were -trying to prove herself an alien personality. - -Ercole she conquered immediately. He was old, and this girl, whose -coming had so agitated him, possessed a very graceful attitude towards -her elders. Also he was tired, and those nearing the tragic -termination of existence are always fugitively warmed by the presence -of attentive youthfulness. These two, at least, got on excellently. -Once she fell ill, and had to go away for the sake of her health. -During her absence the old man insisted upon receiving daily notes of -her condition. They are the simplest, most disarming little letters -imaginable. Of all things about Lucrezia, artfulness appears the most -conspicuously absent. Her sins could never have been of the -deliberate, prearranged order. She must have stumbled into them, more -than anything, as a strayed, unshepherded lamb falls over a precipice. - -Presently came the customary baby. It was a girl, thus thwarting the -wishes of everybody. But Lucrezia knew some comfort, notwithstanding. -For a time she was dangerously ill, and during this period Alphonso -could hardly be drawn from her bedside. Evidently he had grown aware -that she suited him, and the weak girl in her stuffy bed must have -experienced an inflow of pleasure. She had not been good for nothing. - -Her recovery brought her to one of the most fateful events of her -fateful and dramatic existence. Alexander suddenly died. He and Cæsar -had fallen ill simultaneously. Every one spoke of poison, but -Alexander's symptoms were perfectly consistent with apoplexy. His -death, however, placed the new Ferrarese lady in the utmost social -peril. She had become Don Alphonso's wife solely because he and Ercole -deeply feared her father. Now that he was dead, nothing could be -easier than to draw upon the hoard of former scandals and to repudiate -her upon the strength of them. Alexander was no sooner buried, in -fact, than Louis XII. remarked diplomatically to the Ferrarese -ambassador, "I know you never approved of this marriage. Madame -Lucrezia has never been, in fact, the wife of Don Alphonso." - -Lucrezia must have grown cold with terror; but nothing calamitous -occurred. Fortunately she had been given sufficient time to show _how_ -good she could be. By now neither Ercole nor Alphonso desired to -change the gentle-mannered woman, who was needed to give an heir to -the family. Her placid, light urbanity suited both, and the danger -that threatened for a moment to overwhelm her drew off quietly like -calm, receding waters. But in connection with it one of the principal -friendships of Lucrezia's life at Ferrara comes into prominence. -Bembo, at the time of her mourning--a year after her marriage--had -become intimate enough to give the advice no man troubles to offer to -a woman entirely indifferent to him. He wrote, referring to -Alexander's death, that having been informed that her sorrow was -terrible and extreme, he had called the day before in the hope of -being able, in some small degree, to comfort her. But he owned -regretfully that his visit had proved useless, for he had no sooner -seen her than her forlorn unhappiness, and her piteous, black -draperies, had stricken him with such an overwhelming heartache, that -he had been literally unable to utter a single coherent sentence. He -then went on to beg her--and he wrote with a kind of tender -directness--to try and control her misery, for fear, the circumstances -being evidently not absolutely straightforward, it should be thought -she wept less for her father than for the possible insecurity of her -present position. He reminded her gently that this was not the first -dire calamity that a harsh fate had thrust upon her, and in some -admirably sincere phrases he practically beseeched her, for her own -sake, to show a brave and composed demeanour. He closed the letter by -an almost ingratiating apology for having said so much, and with the -request--so customary with a man in love--that she should take every -care of her health. - -Apart from the distress at seeing Lucrezia unhappy, the second part -of the letter shows a man who had received confidences. Lucrezia's -version--perhaps the true one--of the turbid past, was to some extent -in his keeping, and he gave her what warning he could to save her from -adding to her present precarious position in Ferrara. - -The friendship of these two is another of the uncertainties in which -everything intimately concerning Lucrezia lies. It has been dragged -unnecessarily into a false appearance of shadiness. A lock of her hair -was found among a packet of her letters to him, and though it is -extremely doubtful that the hair could have been hers even, the -intimacy because of it was immediately regarded as having passed the -bounds of virtue. Yet why should a lock of hair incriminate anybody? -The desire to soften the pains they see is strong in all mothering -women. Lucrezia wore her hair about her shoulders; scissors must have -been conveniently near owing to the amount of needlework done at that -period. Bembo, then a young man, was also for a time very much in -love, therefore capable of little sentimental comforts. A woman's hair -is a fragment of her very personality. To grant a boon like that, -under circumstances of such facility, would need merely a softened or -impulsive moment. Lucrezia, besides, with a husband absorbed in the -manufacture of explosives, may reasonably have been a little grateful -that somebody at least loved her. - - [Illustration: SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS - FROM THE SERIES OF FRESCOES PAINTED BY PINTORRICCHIO AT THE - VATICAN] - -There is no habit so pernicious as that of deducing evil from trivial -whimsicalities. No judgment that is unaware of the inner -subtleties--the whole complex growth of any given circumstance--does -aright to suppose harmfulness. A lock of hair may be the result of -sheer frowardness, or it may be the outcome of the most unaccompanied -compassion: it may be the meaningless consequence of sudden -unconsidered laughter, or the proffered comfort of a heart with -nothing else to offer. But in all cases it is entirely destitute, by -itself, of anything justifying a condemnatory construction. - -Bembo is too well known among Renaissance celebrities to need personal -explanations. Vasari says of him: "The Italians cannot be sufficiently -thankful to Bembo for having not only purified their language from the -rust of ages, but given it such regularity and clearness that it has -become what we see." Few men have known a life of more sustained -triumph. At the time of his friendship with Lucrezia he was young--a -good-looking man of about twenty-eight--but already he had attained a -widespread appreciation. - -He was not the only clever man in the duchess's society at Ferrara; -the traditions of the house were intellectual. Lucrezia, at last, had -fallen into excellent hands, and was being formed in the best school -possible. Men, notable not only for genius, but for serious qualities -of temperament, educated her by companionship. Bembo, Castiglione, -Aldo Manuce, were all men who thought with some profundity and -breadth. Ariosto, from 1503 in the service of Hippolyte D'Este, was -another man of genius she must have known intimately, and among minor -intellects the two Strozzi poets, as well as Tebaldeo and Callagnini, -sang her praises from personal acquaintance. - -It was not altogether, however, an easy-minded society. Alphonso, -though he mixed little with his wife's _entourage_, formed a -constantly dangerous background to it. His suspicions were always -alert. The murder of the poet Strozzi is put down to him, and in 1505 -Tebaldeo wrote to Isabella: "This duke hates me, though I do not know -why, and it is not safe for me to stay in the town." Even Bembo, in -his relations to his friend, had to be girded with the uttermost -caution, and finally for him also it became unadvisable to remain -longer in Ferrara. With his going one of the most delicate affections -of Lucrezia's life fell to pieces. And yet not altogether; Bembo, -though he took mistresses he loved to distraction, continued for -fifteen years to correspond with his Ferrarese duchess. Unless their -friendship had been very real and very rich in sincerities, it would -have crumbled into nothingness within a year. - -Lucrezia's intimacy with Castiglione was a slighter affair. He had no -importance in her life, save as being among those who helped to give -her culture. That she should have known him is interesting, however, -because in his great book Castiglione expressed with a limpid -particularity the Renaissance ideal of womanhood. On the whole it was -an unimaginative conception--at least expressed as Castiglione -expressed it. For no book ever avoided more completely than "The -Courtier" any obliqueness or any individual frankness of idiosyncrasy. -Tact, according to Castiglione, was the essential mainspring of -feminine fascination--tact and the art of conversation. One wise point -he insisted upon--suavity. That, he said, should be inseparable from -every woman's society. The remark lingers in the memory,--suavity, a -soft and soothing composure, having so nearly passed out of even the -conception of good manners. Scandals, especially of her own sex, it -was unpardonable for a woman either to utter or to attend to. Dancing -and other accomplishments he urged as a necessary part of education; -but, on the other hand, he did not encourage naturalness. He wrote: -"When she cometh to dance or to show any kind of music, she ought to -be brought to it with suffering herself somewhat to be prayed, and -with a certain bashfulness that may declare the noble shamefastness -that is contrary to headiness." The early Victorian code of good -manners was therefore only a return to a former fashion, and a fashion -instigated by men and not by women at all. - -Castiglione wrote at length upon the question of dress. Here his -common sense is unimpeachable: "Women ought to have a judgment to know -what manner of garments set her out best, and be most fit for the -exercise she intendeth to undertake at that instant, and with them -array herself." He urged keenly that lean and fat should pay attention -to their peculiarities. Every woman, he insisted, ought to do all in -her power to keep herself "cleanly and handsome." - -Upon the subject of morality, Castiglione possessed no grave feelings. -He advocated virtue, but not because conduct is vital, far-reaching, -touching momentarily the character and fate of so many besides the -doer, but almost entirely on account of the greater safety attaching -to circumspection. Intrigue involved so many dangers. Consequently, he -urged women "to be heedful, and remember that men with less jeopardy -show to be in love than women." He begged a woman to "give her lover -nothing but her mind when either hatred of her husband or the love he -beareth to others inclineth her to love." Words were so much vapour, -but a definite action was perilously apt to produce definite -consequences. Husbands had a knack of revenging in their own wives -what they asked from the wives of others. - -A quaint and almost subtle stipulation ends the list. The perfect -lady, according to Castiglione, "must not only be learned, but able to -devise sports and pastimes." All active brains need rest. The -desirable woman should know, in consequence, how to relax the tension -of absorbing thoughts, as well as how to tender the encouragement of -sympathy. Health demands some intervals for relaxation and -foolishness. - -Castiglione himself married a child called Ippolyta Torelli, whose -life was tragically brief. As a husband, nothing is known of him -except that he was a good deal away from home. His wife wrote _one_ -exquisite letter--one loves her because of it--and that is practically -all that remains of their domestic existence. The note was written -just before her death, which took place through the birth of her third -child. She lay in bed, and put on paper-- - - "My dear Husband, - - "I have given birth to a little girl, which I do not think you - will be displeased to hear. I have suffered this time much more - than before, and I have had three bad bouts of fever. But now I - am better, and hope to suffer no more pain. I will not write - more to you lest I overtax my strength. But with all my heart I - commend myself to your lordship. - - "In Mantua, the 20th of August, 1520. - - "Your wife, who is a little weary with pain." - -The caressing prettiness of the last phrase is like the feel of a -tired child's hand slipped into one's own. Castiglione felt her death -acutely, and wrote that he never dreamt his wife, whom he referred to -with great tenderness, would have died before him, and all he now -prayed for was that the Almighty might not leave him long before he -followed her. - -Lucrezia needed friends at Ferrara. Her life was one almost without -respite from harassments, internal troubles and political insecurity -being always present. Plague and famine devastated the well-being of -the duchy. Twice Lucrezia was left in charge of a famine-stricken -district, and twice proved herself capable, resourceful, -self-forgetting. On the first occasion she was ill, but, -notwithstanding, absolutely refused to leave the town as ordered by -the doctors. She worked for the unhappy people starving about her, in -a flaming rush of pity. Jews and Christians were alike to Lucrezia; -her protection of Jews was strenuous in a period when the mere name -roused men's ferocity. That her heart throbbed in response to the -right instincts is proved by the whole compassionate fabric of her -later life. Any human being, intuitively conscious that pain equalizes -all things, cannot be encased in the callousness of the really bad or -cold nature. During all the years Lucrezia lived in Ferrara her care -for charitable institutions was personal and active. - -And it should be remembered that philanthropy had not yet become a -fashionable occupation; sympathy of attitude by those in high places -was still unusual and undemanded. The management of the few existing -charitable houses during the Renaissance was deplorable. But Alphonso -and Lucrezia not only built a new and improved hospital for infectious -diseases, but took, besides, sufficient personal interest in its -patients to dismiss a man for neglecting the invalids entrusted to his -care. - -This phase of Lucrezia's life ought to be dwelt upon at length. It -lifts her from a flighty extravagance and immorality into positive -goodness of behaviour. Depth she probably had not--deep, brooding -persons are not necessary in great abundance--and the woman who left -her only child, the son of the murdered Don Alphonso, could not have -been fiercely tenacious of heart. In all Lucrezia's life, in fact, -this is the worst incident--this abandonment of her baby. So much was -thrust upon her; this surrender itself was so to a certain extent. But -not the manner of it, the effortless blitheness, the impulsive -acquiescence. It is this one revealing episode that chiefly keeps her -from the region of supremely wronged and tragic persons. - -In 1507 her brother Cæsar died. Alphonso was away at the time, fighting -with Louis XII. A letter, despatched at once, told him how she took the -news. According to the writer, "she showed great grief, but with -constancy and without tears." This phrase "without tears" carries a -certain poignant implication. Surely the hearer was at last sinking -through shallowness to find some deep places in her nature. Shallowness -can always shed tears. Had Lucrezia even been indifferent to Cæsar's -death--and indifference is the least likely sensation--shallowness -would have dropped a few tears of excitement, silliness, shock. There -is a moving weariness of grief in any tearless conduct. - -Isabella D'Este, who was with her at the time, wrote as well. She said -that Lucrezia "immediately went to the monastery of the Corpo di -Cristo, to offer up prayers for his soul. At the monastery she -remained for two nights, and having left it, she found herself so much -indisposed that her physician, for security, insisted on her keeping -her bed, to which she is still confined." - -Lucrezia had several children after her third marriage, and in the -year following Cæsar's death she gave birth to the desired heir, -Ercole, afterwards to marry the poor, cheerless Renée of France. But -she had been a delicate, frail creature all her life, and when, in -1519, she gave birth to a dead child, the case immediately became -hopeless. As a Roman Catholic, she was told at once how near Death -loomed, though the information seems a cruel thing to give to any -person not yet old enough to have wearied of existence. But Lucrezia, -who had never yet made a fuss about anything, did not make a fuss over -the last great unpleasantness of all. This composure at dying touches -all her past serenity with something almost effulgent. It makes her -suddenly full of strange wisdom and singular comprehensions; as if -unconsciously she understood the real value of individual mortality, -and knew it just sweet enough for smiles and laughter, but at the same -time too slight, unstable, and finite for great commotions or -disturbances. - -Having been told that she could not live any longer, and seeing -Alphonso suddenly attentive, the exhausted woman wasted no strength -contesting the unalterable, but simply lay quietly in her bed and -tried to think of God, the Virgin, and the world beyond. A few days -before her death she wrote to Pope Leo X. Her letter is sedateness -itself and courage. Nothing was further from its utterance than -discomposure or demur. If forlornness reached her at leaving the -lovely homeliness of mortal life, she was too magnanimously courteous -to burden another person with a private sorrow. She wrote-- - - "Most Holy Father and Worshipful Lord, - - "With all reverence I kiss your Holiness's feet, and humbly - commend myself to your good will. Having been in great pain for - more than two months, early on the morning of the 14th day of - the present month, according to the will of God, I gave birth to - a little daughter. I hoped then to get alleviation from my - sufferings, but the contrary took place, and I have to pay my - debt to nature. And through the grace of God I am conscious that - the end of my life is near, and that in a few hours, having - received the holy sacraments of the Church, I shall have passed - away. And having came to this state, as a Christian, although a - sinner, I beseech your Holiness in your goodness to give me from - the heavenly treasures spiritual consolation and your holy - benediction for my soul. This I most devoutly pray for, and to - your great mercy I commit my husband and my children, who are - all faithful servants of your Holiness. - - "In Ferrara, the 22nd of June, 1519, at the fourteenth hour. - - "Your Holiness's humble servant, - - "Lucrezia da Este." - -No braver letter, nor one more touching in its noble staidness of -expression, was ever written by a woman, knowing that in a few hours -life would have ceased for her. Two days after writing it she died, -and Alphonso wrote after her death that it was hard to face the loss -of so sweet a companion, the gentleness of her conduct having made the -bond between them a very close and tender one. No single individual -can possess the whole round of virtues--a fact too often ignored in -current judgment of character--but every writer lingered upon -Lucrezia's gentleness. There is no more winning thing than a gentle -woman. Persistent gentleness not only excludes harsh thoughts, but is -a force constantly wooing men out of turbulent bitterness and acrimony -of spirit. - -Alphonso fainted at his wife's funeral, and nothing could protest more -eloquently against assertions of her wickedness. Grim men of -Alphonso's fibre do not, after nine years of marriage, faint for a -woman who has not known how to bring to life the softer undergrowths -of character. Lucrezia must have possessed a more than normal degree -of conciliatory seduction. And she charms still, in spite of much -calumniating gossip, not only because she expressed undeviatingly the -heartening value of good cheer, and set so fine an example of how to -discard bad yesterdays, but to a certain extent because, as far as one -knows, she babbled nothing for biographers to seize upon, and so left -herself perpetually among the engrossing enigmas of European history. - - - - -MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME - -1492-1549 - - -The Renaissance in France has not the same degree of charm as the -Renaissance in Italy. It misses the radiance and the sense of open-air -sweetness that clings to the original movement. The women of the -Italian Renaissance were constantly adventuring into the country; the -enchantment of the climate lingers in all recollections of them. The -Renaissance in France conveys a different impression--one colder, more -troubled, more half-hearted. The large frescoed palaces, with their -adorable colonnades, are gone, and the sensation given is of a -bleaker, darker, and more housed existence. The entranced -light-heartedness of the Italian period did not travel into France. -When the Renaissance came into that country the Reformation came too, -and the labours of the Sorbonne robbed it of the youth and -irresponsibility that made the other so vital and complete. The -Italian Renaissance breathed out the exultation of adolescence; the -French, the reflectiveness of maturity. - -Of the French Renaissance, Margaret D'Angoulême is the central female -figure. She was born on April 11, 1492, when her mother, Louise de -Savoie, was only fifteen. Louise had been a poor relation at court -before she married, and her aunt, Anne of Beaujeu, had arranged her -marriage. Louise de Savoie was among the women who had not been given -a fair start in life. The bridegroom, Charles D'Angoulême, had already -an attachment; he loved greatly a certain Jeanne de Polignac. He did -his best not to marry Louise, and so remain unharassed in the service -of his lady friend. But Anne de Beaujeu was very masterful, and -Charles surrendered through necessity. He married Louise, then a child -of twelve, and made Jeanne de Polignac one of her ladies-in-waiting. - -When Louise was fifteen, Margaret was born, and two years afterwards, -Francis--"My Cæsar, my lord"--came into the world. A year later -Louise's husband died. She mentions the fact in her journal without -expressions of regret. Not but that she had been happy enough in his -lifetime. Charles, absorbed by his own love affairs, allowed his wife -moderate freedom to indulge in hers. But his death made such -amusements less anxious and more easy. The complaisance of husbands -has always an element of uncertainty. - -There was another trait in Louise's character to which her husband's -death gave fuller scope--her ardent maternal instincts. The quality of -her love for her children was vehement, jealous, and primitive. -Margaret, as a result of this, became educated in an atmosphere -unusual at that period. An indulged tenderness steeped her juvenile -days in pleasantness. There were no severities at Cognac. Of Francis, -Louise made an idol, but Margaret, though trained from the days she -could lisp to worship this idol along with her mother, was also -herself a treasured person. The glow of these early days left their -influence upon her for a lifetime. She never shook off the warmliness -of heart all her upbringing had encouraged. - -Upon Louise's widowhood, Louis XII. was for a short time very kind to -her and to her children. This mood suddenly changed--in a few days, it -is said--and a certain Jean de St. Gelais, a friend of Louise's, is -credited with having caused the alteration. Louise was ordered to -retire to the castle of Blois, and there was talk of taking the -children away from her. In the end, the Marechale de Gie, whose tragic -downfall has been told in the life of Anne, was given practical -control of her household. His first act--presumably under Louis's -orders--consisted in the dismissal of St. Gelais. It was this action -which Louise is supposed never to have forgiven. De Gie became her -most devoted supporter; all his interests were on the same side as -hers, all his aims were to place Francis subsequently upon the throne -of France. But when the catastrophe of Anne's luggage occurred, Louise -flung the weight of her evidence remorselessly against him, and lied -with a sinister heartiness. - -At Blois, Margaret was brought up with boys. A number of _pages -d'honneur_ were being educated with the heir-presumptive. Margaret -grew to know at an early age a good deal about the temperaments of the -other sex, and a good deal about flirtation. At nine years old she -went through her first love affairs. No wonder that later she knew, as -Brantome put it, more about the art of pleasing (_galanterie_) than -her daily bread. - -The playfellow to whom Margaret lost her childish heart was the -fascinating Gaston de Foix, but there were several others among her -brother's pages who were momentous in her after existence. There was, -for instance, Charles de Montpensier, afterwards Connétable de -Bourbon, whom Louise de Savoie, by unduly persecuting--it is said -because he refused to marry her--drove to the side of Charles V. Of -this Connétable, Henry VIII. of England made a shrewd observation when -he saw him at the Field of the Cloth of Gold. "If he was a subject of -mine," he said, "he would not keep his head." There was also, among -the pages at Blois, Anne de Montmorency, for whom Margaret's -friendship continued long after both were grown up. He owed his -subsequent position in a large measure to her assistance, but desirous -of possessing the supreme influence over Francis himself, he grew to -hate the woman who also possessed so much. The unworthy termination of -the friendship began in the light-hearted childhood at Blois--it was -Montmorency who made the famous remark to Francis: "If your majesty -wants to rid the country of heretics, you must begin with your own -sister"--which was among the sharpest disillusions of Margaret's -existence. - - [Illustration: HEAD OF GASTON DE FOIX - _Alinari_] - -But as a child her affection for Montmorency was as nothing to the -adoration she felt for the gentle, endearing Gaston, who could do -everything well, and whose manners won people's hearts perpetually. -Unfortunately, at ten Margaret was marriageable, and she had no sooner -reached that age than Louis XII. tried to arrange a marriage for her -with the English Prince of Wales--afterwards Henry VIII. Happily, -Henry wanted some one nearer the throne than a cousin, and the little -group at Blois remained unbroken. But the question of marriage was -always in the air--the sense that the enfolded home life might cease -at any moment could never be entirely shaken off. Later, Margaret -narrowly escaped another English husband. Henry VII., then an old -widower, wanted a second wife. He made a formal proposal for Louise. -She refused point-blank, and the ambassador then asked for the -daughter. This was accepted, and arrangements were in progress, when -Margaret herself suddenly set everybody agape by declining an old and -decrepid husband. The marriage came to nothing, though probably not -because of the small girl's protest; there were political reasons -against it as well. - -Meanwhile, Margaret's childish lover, Gaston, had left the château at -Blois. The modest-mannered boy, known familiarly as "the Dove," had -gone to take up a man's business, leaving his little weeping friend -behind him. But Margaret had grown by now into an interesting-looking -girl. Her face, at the age of sixteen, must have been singularly -arresting. She had the charm that is rarest of all--the charm of -strangeness. Her appearance was not like other people's. The portrait -of her, painted when she was about twenty, leading Francis to the -crucified Christ, is full of subtleties. The face is round, with the -sweet fulness of young things, but the chin is tiny, lovable, -incongruous--the chin of soft assents and surrenders. The nose is -long, the over-long nose of Francis I.; the mouth deliciously curved -and tender. All the lower half of the face expresses a desire for -gentle pleasures and soft and caressing habits. But the eyes belong to -a different temperament. They gaze out of the happy face with -unexpected wistfulness and mysticism. Their expression is almost -tired, as if so many difficult matters had vexed their understanding -that they were weary before their time. The preoccupied eyes, the -love-needing chin, the long, cold nose, and the charming outline of -the head, make an extraordinary combination. - -Every contemporary writer agreed that Margaret had the gift of -fascination, and she had also in youth the kind of looks that linger -in the imagination. It is, consequently, not surprising that while she -sighed for the absent Gaston, some one else should have sighed for -her. This second love affair is one of the interesting experiences of -Margaret's life; it is rich in information about Margaret, about -Louise, about the habits and customs of Margaret's times. Using -fictitious names, she tells it herself, as well as her early affection -for Gaston, in the "Heptameron." Bonnivet was a lieutenant when he -first saw Margaret, and he fell in love with her immediately. -Immediately also he set himself to try and arouse a corresponding -emotion. She was a princess, and he was a simple gentleman of good -family; marriage was out of the question. But one could live without -marriage, and Bonnivet set to work instantly to realize a plan by -which he could remain permanently near his enticing lady. There was a -rich and ugly heiress who lived close to the castle of Amboise, and -whose parents belonged to the royal circle. Bonnivet made love to her -and married her. To further facilitate his own reception at the -castle, his brother about this time received a post in Louise's -household. Bonnivet then saw Margaret constantly. The girl considered -herself forlorn. Her round blue eyes were plaintive under their first -experience of a heartache. Bonnivet, fascinating and determined, -became her friend. She confided to him all her innocent little -love-story. He took the part of sympathizer. Margaret could never hate -any one who liked her, and she was at the age when to be loved easily -stirs a vague and evanescent fluttering. - -Presently Bonnivet had to go away also--Louis was at war with -Italy--and for two years Margaret saw nothing of either Gaston or her -newer comrade. When Bonnivet returned he was warmly welcomed at the -castle of Amboise. But apparently--it may have been a ruse--he had -come back visibly dejected through the weight of some great sorrow. -Margaret commenced to ask questions. This was clearly only out of a -desire for flirtation, for Bonnivet's feelings had never known -secrecy, and Margaret was more than ordinarily intelligent. One day -they leant together at one of the windows of the castle. Bonnivet -ceased to talk of Gaston, and confessed the reason of his own -melancholy. Having done so, he stated that he must go away. -Margaret--to suspect that she enjoyed all this is unavoidable--replied -that there was no need, "she trusted utterly in his honour, she was -not angry at all;" which last statement, at any rate, strikes one as -being unmistakably accurate. - -The confession, nevertheless, was an error. Margaret wanted to be -loved, and she adored the glow of a sentimental friendship. But -Bonnivet desired more than this, and showed that he did. The situation -lost its grace and easiness. The girl found herself pressed by an -emotion tired of simple playfulness; she grew uncomfortable, and -Bonnivet, seeing that the situation had become untenable, went away. A -wise, grave woman would have let him stay away. It is part of -Margaret's appeal to us that she was never entirely sensible. She -liked Bonnivet, and she felt that a young creature left destitute of -love has lost a large part of the exquisiteness of youth. Gaston had -faded by now into a sentimental and rather plaintive memory; she -wrote, therefore, to Bonnivet to come back. Away among other women he -could not be trusted to remain the same--he was one of those who love -vehemently and often. He came in answer to her call, but shortly -afterwards another Italian expedition removed him once more from her -influence. In this war he was taken prisoner, and Margaret is said to -have both fasted and gone pilgrimages in order to win God into -releasing the prisoner. She had also promised him before he left that -wherever she went after her marriage she would take his wife as one of -her ladies, thereby assuring a re-meeting. - -And marriage had become at last unavoidable. The Duc D'Alençon had -asked the king and queen for her hand, and she had refused so many -husbands that it was impossible to continue obdurate. Margaret hung -back, but could not ultimately resist the wishes of the king, and -though it is said she declared that she would rather have had death -instead, the marriage took place at the court of Anne and Louis on -October 9, 1509. - -The match was in all ways unsuitable. The Duc D'Alençon was -good-looking, but invertebrate, jealous, and very stupid. This was -exactly the type of character to depress Margaret, who at -seventeen--or, for that matter, all her life--showed herself an ardent -seeker after a cheerful way of living. The mystic strain in her -temperament was involuntary. She troubled about the soul, death, and -the after life because she could not help herself; questions of -conduct and the future came unasked, and shook her with uncontrollable -distresses. But of her own desires she was all in tune with the -Renaissance. She says of herself that "she was _de moult joyeuse -vie_," and her contemporaries bear her out in the statement. - -Life at Alençon proved more than uncongenial to her. Separated from -her mother and Francis, the two people Margaret loved best in the -world, and from all congenial society, the girl fretted visibly. It -was at this time that, in her correspondence with the Bishop of Meaux, -she called herself "worse than dead." - -But her love-story with Bonnivet was far from being terminated. Some -time after her marriage, when Margaret, her husband, and her -mother-in-law were together, Bonnivet once more returned from foreign -service. He at once went to Alençon, presumably to see his wife. -Margaret watched him arrive from an upper window, for fear that in the -brusqueness of a sudden meeting she might betray the tumult of her -heart. It had been left to grow so cold, this little hot heart, since -her marriage. They met, and when they were alone she slipped back -joyfully into the old habit of confidence. She told him about her -marriage, she talked of Gaston, and cried. Bonnivet grew hopeful that -she loved him, when a sudden untoward event once more flung them -apart. Bonnivet's wife died; he had no longer any excuse for hanging -about Margaret's person. The king also sent orders for his departure. -But this renewed separation--his lady had grown more than ever -seductive and engrossing--affected his health. He fell ill and took to -his bed. - -Margaret--for the age permitted these acts of intimate -graciousness--went to pay him a visit. He looked so ill that she cried -once more. They both cried, and the girl, whose instincts were always -mothering, put her arms round her ailing friend. Intelligence should -have warned her against the action. But Margaret, whose intelligence -was so markedly above the average, seldom used it when love scenes -were in question--they fascinated her too much. Bonnivet lost his -head, and his visitor, frightened, began to scream. Plain speaking had -grown unavoidable. The invalid urged her loveless marriage, his own -despair and constancy. Margaret became sad and reproachful. "In her -sorrow," she said wistfully, "she had thought to have found a friend." -They separated for the third time; after which, Margaret did nothing -but cry for several days. - -After further fighting, Bonnivet received a post at home. The Duchesse -D'Alençon had gone to pay a visit to her mother, and Bonnivet knew -that Louise was his friend--she hated anybody, it would seem, to be -more fastidious than herself upon questions of morality. One evening, -when passing upon state business, he asked permission to call, and -Louise at once told her daughter to be ready when sent for. Margaret -knew the disposition of her mother; instead of obeying, she ran to the -castle chapel, and prayed, with all her heart flowing into the words -upon her lips, for the help of Heaven. She did more; she took a stone -and tore her face with it until the cheeks were swollen and scratched -and bleeding. The action is wholly beautiful. No girl disfigures and -hurts herself unless driven by a fundamental instinct of the soul into -an extremity for salvation. Margaret was afraid--terribly afraid. She -liked Bonnivet, she hated her husband, and she was not made of stone; -after all, she was the daughter of Louise and Charles of Savoie, and -the sister of Francis. But she wanted more ardently to be good than -anything, and she knew no surer way than this to defend herself while -the youth ran so hot in her pulsing body. - -Louise found her torn and bleeding, but remained inexorably upon the -side of unrighteousness. The girl's face having been hastily attended -to, she was sent straight into the presence of Bonnivet. The naïve -grace of the action demanded, in truth, a more pitiful generation -than Margaret's for appreciation. Her little hands were roughly -seized, and the scene developed into an inexcusable and ungentle -struggle. - -Margaret screamed for her mother. Louise, who was undisturbedly -holding her usual evening court, had in the end to go to them. -Embarrassing explanations brought the incident to a close, but there -is no doubt that Margaret once more wept a good deal. Louise was very -angry, and in refusing to have Bonnivet as a lover, the Duchesse -D'Alençon lost her friend. She had to go back to the chill life of her -husband's court with the one soft thread drawn out of existence. But -when it came to more than words--Margaret had no prejudices of -speech--she never made vital mistakes. Conduct was the one ultimate -test by which the mystery of life became beautiful and tranquillizing. - -For six years Margaret lived at Alençon, and it is said that her -mystical and Protestant sympathies were principally developed in these -years. But there is very little known of this period, and nothing that -is at all intimate. She emerged into prominence only from the year -1515, when Louise wrote in her journal, "The first day of November, -1515, my son was King of France." - -This event brought some improvement into Margaret's life. Francis -cared for both his mother and sister; nobody flattered him with the -same undoubted sincerity as these two. After his accession the -Duchesse D'Alençon was often with her brother's court at Paris. But -the intervals between these visits were still dull and melancholy. Her -famous correspondence with the Bishop of Meaux, Guillaume Briconnet, -could not have commenced until some five years after her brother's -accession, when Martin Luther had uprisen to preach against the Pope. -These letters are steeped in complainfulness. Written from Alençon, -they read as the letters of a young person--unhappy, but not too -unhappy to make a sort of pretty plaintiveness out of melancholy. -Questions of the soul had begun to vex her. According, also, to the -new and curiously convincing doctrines, it was not so easy to elude -punishment for this life's licences as the priests protested. The new -theories found obscure, hesitant acquiescences in her own -intelligence. Their spiritual clearness possessed a renewing freshness -after the iniquities into which the old religion had fallen. Margaret -was insatiably curious; she craved to know everything, and when she -started her correspondence with Briconnet--at that time sympathetic -to the new religion--she both desired more knowledge of the Lutheran -doctrine, and some one who could attune conflicting uncertainties. - -The correspondence is extraordinary. Briconnet--impassioned of -complexity in style--was half the time not comprehensible. In answer -to some letter of Margaret's dealing with spiritual bewilderments, he -wrote to her: "The extent of your kingdom's goods and honours should -be a voice to stimulate, and a great breath to light a torrent of fire -of love for God. Alas, madam, I fear that it is in some uneasiness; -for, as Jeremiah said, the bellows that should light the fire has -failed--_defect sufflatorium in igne_!... Madam, who is deserted in a -desert, in a desert is lost, seeking solitude and cannot find it; and -when he finds it is then prevented, is a bad guide to guide others out -of the desert and lead them to the desired desert. The desert starves -them with mortal hunger, even though they should be full up to the -eyes, sharpening desire only to satiate it, and impoverish him to -hunger." - -Margaret could make no sense of this. She wrote back -humorously--nobody was more quickly moved to laughter--"The poor -wanderer cannot understand the good which is to be found in the -desert for lack of knowing she is benighted there. I pray you that in -this desert, out of affection and pity, you will not hasten forwards -so swiftly that you cannot be followed, in order that the abyss, -through the abyss which you invoke, may not engulf the poor wanderer." - -But the request for clarity passed unheeded. Briconnet seized the word -"abyss," and the following paragraph was his answer. I give it in the -original French, as translation is almost impossible. "_L'Abysme, qui -tout abysme présent, pour en le désabysment l'abysmes en l'abysme -(sans l'abysmes). Auquel abysme est fond sans fond voie des errants_," -etc. - -Margaret must have abandoned hope of enlightenment; but Briconnet, -happily, had intelligible intervals. When he chose he could write with -the same lucidity as other people. Once, for instance, after Margaret -had written more sadly than usual, he replied sensibly enough: -"Madame, you write to me to have pity on you because you are lonely. I -do not accept this proposition. Who lives in the world and has her -heart in it remains alone through being badly accompanied. But she -whose heart sleeps to the world and lives for the gentle and debonnair -Jesus, lives in all that is necessary, and certainly is not alone." -Margaret refused to respond to this; she had such need of men and -women, of friendship, of intellectual friction, of a perpetual output -of loving-kindnesses. She wrote again to Briconnet, saying, "It is so -cold--one's heart is frozen;" and signed herself, "Worse than dead." - -Briconnet may have been moved; young women should not be neglected and -unhappy. But he remained sensible, and reproved the method of -signature. Then Margaret, with a defiant meekness, signed her next -letter, "Worse than ill." - -This humorous docility shows that the depression she complained of was -not yet grief--merely the illusive melancholy of juvenility. After the -days of Alençon there was no repetition of it. Youth once traversed, -the realities of death, of irretrievable sorrow--nothing is -irretrievable until thirty--put an end to imaginative melancholy. -Conscious of the familiar agonies always so close, the intelligent -grow to hug what gaiety they can. Certainly there is no longer the -playfulness in regard to sorrow, to sign "Worse than death" in a mood -of amused defiance. - -Some time before Francis started upon the disastrous Italian campaign, -Margaret went through the last episode in her love-story with -Bonnivet. Except for the light it throws upon the morals of the -period, it would be as well omitted; and but for Monsieur de -Claviere's assertion of its veracity, one would gladly leave the story -at its last dramatic moment. Bonnivet had married again, and during -one of Margaret's visits to Paris he invited royalty to pay a visit at -his estate in the country, in order to take part in a great hunt he -had organized. Margaret gives in the "Heptameron" a very full account -of what occurred; but, condensed, it comes to this--that Bonnivet, -having previously made a trap-door for the purpose, penetrated one -night into the princess's bedroom. This time Margaret did not scratch -her own face, but her adversary's. Before her lady-in-waiting rushed -into the room, and her conscienceless admirer fled back through the -carefully arranged trap-door, Bonnivet's appearance had been rudely -disfigured. He could not appear next day; it was necessary to plead -illness to avoid unanswerable questions, and Margaret never saw him -again. He was killed at the battle of Pavia. They had fought, but she -grieved at his death, and to the end of her life loved to talk of him -as one dear and tender in her memory. - -Among other friends of this period, the poet Marot ought to be -included. Marot's father, also a poet, had been attached first to the -court of Anne, and then to that of Francis. Marot himself had been -brought up in an atmosphere of royalty. He was an interesting -personality--incurably light and incurably honest. His poetry, of -which Sainte Beuve remarked that good manners in poetry were born with -him, was never deep, but always fascinating, natural, light-hearted. -He wrote many verses to Margaret, in the gay and witty manner which -was peculiarly his own. An excellently condensed impression of -Margaret's temperament is given in the following lines:-- - - "Tous deux aimons la musique chantes, - Tous deux aimons les livres fréquenter, - Tous deux aimons d'aucun ne médire, - Tous deux aimons un meilleur propos dire, - Tous deux aimons gens pleins d'honnêtete. - - * * * * * - - Tous deux aimons a visites les heux - On ne sont point gens mélancoleux - Que diraj plus? Ce mot, la dire j'ore - Je le disaj! Que presque en toute chose, - Nous ressemblons, fois que j'ai plus d'envoi, - Et que tu as le cœur plus dur que moi." - -As a personality, Marot only came into prominence later, when the -religious persecutions had begun. He leant towards Lutheranism, and -Margaret had twice to save him from the sinister machinery of the -Sorbonne. Later still, after her second marriage, she sheltered him -at Navarre, and when even that became a place of doubtful security, -she sent him to Renée in Ferrara. To translate Clement Marot's poetry -is to destroy all impression of its delicate and witty pleasantness. -The following example is typical of his manner at its lightest. They -are verses to - - "UNE DEMOISELLE MALADE. - - "Ma Mignonne, - Je vous donne - Le bon jour. - Le séjour - C'est prison. - Guerison - Recouvrez, - Puis ouvrez - Vostre porte, - Et qu'on sorte - Vistement. - Car Clement - Je vous mande - Va, friande - De ta bouche - Qui se couche - En danger - Pour manger - Confitures. - Si tu dures - Trop malade - Couleur fade - Tu prendras. - Et perdras - L'Embonpoint. - Dieu te doint - Santé bonne - Ma Mignonne." - -It was characteristic of a strain of cheerful callousness in the poet -to tell his friend that to continue ill would be to lose the pretty -plumpness which made her so attractive. - -In 1524, Francis started to reconquer Milan, and from that time a -great change came into Margaret's way of life. When he went, her -husband went with him; also Bonnivet, Anne de Montmorency, and many -others who were her friends. Margaret then moved to Paris to keep her -mother company; also the poor queen Claude, who was in the last stages -of consumption, and who died before Francis had gone far upon his -journey. The disaster of Pavia came as an almost inconceivable blow to -those in Paris. Francis was the prisoner of Charles V., and it was -said the calamity had taken place, to a great extent, owing to the -stupidity of Margaret's husband, who, as leader of the vanguard, had -failed to come to the king's rescue. La Palice, Bayaret, and Bonnivet, -among her friends also, were dead, and Marot and Montmorency were -prisoners. In reference to Palice's death some ridiculous verses were -sung in the streets by the people-- - - "Hélas, La Palice est mort, - Il est mort devant Pavie. - Hélas, s'il n'etait pas mort - Il serait encore en vie." - -From the moment of Francis's capture Margaret commenced a -correspondence of almost impassioned tenderness with him and about -him. The poet Dr. Bellay refers to Margaret, Louise, and Francis as -one heart in three bodies, and they were known as The Trinity, -Margaret, upon one occasion, referring to herself as the last corner -in it. She wrote to Francis, after he had been taken to Madrid: "If I -can be of service to you, even to the scattering of the ashes of my -bones to the winds, nothing will be amiss, difficult, or painful, but -consolation, repose, and honour." - -The next incident was to fling Margaret upon the colossal failure of -her life. Charles V. would agree to no terms of peace in which Francis -did not surrender Burgundy as well as all claims to Milan and Naples. -Francis was willing to give up claim to the last two places, but to -relinquish Burgundy, which meant giving up a slice of France, was out -of the question. - -Margaret had meanwhile become a widow. The Duc D'Alençon died shortly -after the disaster of Pavia--it is said, in a great measure, from want -of will to live. Everybody--including his wife--looked upon him with -abhorrence, since he had been, in some measure, responsible for the -capture of the king. The knowledge helped to destroy vitality, though, -in the end, Margaret nursed and coddled and forgave him, as she ought -to have done--the ultimate necessity for every woman being to possess -the power to forgive interminably. - -But D'Alençon was scarcely cold before Louise de Savoie offered -Charles V. Margaret's hand, and proposed Charles's sister, the widowed -Queen of Portugal, as wife for Francis. Margaret, however, was not to -feel flattered at any period of her acquaintance with the -self-contained Spaniard. He took no notice of Louise's proposal as -regards her daughter. Nevertheless, when Margaret started upon her -famous embassy to Spain, there was in the minds of all those concerned -the almost secure anticipation that her personal enticement would have -a good deal of influence in bringing about a swift and satisfactory -release of the French prisoners. - - [Illustration: CHARLES V.] - -Neither Margaret nor her counsellors knew anything of the nature of -the man she had gone to deal with. A woman was the last person to -negotiate successfully with the suspicious and comprehending emperor. -From the first he was opposed to her coming. His opinion, and that of -his entourage, is frankly expressed by the English ambassador at -the Spanish court: "Being young, and a widow, she comes, as Ovid says -of women going to the play, to see and to be seen, that perhaps the -emperor may like her, and also to woo the Queen-Dowager of Portugal -for her brother.... Then, as they are both young widows, she shall -find good commodity in cackling with her to advance her brother's -matter, and if she finds her inclined thereto, they will help each -other." - -Happily, Margaret was unaware of the Spanish views upon her embassy, -for, even without the knowledge, her nerves could only have been tense -with the crucial uncertainties of her expedition, and the gravity of -the issues hanging practically upon her personal fascination and -diplomacy. If this man could be made to feel attraction, her mission -was half secured already. All France looked upon success as a certain -prospect. She was held to be so clever, so fascinating, so superior -and intelligent, that beyond doubt, it was thought, she would achieve -in a few interviews what a man would require a month to bring to a -conclusion. She had hardly reached Spain before she received premature -congratulations--"_A vous, madame, l'honneur et la merite._" - -But Margaret was to fail--bitterly, completely, and inevitably. -Charles had pointedly ignored the question of marriage in his answer -to Louise de Savoie's letter. After seeing Margaret, it had still no -attraction for him. That in itself was, in some measure, failure, and -a thrust at pride as well. As a matter of fact, Charles found her, not -only no longer very young or very pretty, but far too clever. "She is -more of a prodigy than a woman," remarked the man, who had every kind -of astuteness himself, and needed contrast for fascination. - -The negotiations took place in Toledo, but from the beginning Margaret -had no chance of producing the smallest change of outlook. Charles -refused to have any witness to their interviews; whatever he said -could therefore be denied, if necessary. Margaret wrote to Francis -from Toledo: "I went yesterday to visit the emperor. I found him very -guarded and cold in his demeanour. He took me apart into his room with -one lady to await me"--(this was outside)--"but when there, his -discourse was not worth so great a ceremony, for he put me off to -confer with his council, and will give me an answer to-day." - -The poor ambassadress soon grew baffled and exasperated. She had -hoped great things from gaining over the Queen of Portugal. But -Eleanor was cleverly sent upon an unwilling pilgrimage, concerning -which Margaret wrote to Francis: "It is true that she sets out on her -journey to-morrow. Before her departure I shall take leave of her. I -believe she acts thus out of obedience more than in compliance with -her own will, for they hold her in great subjection." - -A later letter showed that Margaret had now grown utterly -disheartened. And before the end of her embassy, to express how deeply -inimical and unworthy she considered the emperor's conduct to be, she -left the palace placed by him at her disposal, and moved into a -convent, so as to destroy all obligations of hospitality. - -The negotiations, as one knows, came to nothing. Charles was resolute -not to abate one demand for the woman who had all the facile -sweetnesses of her brother, all the glib and cunning adroitnesses he -knew so well in his intercourse with the other. The family resemblance -between them was over-strong; Charles could not avoid suspecting the -sister of the same deep, inherent duplicity as the brother. - -Margaret had failed, and all her life this sharp and public failure -must have remained a hidden sore in memory. She had also, after her -defeat, ungracefully to rush back into safety. The period of her safe -conduct had almost expired, and information had been received that -Charles intended to detain her as prisoner if she exceeded it. - -The consequent release of Francis and the terms of the agreement are -matters of history. Margaret had no hand in them, and the next -momentous incident in which she figured was her own re-marriage with -the King of Navarre. - -This marriage is among Margaret's foolishnesses. Henri D'Albret, who -had been another of the prisoners taken at Pavia, was eleven years her -junior and exceptionally good-looking. Charles V. remarked of him -later that, save for Francis, he was the one _man_ he had seen in -France. Margaret should have known that to keep the affections of a -handsome husband, over whom she possessed the disadvantage of eleven -years' seniority, was anticipating the impossible. But at the time of -their first meeting they had intellectually many interests in common, -and Margaret, it seems, fell in love with his fascinations. The -marriage was not to prove happier than the previous one; but in the -beginning everything promised the creature of _joyeuse vie_ a more -congenial existence than she had known for many years. Henri de -Navarre was an able and conscientious administrator; Bordeaux says of -him, "Had he not been so given to women as he was, he would have been -irreproachable. He loved his people like his children." - -At Navarre, Margaret made her court the home of three kinds of -people--the intellectual, the gay, and the persecuted; for while -Francis had been a prisoner in Spain, Louise had established the -Inquisition in France. The scholar Berguin was the first notable -personality to be martyred by it; but the precedent once established, -there followed a never-ending list, drawn from every class of society. -Margaret had tried to save Berguin, and, indeed, was all her life, -from that date onwards, trying to save some one from the furnaces of -the Inquisition. Florimond de Rémond, in his "Historie du Progres de -l'heresie," says--and he was not upon her side, and refers to her -elsewhere as a good but too easy-going princess--"She had a marvellous -dexterity in saving and sheltering those in peril for religion's -sake." As a further corroboration, there is Sainte Marthe's pretty -reference, "She made herself a harbour and refuge for the -despairing.... Seeing them surrounding this good lady, you would have -said it was a hen who carefully calls and assembles its little -chickens to cover them with her wings." - -Etienne Dolet, another remarkable scholar, who was at one time the -friend of Rabelais, she strove to the last to rescue. She was twice -successful, but Dolet was more difficult to save than most people, -being by nature inherently quarrelsome. Among the charges made by the -Sorbonne against him was the remark he had made, that he preferred the -sermon to the mass, while in his writings he had seemed to doubt the -immortality of the soul. The first charge alone was considered -sufficient reason for burning him. Orriz, the Inquisitor, whom later -Renée was to have bitter dealings with in Ferrara, headed the Paris -Inquisition; and Orriz, of the feline persuasive manners, is said to -have found no occupation so congenial as that of hunting, trying, and -making ashes of heretical people. Dolet himself had already said of -him, "I never knew any one more ignorant, more cunning, or more -lustful after the death of a Christian." Lanothe Laizon adds an -interesting touch to this impression. He writes: "Orriz was grim only -to those who did not finance his purse. He became soft and lenient to -those who paid him, ... and for a round sum one could get from him -excellent certificates of Catholicity." This leniency, however, could -not be relied upon; Orriz had a trick of letting prisoners go and then -rearresting them upon another accusation. - -Dolet was very brilliant and very eloquent. His epigrams were held to -be so good that one of his friends begged him to make one on him, so -that his name might go down to posterity. Margaret had invited Dolet -to shelter in the safety of Bourges, but he was too reckless to be -permanently rescued. He escaped once from prison, and was re-caught, -it is said, because he could not keep himself from coming back to see -his little son. He had written in his Commentaries, "I now come to the -subject of Death, the extreme boundary of life, terrible to those -about to die." It is a wonderful phrase, solemn with a simply worded, -haunting veracity. - -Margaret herself had, it is said, become touched with more than pure -compassion for the new doctrines. And martyrs were being made not only -for Lutheranism; a rival reformer--no less abusive--had arisen in -Calvin, whom Margaret was supposed among others to have sheltered at -Navarre. She certainly corresponded with him, and Calvin upon one -occasion censured her for harbouring godless people among her flock. -It is, however, wonderful and disturbing to realize how these -Protestants, through a sustaining passion for right conduct, bore the -unbearable. There are stories of death after death which cannot be -read without anguish. These martyrs of the Sorbonne rendered even -hideous facts heartbreaking and sweet. In 1557, for instance, Calvin -wrote to comfort some doomed disciples in the Inquisition prisons at -Paris. Among them was a certain Lady Phillipine de Luny. When the day -for her burning came, "the executioners beheld her approach with a -smile of happiness on her face, and dressed in white as for a -festival." How did they do it? Phillipine de Luny was not yet -twenty-four years of age. - -At another bonfire Louis de Marsac was offended because they did not, -in leading him to the stake, put a halter round his neck as they had -done to the rest of the party; the indignity had been spared him on -account of his noble birth. He asked why he was refused the collar of -that "excellent order" of martyrs. Another victim, Peter Berger, -shortly before, had exclaimed, like Stephen when the flames reached -him, "I see the heavens opened." - -These burnings destroyed a good deal of Margaret's original joyousness -of temperament. But nothing lasts; an event that whitens a person's -very lips with horror is over by the morrow; the week after, thousands -of trivial incidents have swept between. Domestic existence is full of -sanity and healing. Margaret had an engrossing daily life apart from -her pitiful struggle to save people who exulted in new conceptions of -the soul and immortality. She was often at Paris, and she was also -busy at this time with her babies. - -Before the birth of her first, the little Jeanne D'Albret of the brave -heart and strenuous life, Margaret wrote the following letter to -Francis: "I hope, nevertheless, that God will permit me to see you -before my hour arrives; but if this happiness is not to be mine, I -will cause your letter to be read to me, instead of the life of Sainte -Marguerite" (the patron saint of pregnant women), "as having been -written by your own hand it will not fail to inspire me with courage. -I cannot, however, believe that my child will presume to be born -without your command; to the last, therefore, I shall eagerly expect -your much-desired arrival." The little lady, who was always to prove -of an independent spirit, did apparently presume to be born without -Francis's command. - -The relation between Margaret and her daughter is the least -satisfactory part of Margaret's life. She was upon one occasion -actually cruel to the child--a thing incomprehensible from a heart so -motherly and kind. Francis was the reason but not the excuse for -Margaret's behaviour. There were rumours that she and her husband were -negotiating to marry the child to a prince of Spain. Navarre--held in -fief from Spain--would then be free once more, which Francis, for -personal political reasons, did not desire. When Jeanne was two years -old, therefore, he took her from her mother and placed her in the -gloomy castle of Plessis Les Tours, where Louis XI. had shut himself -up behind bolts and bars during the last years of his life. It was -like educating a child in prison. In all her writings Margaret has not -left one word of protest, and yet at two years old a child to its -mother is a miracle and an intoxication. - -Later, when Francis promised the child in marriage to the Duke of -Cleves, Margaret was really cruel. The marriage could only have been -bitter both to her and to Henri of Navarre. But Francis desired it, -and that was sufficient for Margaret. The duke was a heavy, -unattractive person; and Othagaray says that Francis originally "named -the lady to the Duke of Cleves without the consent of father and -mother." When he named him to the lady herself--not quite twelve years -old--a supreme surprise occurred for her elders. The child became -passionate with disgust. She would not marry him--a hideous foreign -creature, whose language she did not even understand. There were many -scenes with the disobedient child at Plessis. Her father, who would -have helped her if he could, had not the power to do so, and Margaret -remained like ice to the appeals of her sickened daughter. - -Now, Margaret had once written to Montmorency in reference to some -woman Francis wished her to persuade into a marriage for her daughter -which the lady disliked: "You know that my disposition and hers are so -different that we are not fairly matched; for to vanquish the will of -a woman whom no one has yet been able to persuade through the medium -of one who is persuaded by everybody, seems to me to promise little -except that she will conduct herself in her usual manner towards me." -This "who is persuaded by everybody" had its heart-sprung quality, but -in the matter of Jeanne's marriage it showed a colder and more -weak-willed element. She wrote to Francis an almost frantic letter, -expressing her "tribulation" at her daughter's "senseless" appeal -that she might not be married to the Duke of Cleves. Then, as Jeanne -continued rebellious, Margaret wrote to her governess that she must be -beaten into obedience. True, a child of twelve years old could not -very well be in a position to select a suitable husband, and whipping -was a recognized and much-used discipline at that period. But Margaret -of Navarre should have known better: she had been brought up in a -different school of feeling. - -Presently Francis--afraid that Henri might save his daughter--gave -orders that the betrothal and marriage should take place immediately. -It was under these circumstances that the child wrote her well-known -protest, signing it with her own brave, childish hand, and having it -witnessed by three members of her household. This is what she said: -"I, Jeanne de Navarre, persisting in the protestations I have already -made, do hereby again affirm and protest, by those present, that the -marriage which it is desired to contract between the Duke of Cleves -and myself is against my will; that I have never consented to it nor -will consent, and that all I may say and do hereafter by which it may -be attempted to prove that I have given my consent, will be forcibly -extorted against my wish and desire from my dread of the king, of the -king my father, and the queen my mother, who has threatened me, and -has had me whipt by my governess, the Baillive of Caen. By command of -the queen, my mother, my said governess has also several times -declared that if I did not give my consent, I should be so severely -punished as to occasion my death, and that by refusing I might be the -cause of the total ruin and destruction of my father, my mother, and -of their house." - -Jeanne was married, notwithstanding, but happily the sequel showed an -unusual quality of mercy. She never really became the wife of the Duke -of Cleves after all. After the marriage ceremony had taken place, she -was left for two years with her mother, pending the time when she -should be old enough to join her husband. At the end of the two years -the Duke of Cleves surrendered to the emperor, and abandoned all -claims to his bride, the marriage, therefore, being at once declared -non-existent. - -Jeanne did not, in fact, marry until the next reign; but there is one -story of her after life so charming that it is a pity not to tell it -here. Her father promised her a golden box he wore on a long chain -round his neck, if she would sing an old Bearn-folk song while in the -pains of child-birth. She agreed, and kept her promise, singing with -brave persistence at a time when most women wish that they were dead. - -Margaret's own marriage had proved unhappy some time before her -daughter's futile first wedding. She had written long ago, in one of -her letters to Montmorency, concerning her husband: "As you are with -him, I fear not that everything will go well, excepting that I am -afraid you cannot prevent him from paying assiduous court to the -Spanish ladies." It comes as a digression; but there is, about the -same period, an interesting appeal from Margaret to Montmorency, -concerning her brother: "It strikes me it would be advisable for you -to praise the king in your letters for the great attention he pays to -affairs." The suggestion holds the essence of the relationship of a -woman to the man she loves. No woman but manages and cajoles the -creature cared for, like a mother trying to coax a child into good -behaviour. - -Margaret and her husband disagreed upon religious questions as well as -about the subject of other ladies. Jeanne, who lived with them for the -two years she was waiting to join the Duke of Cleves, wrote, many -years after her mother's death, that her father grew very angry and -beat her if she showed any interest in the new doctrines, and that -she remembered on one occasion, when a Protestant teacher had been -with her mother, his coming furiously to drive him out. Margaret -having been warned, had already got rid of the man; but Henri, too -angry instantly to abstain from violence, went up and boxed Margaret's -ears, saying passionately, "You want to know too much, madam." His -conduct became so undesirable that Brantome says, "Henri D'Albret -treated the queen, his wife, very badly, and would have treated her -worse, had it not been for her brother Francis, who rated him soundly, -and ended by threatening him because he had been disrespectful to his -sister, in spite of her high rank." - -Margaret, happily, was many-sided; one unhappiness did not render her -obdurate against the entry of the rest. Probably she went through an -interval of supreme heart-sickness. But a middle-aged woman has under -every circumstance a painful phase to go through. There is one period -in every woman's life hard to face and hard to bear--the period of -relinquishments. The sweets of youth are over; for the future there is -only the swift, chill journey into old age to front with calm and -dignity. Margaret's face in middle age suggests that she made her -relinquishments with completeness and courage. - -But--though the statement is a repetition--no person's life can be -laid unremittingly upon the rack. Margaret, surrounded by people--her -ladies, poets, scholars, painters, and others--was kept pleasantly -preoccupied. The second Clouet painted her; Leonard Limousin, the -great enamellist, wrought her exquisite enamels. Like most royalties -of her day, she took great interest in her garden, and in the love -affairs of her ladies she was unfailingly sympathetic and kind. A -contemporary wrote of her as "the precious carnation in the flower -garden of the palace. Her fragrance had drawn to Bearn, as thyme draws -the honey-bee, the noblest minds in Europe." - -It is true that many of the "noblest minds of Europe" were drawn to -Margaret. Even Rabelais, the last man to take pleasure in praising -women without good reason, dedicated the third book of his -"Pantagruel" to her. Rabelais, though he was the epitome of the -Renaissance spirit in France, is too capacious to mention -fragmentarily in the life of another person. And yet few men of the -period convey a sweeter impression. He was colossal in everything; in -compassion as well as laughter. - -After the publication of his "Gargantua" and "Pantagruel," Rabelais -narrowly escaped the Sorbonne. But he was wise, and had no taste for -being roasted. In the life of Pantagruel, referring to Toulouse, then -the great centre of persecution, he said, ostensibly of Pantagruel, in -reality of himself, "But he remained little time there, when he -perceived that they made no bones about burning their regents alive -like red herrings, saying, 'The Lord forbid that I should die in this -manner, for I am dry enough by nature, without being heated any -further.'" - -It is purposeless here to refer to Rabelais's coarseness. At the -present time no woman could read him. But, then, no woman for pleasure -would read Margaret's "Heptameron," and Margaret, for all the -grossness of a large number of her stories, had the capacity for a -very delicate and artificial refinement. - -She and Rabelais never came to a sufficient knowledge of each other -for friendship; but there is a legend of Rabelais's death which -touches her outlook upon spiritual things very closely. A messenger -had been despatched by Rabelais's friend, Cardinal du Bellay, to -inquire how he felt. Rabelais lay dying when the messenger arrived, -but he sent back the following answer: "I go to find the great -Perhaps." A little later, still conscious of the pettiness of all -human circumstances, he rallied sufficiently to make a last good -phrase. "Pull the blind," he is said to have whispered; "the farce is -played out." - -This, "I go to find the great Perhaps," was a sentence Margaret might -have echoed had she known of it. There is an incident in her own life -curiously in tune with the statement. - -It must have occurred when she was, at any rate, middle aged, and the -thought of death had become hauntingly vivid. One of her -ladies-in-waiting lay dying. As the girl gradually sank into -unconsciousness, the duchess insisted upon sitting by her bed. The -attendants begged her to go away, but she refused to move, and sat -staring silently at the dying figure. There seemed something unnatural -in the absorption of her eyes, and her women were puzzled. When the -girl was at last dead, Margaret turned away; visibly she betrayed -disappointment. One of her ladies then asked her why she had leant -forward and watched with such unmoving intensity the lips of the dying -girl. Her answer is pathetic behind its callousness. She had been -told, she said, that the soul leaves the body at the actual moment of -death. She had looked and listened to catch the faintest sound of its -emergence through the lips of the dying body, but she had seen and -heard nothing. The watching had been, to a great extent, cold-blooded, -but the result was a tragic discouragement of thought. There seemed -nothing to strengthen belief with at all. - -Nevertheless, if Margaret felt occasionally like a rat caught in a -trap, since being alive one must inevitably and shortly die, she -continued to the end to enjoy the present as far as possible. She -shivered with spiritual dubieties; but at the same time she wrote the -"Heptameron," a book above everything earthy, caustic, and shrewd. It -is said to have been written for Francis I. during his last illness. -He had been inordinately amused by Boccaccio, and Margaret tried to -give him stories in the same vein. - -They are and they are not. The outline and the idea are similar; but -Margaret was not a second Boccaccio. She wrote easily and -naturally--she would have written a novel every year had she lived at -the present time; but where Boccaccio was witty and light, Margaret -was relentless and crude. Her brutality gives as great a shock as her -indelicacy. It seems incredible, for instance, that she should have -written the following termination to one of her stories. In the tale a -priest was discovered to have made his sister his mistress. The woman -was about to have a baby. The judges waited until the child was born; -then brother and sister were burnt together. The very simplicity with -which the statement is made adds to its horror. Margaret wrote: "They -waited till his sister was brought to bed. Then when she had made a -beautiful son, the sister and brother were burnt together." The -sentence, "when she had made a beautiful son," renders the incident -alive and unbearable. - -It is difficult to say much of Margaret's "Heptameron." The stories -are a curious mixture of appalling grossness, and the most soft and -grieving mysticism. What one chiefly gathers from them in connection -with her temperament is that, side by side with a noteworthy charm and -sympathy, she possessed a slender strain of ruthlessness. Margaret's -nose was too long. To have a nose so much in excess, so thin and -pointed, is always dangerous. Some want of balance must accompany its -disproportion, some streak of cruelty its ungenerous narrowness. As a -matter of fact, notwithstanding her nose, Margaret was a miracle of -lovely kindlinesses, but it conquered in the matter of her -daughter--she was a cold, unprofitable mother. Again, in the -"Heptameron," it is the temperament belonging to the long unbalanced -feature whose detestation of the priests found outlet in such -relentless vengeances. To some extent Margaret's little chin saved -her. Counterpoised, as it were, between two excesses--the cold, -deceitful nose, and the yielding, enthusiastic chin--she contrived to -retain balance between either, and to be, on the whole, an intricacy -of characteristics, none of which surged into overwhelming -predominance. The ascendant characteristics were all good--her -sheltering instincts and her half-fearsome mystical aspirations. She -had, long before the Maeterlinck utterance of it, the sense of a world -in which everything was in reality spiritual and portentous. In one of -the stories of the "Heptameron" she makes a lady--in reality herself, -for the tale is said to be true--bring a fickle lover to the grave of -his forgotten love, to see if no subtle communication issues from the -dead body beneath them. When he feels nothing, her disappointment is -almost painful, for no trait in Margaret renders her so endearing as -this disquieted craving to be assured that existence was something -more profound and worthy than a brief term of suffering consciousness. - -During the latter years of her existence Margaret suffered from ill -health. In 1542 Mario Cavelli wrote of her: "The Queen of Navarre -looks very delicate, so delicate, I fear she has not long to live. Yet -she is so sober and moderate that, after all, she may last. She is, I -think, the wisest, not only of the women, but of the men of France." - -She must have been pleasant company. So many men of sound insight -could not have valued her society unless she had possessed unusual -sense and heartiness. Her conversation is repeatedly mentioned as -brilliant, eloquent, full of thought and sympathy. - -Francis I. died in March, 1547. Margaret had said that when he died -she did not want to go on living, but she had more brains and more -vitality than she knew of. Everything interested her, even when she -was not happy. To the last she did what she could to help the -Reformers--her husband made it impossible for her to do much. Under -the stimulus of Henri and Diane the Sorbonne had increased in -laboriousness. Upon the subject of its added licence there is one -humorous story, told by Duchatel, the witty secretary of Francis I., -who used to say of him that he was the only man whose knowledge he had -not exhausted after two years' intimacy. - - [Illustration: MARGARET D'ANGOULÊME - ABOUT 1548 (AFTER CORNEILLE DE LYON)] - -Duchatel preached the funeral sermon upon Francis, and said, with -complimentary intention, that the soul of the king had gone straight -to heaven. The doctors of the Sorbonne--swollen with courage under the -known bigotry of the new king and the king's mistress--complained at -once of the horrible utterance. Pious as the late king had been, his -soul could not have escaped purgatory. They sent deputies to Henri II. -charging Duchatel with heresy; there existed an old grudge against -him. The deputies were received, and given a conciliatory dinner by -the king's _maître d'hôtel_, Mendoza, and advised not to proceed -further with the charge. "I knew the character of the late king -intimately," said Mendoza, wittily. "He never could endure to be in -one place long. If he did go to purgatory, he would only stay there -sufficient time to drink a stirrup cup and move on." - -It was Margaret's time to "move on." She went, in the autumn of 1549, -to drink some mineral waters, but they did her no good. She was -consumptive, and in a condition past being cured. During her last -illness she is reported to have said, concerning her protection of -heretics, "All I have done, I have done from compassion." She could -have given no better reason. - -Her death was preceded by less suffering than most people's; she -simply sank into unconsciousness. At the last she struggled back for a -second from stupor, and, grasping a cross that lay upon the bed, -muttered, "Jesus, Jesus, Jesus," and fell back dead. - - - - -RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA - -1510-1575 - - -Renée, daughter of Anne of Brittany, was, like her mother, destitute -of any sympathy with the intellectuality of the period in which she -lived. But the Renaissance brought about the reaction of the -Reformation, and Renée's life is interesting as the story of the -domestic difficulties confronted by an individual sympathetic to the -new doctrines during their first calamitous strivings in Italy. The -danger to a person of the same views in France has been seen in the -life of Margaret D'Angoulême. - -Renée's Italian career is interesting, besides, as the intimate -history of a stubborn, unimaginative, and unadaptable temperament in a -married life betraying from the commencement extreme incompatibility -of disposition. The circumstance may occur to any one, and each woman -deals with it according to her nature. Exactly how she does so, is one -of the clearest tests of her valour and her intelligence. A true -woman of the Renaissance--Vittoria Colonna and Isabella of Mantua, for -instance, carried a dignified marital complaisance to heroic -extremities--would have preserved surface amenities, however -distasteful the husband. But Renée, brought up by people to whom she -was simply a dull and undesirable orphan, never learnt that small -accommodations of behaviour are among the primary and desirable -virtues. Her father had been rich in them, but the self-willed spirit -of her mother, Anne, was more noticeable in the character of her -second daughter than the paternal trait. To have lived with Renée -would undoubtedly have rendered affection difficult. But to know her -without the irritation of daily intercourse, as a perplexed, mistaken, -blundering, wistful, and unloved woman, is to be drawn into a -reluctant sympathy. She was, to begin with, ugly, and there is nothing -in its consequences more pathetic than a woman's ugliness. She was -also, almost from her babyhood, without one single person who truly -loved her. From the outset her character had been chilled and -bleakened. - -Born on October 25, 1510, though she came disappointingly enough to -the woman craving for a son, Renée was made welcome with a careful -pomp that bordered almost upon tenderness. Her baptism became the -pretext for a magnificent pageant, and in an account of the expenses -incurred for her childish household, she is called the king's "very -dear and much loved daughter, Renée." - -Two years after Renée's birth Anne died. At five years old Renée was -an orphan, and with her sister Claude, the patient, piteous, and most -mishandled wife of Francis I., passed into the care of Louise de -Savoie. They were the children of Louise's most persistent enemy; she -could not, therefore, have done otherwise than dislike them. Brantome -says that she was extremely harsh to both, and it is certain that -Renée, plain, delicate, and deformed, never became to anybody a person -of sufficient importance to be coaxed into prettiness of ways and -feelings. The gentle Claude must have loved her smaller sister while -she lived, but Claude died of consumption almost immediately after -Francis I. started for Italy, when Renée was only fourteen years of -age, and from that time until her marriage the girl knew no one -prepared to do more than a cold and pleasureless duty towards her. - -In justice to Louise it must be admitted that every effort was made -to procure Renée a suitable husband. They promised her at one time to -the Archduke Charles, but already her want of average good looks -rendered some apologies necessary. The life of any girl towards whom -such an attitude has to be assumed must possess an undue measure of -painfulness. Before presenting the bride to the Archduke it was -considered imperative to tell him that "the charm of her conversation -greatly atoned for her want of beauty." The proposal came to nothing, -and after several other unavailing negotiations Francis settled upon a -marriage with Ercole of Ferrara, the son of Duke Alphonso and -Lucrezia. - -It was not a good match for a girl in whose veins ran the blood of a -king of France. Mezeray said of it, "The king arranged a very poor -match for this princess, and sent her into a far country, lest she -should ask him one day for a share in Brittany and in the patrimony of -Louis." - - [Illustration: RENÉE OF FERRARA, AGED FIFTEEN - CORNEILLE DE LYON] - -Mezeray spoke from a knowledge of Francis's character, but the motives -in this one instance were probably less cunning than he thought them. -Renée was not an easy young girl to marry; her own father had said -years ago that it would be difficult to find a husband for her. -Nevertheless, at this time she was probably as nearly nice-looking -as at any time of her existence. She had just turned eighteen, and, in -spite of a slight deformity, possessed a certain dignity of carriage, -inherited from her mother. She had also the whitest of skins, and -beautiful fair hair that reached to the ground. It was said that she -had at this time more to thank nature for than to complain of, and the -early portraits of her are at least not actually ugly. The principal -thing that strikes one in them is a certain dulness of expression, as -if heaviness of spirit had crushed out vivacity. Her face suggests -strongly the uncared-for upbringing of her childhood--the blue eyes -are apathetic and unamused, the mouth wistfully inanimate. It is just -possible that Ercole might have kissed her into a childlike lightness -of thought; but Ercole did not find her kissable, and she was in any -case born with the confined and congealing seriousness of character -that came to her as an intensified quality from her unimaginative and -easily scandalized mother. - -Ercole represented the antithesis of his future wife. His appearance -was fascinating, his manners were good; all the culture of the -Renaissance permeated his blood. Small wonder, therefore, that Renée's -looks came as a bitter shock to him. He wrote to his father after the -first interview, and stated plainly, "_Madama Renea non e bella._" -The Ferrarese ambassador also wrote that his master would have -preferred the lady to possess a better figure. But Ercole had come to -France chiefly to make a good political marriage, and his objections -to poor Renée personally were greatly outweighed by her parentage and -her dowry. - -Oddly enough, the girl herself does not appear to have liked the -handsome Italian any better than he liked her. At the formal -engagement she behaved with extreme shyness and a visible distress of -manner. Nobody cared, however, what she thought in the matter, and a -month later the wedding was celebrated. For that one day Louise does -certainly appear to have tried to make the most of her. The girl's -magnificent hair hung, soft and moving in itself, unbound about her -shoulders, and her gown of scarlet and ermine literally gleamed with -the jewels heaped upon it. Renée's skin was undeniably good--Bonnet -refers to the whiteness of her breast and throat--and above the heavy -splendour of her wedding garments her little subdued and plaintive -face could only have worn a look of quaint, appealing incongruity. - -The subsequent festivities continued until both bride and bridegroom -became rather comically ill--through excess of food and want of -sleep. Renée, who all her life suffered from the tragedy of headaches, -had the _migraine_, and they began to think the time had come to start -for Italy. Francis I. himself accompanied them to the gates of Paris. -Here he solemnly confided his sister-in-law into the care of her -husband, who was ordered always to treat her as a daughter of the -royal house of France. Ercole, feeling that he had no reason to be -diffident as regards his relations to the other sex, answered that he -would have no difficulty in both pleasing and managing the lady. -Subsequent events rendered the reply a little humorous. The small, -meek wife, who heard the remark probably without even the desire to -smile, proved in after years to the last degree intractable. Certainly -Ercole never succeeded in managing her. - -Ferrara, at the time of Renée's marriage, had been devastated by the -plague. Before she made her state entry, an order was issued -commanding the people to reopen their shops, put on their best -clothes, and, whatever their private emotions, show a cheerful -countenance upon the arrival of their future duchess. Triumphal arches -were erected, windows hung with silk, and through an almost painful -effort Renée was received with the usual good-natured welcome from -the people. Isabella of Mantua, the new bride's aunt-in-law, always in -great request for social occasions, had come to assist in receiving -her, and several days were filled with public pageants, banquets, and -plays. - -But below the surface neither the new arrival nor those that received -her were in a rejoicing mood. The last duchess to be welcomed to -Ferrara had been the attractive, sweet-faced Lucrezia Borgia, dubious, -it is true, in morals, but pleasant as a flower to look upon. This -"ugly and hunch-backed" French girl could not avoid coming as a -disagreeable shock, both to the crowd and to her new connections. It -is the bitter fate of an ugly woman that she must always destroy -antipathetic first impressions before she can hope to sow favourable -ones. And Renée, on her side, was as little pleased as those who -received her. It is generally supposed, in fact, that her instant and -intense dislike to Ferrara had a good deal to do with her initial -mistakes in Italy. - -Certainly Ferrara was not an attractive city. Set in the middle of an -enormous plain, a dreary monotony encompassed it, while the town -itself, having pre-eminently to consider the necessities of defence, -was grim, sinister, and aggressive looking. Even the Castello appeared -nothing more than a powerful and gloomy fortress. Subject to unhealthy -mists from the Po, the climate, moreover, underwent continual extremes -of temperature, and one of Renée's ladies-in-waiting describes it -bitterly as a perfect hotbed of fleas. Frogs croaked all night and -crows cawed all day. The inside of the castle, besides, was pitiably -dilapidated. The house of Ferrara, constantly in want of money, had a -habit of leaving matters needing repairs until repairs were no longer -needed. - -To Renée the place exhaled the chill of exile. In addition, as all the -amusements arranged for her reception were in Italian, they only bored -her beyond expression. In fact, one of the gravest faults of the -girl's Italian career lay in her reluctance to acquire Italian -phrases. She arrived in Ferrara ignorant of even a rudimentary -knowledge of her husband's language, and taking an immediate dislike -to the place and to the people, refused to make any real effort to -learn the speech of those about her. This slow, and at all times -inefficient, acquirement of Italian remained steadily against her, -keeping her, apart from any other consideration, a very isolated -person in her own establishment--an outsider where she should have -been the central figure. - -The only attempt she made in the right direction was to order, soon -after her arrival, a number of dresses cut after the Italian fashions. -But even this, due probably to an evanescent dazzlement at the -charming appearance of the Italian women, she rendered an actual -affront in the sequence. For shortly afterwards, either in bitterness -of soul at her own poor appearance in them, or because she -deliberately wished to behave with provocation, they were discarded -for her former French style of dressing, which she then bluntly stated -to be "more holy and more decent." From the beginning Renée -persistently refused to identify herself with her husband's interests. -She clung with stupid pathos to the associations of her by no means -happy childhood, and was homesick all the years of her Italian sojourn -for the ways of her own people. - - [Illustration: THE CASTELLO AT FERRARA - _Alinari_] - -All through, her conduct was hopelessly mistaken. In the give and take -of marriage it is part of a woman's lovely chances always to give a -little more than is yielded back to her. At the same time, it is -questionable whether, owing to her ugliness and want of charm, Renée, -whatever she had done, could have become popular. There ought, in -truth, almost to exist a different code for the really ugly woman. The -fact is so profoundly and entirely tragic. Tenderness is the heart of -life to women, and any woman so misused by nature as to be unable to -rouse this becomes, through subtle piteousness, beyond ordinary -judgment. She lives in a world both unjust and inimical, practically -with her back to the wall. Sweet follies have never harmonized her to -the unreason of humanity; failure lies always upon her soul. For -inherited, deep-rooted, ineradicable, is in most women the -unformulated knowledge that to attract men is the normal fate of their -sex; the creature who cannot do this once at least in life, carries a -hidden sense not only of loneliness, and of something vital ungranted -by destiny, but of secret shame and humiliation. - -Renée had never glowed bewildered under absurdities of praise. If only -as an isolated experience, this mad blitheness is curiously good for -character. Afterwards a woman knows--is sympathetically inside the -circle of things--seeing the dramas of others, not like a child -staring starved at a food shop, but as one who has already had her -fill of cakes with the best of them. - -All her life Renée remained the hungry child who sees others overfed -on the sweets denied to her. Small wonder, in consequence, that she -hated the ways of frivolity, and was slow in advances of friendship. -No soft remembrances freighted her thoughts with gentleness, and when -she came to Italy she was already destitute of the exaltation that, -out of the abundance of its own contentment, craves to create nothing -but contentment about it. For this immediate hostility Ercole must -have been in a measure responsible. A woman happy in her married life -is incapable of passionately revolting against the accessories that -encompass it. Renée never liked her husband, and the fact that she did -not may have been due to his half-hearted efforts as lover. A girl of -eighteen, ugly, neglected, and unattractive, cannot be a difficult -person for a handsome man to ensnare. Renée, besides, was a very -ordinary woman--she had inherent need to cling to some one. It would -certainly have bored Ercole had he been the creature she clung to, but -the boredom would at least have saved him years of dangerous domestic -friction, and a life of disagreements in which he did not always get -the best of it. - -As it was, mutual dissatisfaction came almost immediately. Very soon -after their arrival in Ferrara they had begun to quarrel. Among the -French women Renée had brought with her from France was her old -governess, Madame de Soubise, whose leanings were strongly Protestant. -She had instilled the same sympathies into her pupil, and a very short -time after her arrival in Ferrara the new duchess was surrounded by a -large number of persons professing the new religion. A good deal of -her personal income also went in assisting French fugitives who -happened to pass through the city. Both proceedings were objected to -by Ercole. The presence of Protestants in his household constituted an -actual danger to his own and his father's position. The tenure of the -Dukedom of Ferrara depended upon the maintenance of friendly relations -with Rome and Germany. Renée's monetary kindness to French fugitives -he complained about as "inordinate and ill-considered expenses," and -since her allowance from France was very irregularly paid, this -grievance had a certain rational basis. Nobody attached to the -duchess's personal service was Italian, a final discourtesy in her -arrangements that added to the growing exasperation of her new -relations. - -As regards the Protestantism of Renée's household, no direct mention -was made of it in Ercole's objections. With the indirect methods of -his family, he merely stated that the duchess had surrounded herself -with a number of people unfit for the functions attributed to them. -That certainly was true. A certain number of Renée's so-called -servants did absolutely nothing for their pay, save keep some -lingering memories of her French home vivid in her thoughts. -Consequently, in the first definite publication of friction between -the newly married couple, most of the reasonable complaints were -Ercole's. They show, however, the rapidity with which these two had -got upon each other's nerves. Neither, at any stage of their -intercourse, made the least attempt to adopt a conciliatory attitude. - -Renée's generosity, nevertheless, was the redemption of her character. -For there is more than one kind of generosity. There is the careless -output of a person chiefly feckless, and not desirous of uttering -disagreeable refusals, and the deliberate, anxious, continuous -assistance of a nature really capable of fretting for the distresses -of other people. Renée's generosity was essentially of this sort. The -most prominent facts in the book of her daily expenses are sums given -in some form of charity. She appears, indeed, to have been unable to -refuse any cry for assistance, and all her life gave with equal -pleasure either to Roman Catholics or to Protestants. Anne had been -generous, but in the showy and semi-profitable manner so easy for -great people. Renée's generosity was entirely lovely and intuitive. - -Concerning her attitude in the matter of her household arrangements, -it is more difficult to guess what lay in her peevish spirit. Madame -de Soubise had obviously brought her up--_sub rosa_--to a tentative -liking for the new religion. But by character she belonged to the -conservatives; she was supremely among those who consider that what -has been good enough for their parents is good enough for them also. -And Louise and Francis--of whom she stood in awe--were not likely to -receive pleasantly the news that her religious soundness had become -doubtful. At the beginning there are no statements suggesting that she -was not fairly comfortable in the tenets she conformed to. It is -possible, in fact, that the people of her entourage were originally -chosen without intention of offence, from sheer obtuseness to perceive -unsuitability. Then when it became evident that they caused annoyance -to Ercole, it may have become a sulky pleasure to retain them. - -Ercole and Renée were two personalities that ought never to have come -together. Both were capable of pleasant relations with other people, -but there existed between them the instinctive and intractable -antipathy which almost every nature experiences against some one -person in the world. It is an emotion outside the reach of argument -and very nearly beyond control. And no person can flower into the best -possibilities of character when confronted with another fundamentally -antagonistic. In the presence of a mind closed to perceive any kind of -graciousness and merit, only the worst of nature will rise uppermost, -flung out in a despairing perversity, distress, and irritation. For -the actual sweetness of their souls no two people capable only of -mutual repugnance should even make an effort to live together. -Good--bewildered and assaulted--shrivels like a frozen plant under the -chilling air of interminable disparagement. - -Renée, less than a year after her marriage, already wrote unhappy -letters to France. She spoke in one of them of being badly treated, -but of not expecting that the real truth about the matter would ever -reach the king and queen. She mentioned that both her husband and her -father-in-law nourished some grievance against her. Soon afterwards -she fell ill, and for a short time Ercole's repugnance lulled into -vague compassion. He sent two bulletins every day to Paris, and -mentioned, almost with a hint of pleasure, when she was well enough to -leave her bed for a little while daily. Even after her recovery no -quarrels are mentioned for some time. The duchess had become -_enceinte_, and the fact in itself, where an heir was so urgently -needed, yielded sufficient pleasure to bring about temporary -toleration. - -Nevertheless, irritation between husband and wife must have smouldered -unceasingly, and after the birth of a daughter in November, 1531, -contention flared once more into an open blaze between them. Madame de -Soubise represented the duke's new object of denunciation. A good deal -of the turmoil of Renée's existence, in fact, arose from the influence -of her former governess. She was old enough to be the girl's mother, -and had lived sufficiently long in the world to know all the needful -facts about life and character. Renée clung to her as the one friend -familiar from childhood, and the older woman was in a position to have -incalculably helped a rather dense nature in the first crucial months -of marriage. - -For reasons difficult to understand, she did exactly the opposite. -Ercole loathed her, and at any cost desired to have her back in Paris. -Under ordinary circumstances this would have been a simple matter, but -the position of Madame de Soubise was not so straightforward as it -seemed. The Ferrarese authorities knew perfectly that she acted as -secret agent to the French king. Owing to this fact, dismissal was -unpolitic: Ferrara could not afford to offend France. It is to -Ercole's credit that Madame de Soubise did not die a sudden death. The -temptation to bring about an untimely ending must have been -extraordinarily insistent. - -To add to Ercole's domestic discomfort, Madame de Soubise's daughter -was also among Renée's ladies-in-waiting. About this time, in fact, -she married Monsieur Pons, another member of the household, and the -man whose later friendship with Renée was to fleck the solemnity of -her character with an incongruous suggestion of scandal. - -During the time that husband and wife were bitterly fighting out the -question of Madame de Soubise, Renée gave birth to another child--the -son so necessary to the welfare of the house. A second lull in -hostilities followed. For the first time since she had come to Italy, -Ercole's wife had done a truly desirable and conciliatory thing--she -had given an heir to the dukedom. A feeling of pleasure lightened the -constant tension of Ercole's establishment. Even the mother, conscious -of being at last approved of, yielded to the warmth of a fugitive -commendation and became almost frivolous. Her clothes, during the -rejoicings that followed, were for once so sumptuous that all Ferrara -talked of them. - -Not long afterwards the old Duke Alphonso died, and Ercole became -reigning Duke of Ferrara. Concerning his accession a curious incident -is reported. After the religious ceremony of his inauguration, Renée -met him at the entrance to the palace, where, it is said, in an -outburst of mutual excitement and satisfaction, they fell into each -other's arms. For a moment the interests of husband and wife were -identical. The motive for this passing concord was in itself unworthy -enough, but it is curiously interesting as an example of how intensely -married people are fortified, by the very nature of marriage itself, -into some sort of fellowship and good feeling. The immense number of -mutual interests should be in themselves sufficient to save any but -the really vicious or abnormally unsuited from total disunion and -antipathy. - -But the impulse of an exultant moment rapidly chilled in the case of -Ercole and his duchess. Madame de Soubise's secret labours prevented -any but the briefest pacification. And Ercole had not long been duke -when he came to the conclusion that, even at the price of a break with -France, the daily infliction of her person was no longer supportable. -With as much tact as the circumstances permitted, he wrote to Francis -I. upon the subject, and in the end received authority for her -departure. But even so, difficulties arose about the actual journey, -and she still continued long enough in Ferrara to negotiate one last -unpleasantness for Ercole. - -He went away for a short time, and during his absence Madame de -Soubise subtly arranged with the French royalties that Renée should at -last go on a visit to her own country. Ercole returned to find the -invitation waiting for him. He was placed by it in a very awkward -position. An unhappy wife, quivering to tell a tale of misery and -ill-treatment, was not a politic person to send to her own people -when, should it suit them, they possessed the power to make affairs -very difficult for the husband. On the other hand, to refuse might be -to rouse suspicion and displeasure. - -Not entirely unperturbed, Ercole chose the second risk as the less -dangerous of the two. In reply to the French invitation, he wrote that -Renée had several small children to take care of, and that she was -also still too feeble in health to undertake so long and dangerous a -journey. The refusal came almost like a loss of all hope to Renée. -Thought of it had been a sudden irradiating anticipation in the drear -distastefulness of life. Nothing in a monotonous existence is more -uplifting than an incident to make plans for, and now from the sudden -quickening influence of a contemplated holiday she was flung back -again upon the old confusing friction of her days in the grim -Castello. - -Every year Ercole's interests diverged more widely from her own. Renée -loved France instinctively, as people love the home of their -forefathers. When she first married Ferrara's interests lay in -friendship with France. But Ercole's policy brought him later to the -side of Pope and Emperor, when support from France ceased to be -important. After Madame de Soubise, therefore, had at last been sent -from Italy, and all hope of Renée's going home had been withdrawn, -the latter must have experienced almost a sense of desolation. The -easement of heart entailed by merely telling the hoarded mischances of -her married life would have warmed her spirit like a cordial. - -She did not naturally love Ercole better for getting rid of the woman -who had been motherly to her all her days, and for having thwarted the -one intense longing which it was in his power to gratify. Their -antagonism quieted not a whit through the departure of Renée's -governess; Ercole had rid himself of one grievance only to find -another grow more hardy. - -Its first public demonstration took place during a Good Friday service -in the church of Ferrara. As the cross was being raised for adoration, -a little singer, Zanetto, belonging to the duchess's service, suddenly -walked out of the building, making blasphemous comments in a voice of -penetrating clarity. He was arrested that evening, and trouble and -danger swept into Renée's household. She herself had for some time -past secretly belonged to the Protestant party. Ercole's hope that his -wife would fall into a weary acquiescence of conduct, when the -influence of Madame de Soubise had been withdrawn, ended in -inevitable failure. Renée was disastrously obstinate, and in addition, -the doctrines of Calvin had already become too deeply engrafted in her -ever to be really uprooted. Religion was an urgent necessity to her. - -She was an unloved woman, and consequently the other world had never -slunk into vagueness through the engrossing sufficiencies of this one. -The appeal made to her by the new religion is easy to understand. Her -little soul was narrow, but it was at the same time eager, and -temperamentally attuned to austere and dreary dogmas. Renée belonged -to the class who prefer to take life sadly--a gloomy religion, hedged -in by appalling terrors, met the needs of her character far more -closely than the shifty and cheerful methods of Roman Catholicism -could ever have done. - -Before the Good Friday incident Calvin had secretly been to see her, -had preached to her, and exhorted her. No man was better fitted to -keep a hold over Renée; for Calvin was not merely the great preacher -of a new religion, he was an impassioned and autocratic schoolmaster. -When later he controlled the town of Geneva, it became impossible to -indulge in even the mildest private weaknesses. Domestic conduct fell -under the jurisdiction of a council, which inflicted penalties for -the least undesirable idiosyncrasy. It was at Geneva, for instance, -that Calvin had a gambler set in the stocks for an hour, with his -playing-cards hung round his neck; the inventor of a masquerade was -forced to ask pardon for it on his knees in the cathedral; a man -guilty of perjury they hoisted on a ladder and kept there for several -hours, his right hand fastened to the top; while a man and woman, -whose love lay under the stigma of impropriety, were paraded through -the streets of the city for the abuse of virtuous horror. Calvin flung -immense energy into the conversion of Renée. As an individual he -thought little of her, but converts among the socially great were -momentous for the growth of the cause. Renée, moreover, gave awed and -pliant assent to the uncompromising preacher's teaching, until the -arrest of her singer for blasphemy brought the sudden sharpness of -danger into her household. This created panic. Not actually for -herself--while Francis I. remained King of France she relied -implicitly upon French protection--but for the people of her -entourage. Zanetto, placed upon the rack, broke down at the third -twist of the screw, and a list of names poured out of his lips. They -were all persons employed in the duchess's service. Several had -already been arrested as accomplices, though concerning one of them, -usually thought to be Calvin, there is considerable mystery. The -arrests had been made by Ercole's orders, chiefly, it would appear, to -exasperate his wife. - -He owed her a fresh sword-thrust. This public religious scandal -constituted a really serious danger for him. The Vatican had some time -previously realized that the new heresy must be exterminated if it -were not to become a growing danger to the power at Rome. Apart from -this, Renée had been behaving with an inimical cunning difficult for -any man to pass over good-humouredly. She had been writing secret -letters to the Pope, supplicating him to have the prisoners delivered -out of the power of Ercole into the authority of France. - -In retaliation, Ercole had Cardillan, treasurer and controller of -finances to Renée ever since her arrival in Ferrara, imprisoned with -the others. Few things could have hurt her more, and the scenes that -took place between the two over the Zanetto business must again have -driven them into unforgettable personalities. In the matter of -personal interviews Ercole no doubt had the best of it. Renée did not -possess the gift of facile utterance; her face alone shows a mind -easily disconcerted. But her stolid silence would have held as much -inner rancour as the other's violence. Beyond question, when roused, -Ercole frightened her, but not sufficiently to abate forlorn -contrariness. All he could achieve was to make her hate him a little -more desperately than before, and to fling her with renewed tenacity -upon the policy of aggravation. According to current rumour, Ercole -beat her. The allegation has not been proved, but she was the type of -woman liable to ill-treatment, and it is more than likely that he did. -Certainly no respect was enforced towards her, for Renée, writing to -Margaret of Navarre, complained that the Inquisitor whom she -interviewed concerning the arrested heretics spoke to her with so much -contempt and insolence, that the other would have been dumbfounded had -she been present. - -The situation of husband and wife at that period could not possibly -have been worse. Ercole's enflamed resentment also found utterance in -a letter. It was written to the Ferrarese envoy at the French court. -Extreme caution in statements conveyed to paper formed part of Italian -education, and the plain truthfulness of the duke's expressions could -only have issued from a spirit choking with a sense of injury. He -wrote: "If it were not for the respect I owe to the king, I should -certainly not have suffered such an insult, and should have shown -madame the deep resentment I feel." - -The bustling distress and excitement roused by the heretics -nevertheless fizzled out. That a scandal of this sort should take -serious proportions would have brought very evil notoriety upon the -Ferrarese court. Cardillan was released and banished; the other -prisoners conveniently permitted to escape. Ercole still gained his -main object--the satisfaction of depriving Renée of another of her -French attendants. Probably husband and wife hated each other a little -more keenly than before, but to all appearances another storm had -passed over. For the two still continued to share one bedroom. They -must in consequence have enjoyed intervals of ordinary conversation -and apparent friendliness. Moreover, they had children. In all the -divergences of their interests, there remained some that could not be -separated. After the sharp encounter brought about by the unwisdom of -Zanetto, Renée gave birth to another infant. Household trivialities -provided permanent groundwork for amiable bedroom discussions, and, -however apathetically, they must at least have gone through intervals -of superficial good-humour. - -Outwardly, at any rate, there occurred another lull in the fighting. -The court removed into the country, and eased everything by an -out-of-door existence. Marot, who had been sent by Margaret of Navarre -to Renée for safety, made light, enticing verses upon the ladies he -transiently delighted in. He also wrote a sonnet to Renée herself, -that, besides containing one line of exquisite musicalness--"_O la -douceur des douceurs feminines_"--shows how unconcealed the failure of -her marriage had become. It suggests, in fact, that Ercole's behaviour -was publicly abusive and unpardonable. He wrote-- - - "Souvenant de tes graces divines - Suis en douleur, princesse, en ton absence, - Et si languis quand suis en ta presence - Voyant ce Lys au milieu des épines. - O la douceur des douceurs feminines? - O cœur sans fiel? O race d'excellence? - O dur mari rempli de violence." - -The rest is uninteresting. But the reference to Ercole, allowing for -prejudice, could not have been uttered, one imagines, wholly without -justification. No fundamentally pleasant person could be referred to -so uncompromisingly as steeped in hateful violences. - -Marot sided deeply with Renée, and wrote some additional verses to -Margaret, which he told her openly were intended to convey a picture -of the wrongs and sufferings to which the duchess was subjected. All -the lines dealing directly with the subject read as if sincere and -vivid, while the note of gravity was struck in the poignant bluntness -of the opening verse. Marot meant the queen to realize that he handled -something unmistakably and acutely tragic-- - - "Playne les morts qui plaindre les voudra - Tant que vivrai mon cœur se résoudra - A plaindre ceux que douleur assauldra - En cette vie. - - * * * * * - - "Ha Marguerite, écoute la souffrance - Du noble cœur de Renée de France - Puis comme sœur plus fort que d'espérance - Console-la. - - "Tu sais comment hors son pays alla - Et que parens et amis laissa là, - Mais tu ne sais quel traitement elle a - En terre étrange. - - "De cent couleurs en une heure elle change, - En ses repas percée d'angoisse mange - Et en son vin larmes fait melange - Tout par ennui. - - "Ennui reçu du côté de celui - Qui dut être sa joie et son appui - Ennui plus grief que s'il venait d'autrui - Et plus à craindre." - - * * * * * - -Few phrases could expose more explicitly a brutal husband. Allowing -for exaggeration, Ercole obviously behaved like a boor, making his -wife's meals, when he was present, little else than a weeping -martyrdom. Renée certainly had the temperament to cry often and -easily, though not tempestuously; but at Ferrara the vague-looking -eyes seem to have possessed ample reason for being constantly and -bitterly watered. Marot, of course, had neither the opportunity nor -the desire to dwell upon intervals of passivity. But, as one knows, -there must inevitably have been some in the hectored years of Renée's -Italian existence. And among them was certainly the visit of Vittoria -Colonna. She stayed for ten months, and all the information given -implies that during that period there was almost peace at the -Castello. This is to Ercole's credit, for Vittoria Colonna would have -bored any but a practised intelligence. Her _forte_ lay in an unerring -sense of what was fine in everything--art, conduct, and deliberation. -Clever men adored her, and her brain was certainly imposing, -deliberate, attentive, and comprehending. The woman who understood -Michelangelo could scarcely fail to grasp the meanings of lesser -intelligences. But the minor gaieties she had not; the quaint, swift -humour with which subtle women sweep away tension would never have -lightened Vittoria's solid arguments. She wrote poetry--very insincere -and laboured--but she possessed no imagination. The gravity of -existence, and the fact that each soul in it is born to exist -eternally, clothed her thoughts with an almost restricting austerity. -Few jokes would have sounded suitable in her presence. She appeared -too exquisitely reasonable, cool, and punctiliously magnificent for -any descent into the ridiculous. - -Undoubtedly Vittoria's presence eased domestic friction, though it is -doubtful, notwithstanding, whether Renée liked her. There are letters -between Vittoria and Ercole, but none to be found between the two -women. Vittoria Colonna was inherently good, but she was also -triumphant, pampered, flattered, and successful. When she came to -Ferrara she was received with a voluntary public ovation. Flanked by -the mental sumptuousness of this efficient creature, Renée's -insignificance was accentuated; the contrast dragged the whole extent -of her ineffectuality into light. And Renée, almost meek in -appearance, with her "weakened body," as Brantome put it, and her -vague-looking face, was not meek in disposition. She forgot at no time -of her life that but for the Salic law she would have sat upon the -throne of France. - -There is no statement against the existence of affection between the -two women, but the probabilities are not for it. There is far more -likelihood that Vittoria got upon her hostess's nerves, and chilled -her by flaming, for all her disadvantages of years, with a sort of -opulent beauty that intensified the pallid ugliness of the foreign -duchess. Small wonder that Renée turned to the sympathy offered by -Monsieur Pons; small wonder that she permitted the elegant and amiable -Frenchman to make inroads upon her affections. - -Monsieur Pons represents the solitary scandal of Renée's existence. -Some writers do not like Monsieur Pons. They desire the page -unblemished by this warm and doubtful incident. To them Renée must -stand as a blameless martyr to the cause of Protestantism, and this -friendship confuses the picture. In such hands Monsieur Pons fades -into an insignificance not sufficiently substantial for impropriety. - -The effacement is entirely to be regretted. Monsieur Pons was the one -wholly tender circumstance in Renée's life. It is ridiculous to -pretend that she did not love him. Her harassed heart, unaccustomed -to being besieged, surrendered naturally to sympathetic advances from -a fascinating man of her own nationality. He made love to her -discreetly, mildly, and, no doubt, indirectly, while the woman warmed -under it before she realized the fearsome pleasantness of the -sensation. They may actually have had sympathy of temperament. -Monsieur Pons also may really have experienced a slight compassionate -tenderness for the frail, misshapen little duchess, who was openly -ill-treated by a lusty and unfaithful husband. It is difficult to -probe Monsieur Pons's motives. Policy is rarely absent from the mind -of those who deal with powerful persons. He was upon admirable terms -with his own wife. So was Renée, notwithstanding a friendship for the -husband exhilarated by a hint of something just a little more alive -and poignant. Genuine impropriety, one feels assured, there was not. -Yet to those anxious for scandal the duchess's letters would in -themselves be considered sufficient to take away any woman's -character. They are personal, intimate, and interwoven with unspoken -statements. Actually they have charm--the charm that issues when a -woman with some grace of mind desires her letter to be chiefly a -persuasive form of flirtation. The word "love" is not mentioned in -them, but for all that they are undeniably love-letters. They are, in -addition, the love-letters of a woman not yet muddled by any -uncertainty as to the recipient's reciprocity. - -It must be admitted that Renée, had she behaved with strict decorum, -would not have written these documents. Married persons forfeit the -licence to indulge in a certain kind of correspondence. But there is -no reason to suppose that because a woman writes a delicately -flirtatious letter she has any evil thoughts at the back of it, or -that the relations of the two will at any time transgress the limits -of an audacious friendliness. The mistake is usually made, though few -things show less acquaintance with human nature. - -Renée of Ferrara was temperamentally incapable of the scandal some of -her biographers have foisted upon her. Putting it upon the lowest -basis, she had neither sufficient courage nor sufficient pliancy for -unfaithfulness. The distinguishing trait of Renée's character was her -incapacity ever to go the extreme length in anything. There are no -tenable grounds, besides, for supposing that she desired to forget -right living for Monsieur Pons and passion. She was not an ardent -woman; the dull face expresses nothing so unmistakable as a wistful -apathy and a bad circulation. - -From the internal evidence of the letters themselves, one finds a -romantic and sentimental friendship, or, phrased more colloquially, a -flirtation. But the essence of a flirtation is to play at being more -than it is in reality--to hover skilfully about borders neither player -would really care to trespass. Not a phrase in Renée's letters reveals -any desire to thrust aside cautious boundaries. She had also perfect -knowledge of Monsieur Pons's comfortable domestic circumstances. -Madame de Pons was her friend, the closest woman companion remaining -to her. What is more than likely is that she and Madame Pons--madame -with a finger secretly to her nose--enjoyed a perfect understanding as -to Renée's relations with the husband. They agreed together in worship -of Monsieur Pons, while he on his side was supposed to love them -both--though Renée, of course, with discretion, with reverence, with -the distance that her rank necessitated. - -Madame Pons was safe; she could afford this dismal and lonely woman -some farcical illusions. Renée, in consequence, was allowed her -pathetic share in Monsieur Pons. The real, warm, comfortable -possession could only be the wife's, but Renée felt that she also had -her small, vague place; she was included; she was dear to Monsieur -Pons; she had her right of confidences, and perhaps--who knows?--in -certain ways, might convey an appeal his wife lacked possession of. -The wanderings of a heart ill-fed are always wild and a little tragic. - -The letters were written during a diplomatic mission to France, upon -which Monsieur Pons had been sent by the duke. They contain intimate -accounts of little everyday doings, put down with a woeful disregard -of grammar, and yet with something approaching literary instinct. -Reading them, one discovers that the duchess was not an entirely -stupid woman. Without possessing the least intellectual capacity, she -shows a gift of irony, of graceful utterance, and of oblique -suggestion that is totally unexpected. - -She says in one, "If this letter is badly written, it is because of -the place and the hour, for I write in bed, and I began so early that -I can scarcely see clearly; but I hope to write more every day until -the Basque starts again. I began yesterday, the very day he -arrived.... The wee doggie came, and fondled me a thousand times, in -betweenwhiles seizing the pen with his little teeth, after which he -came and settled himself on my arm, with the pen under his head, and -so went to sleep, and I too, to keep him company, for I don't know -which of us needed it most." This little pet dog, and another, -evidently given to her by Monsieur Pons, figure several times in the -correspondence. She writes again, "The Basque will give you an account -of your wife's state of health, of our little company, and, above all, -of the wee doggies who still, as always, sleep with me, and refuse to -leave my side." - -How much Monsieur Pons was missed, is said many times and in diverse -ways. She conveys it very prettily upon one occasion, in the -statement, "Lesleu was saying that since you had gone the house seems -deserted. He is not the only one who thinks this. Several others say -the same, and there are some who are only too well aware of it." In -French the meaning is both more finely and more definitely -transmitted. In another place she says, "We need you to bring back the -joy you took away with your departure." - -Madame Pons gave birth to a boy during her husband's absence, and -Renée writes that it resembles its father in chin and mouth, adding -immediately that she had kissed the little lips "two or three" times. -She also says, "He has such a sweet expression; everybody likes to -look at him. He does not sulk like the others." His mouth, she states, -is infinitesimal. Later, when his wife continued very unwell, Renée -wrote, "I beg you to try and return before the winter, as much for her -as for me, of whom I will say nothing, for I think less of my own -troubles than that you should be successful in your undertaking." - -There were no concealments between Monsieur Pons and herself -concerning Ercole. She tells the diplomatist that her visit to France -had once more been broached by the ambassador, who had received the -usual answer, "when the weather permitted." With delicious irony the -duchess adds, "I think he means when the wind carries me." At all -times she was indifferent to her husband's mistresses. And she tells -Monsieur Pons, "Monday, which was the eve of St. John, I took him (the -ambassador) to the mountain where monsieur was having supper with the -Calcaquine.... The day after the birth of your son I had supper with -the cardinal and monsieur, and the day of St. John I had supper in the -'_bosquet_' with monsieur and the ambassador." The Contessa Calcaquine -was at that time Ercole's mistress. - -In the continuation of daily details Renée makes it quite clear how -little she enjoyed "monsieur's" society. She had been asked by him to -join, if she cared to, a little party spending the evening on the -hill--presumably at the contessa's. But, she says, with an -undercurrent of wider meaning than the actual words express, "I made -the excuse that it would be too late." - -Renée implied no objection upon the grounds of the hostess. She -mentions quite gaily a visit to one of Ercole's ladies, concluding, -"That is all the fresh air I have had since you left, but I am waiting -till your wife is up again, and then we shall go out together, and -with all the more pleasure because you will be with us." - -It is deeply to be regretted that all these letters, unknown to Renée, -were intercepted by the duke, though he must have been interested at -the almost contemptuous calm of his wife's attitude towards him -personally. Renée wondered why the answers from France were so few. -She had no suspicion that her lengthy correspondence lay locked up in -the care of her husband, and never journeyed across the Alps at any -time. Ercole, secretive by nature and by training, made no remarks -about these intercepted letters. With a house full of spies, he stood -in a position to know how flimsy the flirtation really was. When -Monsieur Pons returned, he allowed the same intimacy as previously. -Only very soon afterwards Renée was sent into the country and kept -there, away from her friend. - -Then Ercole, considering the moment opportune, got rid of both wife -and husband. A story of an extremely mischievous nature was foisted -upon them. The charges were, in fact, dangerous for two foreigners in -the power of a man hating them both. Renée's household became shaken -to the depths with fear and excitement, and Monsieur and Madame Pons -fled almost immediately to Venice. The action was no more than wise. -Ercole had called Madame Pons "an infernal fury." Any possible -extremity would have been proceeded to, if even a fraction of the -charges stated could have been proved against them. - -The months that followed were among the most dismal of Renée's life. -The flight of her friend chilled her to the marrow of her being. -Realization could not be avoided. She was over thirty, and the bitter -sense of being suddenly old and weary is unavoidable in any woman -brusquely abandoned by the man who has kept her young with kindnesses. -All the vaporous flimsiness of her hold upon Monsieur Pons lay -brutally exposed and patent. His wife had got into difficulties; his -business lay immediately with the welfare of his wife. No outside -woman existed in the intimate agitation of private affairs. Renée was -simply dropped like some acquaintance grown needless, and husband, -wife, and the baby, whose mouth Renée had described as so incredibly -small, practically withdrew from her existence. - -The next crucial circumstance--perhaps the most crucial of Renée's -long and uncomfortable life--was her encounter with the Inquisition. -This supreme test of Renée's character came when Paul III. died and -Julius III. succeeded to the throne of Rome. Paul had been mild, -gentle, and favourable to some reformation in the ways of the Church. -Contarini, in a letter, spoke of him as "this our good old man." His -successor had no leanings towards change; mercy sent no gentle warmth -through his system. The heresy practised by the Duchess of Ferrara had -been notorious for a considerable period; her household constituted a -sanctuary for heretics; she permitted herself Protestant preachers and -Protestant services. Her attendance at mass had ceased, and she was -accused, though it seems unjustly, of eating meat on Fridays. - -Ercole's position, consequently, at this time was far from easy, the -basis of his political security requiring that he should maintain -peace with the authorities of Rome. Renée's new religion endangered -his duchy. She either did not understand the political risks of what -she persisted in doing, or did not care. But Ercole, alarmed as well -as furious, wrote bluntly to the King of France, saying what he -thought of her. The unburdenment was no longer incautious. Francis I. -had been dead some time. Henry II. felt no obligation to be bothered -by an elderly woman whom he did not know, and whose claims upon him -were negligible. Himself an intolerant Roman Catholic, he wrote to her -upon receiving Ercole's letter, and explained unambiguously that -should she be relying upon the support of France, her confidence was -founded upon false anticipations. He did more--he sent the famous -Inquisitor Orriz, with orders to use "rigour and severity," sooner -than return to France without having reduced the elderly lady to a -proper religious disposition. - -The letter in which Orriz received directions shows a curious method -of thinking. Renée was exhorted to return more easily to the Mother -Church, "by consideration of the great favours which God has granted -to her, and among others that of being the issue of the purest blood -of the most Christian house of France, where no monster has ever -existed." The sentence ended with the statement that should she -"choose to remain in stubbornness and pertinacity, it would displease -the king as much as anything in the world, and would cause him -entirely to forget the friendship, with all the observances and -demonstrations of a good nephew, he hating nothing with a greater -hatred than all those of the reprobate sects, whose mortal enemy he -was." - -The following paragraph was still more plain spoken, and might well -have sent a shiver through the hard-pressed duchess. Henry wrote, "And -if, after such remonstrances and persuasions, together with those -which the said Doctor Orriz shall employ of his own way and -profession, to make her know the truth, and the difference there is -between light and darkness, it shall appear that he is unable by -gentle means to gain her and to reclaim her, he shall take counsel -with the said lord duke as to what can possibly be done in the way of -rigour and severity to bring her to reason." - -Renée's position had at last become dire and dangerous. She stood -with none to help her, pressed about by a crowd of enemies. From the -moment Orriz arrived in Ferrara her life became a nightmare. When he -chose to preach, she had to listen; when he questioned, she had to -answer; when he threatened, she had to preserve quiescence. Morning, -noon, and evening, the menacing presence of the French Inquisitor kept -her shaken, sickened, lacerated. His arguments could only have been -torture to her, for pitted against the subtlety of the trained -heretic-catcher, Renée's mentality would have been the incarnation of -incoherent feebleness. Her person, moreover, made no appeal to mercy; -ugly, drear, and wrinkled, she did not even possess dramatic -dignity--only tears and an obstreperous dismalness of manner. -Gradually, however, Orriz was to discover that dismalness did not -necessarily accompany weakness. He could make her cry, but that was -about all he could do with her. His own temper must have quickly -sharpened. The position left him ridiculous. Presently the Inquisitor -and the husband took counsel together. Renée's unexpected fortitude -proved equally serious for both. Ercole had given his word to the Pope -that the lady should return duly submissive to the fold she outraged. -Renée had got to be mastered somehow. Words left her tearfully -obstinate--there remained nothing but harsher measures. Ercole himself -wrote in a letter, "We kept her shut up for fifteen days, with only -people who had no sort of Lutheran tendencies to wait upon her. We -also threatened to confiscate all her property." - - [Illustration: RENÉE, DUCHESS OF FERRARA - FROM A DRAWING IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE] - -She held out, notwithstanding. Some decree of courage must have -stiffened resistance, but it also is probable that the little creature -relied upon a definite limit to persecution. A daughter of the royal -house of France stood too high for genuine martyrdom. She had, in -addition, a secret Bull previously given her by Paul III., which -exempted her from the jurisdiction of all local inquisitions. - -Up to a certain point there is, beyond question, an underflow of -sweetness in being persecuted, especially when, besides the -persecutors, there are people who realize the persecution. To show -endurance is softly comforting to the soul. Character, exultant at -finding itself not wholly worthless, is joyous below its pain. There -are few people, indeed, who do not want to prove themselves morally -better than their ordinary conduct, and who are not exalted by a -sudden blaze of inner illumination when they have let the good rise -triumphant over an ardent and forceful temptation. At any rate, -whether Renée was, or was not, sustained by a sense of proving -something finer than she had hoped for, she certainly showed such -curious tranquillity that those who attended her remarked upon it. The -fact puzzled everybody--she was by nature distinctly flaccid. It has -since been put down to the possession of the Bull from Paul III., but -the explanation is unlikely. Nothing could be more simple than a fresh -Papal Bull annulling the first. Besides, what followed shows that she -either made no use of it, or was quickly undeceived as to its utility. - -But the crisis of her life was stalking grimly nearer every hour. -Confinement leaving steadfastness intact, a rasped husband and -exasperated inquisitor flung themselves upon a last extremity, and -Renée, Duchess of Ferrara, was actually brought before the Ferrarese -Inquisition, and tried for heresy by that body. Her answers at the -trial are not given, but that she went through the ordeal at all -compels admiration. She was utterly alone--hemmed in by Roman -Catholics and Italians--and grievously subject to prostration and -headaches. Few people thought of her save as an unmitigated nuisance. -Still she continued firm. Her answers were probably stupid and -reiterated, but if flustered on the surface she was stolid at the -foundations. After an angry, blustering trial, during which nobody -could browbeat her into helplessness, defeat had to be admitted, and a -formal sentence passed against the duchess. She may have winced for a -moment when it came; the indignity alone would have stung her like a -blow upon the face. There was nothing in this world she felt more -pride in than the fact that she was a king's daughter; this sentence -put her on the level of any refractory woman that the Church and her -husband considered in need of punishment. She was to suffer perpetual -solitary imprisonment, and her children and the greater part of her -revenue were to be taken from her. - -Still she maintained the same unaccountable self-possession. It seemed -almost as if some store of inner strength placed her beyond the reach -of personal sufferings. All who knew her were bewildered. For, the -very morning after condemnation, she was driven from the Castello to -an old building next door, to be imprisoned under guards chosen -carefully by Ercole. Two servants, also picked out by him, were the -only people allowed in her presence. - -She held out for a week. It was too little; mere sulkiness could have -endured that period. Six months would have made her sympathetic and -dignified, a week rendered her previous fortitude useless. Still, it -should be borne in mind that imprisonment for life with two foreigners -of a different class is very cold to the heart after the first glow of -resistance has faded. Renée had known her triumph. The famous -Inquisitor, so proud of his infallible method, had exhausted cunning -for nothing. They were obliged to shut her up for the humiliating -reason that not one of them had been able to move her by a hair's -breadth. She had that victory to kindle satisfaction with for the rest -of existence. - -During a day or two she probably lived supported by the joy of -steadfast conduct. Then gradually the meaning of a lifetime's solitude -pressed upon imagination. At any rate, by the end of seven days, -everybody knew in Ferrara that the duchess had surrendered. The news -reduced her to an absurdity; she had possessed sufficient courage to -be maddening, and no more. Capitulation, however, was complete. She -not only expressed her desire openly to attend mass, but her -willingness to return to confession. By her own choice, a Jesuit -confessor was sent for, and in a "flood of tears" the necessary -recantation was given. - -Instantly the guards were withdrawn, and her ordinary household -allowed to recommence attendance. The struggle was over. Ercole could -feel at last that he had tamed her, and in a few days the surface -showed no signs of the immense upheaval it had suffered. Only the -Protestants stood aghast. Calvin wrote bitterly when he heard of it: -"What shall I say, except that constancy is a very rare virtue among -the great of this world?" Olympia Morata, who had a sore place in her -thoughts made by Renée, declared that she was not surprised, and that -she had always said it was _une tête légère_. - -Upon one point, notwithstanding, the duchess remained unexpectedly -firm. She had surrendered a good deal. But she drew the line for the -future at playing love-scenes with the man who had caused her to be -tried and imprisoned like a common criminal. - -From the time of her trial, Renée occupied a separate establishment, -though Ercole, to whom she could do no right, made even this a -grievance, and complained that "the duchess refused to return to the -chamber they had shared for fifteen years, and in which they had made -such beautiful children." - -With this brief, tense, and futile drama, the interest of Renée's -life evaporates. The remainder,--long and untranquil though it -was,--reads like an anti-climax. She never knew a year's serenity to -the end of her lengthy and eventful existence. And yet all that -followed has a certain sameness and monotony. The unhappinesses were -constantly repeated; also the piteous efforts to remain firm in -Protestantism only to be driven back again to the old faith of her -people. - -In 1559 Ercole died, and from that day Renée passed entirely out of -the sphere of the Renaissance into that of the Reformation. She -returned to France, and went to live at the town of Montargis, which -belonged to her. Comfort she never knew again. Her castle was so -constantly overcrowded that it became impossible to move in it for -people. Brantome, who visited her there, says he saw "three hundred -Protestant refugees," on the occasion of his visit. Horrors, -bloodshed, and persecutions became her daily preoccupations. Blood, at -that period in France, made the world look red. During the massacre of -St. Bartholomew, she was in Paris, and remained for nine days shut up -in her rooms, before the gates of Paris were opened once more, and she -was able to fly back to Montargis. - -But the latter part of her existence nobly atoned for the dispirited -uselessness of the beginning. She took mass, and professed to be a -humble and obedient daughter of the Pope when there was no alternative -between that and being driven out of Montargis. But continuously, -hourly, and unhesitatingly, she helped all those who came to her. - -At the time of her death she was sixty-four, though long before that -time she had looked a hundred. All her friends died before she did. -Even Calvin, who from the day she left Ferrara, had been the real prop -of her existence, passed out of life twelve years earlier. - -Though almost all that was best of the Renaissance seemed gathered -into the stretch of Renée's existence, it is difficult to remember her -association with it. Tintoretto, Titian, Correggio, and Raphael were -the joy of Italy during her lifetime. Ariosto, Tasso, Montaigne, all -belong to this period--Ariosto dying when she was twenty-three, while -Tasso outlived her by many years. She passed the whole of her married -life in a court of impassioned connoisseurs, and never rose above a -taste for cheap majolica. Her niche was in a convent, a hospital, or a -training school for orphans, not in a centre of artistic and literary -efflorescence. - -She was unfortunate all her life, and even after death it remained -her tragic fate to be a nuisance. Her son, Alphonso III., found -difficulty in coming to a decision as to what behaviour to observe -about the circumstance. She had been his mother, but she had also been -a heretic. In the end he compromised, ordering mourning for a brief -period, but omitting any mourning services. They buried her at -Montargis, and on her tomb made no mention of Italy, or of her -discomforted connection with the House of Ferrara. The inscription -merely bore the words-- - - "Renée de France, Duchesse de Chartres, Comtesse de Gisors et - Madame de Montargis. - - May many daughters of France yet rise to emulate the example of - her faith, patience, and charity." - -At a brief glance only the last virtue appears appropriate. But the -grace of Renée's life lies in the fact that she used it for -development. The self-engrossed, unfriendly girl who fought with -Ercole, slowly but momentously learned from experience. Handicapped -both by nature and circumstances, she yet issued from the tempestuous -stumblings of youth into an old age, still clumsy enough to an eye -seeing only in a dull moment, but exquisite to a consciousness aware -how the soul had continuously developed through every untoward -incident of existence. As a girl Renée had been too querulous to -circumvent her own ugliness. But as an old woman she rendered it of no -account. Surely--though probably unconsciously--she learnt at last -that it is what a nature gives from within that is the ultimate test -of value, and that to a great heart there are no denials, and cannot -be--in the world's colossal and unceasing need of sympathy--anything -but welcome and appreciation. - - - - -INDEX - - -A - -Adrienne, Madonna, 154, 157, 162, 163 - -Albret, Comte d', 109, 110 - -Albret, Henri d', 230, 238 - -Albret, Jeanne d', 230, 236 - -Alençon, 213, 216-220 - -Alençon, Duc d', 212, 225 - -Alençon, Françoise d', 133, 135 - -Alexander VI., Pope, 154, 155, 161, 164-172, 178, 185, 186 - -Alphonso I., Duke of Ferrara, 64, 157, 177-190, 198-201, 254, 269 - -Alphonso II., Duke of Ferrara, 302 - -Alphonso, Don, of Naples, 168-173 - -Amboise, Castle of, 210 - -Amboise, Cardinal d', 140 - -Amily, Ser, 38 - -Angoulême, Charles d', 203, 204 - -Angoulême, Margaret d', 133, 134, 150, 202-250, 251, 276, 278, 279 - -Anna (wife of Alphonso I.), 64 - -Anne of Brittany, 104-149, 205, 212, 222, 251, 252, 265 - -Anthony, Brother, 44, 45 - -Aragon, Charlotte of, 168 - -Aragon, Ferdinand of, 131 - -Aretino, Donati, 167 - -Argentre, d', 147 - -Ariosto, 190, 301 - -Asti, 88, 93 - -Avignon, 24, 30, 32, 33, 38-40 - - -B - -Bari, Duchess of. _See_ Beatrice D'Este - -Barone, 92 - -Bartholomew, Saint, 300 - -Bartolomeo, Fra, 10, 14 - -Bayard, 155 - -Bayaret, 224 - -Beatrice D'Este. _See_ Este - -Beaujeu, Anne of, 117, 203 - -Bellay, de, 225 - -Bellay, Cardinal de, 243 - -Bembo, Cardinal, 186-191 - -Benincasa, Giacomo, 2, 7 - -Berger, Peter, 234 - -Berguin, 231 - -Beuve, Sainte, 222 - -Bianca (illegitimate daughter of Ludovico), 67, 98, 99 - -Bianca (sister of Giangaleazzo), 87 - -Blois, 205, 206, 207 - -Boccaccio, 2, 6, 245 - -Bonnivet, 209-216, 220, 221, 224 - -Bordeaux, 231 - -Borgia, Cæsar, 71, 126, 165-175, 177, 180, 185, 197, 198 - -Borgia, Giovanni, 165 - -Borgia, Jofre, 164 - -Borgia, Lucrezia, 5, 9, 150-201, 254, 258 - -Borso, Duke, 56 - -Bourbon, Connétable de, 206 - -Bourbon, Louis de, 119 - -Brantome, 205, 241-253, 300 - -Briconnet, 213, 217-220 - -Burgundy, 225 - - -C - -Cafferini, Thomas Antonio, 4, 9, 13 - -Cagnola, 72 - -Calcaquine, Contessa, 288 - -Callagnini, 190 - -Calmeta, 76 - -Calvin, 233, 234, 273-301 - -Canali, Carlo, 153 - -Cardillan, 275, 277 - -Carthusians, the order of, 47 - -Castiglione, 190-194 - -Cataneri, Vanozza, 153, 154 - -Catherine of Siena, 1-52 - -Cavelli, Mario, 248 - -Charles, Archduke, 254 - -Charles V., of Austria, 46, 224-230 - -Charles VIII., of France, 88, 89, 93, 94, 104, 111-114, 118 - -Claude, of France, 138, 142, 145, 224, 253 - -Claviere, R. de Maulde la, 221 - -Clement VII., Pope, 40, 42, 46 - -Cleves, Duke of, 236-239 - -Clouet, 242 - -Cognac, 204 - -Collenuccio, Pandolfo, 174 - -Colonna, the, 30 - -Colonna, Vittoria, 59, 252, 280-282 - -Commines, 70, 89, 113, 117, 119 - -Corio, 63, 83 - -Correggio, 301 - -Corsa, 56 - -Crivelli, Lucrezia, 96, 98, 101 - -Croce, Giorgio di, 153 - -Cussago, 67 - - -D - -Dante, 76, 175 - -Dodici, 18 - -Dodicini, 18 - -Dolet, Etienne, 232, 233 - -Domenico, St., 21 - -Duchatel, 249 - - -E - -Ercole I., Duke of Ferrara, 1, 56, 64, 178, 180, 184-186, 198 - -Ercole II., Duke of Ferrara, 254-257, 266, 271, 275, 278, 280, 288-290, - 292-295 - -Este, Beatrice d', 53-103, 150 - -Este, Hippolyte d', 167 - -Este, Isabella d', 54-57, 59, 65, 74, 94, 181-184, 197, 252, 258 - -Este, Leonora d', 55, 56, 60, 64 - -Este, Palissena d', 65 - - -F - -Farnese, Julia, 154, 155, 158, 159, 162, 163, 165 - -Feltre, Vittorino da, 55 - -Ferrante, of Naples, 93 - -Ferrara, 54, 57, 64, 70, 191, 256, 257, 268, 269, 271, 272 - -Fleurange, 138 - -Foix, Gaston de, 206-211, 213 - -Forli, 171 - -Francis I., 137, 138, 203-208, 215-217, 224-226, 229-231, 236-238, - 248, 249, 253-255, 265, 274, 292 - -Francis II., of Brittany, 106 - - -G - -Galeazzo, Maria, 60 - -Gallerani, Cecilia, 59, 68-70, 73, 78 - -"Gargantua," 243 - -Gasparo, Don, 156 - -Gelais, Jean de St., 204, 205 - -Ghibellines, 31, 34 - -Giangaleazzo, Duke of Milan, 56, 62, 75, 81-83, 89, 91 - -Gie, Marechale de, 143-145, 205 - -Grazie, St. Maria delle, 100-102 - -Gregorovius, 154, 166 - -Gregory XI., Pope, 30-34, 38, 39 - -Guarino, 55 - -Guelfs, 31, 34 - -Guicciardini, 90, 117, 177 - - -H - -"Heptameron," the, 209, 243, 245, 246 - -Henri II., 248, 292 - -Henry VII., 93, 207 - -Henry VIII., 206 - - -I - -Innocent VII., Pope, 156 - -Inquisition, the, 231, 232 - -Isabella D'Este. _See_ Este - -Isabella of Naples, 60, 63, 64, 74-76, 79-83, 85, 87-89, 92, 120 - - -J - -Jacomino, 57, 58 - -Jacomo, Ser, 49, 50 - -Jeanne, wife of Louis XII., 106, 126-128 - -Joanna, Queen of Naples, 46 - -Julius II., Pope, 140 - -Julius III., Pope, 291 - - -L - -Laizon, Lanothe, 232 - -Lamb, Charles, 21 - -Landoccio, Neri di, 27, 28, 47, 49, 51 - -Lapa, mother of Catherine of Siena, 2, 5, 7 - -Laun, Van, 115 - -Lemale, 61 - -Leo X., Pope, 199 - -Leonora D'Este. _See_ Este - -Lesleu, 287 - -Limousin, Leonard, 242 - -Loches, 135 - -Louis XI., 106, 126, 236 - -Louis XII., 88, 93, 103, 104, 106, 107, 112, 121-123 - -Lucca, 31 - -Lucia, Sister, 1, 16 - -Lucrezia Borgia. _See_ Borgia - -Ludovico Sforza. _See_ Sforza - -Luny, Phillipine de, 234 - -Luther, Martin, 217 - - -M - -Machiavelli, 175-177 - -"Mantellate" sisters, 24, 35, 36 - -Mantua, Francesco, Duke of, 56, 57, 62 - -Manuce, Aldo, 190 - -Marconi, Stephen, 24-28, 32, 42, 45, 47 - -Maria Galeazzo. _See_ Galeazzo - -Marot, Clement, 146, 222-224, 278, 279 - -Marot, Jean, 146 - -Marsac, Louis de, 234 - -Marthe, St., 231 - -Maximilian I., Emperor of Germany, 81, 93, 106, 110-112 - -Meaux, Bishop of, 213, 217-220. _See_ Briconnet - -Medici, Giovanni de, 156 - -Mendoza, 249 - -Mezerai, 132, 145, 254 - -Milan, 63, 64-68, 71, 72, 76, 88 - -Michelangelo, 171 - -Michelletto, 173 - -Montaigne, 301 - -Montargis, 300-302 - -Montluc, St. Gelais de, 116 - -Montmorency, Anne of, 206, 224, 239 - -Montpensier, Charles de, 206 - -Morata, Olympia, 299 - -Moro, Il. _See_ Sforza, Ludovico - -Muralto, 98 - -Muratori, 40, 66 - - -N - -Nantes, 111 - -Naples, King of, 54-57, 161, 168 - -Navarre, King of, 230 - -Navarre, Henri de. _See_ Albret - -Nepi, 174 - -Nove, the, 18 - -Noveschi, the, 18 - - -O - -Olivet, Mount, 50 - -Orriz, 232, 233, 292-294, 298 - -Orsini, the, 30 - -Othagaray, 236 - -Ovid, 227 - - -P - -Palice, La, 224 - -Pantagruel, 68, 222 - -Pater, Walter, 76 - -Paul III., Pope, 291, 296 - -Paule, François de, 118 - -Pavia, 61, 71, 73, 89, 91, 224, 225 - -Perotto, 168 - -Pesaro, 162-164, 166, 174 - -Petrarch, 2, 30, 41, 55, 175 - -Pintorricchio, 151, 155, 160, 171 - -Pisa, 31 - -Poictiers, Diane de, 248 - -Polhain, Baron de, 110 - -Polignac, Jeanne de, 203 - -Pons, M. de, 268, 282-291 - -Pontanus, poet, 177 - -Portugal, Queen of, 226, 227, 229 - -Predis, Ambrogio da, 98 - -Pucci, 158 - - -R - -Rabelais, 68, 232, 243 - -Raphael, 301 - -Raymond, 15, 22, 23, 28, 29, 35, 36 - -Raynaldus, 33 - -Rémond, Florimond de, 231 - -Renée, of Ferrara, 146, 198, 223, 232, 251-303 - -Riformatori, the, 17, 18 - -Rodriguez, Cardinal, 153. _See_ Alexander VI. - - -S - -Sancia, Madonna, 164, 165 - -Sanozzo, 177 - -Sanseverino, Galeazzo, 67, 98 - -San Sisto, convent of, 167 - -Savoie, Louise de, 137-139, 142, 146, 147, 203 - -Seyssel, De, 148 - -Sforza, Catherine, 174 - -Sforza, Francesco, 60 - -Sforza, Giovanni, 156, 161, 162-167 - -Sforza, Ludovico, 56, 57, 60-62, 64-70, 86, 87, 98, 101, 157, 161 - -Siena, Catherine of. _See_ Catherine - -Sorbonne, the, 202, 222, 232, 248, 249 - -Soubise, Madame de, 263, 265, 267, 268, 270, 271 - -Spagnali, 183 - -Spoleto, 170 - -Strozzi, Callagnini, 190 - -Strozzi, Tebaldeo, 190 - - -T - -Tasso, 301 - -Tintoretto, 301 - -Titian, 301 - -Toledo, Nicholas di, 17-21 - -Toledo, town of, 228 - -Tolomei, Francesco, 12 - -Tolomei, Giacomo, 12-14 - -Tolomei, Madonna, 12-14 - -Torelli, Ippolyta, 194 - -Toulouse, town of, 243 - -Tours, Plessis Les, 236 - -Trotti, 65, 69, 74, 75 - -Tufi, Porta, 51 - -Turenne, Elys de Beaufort, 36 - - -U - -Urban VI., Pope, 39-44, 46 - -Urbino, Elizabeth, Duchess of, 183, 184 - - -V - -Valentinois, Countess of, 35 - -Vanni, Francesco, 21-24 - -Vasari, 76 - -Venice, 86 - -Vinci, Leonardo da, 71, 76-79, 96 - - -W - -William of England, 44, 45 - - -Z - -Zanetto, 272, 274, 277 - - - PRINTED BY - WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, - LONDON AND BECCLES. - - - - - A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS - PUBLISHED BY METHUEN - AND COMPANY: LONDON - 36 ESSEX STREET - W.C. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - General Literature, 2-20 - - Ancient Cities, 20 - - Antiquary's Books, 20 - - Arden Shakespeare, 20 - - Beginner's Books, 21 - - Business Books, 21 - - Byzantine Texts, 21 - - Churchman's Bible, 22 - - Churchman's Library, 22 - - Classical Translations, 23 - - Classics of Art, 23 - - Commercial Series, 23 - - Connoisseur's Library, 23 - - Library of Devotion, 23 - - Illustrated Pocket Library of - Plain and Coloured Books, 24 - - Junior Examination Series, 25 - - Junior School-Books, 26 - - Leaders of Religion, 26 - - Little Books on Art, 26 - - Little Galleries, 27 - - Little Guides, 27 - - Little Library, 27 - - Little Quarto Shakespeare, 29 - - Miniature Library, 29 - 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CURGENVEN OF CURGENVEN. - -DOMITIA. - -THE FROBISHERS. - -CHRIS OF ALL SORTS. - -DARTMOOR IDYLLS. - -=Barlow (Jane)=, Author of 'Irish Idylls.' FROM THE EAST UNTO THE -WEST. - -A CREEL OF IRISH STORIES. - -THE FOUNDING OF FORTUNES. - -THE LAND OF THE SHAMROCK. - -=Barr (Robert).= THE VICTORS. - -=Bartram (George).= THIRTEEN EVENINGS. - -=Benson (E. F.)=, Author of 'Dodo.' THE CAPSINA. - -=Bowles (G. Stewart).= A STRETCH OFF THE LAND. - -=Brooke (Emma).= THE POET'S CHILD. - -=Bullock (Shan F.).= THE BARRYS. - -THE CHARMER. - -THE SQUIREEN. - -THE RED LEAGUERS. - -=Burton (J. Bloundelle).= THE CLASH OF ARMS. - -DENOUNCED. - -FORTUNE'S MY FOE. - -A BRANDED NAME. - -=Capes (Bernard).= AT A WINTER'S FIRE. - -=Chesney (Weatherby).= THE BAPTIST RING. - -THE BRANDED PRINCE. - -THE FOUNDERED GALLEON. - -JOHN TOPP. - -THE MYSTERY OF A BUNGALOW. - -=Clifford (Mrs. W. K.).= A FLASH OF SUMMER. - -=Cobb (Thomas).= A CHANGE OF FACE. - -=Collingwood (Harry).= THE DOCTOR OF THE 'JULIET.' - -=Cornford (L. Cope).= SONS OF ADVERSITY. - -=Cotterell (Constance).= THE VIRGIN AND THE SCALES. - -=Crane (Stephen).= WOUNDS IN THE RAIN. - -=Denny (C. E.).= THE ROMANCE OF UPFOLD MANOR. - -=Dickinson (Evelyn).= THE SIN OF ANGELS. - -=Dickson (Harris).= THE BLACK WOLF'S BREED. - -=Duncan (Sara J.).= THE POOL IN THE DESERT. - -A VOYAGE OF CONSOLATION. Illustrated. - -=Embree (C. F.).= A HEART OF FLAME. Illustrated. - -=Fenn (G. Manville).= AN ELECTRIC SPARK. - -A DOUBLE KNOT. - -=Findlater (Jane H.).= A DAUGHTER OF STRIFE. - -=Fitzstephen (G.).= MORE KIN THAN KIND. - -=Fletcher (J. S.).= DAVID MARCH. - -LUCIAN THE DREAMER. - -=Forrest (R. E.).= THE SWORD OF AZRAEL. - -=Francis (M. E.).= MISS ERIN. - -=Gallon (Tom).= RICKERBY'S FOLLY. - -=Gerard (Dorothea).= THINGS THAT HAVE HAPPENED. - -THE CONQUEST OF LONDON. - -THE SUPREME CRIME. - -=Gilchrist (R. Murray).= WILLOWBRAKE. - -=Glanville (Ernest).= THE DESPATCH RIDER. - -THE KLOOF BRIDE. - -THE INCA'S TREASURE. - -=Gordon (Julien).= MRS. CLYDE. - -WORLD'S PEOPLE. - -=Goss (C. F.).= THE REDEMPTION OF DAVID CORSON. - -=Gray (E. M'Queen).= MY STEWARDSHIP. - -=Hales (A. G.).= JAIR THE APOSTATE. - -=Hamilton (Lord Ernest).= MARY HAMILTON. - -=Harrison (Mrs. Burton).= A PRINCESS OF THE HILLS. Illustrated. - -=Hooper (I.).= THE SINGER OF MARLY. - -=Hough (Emerson).= THE MISSISSIPPI BUBBLE. - -='Iota' (Mrs. Caffyn).= ANNE MAULEVERER. - -=Jepson (Edgar).= THE KEEPERS OF THE PEOPLE. - -=Keary (C. F.).= THE JOURNALIST. - -=Kelly (Florence Finch).= WITH HOOPS OF STEEL. - -=Langbridge (V.) and Bourne (C. 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M.).= LOVE AND LOUISA. - -=Austen (Jane).= PRIDE AND PREJUDICE. - -=Bagot (Richard).= A ROMAN MYSTERY. - -=Balfour (Andrew).= BY STROKE OF SWORD. - -=Baring-Gould (S.).= FURZE BLOOM. - -CHEAP JACK ZITA. - -KITTY ALONE. - -URITH. - -THE BROOM SQUIRE. - -IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA. - -NOÉMI. - -A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. Illustrated. - -LITTLE TU'PENNY. - -THE FROBISHERS. - -WINEFRED. - -=Barr (Robert).= JENNIE BAXTER, JOURNALIST. - -IN THE MIDST OF ALARMS. - -THE COUNTESS TEKLA. - -THE MUTABLE MANY. - -=Benson (E. F.).= DODO. - -=Brontë (Charlotte).= SHIRLEY. - -=Brownell (C. L.).= THE HEART OF JAPAN. - -=Burton (J. Bloundelle).= ACROSS THE SALT SEAS. - -=Caffyn (Mrs.)=, ('Iota'). ANNE MAULEVERER. - -=Capes (Bernard).= THE LAKE OF WINE. - -=Clifford (Mrs. W. K.).= A FLASH OF SUMMER. - -MRS. KEITH'S CRIME. - -=Connell (F. Norreys).= THE NIGGER KNIGHTS. - -=Corbett (Julian).= A BUSINESS IN GREAT WATERS. - -=Croker (Mrs. B. M.).= PEGGY OF THE BARTONS. - -A STATE SECRET. - -ANGEL. - -JOHANNA. - -=Dante (Alighieri).= THE VISION OF DANTE (Cary). - -=Doyle (A. Conan).= ROUND THE RED LAMP. - -=Duncan (Sara Jeannette).= A VOYAGE OF CONSOLATION. - -THOSE DELIGHTFUL AMERICANS. - -=Eliot (George).= THE MILL ON THE FLOSS. - -=Findlater (Jane H.).= THE GREEN GRAVES OF BALGOWRIE. - -=Gallon (Tom).= RICKERBY'S FOLLY. - -=Gaskell (Mrs.).= CRANFORD. - -MARY BARTON. - -NORTH AND SOUTH. - -=Gerard (Dorothea).= HOLY MATRIMONY. - -THE CONQUEST OF LONDON. - -MADE OF MONEY. - -=Gissing (George).= THE TOWN TRAVELLER. - -THE CROWN OF LIFE. - -=Glanville (Ernest).= THE INCA'S TREASURE. - -THE KLOOF BRIDE. - -=Gleig (Charles).= BUNTER'S CRUISE. - -=Grimm (The Brothers).= GRIMM'S FAIRY TALES. Illustrated. - -=Hope (Anthony).= A MAN OF MARK. - -A CHANGE OF AIR. - -THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT ANTONIO. - -PHROSO. - -THE DOLLY DIALOGUES. - -=Hornung (E. W.).= DEAD MEN TELL NO TALES. - -=Ingraham (J. H.).= THE THRONE OF DAVID. - -=Le Queux (W.).= THE HUNCHBACK OF WESTMINSTER. - -=Levett-Yeats (S. K.).= THE TRAITOR'S WAY. - -=Linton (E. Lynn).= THE TRUE HISTORY OF JOSHUA DAVIDSON. - -=Lyall (Edna).= DERRICK VAUGHAN. - -=Malet (Lucas).= THE CARISSIMA. - -A COUNSEL OF PERFECTION. - -=Mann (Mrs. M. E.).= MRS. PETER HOWARD. - -A LOST ESTATE. - -THE CEDAR STAR. - -ONE ANOTHER'S BURDENS. - -=Marchmont (A. W.).= MISER HOADLEY'S SECRET. - -A MOMENT'S ERROR. - -=Marryat (Captain).= PETER SIMPLE. - -JACOB FAITHFUL. - -=Marsh (Richard).= THE TWICKENHAM PEERAGE. - -THE GODDESS. - -THE JOSS. - -A METAMORPHOSIS. - -=Mason (A. E. W.).= CLEMENTINA. - -=Mathers (Helen).= HONEY. - -GRIFF OF GRIFFITHSCOURT. - -SAM'S SWEETHEART. - -=Meade (Mrs. L. T.).= DRIFT. - -=Mitford (Bertram).= THE SIGN OF THE SPIDER. - -=Montresor (F. F.).= THE ALIEN. - -=Moore (Arthur).= THE GAY DECEIVERS. - -=Morrison (Arthur).= THE HOLE IN THE WALL. - -=Nesbit (E.).= THE RED HOUSE. - -=Norris (W. E.).= HIS GRACE. - -GILES INGILBY. - -THE CREDIT OF THE COUNTY. - -LORD LEONARD. - -MATTHEW AUSTIN. - -CLARISSA FURIOSA. - -=Oliphant (Mrs.).= THE LADY'S WALK. - -SIR ROBERT'S FORTUNE. - -THE PRODIGALS. - -=Oppenheim (E. Phillips).= MASTER OF MEN. - -=Parker (Gilbert).= THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES. - -WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC. - -THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD. - -=Pemberton (Max).= THE FOOTSTEPS OF A THRONE. - -I CROWN THEE KING. - -=Phillpotts (Eden).= THE HUMAN BOY. - -CHILDREN OF THE MIST. - -='Q.'= THE WHITE WOLF. - -=Ridge (W. Pett).= A SON OF THE STATE. - -LOST PROPERTY. - -GEORGE AND THE GENERAL. - -=Russell (W. Clark).= A MARRIAGE AT SEA. - -ABANDONED. - -MY DANISH SWEETHEART. - -HIS ISLAND PRINCESS. - -=Sergeant (Adeline).= THE MASTER OF BEECHWOOD. - -BARBARA'S MONEY. - -THE YELLOW DIAMOND. - -THE LOVE THAT OVERCAME. - -=Surtees (R. S.).= HANDLEY CROSS. Illustrated. - -MR. SPONGE'S SPORTING TOUR. Illustrated. - -ASK MAMMA. Illustrated. - -=Valentine (Major E. S.).= VELDT AND LAAGER. - -=Walford (Mrs. L. B.).= MR. SMITH. - -COUSINS. - -THE BABY'S GRANDMOTHER. - -=Wallace (General Lew).= BEN-HUR. - -THE FAIR GOD. - -=Watson (H. B. Marriott).= THE ADVENTURERS. - -=Weekes (A. B.).= PRISONERS OF WAR. - -=Wells (H. G.).= THE STOLEN BACILLUS. - -=White (Percy).= A PASSIONATE PILGRIM. - - - - -Transcriber's Note - -Archaic and variant spelling is preserved as printed. This includes -French variants, for instance, hommage. The author uses both Mezeray -and Mezerai to refer to the French historian. - -The following have been noted as possible errors: - - Page xv--references the illustration facing page 140 as an image - depicting St. Ursula; however, the plate caption states that it - depicts St. Helena. By reference to the original _Grandes Heures_ - (available on Gallica at http://gallica.bnf.fr) it appears that the - plate caption is correct. However, the differing references are - preserved as printed. - - Page 102--includes the quote "chastily and devoutly." This has - been preserved as printed on the assumption that this was the - spelling in an original source. - - Page 114--includes the term 'zebeline'. This is more usually - spelled as 'zibeline' or 'zibelline', but is preserved as - printed. - - Page 115--the extract from the 'Farce du Cuvier' references one - of the characters as Jacquemet; however, the original source - (History of French Literature Vol. 1, by Henri Van Laun, 1878) - has this character as Jaquinot. It is preserved here as printed. - - Page 218--includes the quoted matter 'defect sufflatorium in - igne'. This should be 'defecit sufflatorium', but as the - material is quoted, it is preserved as printed. - - Page 222--includes quoted verse by Marot. Reference to other - editions of Marot's work suggest that this verse should read as - follows: - - 'Tous deux aimons gens pleins d'honnesteté, - Tous deux aimons honneur & netteté, - Tous deux aimons à d'aucun ne mesdire, - Tous deux aimons un meilleur propos dire, - Tous deux aimons à nous trouver en lieux, - Où ne sont point gens melancolieux, - Tous deux aimons la musique chanter, - Tous deux aimons les livres frequenter: - Que diray plus? Ce mot là dire j'ose, - Et le diray, que presque en toute chose - Nous ressemblons: fors que j'ai plus d'esmoy, - Et que tu as le cœur plus dur que moy:' - - The quoted version in the text has been preserved as printed. - - Page 224--Bayaret should probably read as Bayard, but it is - preserved as printed. - - Page 231--includes reference to the title 'Historié du Progrès - de l'heresie', but omits the accents. This is preserved as - printed. - -Minor punctuation errors have been repaired. - -Hyphenation has been made consistent. - -The following amendments have been made: - - Page xiv--Crevelli amended to Crivelli--... as being the - portrait of Lucrezia Crivelli, ... - - Page 18--Ghilbellines amended to Ghibellines--... between the - Sienses Guelfs and Ghibellines, ... - - Page 18--Novescli amended to Noveschi--The _Noveschi_ and - _Dodicini_ members ... - - Page 32--unxpected amended to unexpected--... chance incidents - and unexpected humanizing makeshifts. - - Page 35--courtseys amended to courteseys--He even admired the - lovely gowns and misleading courteseys ... - - Page 46--regretably amended to regrettably--... to whom - Catherine wrote regrettably stern letter, ... - - Page 49--Jacome amended to Jacomo--... of the dead man, Ser - Jacomo, ... - - Page 64--his amended to her--... who, after her death, was to be - succeeded ... - - Page 65--Pallissena amended to Palissena--Not only Trotti, but - Palissena D'Este, ... - - Page 66--Muratari amended to Muratori--Muratori, writing of her - ... - - Page 66--Muratari amended to Muratori--Muratori also touches - upon ... - - Page 66--predeliction amended to predilection--In dress, - Beatrice had one peculiar predilection ... - - Page 81--viscontis amended to Viscontis--The Viscontis held it - in fief ... - - Page 117--Beaujeau amended to Beaujeu--Anne of Beaujeu, the - former Regent--harsh, ... - - Illustration facing page 120--CALENDRIES amended to - CALENDRIER--FROM THE _CALENDRIER_ - - Page 135--docctrine amended to doctrine--... which contained no - false doctrine, ... - - Page 147--dairy amended to diary--... Louise records the event - in her diary ... - - Page 153--Rodriquez amended to Rodriguez--... then known as - Cardinal Rodriguez, ... - - Page 156--Medeci amended to Medici--... but Giovanni de Medici, - ... - - Page 166--flightly amended to flighty--... the perfect tool, - childlike, flighty, inherently docile, ... - - Page 177--Macchiavelli amended to Machiavelli--It has been - repeated by Machiavelli, ... - - Illustration facing page 188--SUSSANAH amended to - SUSANNAH--SUSANNAH AND THE ELDERS - - Page 224--Parie amended to Pavie--Il est mort devant Pavie. - - Page 279--coté amended to côté--Ennui reçu du côté de celui ... - - Page 283--Pon's amended to Pons's--It is difficult to probe - Monsieur Pons's motives. - - Page 296--Farrara amended to Ferrara--... and Renée, Duchess of - Ferrara, ... - - Page 299--legère amended to légère--... said it was _une tête - légère_. - - Page 301--Tintoretti amended to Tintoretto--Tintoretto, Titian, - Correggio, and Raphael ... - -Entries in the index have been made consistent with the main body of -the text, as follows: - - Page 305--Bazaret amended to Bayaret--Bayaret, 224 - - Page 305--d'Este amended to D'Este--Bari, Duchess of. _See_ - Beatrice D'Este - - Page 305--d'Este amended to D'Este and D'Este amended to - Este--Beatrice D'Este. _See_ Este - - Page 305--Beaujeau amended to Beaujeu--Beaujeu, Anne of, 117, - 203 - - Page 305--de amended to du--Bellay, Cardinal du, 243 - - Page 306--Jofra amended to Jofre--Borgia, Jofre, 164 - - Page 306--Clavière amended to Claviere and Manlde amended to - Maulde--Claviere, R. de Maulde la, 221 - - Page 306--Corregio amended to Correggio--Correggio, 301 - - Page 307--Pallisenna amended to Palissena--Este, Palissena d', - 65 - - Page 307--Guelphs amended to Guelfs--Guelfs, 31, 34 - - Page 307--d'Este amended to D'Este--Isabella D'Este. - - Page 308--d'Este amended to D'Este--Leonora D'Este. - - Page 308--D'Albert amended to Albret--Navarre, Henri de. _See_ - Albret - - Page 308--Orris amended to Orriz--Orriz, 232, 233, 292-294, 298 - - Page 309--Palicé amended to Palice--Palice, La, 224 - - Page 309--Raynaldas amended to Raynaldus--Raynaldus, 33 - - Page 309--Remond amended to Rémond--Rémond, Florimond de, 231 - - Page 309--Callaquini amended to Callagnini--Strozzi, Callagnini, - 190 - - Page 309--Nicolas amended to Nicholas--Toledo, Nicholas di, - 17-21 - -The frontispiece illustration has been moved to follow the title page. -Other illustrations have been moved where necessary so that they are -not in the middle of a paragraph. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Queens of the Renaissance, by M. 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