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diff --git a/old/54348-0.txt b/old/54348-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ccd3b86..0000000 --- a/old/54348-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4725 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Slav Nations, by Srgjan Pl. Tucić, -Translated by Fanny S. Copeland - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: The Slav Nations - - -Author: Srgjan Pl. Tucić - - - -Release Date: March 12, 2017 [eBook #54348] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SLAV NATIONS*** - - -E-text prepared by Brian Coe, Turgut Dincer, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/slavnations00tuciuoft - - - - - -The Daily Telegraph - -War Books - - -THE SLAV NATIONS - - - - * * * * * * - - Cloth Post - 1/— The Daily Telegraph free - net WAR BOOKS 1/3 - each each - - - HOW THE WAR BEGAN By W. L. COURTNEY, LL.D., and J. M. - KENNEDY - - THE FLEETS AT WAR By ARCHIBALD HURD - - THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN By GEORGE HOOPER - - THE CAMPAIGN ROUND LIEGE By J. M. KENNEDY - - IN THE FIRING LINE By A. ST. JOHN ADCOCK - - GREAT BATTLES OF THE WORLD By STEPHEN CRANE - - BRITISH REGIMENTS AT THE FRONT - - THE RED CROSS IN WAR By Miss MARY FRANCES BILLINGTON - - FORTY YEARS AFTER The Story of the Franco-German War By - H. C. BAILEY With an Introduction by W. L. COURTNEY, LL.D. - - A SCRAP OF PAPER By E. J. DILLON - - HOW THE NATIONS WAGED WAR By J. M. KENNEDY - - AIR-CRAFT IN WAR By S. ERIC BRUCE - - FAMOUS FIGHTS OF INDIAN NATIVE REGIMENTS By REGINALD - HODDER - - THE FIGHTING RETREAT TO PARIS By ROGER INGPEN - - THE FIRST CAMPAIGN IN RUSSIAN POLAND By P. C. STANDEN - - THE BATTLES OF THE RIVERS By EDMUND DANE - - FROM HELIGOLAND TO KEELING ISLAND By ARCHIBALD HURD - - THE SLAV NATIONS By SRGJAN PL. TUCIC - - SUBMARINES, MINES AND TORPEDOES By A. S. DOMVILLE-FIFE - - WITH THE R.A.M.C. AT THE FRONT By E. C. VIVIAN - - MOTOR TRANSPORTS IN WAR By HORACE WYATT - - HACKING THROUGH BELGIUM By EDMUND DANE - - _OTHER VOLUMES IN PREPARATION_ - - - PUBLISHED FOR THE DAILY TELEGRAPH - - BY HODDER & STOUGHTON, WARWICK SQUARE, LONDON, E.C. - - * * * * * * - - -THE SLAV NATIONS - -by - -SRGJAN PL. TUCIĆ - -English Translation by Fanny S. Copeland - - - - - - -Hodder and Stoughton -London New York Toronto -MCMXV - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - _PART I._—THE NORTHERN SLAVS. - - - CHAPTER I. - - PAGE - - THE SLAV RACE 11 - - Slav Characteristics—Slav Power in the Past—The Decline—The - Dawn? - - - CHAPTER II. - - RUSSIA 20 - - I. Russian Landscape and the National Character—Rurik - to Peter the Great—German Influence—The Russian - Awakening. - - II. Siberia—White Russians—Little Russians—Great - Russians—Cossacks—The People of the Sunflower—Made - in Germany—The Reaction. - - - CHAPTER III. - - RUSSIAN NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 37 - - Russian Slavdom—The Mir—Stress and Famine—The - Duma—Russian Literature—Gogol—Tolstoi—Dostoievski—Realistic - Ideals—The Russian Soul. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - POLAND AND BOHEMIA 50 - - I. The Contrast—National Character of the Poles—Our - Lady of Csenstochova—Dancing Peasants—Galician - Poles—Selfish Policy—Austria a Slav State. - - II. The Poles in Russia—Russia’s Repressive Measures—The - Slav Ideal—A Better Understanding—The Poles in - Prussia—The Iron Heel—Law of Expropriation. - - III. Csech Characteristics—Professor Masaryk—Jan Huss—Slav - Puritans—The Hradčin—Modern Politics. - - - _PART II._—THE SOUTHERN SLAVS. - - - CHAPTER V. - - BULGARIA 77 - - Country and People—The Building up of the Bulgarian - State—Relations with Russia—German Influence—Alexander - of Battenberg—King Ferdinand—Bulgaria’s Immediate Duty. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - SERBIA 98 - - I. Serbian Self-reliance—Characteristics of the Serb - People—The power of the Folk song—Race-consciousness. - - II. History of the Southern Slavs. - - III. The Birth of a Nation—Prince Miloš—“The Great - Sower”—Alexander Karagjorgjević—Michael Obrenović—King - Milan—Fall of the Obrenović Dynasty—King Peter—The - Restoration of Serbia’s Prestige. - - IV. Serbia and Austria—A Campaign of Calumny—Annexation - of Bosnia-Hercegovina—The Balkan Wars—Serbia - Rehabilitated—The Tragedy of Sarajevo. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - MONTENEGRO 129 - - The Country of the Black Mountain—Women Warriors—King, - Poet and Farmer—Historical Sketch of Montenegro—Petar - I., Petrović—Petar II.—Pro-Russian Policy—A Royal - Poet—Nikola I. - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - THE SOUTHERN SLAVS OF THE DUAL MONARCHY 138 - - I. A Homogeneous People—A Militant Past—The - Bogumili—National Bondage—Napoleon—Illyrism—Agreement - with Hungary—Count Khuen-Hedervary. - - II. The Greatest Representative of the Southern - Slavs—Strossmayer’s Generosity and courage—Fall of - Count Khuen-Hedervary—Death of Strossmayer. - - III. False Dawn—Conference of Fiume—Ban Paul Rauch—Monster - Trial in Zagreb—The Friedjung Case—Cuvaj—Frano - Supilo. - - IV. Dalmatia, Istria, Carniola—The Italian - Element—Bosnia—Hercegovina—Conclusion. - - - EPILOGUE. - - “BURIED TREASURES” _by Dimitrii Mitrinović_ 178 - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The task of writing a book on the subject of the Slav nations has -afforded me very great pleasure, and I hope my work will succeed in its -object and arouse the sympathies of the British public for my race. In -preference to giving long disquisitions, I have purposely adopted a -simple narrative tone in sketching some of the most interesting points -in the national life of the Slav peoples. I have only touched upon -historical events in so far as this was necessary for the context, and -owing to lack of space I have been unable to do more than allude to -Slav art and literature. On the other hand, a good deal of valuable -information on this subject will be found in the epilogue “Buried -Treasures,” which the eminent Serbo-Croat essayist, Mr. Dimitrij -Mitrinović has kindly placed at my disposal. - -As I am at present completely cut off from my sorely-stricken country, -I have been unable to apply for permission to quote from certain books -that I have consulted, but I feel sure that my literary colleagues, Dr. -Dragutin Prohaska, Niko Županić and Dr. Gjuro Šurmin, will not object -to my having had recourse to their works in the interests of our race. - -I am also indebted to Mr. Frano Supilo, the leader to the Croatian -people, as well as to my above-mentioned friend, Mr. Dimitrij -Mitrinovič; of the Serbian Legation in London, for several valuable -hints. - -My special thanks are due to my translator, Mme. Fanny S. Copeland, and -Miss Ella C. Seyfang, who have given me invaluable assistance in my -work. - - LONDON, THE AUTHOR. - _November_, 1914. - - - - -_PART I._ - -THE NORTHERN SLAVS. - - -THE SLAV NATIONS. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE SLAV RACE. - - Slav Characteristics—Slav Power in the Past—The - Decline—The Dawn? - - -Although the Slav race does not appear as a united state or Union, -it certainly forms a family of nations linked by ties of blood, the -tradition of centuries, similar language and customs, and especially by -ties of mutual love and sympathy. It is the greatest and most powerful -of the European races, yet to this day it does not hold the pride of -place which is its due and which it once held. Not the precedence of -mere strength, which is surely sufficiently represented by Russia, but -the place due to a people of recognized culture, who have not yet been -justly appreciated in spite of overwhelming proof of their intellectual -gifts. Slavs are still popularly supposed to be a mentally undeveloped -host of semi-barbarians and troglodytes. Of course the educated public -of Europe has long abandoned this attitude; but it has done little -to spread a more just and liberal view among the people at large.[1] -The German scholars made it their business to lay stress on “Slav -barbarism” wherever possible, to obscure the bright and glorious pages -in Slav history, and to emphasize everything that can be taken as a -proof of savagery and arrested development. Unfortunately, no one has -written at such length about the Slav question, or attached so much -importance to it, as the German scholars, with the result that other -European nations have derived their views from them—so much so that -one might almost say that _German_ opinion on the Slavs has become -the opinion of Europe. Constant unrest in Russia, and the consequent -reprisals of the authorities afforded a welcome pretext for misjudging -the Slavs, and the ordinary public of Europe came to know of them only -as mediæval inquisitors with Siberia as their great torture-chamber. -No one seemed to realize that these revolutionary movements, no less -than the insurrections in other Slav countries, merely represented the -resistance of a virile people craving enlightenment against autocratic -barbarism; and that it is obviously unfair to judge the Slavs by the -deeds of their _oppressors_, who in every case have followed the German -methods cultivated by their governments in most Slav countries, and -imported into Russia by Peter the Great. On the other hand, if the -Slav nations are judged by the _soul of the people_, and not by their -rulers and state-systems, they show a high standard of civilization and -a trend towards culture of a kindly, humanitarian type, which promises -to be a far better contribution to Western European progress than the -much-advertised German “Kultur.” - -Certainly the Slavs have not yet attained to their full stature as a -race. At present they are passing through a period of strong ferment, -but the wine that has so far resulted from this ferment gives excellent -ground for the hope that when the Slavs have solved their various -national and economic problems they will prove themselves the equals of -the other cultured nations of the world. - -In the world of politics they must attain the degree of power necessary -to safeguard their racial individuality and the freedom of the Slav -peoples. This power must stand in due proportion to their capability -for intellectual progress, and should in itself be a guarantee for -the peace of the world in the future. For the Slav is not naturally -domineering, and has no craving for power as a mere means of -aggression. He belongs to a kindly race, melancholy, as shown in the -national poetry in which his soul finds expression. He has a craving to -love and to be loved, and would fain join the other European nations as -a friend and brother. His strength will be the strength of love. Russia -has neither need nor desire to extend her boundaries further. The -Balkan Slavs only wish to accomplish their own destiny quietly within -the borders of the _Slav Sphere_, and the rest of the Slavs desire -their freedom—_only their freedom_. And when this is accomplished, -the Slav Colossus will no longer constitute a danger to Europe, but -a safeguard. His political power will only threaten those who would -tamper with the foundations of peace from mere lust of dominion. - - * * * * * - -In the present crisis the Slav race is by no means seeking a return to -the past. The past has seen the Slavs masters of a great empire and a -real menace to the rest of the world. If one were to take the political -map of Europe and indicate upon it the frontiers of the ancient Slav -Empire, the Slav race would appear like an irresistible deluge. The -huge Muscovite Empire, almost the whole of Austria-Hungary, the whole -of the Balkans, two-thirds of the German Empire, part of Italy, and -a large part of Scandinavia—all these once formed the Slav Empire. -Historical maps show the single triumphant word “Slavs” (“famous” or -“glorious” ones) inscribed over all these countries throughout the -centuries. Their history and development can be traced back to 400 B.C. - -The Taurians that guarded the Golden Fleece were Slavs, as were the men -of the Baltic with whom Phœnicians and Greeks traded for amber. The -forest lands of the North, that grey home of magic, wisdom and valour, -hang like a dark background full of strange possibilities behind -sunny Greece and clear-headed, practical Rome—and this was the Empire -of the Slavs in the past, the Gardariki and Iotunheim (Giant-land) -of the Norsemen. From one century to another they played a part of -increasing importance among the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe -and were feared as a strong, homogeneous race. Their power reached its -zenith towards the end of the fifth century, before the tidal wave -of the Hun invasion swept over Europe. At that time they held the -mastery from the Alps to the mouth of the Elbe, and from the Baltic to -the Black Sea. They were then one great people divided into several -tribes speaking slightly differing dialects; but only a fraction of -their number—the inhabitants of the present Dalmatia—was subject to -the Emperor Nepos. The invasion of the Avars, who took possession -of a large strip of the Slav possessions between the Danube and the -Dniester, made the first breach in the unity of the great Slav family. -Henceforth they were known as Northern, Eastern, and Southern, Slavs, -and began to form separate nationalities. In the age of Charlemagne -these nationalities had already crystallized into independent states, -whose power and prosperity are recorded in history. The strongest -of these was eventually Poland, extending far into the Russia of -to-day. The Moravian Empire of Svatopluk, the Empire of Serbia, the -kingdom of Croatia, and the Slavicized Bulgars in the South, together -with the Grand-Dukedom of Muscovy (and the Wendish kingdom in North -Germany), complete the family of Slav States. It would take too long -to enter into the historical importance of all these states, but it -is a characteristic proof of their power that not only European, but -Asiatic, nations courted their favour. - -Some of the main trade routes of the world led from Northern Europe -through the heart of Russia to Byzantium (the “Mikligard” of the -Sagas)—and Asia. Slav, Norwegian, Tatar and Arab traded peacefully -together on the banks of the Volga, and sundry passages in the -Norse Sagas as well as the journal of an Arab trader give us vivid -glimpses of those days. Somehow these searchlight pictures of the -Slavs and their country, recorded with positively journalistic -freshness and love of detail, do not corroborate the biassed accounts -of German historians. But this world-power which Russia alone has -developed steadily up to the present day began to wane among the -other Slav nations soon after the first Crusade (1097). Already in -1204 (the fourth Crusade) Slavonia, Croatia, Dalmatia and Bosnia were -incorporated in the German (Holy Roman) Empire, together with Hungary, -Istria, Carniola and Carinthia. Under the Hohenstaufens, Bohemia and -Moravia also became vassal states, and in the fourteenth century the -victorious Osmanlis robbed the Bulgars and Serbs of their independence. -With the exception of Russia, Poland alone maintained her independence, -until the first partition in 1772, followed by the second in 1793. The -third and last partition in 1795 sealed her fate, and the Poles were -parcelled out under Russian, Prussian and Austrian rule. - - * * * * * - -The partition of Poland was the beginning of the complete political, -and to some extent even the national, decay of the non-Russian Slavs. -Just as Russia began to spread her mighty pinions, the Slavs under -alien yoke fell deeper and deeper into an apathy of gloom, only broken -from time to time by rare flashes of patriotism, or a tempest of -revolt. The book of history lay open before them with its pages of -gold and black; but to their aching eyes the black ever loomed larger -than the gold, and they yielded to a despondency that knew no comfort -and saw no escape. And, while they were thus sunk in apathy, their -rulers brought strong pressure to bear on them, so that they might -eradicate the stamp of their nationality, not only from their faces, -but from their souls. Germany and Austria scented the Eastern question, -and divined that in its solution the Slavs might renew their strength. -So they determined to approach the problem supported by a totally -emasculated and denationalized Slav following. To this end they strove -above all things to turn the Slavs into docile citizens of a Germanic -Empire; for from the days of Charlemagne the German has reiterated the -parrot-cry that the Slav is barbarous, obstinate, dangerous and ugly, -and that his only chance of salvation lies in merging his identity with -that of the German of the Empire. It is a fact that during this period -the Slavs did nothing to help themselves. A great weariness weighed -upon the people, no less than upon the educated classes, and they were -preparing to reconcile themselves to the fate that had already befallen -their brothers, the Serbs and Bulgars. But the progress of history -did for the Slavs what they failed to do for themselves. Napoleon, -the personification of destruction for the whole of Europe, brought -salvation to the Western Slavs, for he re-awakened them to a sense of -national self-consciousness, and so prepared the way for the long and -bitter struggle they have waged since then against their oppressors. -As soon as these struggles commenced Russia, who had hitherto regarded -the ruin of her brothers with equanimity, began to take an interest in -their sufferings, and to afford them strong moral support. - -These struggles, however, could not bring immediate relief. The Slavs -knew full well that the way to freedom is long and has to be won step -by step. The problem of the Near East, which advanced one stage with -the liberation of Serbia, must first be solved in every phase and -detail to clear the way for a solution of the purely Slav problem. -Europe cannot take a vital interest in this problem before the Balkan -problem is disposed of, and the conditions for the liberation of the -Slavs so far fulfilled, that the difficulty can be solved in the -ordinary course of the progress of civilization. - -The psychological moment seems to have arrived, and the Slav question -deserves to be fully put forward. Surely the British public, which -has entered into the present crisis with such splendid spirit, will -not withhold its interest from the Slav question, more especially -as England will have a strong voice in the matter when the final -settlement comes to be made. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -RUSSIA. - - I. Russian Landscape and the National Character—Rurik to - Peter the Great—German Influence—The Russian Awakening. - - II. Siberia—White Russians—Little Russians—Great - Russians—Cossacks—The People of the Sunflower—Made in - Germany—The Reaction. - - -I. - -Roughly speaking, there are 172 million Slavs in the world. The -Russians alone number about 110 millions, and these millions occupy a -vast country reaching from the snows of the far North, to lands where -the orange-trees bloom all the year round. The Russian holds that his -dear “little mother Russia” is the most beautiful land of all the -earth. The mountain fastnesses and precipices of the Urals, the green -slopes of the Caucasus, the Siberian wastes, the grey shores of the -Baltic and the sunny shores of the Euxine—the Volga and the Don, and -even the sacred steppes—to him they are all beautiful, to him they -reflect the image of his soul and his feelings. The Western traveller -will find some difficulty in understanding this passionate love of -the Russian for his country, and will feel tempted to draw sharp -comparisons between the degrees of beauty in the various districts. -But the landscape of Russia is as peculiar as the Russian people. It -is as Russian as the Russian himself. There is probably not another -country in the world where the climatic and geological conditions have -so deeply influenced the inmost character of the people, even to their -external features. Where the landscape is beautiful and the climate -sunny, the handsome noble Russian type prevails; whereas the cold, -inhospitable tracts produce the characteristic wide-faced, flat-nosed -type. Yet there is a strange resemblance between the rough type and the -handsome type analogous to that which a careful observer cannot fail -to notice between the different types of Russian landscape. For though -the steppe is grey, and the fields of Caucasia are green, yet both are -animated by something that wears the same countenance, breathes the -same purely Russian atmosphere, and is suffused with the same wonderful -charm. It is the charm of perfectly balanced contrast. The soil of -Russia has a soul like the soul of her children, for whom she cares and -lives and breathes. This soul appears everywhere the same; it exhales -the same perfume from the dry grass of the steppe as from the Crimean -groves of syringa. - -The Russian soil is fertile, inexhaustively fertile, as if it were -conscious of the millions dependent upon it. Metaphorically speaking, -this soil produces its gifts out of itself, and offers them lavishly -to its children. The Russian never works more than he is obliged to—he -need not wrestle with the soil, he need only not forget it. But he -tills it with love; he does not force the gifts of Nature, he coaxes -them from her, and where these fruits do not appear on the surface, he -seeks them in the heart of the earth, and goes down the coal-shafts and -lead-mines with the same serene confidence with which he ploughs the -sunlit surface. Is he not still with his “little mother”? - -The Russian is a farmer by nature. The great industrial developments of -the last decades have resulted automatically from the natural wealth -of the country, but the true Russian reaps little benefit from this -industrial boom. His commercial gifts are not great, and he has been -content to leave the business exploitation of the country in the hands -of foreigners, so long as he makes his own little profit. Mills and -factories are “German monsters” in his eyes, and he prefers to give -them a wide berth. But latterly there has been a great agitation in -favour of the resuscitation of all home industries. The Russian has -grasped the fact that his policy of sentiment in business will have to -be modified to suit modern times, and that the welfare of the people -must not be dependent on foreign middle-men. The present great conflict -with the Germans, who have hitherto so largely monopolised Russian -industry, will doubtless do much to further this movement towards -industrial emancipation. - - * * * * * - -The History of Russia begins practically with Rurik (862) who is -supposed to have come from Scandinavia and laid the foundations of -a Russian state.[2] At the coming of Rurik the Russians were split -up into many separate communities under independent chiefs. Rurik -introduced a new spirit of united organization, and all efforts -towards establishing a Russian Empire date from him. Of course it -was inevitable that this founding of an Empire should involve much -opposition, revolt, war, and bloodshed. Each district was proud and -jealous of its independence, and only yielded after a hard and bitter -struggle. During the period of Empire-making Russian history abounds -in such bloody episodes. The Grand-Dukedom of Muscovy was the largest -of the Russian petty States and in every way the best equipped, so -that the task of organization naturally devolved upon it, together -with the fruits of victory. Six centuries of ceaseless struggle -against foes from without and within bring us from Rurik’s day to the -accession of Ivan Vassilievitch III. (1462-1505), who is regarded as -the founder of Russian Tsardom. He incorporated the still independent -principalities of Twer, Moshnik, and Vologda with the Grand-Dukedom -of Muscovy, defeated the powerful Republic of Novgorod, and freed -himself completely from the Tatar yoke (1480). In 1472 he married Zoë, -a daughter of Thomas Palaeologus, the brother of the last Byzantine -Emperor. European customs were first brought into Russia through this -princess, and the double-headed eagle of Byzantium introduced in the -Russian coat of arms. The celebrated Uspenskij and Blagoveshchenski -Cathedrals in Moskva were built in the reign of Ivan Vassilievitch III. -He promulgated a decree pronouncing the realm henceforth united and -undivisible by law, and was the first Russian ruler to assume the title -of “Tsar of all the Russias.” Christianity, introduced by St. Vladimir -(980-1054), had by this time fully blossomed forth as the national -religion, so that we can date the foundation of “Holy Russia” of to-day -in all her greatness from the age of Ivan Vassilievitch III. - -During the following ages the power of Tsardom increased and finally -reached its zenith with Peter the Great, who may be called the first -of the modern Russian Tsars. He applied his own acquired Western -knowledge to Russia, and enormously improved the general status of -the realm. In his reign Russia began to play her part as a political -and military power, for it was he who founded the Russian navy and -mercantile marine. He was a ruthless autocrat, and many pages of his -reign are traced in blood; yet with him autocracy was not so much a -matter of sentiment as of dire necessity. He loved his Russian people -passionately, but said that it was a people who had to be made great -by force. Confident in the inalienable national character he saw no -danger in importing foreigners wholesale to help in the building up of -Russian administration. He surrounded himself with German advisers, -appointed Germans to responsible offices, and freely admitted the -German element into Russia as a means of spreading “culture.” In many -ways German thoroughness proved a most useful asset in carrying out the -Tsar’s intentions. On the other hand it gave rise to a dynasty and an -autocratic aristocracy of foreign stock who failed to understand the -Russian people, and whose influence proved disastrous to civilization -and intellectual freedom in Russia. _Outwardly_, Russia became a -world-power under Peter the Great, but _internally_ it fell a prey to a -system of spiritual slavery, which has been perpetuated even to recent -years by the successors of Peter and their councillors, the descendants -of German immigrants. _Here lies the true cause of the revolutionary -movement of more than a century._ The last three Tsars of Russia—the -two Alexanders and the present Tsar—have taken steps to eliminate the -great evil, and if, so far, they have only been partially successful, -the fault lies not with them nor with the Russian people, but with -the _still German_ mind of their advisers. The abolition of serfdom, -repeated constitutional manifestos and the introduction of the Duma -system are momentous steps towards a brighter future. But the gate to -this future can only be fully opened with the conclusion of the present -war. - - -II. - -Although Russia has acquired millions of non-Russian subjects—chiefly -through the Crimea, Bessarabia and her Asiatic possessions—she has -never lost her purely Russian character. The laws concerning land -purchase are so constituted that the territories belonging to the heart -of Russia cannot to any great extent pass into non-Russian hands, which -accounts for the fact that these parts of the Empire have remained -essentially Russian. Siberia holds an exceptional position, and is -to-day a great colonial province with a mixed population. Every year -the wealth and fertility of Siberia become more and more apparent, and -instead of being bleak and uninhabited, this country is now distinctly -populous. The horrors of Siberia as a penal colony are becoming a -thing of the past, and only the perpetrators of grave crimes are still -condemned to labour in the lead-mines and languish in the Katorga -(penal servitude). Convicts who are simply exiled to Siberia are able -to earn a comfortable livelihood under tolerable conditions—apart from -the loss of liberty and vexatious police supervision. Thus it often -happens that time-expired convicts prefer to remain in Siberia, and -eventually find not only a home but prosperity in the new country. - -Siberia, the Crimea and Bessarabia are all three interesting as -countries and as Russian territories, but in a sketch of the Russian -people they are unimportant. The true Russian stock falls into three -great bodies, the “Bielorussi” (White Russians), the “Velikorussi” -(Great Russians) and the “Malorussi” (Little Russians). They represent -the North, the Centre and the South of Russia. Ethnologically, -economically, and intellectually the White Russians represent the -lowest type. They inhabit the Northern tracts from the borders of -Poland, ancient Lithuania, and Novgorod. The governments of Minsk, -Litav, and Smaljensk are their central provinces. Theirs is a -poverty-stricken and, one might add, a slothful Russia. Agricultural -facilities are limited, the soil is not very fertile, and the White -Russian is not sufficiently industrious or persevering to improve it -by rational farming. The people are more apathetic than elsewhere in -Russia, and less inclined to adopt modern ideas with enthusiasm. These -people become nervous and excitable only when menaced by a dearth of -food; then their attitude is often much more dangerous than the tide of -social revolution. At least the White Russian has kept his type fairly -pure and in spite of alien neighbours he shows little trace of racial -admixture. - -The Little Russians, who inhabit the entire South of Russia, and from -whose stock the famous Cossacks are sprung, differ most radically -from their northern brothers. They are the excitable, hot-blooded, -dare-devil Russians. In type the men are fine-looking and handsome -almost without exception, and the women often exceedingly beautiful. -Their language differs from other Russian speech by the extreme -softness of the dialect (which is not unlike Serbo-Croatian), and -their music and poetry are the finest in the Slav race. In the past -the Little Russians were divided into many small and independent clans -who outvied each other in reckless warlike enterprises. Of course -the wonderful Cossacks always took the lead. They still occupy their -original home on the Don and in Caucasia, and furnish the _élite_ -of the Russian Army, even as they once were the flower of the Little -Russian tribes. Moreover, they preserved to the very last their freedom -and their privileges in Russia. To-day one is accustomed to look upon -the Cossacks as merely a body of men especially devoted to the Tsar, -but, as a matter of fact, the Cossack people have had a most chequered -and interesting past. Once they formed an independent warrior-nation, -feared and courted by their neighbours; and so secure in their -strength did they feel, that they even dared to answer the Turkish -Sultan’s demand for submission with a letter of taunting derision (the -well-known Cossack Ultimatum). They played a great part in the history -of Russia, and each Russian ruler in turn endeavoured to assure himself -of their support. After their final subjection to Russia (1851) the -Cossacks gradually exchanged their political importance for their -present military value. Tolstoi wrote about them as follows—though his -remarks really apply to the whole of the Little Russian people: “Many -years ago the ancestors of the Cossacks, who were ‘Old Believers,’ fled -from Russia and settled on the banks of the Terek (Caucasus). They are -a handsome, prosperous and warlike Russian population, who still -retain the faith of their fathers. Dwelling among the Chechentzes, the -Cossacks intermarried with them and acquired the usages, customs and -mode of living of these mountaineers. But their Russian tongue and -their ancient faith they preserved in all their pristine purity.... -To this day the kinship between certain Cossack families and the -Chechentzes is clearly recognizable and a love of freedom and idleness, -a delight in raiding and warfare are their chief characteristics. -Their love of display in dress is an imitation of the Circassians. -The Cossack procures his admirable weapons from his mountaineer -neighbours, and also buys or ‘lifts’ his best horses from them. All -Cossacks are fond of boasting of their knowledge of the Tatar tongue. -At the same time this small Christian people considers itself highly -developed, and the Cossack only as a full human being. They despise -all other nationalities.... Every Cossack has his own vineyard, and -presses his own wine, and his immoderate drinking is not so much due -to inclination as to sacred custom, to neglect which would be regarded -as a kind of apostasy.... Women he looks upon as a means for promoting -his prosperity. Only the young girls are allowed by him to enjoy any -leisure: from a married woman he demands a life of drudgery from early -youth to old age, and he is quite Oriental in expecting deference and -hard work from his wife.... The Cossack who considers it unbefitting in -the presence of strangers to exchange a kind or affectionate word with -his wife involuntarily feels her superiority as soon as he is alone -with her. For the whole of his house and farm are acquired through her -and maintained by her labour and care....” - -Between these extremes of Northern and Southern Russia, the Great -Russian stands out like a beacon or an indestructible landmark. He -represents the _purest_ type of the Russian people, the children of -“matyushfia Moskva.” Whatever Russia has produced in the way of true -greatness in every sense of the words, has its cradle in Great Russia, -and has been nursed at the breast of Mother Moskva. This truly Russian -people inhabits the huge central tracts of Russia, and the governments -of Moskva and Novgorod are their particular home. The Russian faith -owes its beauty, the Russian ideal its purity to this people, and -to the race they have given the _All-Slav Ideal_. And they are the -only Russian people whose soul has two faces, an outer and an inner -one. The Russian sculptor Tsukoff has symbolized them in a figure -resembling a sunflower. It is as well to know that the Great Russian -cannot live without sunflower-seeds. He calls them “podsolnushki.” -Everything is smothered in “podsolnushki” shells—streets, floors of -rooms and railway carriages, even the corners in the churches. Every -Great Russian munches “podsolnushki,” and by temperament he himself -is a “podsolnushki.” He has an outer shell and a kernel. In Russia -the sunflower is queen of the flowers, and as the sunflower is among -the flowers so is the Great Russian among the Russian peoples. He is -the true “tsarkiya Rus.” The Tsar is the sun, the heart of the realm, -and the Muscovite people are the “podsolnushki.” Each individual -is only one among many, a particle, a seed for the propagation and -glorification of his own race. Probably, the Great Russian has no equal -in the world as regards idyllic simplicity. Not because he munches -“podsolnushki,” crosses himself in tram-cars when passing a church, -goes about in big boots in the heat of summer, and drinks vodka, wine -and beer without regard to time or season, but because he is a true -yeoman soul. He is quite indifferent to all that does not interest -him personally. The surface of his soul is as hard and impervious as -the shell of the sunflower seed. His face wears an imperturbable, -changeless expression. To reach the kernel of his _human_ soul one has -to discard every formality, thrust aside every obstacle, and _bite_ -into it as if it were a sunflower seed. If you abuse him roundly -and “have it out” with him, he suddenly shows himself in his true -colours, the best and kindliest of souls; but if you handle him with -kid gloves you will never get a glimpse of his inner nature. As an -acquaintance the charm of the Great Russian consists chiefly in his -sudden transition from sharp resistance to an unexpected exhibition of -gentle, unaffected loveableness. The Great Russian has a strong natural -talent for philosophy, but, metaphorically speaking, his philosophy is -as vegetarian as his cooking has largely remained to this day. There is -a scent of dried herbs, new-mown hay, and southern-wood about it; it -recalls dark forests where the sunlight, piercing the rifts between the -tree-tops, shines with golden-blue, unearthly splendour—a ray of the -light Divine. His philosophy is innocent of blood like the saints of -the old ikons. - -This Great Russian people is the flower of Russia, the Sunflower, whose -golden petals point the way for the future of the whole Russian nation. - - * * * * * - -The problem of Russian culture has its roots in the Russian _people_, -and not in the educated classes. The desire for culture has emanated -from the people themselves, and the spirit they evinced has pointed -the way for the educated classes in the great struggle for national -culture within recent years. The educated man is the interpreter of the -popular demand for culture, and of the intellectual wealth dwelling in -the soul and mind of the Russian people. Almost the whole of Russian -art and literature is derived from this source, and it has never shown -the world so much the genius of the poet, painter, or the sculptor in -question, as the genius of the Russian people that produced him; and -the best that is revealed in Russian art is the face of the Russian -soul with its manifold aspects of thinker, philosopher, and purely -human being. Dostoievski, Tolstoi, Gogol, Gontsharoff, Tshekhoff, -Gorki and Andreeff in poetry; Repin, Vasnetsoff, Tsukoff, Troubetzkoy -and many others in the pictorial arts;—all have learnt what they had -to tell from the soul of the people and the _wisdom_ of this soul; -and the Great Russian musicians have used the voice of the people -throughout for the expression of their art. They are all of them -merely interpreters of the rich fund of culture, the latent culture -of the Russian people. This latent culture, in conjunction with the -holy Russian faith, has advanced towards the highest development of -human dignity and nobility, towards peace founded not upon blood, but -upon love. The abuse the Germans have heaped upon Russian barbarism -is merely the outcome of envious rage on the part of an inferior, who -sees his artificial pseudo-culture endangered by another culture which -blossoms from the depths of the human heart. - -The non-Russian Slavs stood for a long time under the influence of -German culture. With their characteristic aggressiveness the Germans -represented their culture as the high-water mark of civilization and -inculcated it everywhere with the same violence which at present -distinguishes the advance of their invading hordes. Even nations -possessing a peerless millennial culture, like the French and Italians, -have found it difficult to escape their influence. But a sham must -inevitably die of its own exposure. Every people, every nation has -its own peculiar susceptibility, a kind of instinctive taste, which -refuses to tolerate anything that does not appeal to its soul, and -could act destructively upon it. The peoples of the West have for -some time past boycotted the “Williamitic” culture, and only sundry -isolated Slav peoples have admitted it—principally those who were -practically dependent on Germany, and whose native culture was forcibly -suppressed. The result was that a few years ago a non-Russian Slav knew -his sentimental Schiller better than his Dante, Lenau better than his -Pushkin, Kleist better than Shakespeare, and Gottfried Keller better -than Dostoievski. In the Slav schools in Austria-Hungary the German -language is obligatory as the official language (the other languages -are to this day not permitted in the schools), German history is taught -as the standard of national greatness and civilization and German -literature and art as practically unique and unequalled. All that bore -the hallmark “Made in Germany” was inculcated as ideal. Thus it was -not at all strange that German culture has for a long time predominated -among these Slavs. But the Slav instinct always hated this culture, -though at first unconsciously, and sensed it as a false and treacherous -enemy. Then Russia began her intellectual campaign among the Slavs. At -first it was an uphill struggle, for the Government authorities placed -every possible obstacle in the way of this propaganda. But when the -Slav peoples realized that the Russian influence could only reach them -as forbidden fruit, they began greatly to desire it. To the power of -the State they opposed the power of their will and their instincts. -This struggle is still in progress, but it has been uniformly -successful in favour of the Russian influence. During the ’eighties -the results of this influence began to show fruit, and since that time -Slav intellectual and educational development has safely entered the -fairway of Russian intellectualism. Art and literature have followed -the lines laid down by Russia, and become more definitely Slavonic. The -latent mental wealth and resources of the Slav nations have come to the -surface and appear pure and unaffected and entirely free from German -“angularity,” while their social problems betray a distinct kinship -with the Russian social movement. In recent years this process of -emancipation and affiliation has so far developed that it has entered -the field of politics and materialized in the _Russian protectorate -over all the Slavs_. This, however, required no propaganda—it arose out -of itself, as will appear in the chapters dealing with the other Slav -nations. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -RUSSIAN NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS. - - Russian Slavdom—The Mir—Stress and Famine—The - Duma—Russian Literature—Gogol, Tolstoi, - Dostoievski—Realistic Ideals—The Russian Soul. - - -The eminent Russian publicist Menschikoff, in one of his works on -Russian nationalism, writes the following: “In a world-wide sense only -we Russians are Slavs and—unfortunately—so far no one else. The other -Slav nationalities are so dismembered, so stupidly and artificially -kept apart and hostile among themselves, that they scarcely count -either politically or otherwise. The majority of the Outer Slav nations -are still under the German, Hungarian or Turkish yoke, and at present -they are quite unable to shake off this yoke. There are many reasons -for the decline of the Western Slavs, but the principal one is the -_negative_ type of their character and the consequent tendency to -dissensions and mutual jealousies.... Even as regards national culture, -Russia—in spite of all her internal miseries—takes the lead among -the Slav nations. In every respect she has the right to say: ‘I am -Slavdom.’” - -The somewhat bitter tone adopted towards the other Slav nations in this -dictum might easily be modified by an appeal to evidence, but, for -all that, Menschikoff’s remarks are correct in essentials. The truth -of his assertion as to the world-wide importance of the Russians and -the relative unimportance of the other Slavs to-day must be freely -admitted. And that is why a special interest attaches to the question -of the Russian people. It is too early in the day to judge of the full -significance of the Russians as a factor in the world’s development, -for they have scarcely yet come into their own. The birth of the -Russian people has been in progress for the last century. First the -head appeared—_Russian literature_, and then slowly, deliberately, -the giant body—the _Russian people_, who are gradually attaining to -political and national self-consciousness. - -Till 1861 the Russian people led an embryonic existence within the womb -of Holy Mother Russia. A nobility of mixed Mongolian, German, British, -French and even Negroid (Pushkin) stock ate, breathed and thought -for the people. Most foreigners imagine that the Russian people were -“emancipated” in 1861. But this emancipation was only partial, and -more apparent than real; for though serfdom had been abolished, there -still remained the heavier yoke of the “Mir”—a conservative, iron-bound -institution, which has greatly hindered the development of the Russian -people by restricting the liberty of the individual. Strictly speaking, -the “Mir” was the village or parish, but in an economic sense it was -the association of several families under one head. The Slavophil -writers, Homiakoff and the brothers Kirieyevaki, with their followers -down to Pobyedonszeff saw in the “Mir” a guarantee, not only for the -welfare of Russia, but for all the world. They believed the “Mir” to -be that economic communism and moral brotherhood which Western Social -Democracy is vainly trying to discover in other ways. They held that -the “Mir” was destined to assure the future of the Russian people and -to afford it the means of solving all the social problems of the world -in accordance with the laws of justice and of love. Russian literature -is full of poems, treatises, and religious contemplations in praise of -it. Even the greatest Russian minds, such as Dostoievski himself, were -smitten with this idea. No “Western” doctrine was potent to disabuse -the Russians of their fallacy. Nature herself had to come to the -rescue, destroy the chimera and lead Russia back to the high road of -common sense and progress. - -It happened very simply. The periodic famine arose in Russia, and the -vast Empire, the “granary of the world,” had no bread for millions -of her honest, hard-working children. They could not understand how -there could be a famine in a fertile, sparsely populated country, -whilst the teeming populations of the Western countries had enough to -eat. The starving Russian people argued that the famine was caused by -an insufficiency of _land_, and that they had been cozened in 1861 -when the land was divided up between the nobles and the peasants. The -result was a growing ill-feeling against the ruling classes, to whom -the peasantry still had to pay “redemption-dues” either in money or -in kind. In accordance with ancient custom the “Mir” periodically -divided the land among its members. Obviously, in many communities -there was not enough land for each member. Result—Famine. The “Mir” was -self-governing, and had the same powers over its members as formerly -the lord of the soil. It exercised a paternal jurisdiction, punished -with blows, or with banishment to Siberia, divided the land, collected -taxes, issued travellers’ passes, and often made itself arbitrarily -unpleasant. During the ’nineties it became increasingly evident that -the “Mir” constituted a moral and material danger to the people. Poor -harvests followed by famine were the bane of the people from 1871 till -1907 and even as lately as 1911. - -Space forbids me to enter into the agrarian crises—questions of -reform, experiments and reactions, which loom so large in the pages -of modern Russian history. Suffice it to say that all this led up to -the revolution in 1905, and that in consequence of this revolution -the Government decided upon a step it might equally well have taken in -1861. In 1906 the Government decided partially to dissolve the “Mirs,” -and by establishing freehold farm properties owned by _individuals_ it -created the yeoman farmer class with full civic rights. This reform -which was only fully carried through in 1911, marks the beginning of -a new political era for the Russian man of the people. It is still -too soon to feel the consequences of this truly great reform to -their full extent. The Russian peasant has scarcely got used to his -new position of individual freedom, and has not yet learnt to give -effect to his political and social will. There can be no question of -a constitution so long as the “Muzhik” has not attained to the full -stature of a citizen and agriculturist. In Russia we speak of a “first -Duma,” a “second Duma,” a “third Duma,” whereas no one in the rest of -Europe would speak of a “first,” “second,” or “third” Parliament, but -simply of “the Parliament.” These “first,” “second,” “third” and now -“fourth” Dumas are simply so many editions of one and the same Duma, -with each edition more rigorously pruned by the Government, till the -merest shadow is all that remains. At this moment the entire social -structure of Russia is analogous to this Duma-system. The Russian world -of intellect is no more entitled to represent the Russian people, than -the fourth Duma is to represent the first. The Russian intellectuals -may speak in the name of the people, but their word is really no -better than a third-hand account. Even when there is no attempt at -falsification, they always stand at a certain distance from the people. -Whatever the great Russian realists have written concerning their own -people is merely intuitive conjecture from a distance. A poet projects -his own world into the people. The psychology of the great Russian -writers of fiction is a _tendency_, an illusion based not on exact, but -on intuitive knowledge of the people. Russian realism borders on the -visionary, and on mysticism. Europe has hitherto failed to discern the -actual foundations of this poetry in its relation to Russian life, and -has simply allowed herself to be fascinated by the “keen psychology” -of the writers. The result has been a false impression. The facts are -really different—instead of _real truthfulness_ we find in the Russian -writer a realistic tendency, a _real ethical resentment_; thence the -increased “keenness” of his psychology, the critical touch in his -imagination, which gives such a striking effect of verisimilitude. -European critics have never detected the seam in the fabric of the -Russian novel; they have accepted the masterpiece as the outcome of a -single creative inspiration. Even though Russian realism comes nearer -to life than that of any other literature, still it is more art than -life. - -Proof of this is to be found in Gogol’s private correspondence. He -frequently complained that nobody would send him “copy” from Russian -life. He begs in vain for hints, anecdotes and descriptions; he has to -“invent” his stories, and is ashamed of having to “deceive” his reader. -In his immortal comedy, “The Revising Inspector,” Gogol satirizes his -own “untruthfulness,” and in Hlestakoff, the great adventurer, who is -mistaken by every one for the real revising inspector, he ridicules -himself. For the sake of the people Gogol consents to play the -“revising inspector!” But Gogol’s “untruthfulness” is simply creative -genius. An eminent Tolstoi student, Osvianiko-Kulikovsky, has plainly -asserted that even Tolstoi was not of the soul of the people but of the -soul of the gentry. Tolstoi is a “_barin_” (landlord) and he thinks and -feels only as a _barin_. Turgenyeff was blamed even during his lifetime -for writing about Russia without knowing it; for he practically never -lived in Russia. - -The inmost soul of the Russian people has, however, found an excellent -representative in Dostoievski. “Do not judge the Russian people”—pleads -Dostoievski—“by the atrocious deeds of which they have often been -guilty, but by those great and holy matters to which they aspire in -their depravity. And not all the people are depraved. There are saints -among them, who shed their light upon all, to show them the way.” - -Dostoievski himself was such a light and such a saint. His works -reflect the character of the Russian clearly and faithfully as it is: - -“In the Russian man of the people one must discriminate between his -innate beauty and the product of barbarism. Owing to the events of the -whole history of Russia, the Russian has been at the mercy of every -depraving influence, he has been so abused and tortured that it is a -miracle that he has preserved the human countenance, let alone his -beauty. But he has actually retained his beauty ... and in all the -Russian people there is not one swindler or scoundrel who does not know -that he is mean and vile.” - -Dostoievski further adds: “No! The Russian people must not be judged by -_what they are_, but by _what they aspire to be_. The strong and sacred -ideals, which have been their salvation from the age of suffering, are -deeply rooted in the Russian soul from the very beginning, and these -ideals have endowed this soul for all time with simplicity and honesty, -with sincerity, and a broad, receptive good sense,—all in perfect -harmony.” - -Concerning the part the Russian people are destined to play in the -world, Dostoievski wrote the following: - -“The Russian people is a strange phenomenon in the history of mankind. -Their character is so different from that of the other peoples of -Europe that to this day Europeans have failed to understand it, and -misconstrue it at every turn. All Europeans move towards the same -goal. But they differ in their fundamental interests, which involve -them in collisions and antagonisms, whereby they are driven to go -different ways. The ideal of a universal humanity is steadily fading -from among them. The Russian people possess a notable advantage over -the other European nations,—a remarkable peculiarity. The Russians -possess the synthetic faculty in a high degree—the gift of feeling -_at one_ with the universe and a universal humanity. _The Russian has -none of the European angularity, he possesses the gift of discernment -and of generosity of soul._ He can adapt himself to anything and he -can _understand_. He has a feeling for all that is human, _regardless -of race_, _nationality_ or _fundamental ideas_. He finds and readily -admits reasonableness in all that contains even a vestige of true human -instinct. By this instinct he can trace the human element in other -nationalities even in exceptional cases. He accepts them at once, seeks -to approximate them to his own ideas, ‘places’ them in his own mind, -and often succeeds in finding a starting-point for reconciling the -conflicting ideas of two different European nations.”[4] - -This characteristic is so general and so true, that all other opinions -on the character of a great people must take second place. It finds -room for the Cossack with his nagaika and for Tolstoi with his gospel. -It embraces every aspect of the human soul. Dostoievski himself -possessed the synthetic faculty, the wonderful gift of universal -understanding. He could make it clear that a crime may be a holy -deed, and holiness mere prostitution, even as he succeeded in fusing -Russian Christianity with the Tatar “Karat”[5] in one soul. Whence -came all these paradoxes in the one man? On one occasion he wrote: “I -am struggling with my petty creditors as _Laokoon wrestled with the -serpents_. I urgently require fifteen roubles. Only fifteen. These -fifteen roubles will give me relief, and I shall be better able to -work.” Here lies the secret of the Russian synthesis in Dostoievski. -Mental work is restricted by hard external circumstances. The inherent -tendency to despond when in trouble is one of the greatest dangers to -the Russian. He would fain lead the contemplative life, and hesitates -“to take up arms against a sea of troubles.” To combat this he has -had to lash himself into a state of hard practical efficiency. The -Russian must grow strong against himself before he can again take -up his ideal of an aggressive inner life. It is once more a case of -Laokoon and the serpents. For this very reason Tolstoi’s teaching -did not appeal to Dostoievski. When he had read a few sentences of -this doctrine he clutched his head and cried: “No, not that, anything -but that!” A few days later he was dead, and the world will never -know what was gathering in his mind against the great heretic. But -Dostoievski’s works are really in themselves a most vehement refutation -of the Nazarene doctrine—it is as if he had prophetically discerned -Tolstoi. Dostoievski solves the contrast between European culture and -Christianity in accordance with both the Church and culture. He bows -before the miracle, the mystery, and authority, and thus creates the -union between material culture and Christian culture. He accepts the -world as a whole, even as the Russian people take it. - -Tolstoi denies the divinity of Christ and the entire synthesis of -Russian philosophy. But even Tolstoi could only have been born in -Russia. Personally he liked being accepted by the Russian peasants -as one of themselves. The figure of the “Muzhik” is inseparable from -Tolstoi’s doctrine, because Tolstoi’s doctrine is inseparable from the -Russian people. It lives in the Great Submerged, who are as far removed -from Western culture in fact as Tolstoi himself is in theory. Russian -law courts have to deal every day with people who refuse to pay taxes, -to serve in the army, or to acknowledge the “pravoslav” clerical -authority. The Church calls these people “Shkoptzi,” “Molokami,” or -“Hlisti.” There are about twenty million of them. They style themselves -“White doves,” “The New Israel,” “Doukhobortzi.” In principle they are -“pure Christians” like Tolstoi. Both have the same “tone” of soul. -Dostoievski says of Tolstoi that he was one of those who fix their eyes -on one point, and cannot see what happens to the right or to the left -of that; and if they _do_ wish to see it they have to turn with their -whole body, as they invariably move their _whole_ soul also in one -direction only. This correctly observed obstinacy is the very opposite -to the synthetic gift and generosity of soul mentioned before, and this -peculiarity of the Russian mind has often been called “Maximalism,” to -denote the rigid criterion, which loves no happy mean, but always goes -to the utter extreme. - -Many Western writers, among them the British author Bering, have -asserted that the Slavs have no strength of will. This view is -erroneous and harmonizes neither with Tolstoi’s tendency to extremes, -nor with Dostoievski’s universal charity. It applies only to such -phenomena in Slav life as are accessible to the European tourist, as, -for instance, technical undertakings and colonial enterprise; for -in this matter the Slav is naturally not so well qualified as the -Englishman. - -The Russian soul, and consequently the character of the Russian people, -is many-sided and paradoxical in its obstinacy and its generosity. It -is the historical outcome of such extremes as are represented by yellow -positivist Mongolism, and gentle altruistic Christianity. But the soul -of the Russian people has not yet clearly found itself, like the souls -of the Western nations; first, because the head has not yet acquired -control over the body; secondly, because the work of enlightenment and -emancipation is only being completed by the present war. Hitherto it -has laboured in its birth-throes. It has been a Laokoon wrestling with -serpents. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -POLAND AND BOHEMIA. - - I. The Contrast—National Character of the Poles—Our Lady - of Csenstochova—Dancing Peasants—Galician Poles—Selfish - Policy—Austria a Slav State. - - II. The Poles in Russia—Russia’s Repressive Measures—The - Slav Ideal—A Better Understanding—The Poles in - Prussia—The Iron Heel—Law of Expropriation. - - III. Csech Characteristics—Professor Masaryk—Jan - Huss—Slav Puritans—The Hradćin—Modern Politics. - - -I. - -Roughly speaking the Group of the Northern Slavs includes twenty -million Poles and eight million Csechs. Numerically, therefore, they -are the greatest of the unliberated Slav peoples. Bohemia and her -sister-country Moravia are under Austrian rule, while Poland has been -dismembered and partitioned between Russia, Germany and Austria. At one -time both countries were great and flourishing, and played a prominent -part in history. In 1526 the Csechs acknowledged the Hapsburgs as -their ruler,[6] and Bohemia’s political decay and gradual loss of -independence date both from this point. The first partition of Poland -in 1772 deprived the Republic of liberty. Her dismemberment was finally -completed and sealed by the third partition in 1795, and henceforth the -Poles were even deprived of the possibility of co-operating as a nation. - -The Csechs and Poles have both passed through a national tragedy, -but of the two the Polish tragedy makes a stronger appeal to the -imagination, because of the contrast between their former greatness and -their present position, the high level of their culture, and the lofty -principles at stake in the Great Polish Revolution. The Poles fell -victims to the foreign yoke just as their civilization, their culture, -and their _esprit_ were on the fairway to rival the intellectual -splendours of France under Louis XIV. They were a brilliant -people—mentally and intellectually refined, but physically decadent, -and quite incapable of surviving their political freedom. They yielded -to listless sentimentality and bewailed their lost greatness instead -of fighting to retrieve it. You may love the Poles with your _heart_ -but never with your reason! In this they are the very antithesis to the -Csechs whom you cannot love except with your reason. You may admire -them for the culture they have so laboriously won, but you cannot love -them for it. - -To the German and Austrian the Csech presents a comic type. But no one -looks upon the Pole as comic; you hate him or you love him, but you -cannot ridicule him—there is something great and tragic about him. The -Russians who hate him for _political_ reasons are fired by religious -fanaticism. They hate the Jesuitical principles of the Pole. The -Germans hate the Polish want of management, and “Polnische Wirtschaft” -(“Polish management”) is a German idiom. But no one would insult Polish -idealism and the innate nobility of the Pole. He compares with the -Csech as Don Quixote with Sancho Panza. He is a dreamer and visionary -who prostrates himself before an invisible shrine and awaits the -miracle of salvation and liberation. This life of dreams has endowed -the modern Pole with hyper-sensitive nerves, dogmatic onesidedness, -and extreme passivity. Lost in the contemplation of their royal past, -the Polish people wait in breathless silence for the first bird-note to -herald the dawn of freedom that shall dispel the night of tribulation. - -But, while the conscience of the nation languishes, crucified in the -bitter suffering of a Messianic ideal, the Masses—the common people—are -sane and sturdy; they live and multiply far removed from the griefs of -the Classes. Their hard life has made them dull and unfeeling; caught -in a world of factories, mines, and social democracy, they are only -interested in their own immediate concerns and personal pleasures. -Anything beyond that they expect from the mediation of “Bogarodjitza” -(Mother of God). - -Wijspianski, a fine Polish dramatist, has strikingly sketched the -national character in one single scene in his play “Wesele” (The -Wedding). The people are dancing their Polonaise and Mazurka, with -gay cockades and ribands on their shoulders. The pretty bride leads -off with her herculean bridegroom. Suddenly Yasiek rushes in upon the -dancers and cries, “To arms! rise and rebel, for Poland!” But the -couples—as if bewitched—continue to dance the _national_ measure. -Yasiek, bitterly disappointed, sees his hopes blighted and, choked -with despair, he sinks to the ground. But the couples go on dancing, -and he is _trampled to death_ by the feet of those whom he came to -lead to freedom. This scene epitomises the position of affairs in -modern Poland—the despair of the great lord with his pedigree, broad -acres, and capital, who has absolutely no hold over the plain people -because they have turned away from him. They have lost their rights, -their land and their traditions; the only link between the two is the -Catholic ideal, the ideal of _Polish_ Catholicism, which is hallowed in -the image of Our Lady of Csenstochova, whose brow is encircled with the -crown of the ancient Queens of Poland. - -The younger generation in Poland has realized that this link between -the Classes and Masses must rest on a surer foundation. - -Between the aristocracy and the masses has arisen the class of -the _educated poor_. These people are mainly of Russian descent, -but the sons of Polish Jews form an important proportion and have -acquired considerable influence, chiefly in the journalistic world. -This young Poland saw itself confronted by a great vanished Polish -age of romanticists and poets, with pronounced aristocratic and -Catholic sentiments. The whole intellectual struggle of the modern -democratic generation consists in an attempt to find contact with this -past. Science also is endeavouring to reconcile the spirit of the -present with the spirit of the past, and hopes to prepare the future -development of an individualistic Polish culture on this foundation. - -The contrast between German and Polish culture is the contrast -between the culture of the masses and the culture of the individual. -The principal social feature in mediæval Germany was _feudalism_. -Germany was ruled by a number of feudal _princes_, Poland by a number -of aristocratic _families_. But this _régime_ proved disastrous to -Poland. A state where individuals rule by mutual consent is bound to -develop differently from one where families rule without any mutual -consent. In the expansive Western monarchies the power of the State -increased, while the aristocratic republic of Poland steadily declined. -The main reason for this difference probably lies in the geographical -position of Poland. It lay too far from the West—too far from Rome and -its culture. - - * * * * * - -The province of Galicia, which fell to Austria’s share by the partition -of Poland, undoubtedly fared better than the rest of the country. It -is inhabited by 4,252,483 Poles and 3,381,570 Ruthenes (including -Bukovina). As geographical and racial neighbours of the Csechs, who -were already displaying the greatest determination in their national -struggle, the great population bade fair to become a danger to Austrian -policy. Vienna was quick to realize this, and arranged her tactics -towards the Poles accordingly. As soon as the Russian and German Poles -began to be down-trodden, it was an easy matter to dispose of any -separatist tendency among the Austrian Poles by reminding them of the -position of their brothers. At home the Government began by fomenting -the national discord between the Poles and the Ruthenes. It neglected -the latter in favour of the Poles, and absolutely disregarded their -reasonable claims. The Poles were not only granted great national -and political concessions; they became the Slav favourite of the -Viennese ministry. Not only were they represented by their own -“_Landmannsminister_” (“the Secretary for Galicia,” so to say), but -one other important portfolio (usually that of Finance) was always -entrusted to a Pole. - -The Poles were quite content with this position and supported Austrian -policy accordingly. As this policy is above all things anti-Slav, this -meant that the most chivalrous of all the Slav nations became a tool -in the hands of Slavdom’s chief oppressor. This was partly due to the -fact that this staunchly Catholic people is surrounded by non-Catholic -enemies—by Protestant Germans on the one hand and Orthodox Russians -on the other. Moreover, they look upon Catholicism as the one safe -harbor—hence their attachment to Roman Catholic Austria. Here also -lies the clue to Polish views, their sympathies and antipathies. But -there is no justification for this position. Catholicism is not a Slav -national religion, and can never become part of the soul of a Slav -people. Strictly speaking, it is responsible for the decline of part -of the Slav race. _All_ Catholic Slav countries up to date have been -in captivity, whereas _all_ such Slavs as have retained their national -orthodox religion are _free_. It is quite natural that the Poles should -cling to Catholicism as an acquired religion which appeals to them, -but they should not have used it as a national and traditional basis -for their attitude towards the rest of the Slavs. It is a mistake -which has done little good to their own national aspirations, and -incalculable harm to the Slav cause. - -In many Slav circles there is a tendency to ascribe this attitude of -the Poles, not to their Messianic ideal, but to a purely individual -egotism. This view is at least partially true, were it only because -Polish politics are not the politics of the nation, but of the ruling -class. The Polish aristocracy, who were unable to forget their past -glories, saw in the feudal and aristocratic principles of the Austrian -Government a possibility of retaining their position in the Dual -Monarchy. They made full use of their opportunities even while (in -theory) they were careful to guard Polish national interests. This -aristocracy had no feeling for the common Slav cause, and whenever they -had a chance of authority (Goluchowski, Bilinski) they have proved -themselves a positive danger to the cause. That this aristocracy has -cast its spell over the greater part of the educated classes and -formed political parties as it chose is due to the inherent moral -dependence of the Pole upon his aristocracy;—snobbery is as much a -disease with him as Roman Catholicism. Not however among the common -people are they always the heedless dancers of Wijspianski’s drama. -They allow everything to pass _over_ them, and only trample upon that -which happens to lie beneath their feet. Moreover, their inmost soul -is rich in the true Slav qualities; but this wealth is hidden as in a -fast-locked casket, and there it will lie until the radiant smile of -the “Mother of God” of Csenstochova shall miraculously reveal it. - -For a long time Polish politics have disturbed the Slav balance in the -Dual Monarchy. The Austro-Hungarian monarchy is properly a Slav State -in the fullest sense of the word. According to official statistics -22,821,864 out of 51,351,531 souls are Slavs. The ruling races, Germans -and Hungarians, number 21,259,644 between them, and the remainder are -accounted for by Roumanians, Italians and other nationalities. It must -be pointed out that Slavs living in Hungary (especially in Baczka and -in the Banat) are—much against their will—simply entered in the census -as Hungarians, and that in like manner hundreds of thousands of Slavs -in Bohemia, Carinthia, Styria and Carniola are put down as Germans. -Protests against these proceedings pass unheeded, and Slav National -Census Unions were formed to check the Governmental statistics; -according to these more than 50 per cent. of the entire population -are Slavs. This percentage is proportionately increased if we further -include the Slav emigrants in Australia and America. These number -about five million, and would doubtless return to their homes if more -tolerable conditions could be procured. - -And yet this Monarchy aspires to be anything but a Slav State. German -and Magyar rule has sought to swamp the Slav element in every possible -way. Following Metternich’s principle “_divide et impera_” the Slavs -were divided into two “spheres.” The Northern Slavs were handed over to -Austrian autocracy, and the Southern Slavs to Magyar plutocracy. Thus -it came to pass that _9 million Germans_ rule _15 million Slavs_, and -10 million Magyars, Jews, or spurious Magyars rule 7-1/2 million Slavs. - -Even if theoretically the balance of power seems more rational -in the Hungarian sphere, in the Austrian it is plainly absurdly -disproportionate. And here the Poles were the straw in the balance -which decided in favour of German hegemony. If the Poles had recognized -their duty to their own race the Slav question would long ago have -been on a better footing. A just understanding with the Ruthenes and -a joint national struggle with the Csechs would certainly have broken -German supremacy, or forced it to accord more tolerable conditions to -all the Slavs. But the Galician Poles have never done anything for the -Slav cause in the Monarchy, but rather sought to curry favour with the -Government in Vienna, and, by repudiating their kinship, to obtain -concessions for their own negative national ideals, and for their -intellectual and economic development. Austria had no objection to this -platonic nationalism so long as the Poles by their pro-German policy -supported her in oppressing the other Slavs. - -The Csechs and Ruthenes have been specially handicapped in their -national struggle by the attitude of the Poles. And the result was an -implacable enmity between the Poles and the Ruthenes, which was, if -anything, encouraged by the Government. In this struggle the Ruthenes -undoubtedly fared the worse. They are in a national minority in -Galicia, and unmercifully oppressed by the Poles, who hate them all the -more for being the descendants of the hated Russians (Little Russians) -and because they refused to conceal their sympathy with Russia. The -Ruthenes fought hard for the right to speak their own tongue and have -their own school system. But the Poles were ruthlessly opposed to these -demands, which were in consequence also denied by the Government. -The struggle finally degenerated into wholesale denunciations of the -Ruthenes by the Poles, who accused their enemies of high treason and -conspiracy with Russia. - -It must, however, be admitted that even among the Poles there were many -who deeply deplored this fratricidal struggle, and did their utmost -to induce the Northern Slavs of the Monarchy to combine in the common -cause. Time and again the Csech patriots urged the desirability of a -union, and, as similar appeals came from other Slav countries also, -the realization of a true _Pan-Slav_ and _democratic_ ideal often -seemed imminent. The spectre of _Pan-Germanism_, waiting like some -ravenous monster to devour the Slav nations limb by limb, appeared even -to the Poles, but unscrupulous politicians, bureaucratic upstarts, and -slippery diplomats from Vienna conjured up the bogey of _Russification_ -to alarm them, and all patriotic efforts were in vain. - -Still it is psychologically interesting that a Slav race through fear -of Russification should have thrown itself into the arms of—Germanism. - - * * * * * - - -II. - -The favoured position of the Poles in Austria contrasts sharply with -that of their brothers in Russia and Germany. They were oppressed in -every way;—Russian _official_ policy towards the Poles bears all the -stamp of autocratic tyranny. Their political rights are restricted to -a minimum, and as regards civil rights they are nearly as badly off as -the Russian Jews. Still it is characteristic that the reason for this -oppression lay, not in the national, but in the religious element. -Roman Catholicism, which was an advantage to the Austrian, proved a -misfortune to the Russian Poles. For the Russian looks upon Catholicism -as the very antithesis to his conception of the Slav ideal. Pravo-Slav -Russia, with her ancient, wondrously pure Slavo-religious traditions, -and all the warmth of her faith, could not take kindly to the haughty, -frigidly cold Catholic Poles. The great political power of the Holy -Synod, the supreme (unfortunately too clerical) representative body -of this faith, exercised an influence adverse to the Polish people, -and the Russian Government, which only too often has been the mere -executive of the will of the Holy Synod, established an autocratic -_régime_ with far-reaching national and personal restrictions. The -first result of this policy was unmitigated hatred on the part of the -Poles, and a craving for vengeance and freedom. The Russian Poles -intrigued with their Austrian brothers, and envied them their favoured -position. But the only support the Austrian Poles vouchsafed their -brothers was that they applied the Russian methods of oppression to the -Ruthenes. - -Whoever knows anything of Russia’s repressive measures, will realize -that the Poles were in a hard case. Owing to the passive character of -the Poles their struggles were never sufficiently organized to assume -the proportions of a well organized revolution. But oppression has -strengthened their national self-reliance, their ideals have burned -more brightly, and a longing for freedom has entirely dominated them. -Still, even now, they are far more inclined to wait for the miracle -than to bestir themselves on their own behalf; and if in recent years -their position has somewhat improved, it is not so much due to their -own efforts as to the wave of modern thought among the Russians -themselves. - -The _Russian Governmental_ policy made no distinction between the Poles -and her Russian subjects who were thirsting for social regeneration. -So the Russians discovered for themselves that they had to seek the -friendship and collaboration of the Poles. The wide horizon of the -modern Russian movement will not permit the exclusion of a single -capable member of the Tsar’s great realm from the benefits of the -future. Not only the Russian people, but the whole of Russia had to be -won over to the cause of the great ideal. The regeneration of Russia -was to herald the regeneration of the whole of the Slav race, and the -Poles as Slavs had a right to help in this work. The Russians have -always said that they are very fond of the Poles, but that they are not -sufficiently _Slav_—they ought to be Slavicized. The Russian Government -sought to accomplish this by violence, whereas the _Russian people_, -represented by the Russian revolutionaries, chose the better path of -mutual understanding and respect. Of course, the official policy of -the Holy Synod is still in force, and although the constitutional -manifesto and the Duma have brought about certain changes, these are -at present quite unimportant. The Poles, however, are winning an -increasing number of friends and advocates among the Russians, who are -pleading for equal rights and a constitution for Poland. Moreover, the -times have changed, and when Russia was confronted by the present great -European crisis the Poles displayed a marvellous loyalty, which has, -perhaps, unintentionally brought them nearer the realization of their -dreams than they have ever been before. The Manifesto of the Grand Duke -Nikolai Nikolaievitch is the greatest event in Polish history since the -partition. - -The hardest lot of all has befallen those Poles who have been most -loyal to their race. I mean those who came under Prussian rule. For -whereas Polish Slavdom is tolerated in Austria, and actually encouraged -in Russia, in Prussia it is remorselessly ground down under the iron -heel of Germanism. Germanization is carried out by Prussian rule, -aggressively, in a strictly military sense. It is not a question of -political tactics—no opinion at home or abroad is considered; there -is nothing but frank coercion. Germany’s ambitions are only too well -known—they have been advertised loudly enough, and they have been -expounded again quite recently in General von Bernhardi’s notorious -book, “Germany and the Next War”—a book written with all the brusque -insolence of which only a German is capable. If Germany’s future -programme includes the Germanizing of the whole of Europe, it is surely -superfluous to relate in detail how she strove to Germanize a people -under her own rule—it is one of the blackest chapters in the histories -of oppression. - -By the constitution of Germany the Prussian Poles cannot forfeit their -rights as citizens of the realm. This circumstance afforded them a -chance of laying their grievances before the legislative assemblies. -But in spite of their gallant courage, the struggle brought them no -particular advantage except the moral satisfaction of knowing that -their pleading could reach the ear of Europe. But whenever their voice -grew too loud, the mailed fist fell on their lips and struck them dumb. -When the German Reichstag passed the Polish Expropriation Law (1886)[7] -all Europe was scandalized; but from the point of view of Germanization -it was highly successful. Germany disregarded foreign opinion and the -law was put in force. - -It is to be hoped that the conclusion of the present European war will -also put an end to the sufferings of these martyrs, and that the whole -Polish nation will be granted an opportunity of applying its many -admirable qualities for its own welfare and for the union of the Slav -race. - - * * * * * - - -III. - -The Csechs have always been a strong, tenacious, energetic people, and -no sooner did they begin to feel the iron fist of their oppressors -than they opened a determined campaign against them and pitted -their strength against their tyrants. They have won their present -civilization inch by inch from their oppressors. - -The eminent Csech political economist, Professor Masaryk, admirably -forecasts the future of his people. He says—“The humanistic ideal, -the ideal of regeneration, bears a deep national and historical -significance for us Csechs. A full and sincere grasp of the human ideal -will bridge over the spiritual and ethical dreams of centuries, and -enable us to advance with the vanguard of human progress. The Csech -humanitarian ideal is no romantic fallacy. Without work and effort the -humanitarian ideal is but dead; it demands that we shall everywhere -and systematically oppose ourselves to all that is bad, to all social -_un_humanity—both at home and abroad—with all its clerical, political -and national organs. The humanitarian ideal is not sentimentality—it -means work, work, and yet again work!” - -Now all this is by no means a characteristic of the Csech people, but -only a forecast of what they shall be. Political tactics must always -correspond to the principles of decency and humanity. Masaryk further -says—“Our fame, our wars, and our intervention in the past have borne -a religious, not a national stamp. Our _national_ ideal is of more -recent birth—it only belongs to the last, and more especially to the -present century. The history of Bohemia must not be judged from this -standpoint.” - -Perhaps this programme will prove too historical and too unpractical -for the present day. The small commercial and industrial Csech nation -is too far removed from the age of Jan Huss, and the Csech reformation -has lost its significance for them. But deep down in the soul of -the Csech people there still dwells a spark of the Hussite spirit. -Of course, the battle-cry is nationalist, the phrasing that of the -twentieth century, but the underlying spirit differs in no way from the -righteous indignation of Huss, when he preached against high-handed -oppression and violence. The physical inferior is never anxious to -see his affairs settled by physical force. For this reason it is not -a matter of indifference to the Csechs, whether they fight for a -higher principle or merely for material advantage. At present they are -principally fighting for their language, for the right to speak their -own tongue—they are fighting against Germanization. Their strongest -weapon in this fight is their striving for economic prosperity—a -physical power through which they may hope to obtain a spiritual -victory. - -The principal trait in the Csech character is _initiative_. The very -name points to this, for “Csech” is derived from the old-Slav word -“Chenti,” meaning “to will” or “to begin.” - -History finds the Csechs in the vanguard of all the Slav tribes in -their wanderings westward. Their legendary leader was Csech, one of -three brothers, and his tribe penetrated the farthest. In the Middle -Ages the Csechs were the first to challenge the power of Rome, and to -this day they send numbers of enterprising emigrants to all parts of -the world. But the Csechs have one great fault—they are fickle. Their -enthusiasm flashes up quickly and then as quickly dies down. This is -the reason of the failure of the Hussite Reformation. The Germans -finished what the Csechs began—Luther was the successor of Huss and -completed his work. - -The Csechs are not by nature a commercial and industrial people. Their -business capacity is born of necessity—it is a weapon, not a means -of gain. It is kept going by an unwearied agitation on the part of -the national leaders, and if the Csech national ideal should suffer -shipwreck, then Csech finance, ambition, and industry will likewise -perish. - -Sundry Slavophil thinkers would exclude the Csechs from the group -of Slav peoples, just because of their initiative and business -capacity. The Russian ethnologist Danilevski calls the Csech people a -monstrosity, a German people with a Slav tongue. But these men have -overlooked the fact that the foundation of modern Csech prosperity -was laid by the religion of the Csech Brethren. During the Catholic -reaction the Csech Protestants were driven from their possessions -and treated as aliens in their own country. Being thus compelled to -evolve a new means of gaining a livelihood, they turned to industry. -Trade and the towns were closed to them, and the Csech Brethren had -to seek refuge in the Bohemian and Moravian hills, and the Orlic -mountains. They became weavers, wood-carvers and miners, and laid the -foundation of the great modern Bohemian textile, glass and earthenware -industries. Religious considerations and nothing else have made the -Csechs into a mercantile nation. England’s wealth also springs from a -religious movement—the rise of Puritanism. Thrift and industry led to -the accumulation of capital. Only a religious man understands work and -thrift, and he alone knows how to utilise capital as a moral lever. -For this reason it would be wrong to adopt the views of the Russian -ethnologist. The Csech people _as they are_ have a right to their -future and to freedom. - - * * * * * - -In the centre of Prague, on the summit of the Hradčin, stands the -old Csech Royal Castle, a splendid monument of past greatness. Proud -and lofty, visible from afar, it speaks to the Csech people of the -days when it sheltered—not the foreign invader, but flesh of their -flesh, Csech kings and princes of their own blood. And even as it -is a monument of the past, it is also a beacon for the present and -the future. When the setting sun sheds his crimson glory upon Castle -and Hradčin, it seems as though the very stones were aglow with the -reflection of all the Csech blood that has been shed in the defence -of right and liberty. But—the royal splendour vanishes with the sun, -and the shadow of night descends on Castle and height like a symbol -of the present age of gloom. Day by day, with burning eyes, the Csech -reads the wordless message. Yet he does not give way to dreams, or sink -into deep melancholy, nor does he wait for a miracle. He clenches his -fist and smiles the grim smile of the tireless warrior. His fickleness -at the time of the Reformation weighs like a sin on his conscience, -but its ideals have set their mark upon him and quickened the seed of -_political_ reformation in his soul. In this matter the Csechs take the -lead among all the Slavs in Austria-Hungary. - -I have already mentioned that in certain Slav circles the Csechs are -looked upon as Germans with a Slav tongue. But, if their industrial and -mercantile prosperity and certain individual characteristics lend some -colour to this view, it is quite refuted by the Csech activity in the -Slav national and political cause. In their sturdy and _progressive_ -struggle against Germanization the Csechs have set the other Austrian -Slavs a tactical and practical example as to how the struggle should be -fought—_tactically_ on constitutional lines, and, _practically_, with -indomitable courage and perseverance. - -In spite of their long subjection to an absolute autocracy, the Csechs -developed into so strong a political factor, that even Vienna began -to fear the weight of their hand. They achieved this not only from a -sense of self-preservation or separatist selfishness like the Poles, -but the Slav ideal runs like a gold thread through all they have done; -it is their motto, task and goal. They were beset from three sides, -by the Austrian Germans in all their power, by Polish opposition, and -by Magyar agitations and hostile influences in Vienna. The Southern -Slav deputies in the Reichstag were their only helpers in the unequal -struggle. But they never relaxed their energy and they never yielded a -position they had won. - -The national struggle in Bohemia took on its present form in the first -half of the nineteenth century, and it first centred round “cultural” -interests as in other Slav countries. The love of the people for their -own language had to be established and even rekindled to a pitch of -fiery enthusiasm, and national education had also to be fostered by the -foundation of Csech national schools. The State was by no means anxious -to enlighten the people, and the number of schools maintained in the -country was quite inadequate. The fiscal schools were all German and -served to spread the German propaganda. But the Csech educated classes -founded schools at their own expense, as well as the “Matica Školska” -(School Union), which undertook the organization of these schools. -This was an effective counter-stroke to Germanization as well as a -good foundation for further success. Palacky, Kollar and Havliček were -leaders of the National movement of the time. - -Palacky was the source from whom the others drew their inspiration. He -was a great thinker, a brilliant author, and a cautious, liberal-minded -politician who may be considered the founder of modern Csech national -life. And through him radiated the light that pointed the way which -these people must take. Kollar, the poet and publicist, and Havliček, -as politician and political economist, shared the Csech leadership -with Palacky, and paved the way for a great national intellectual -movement which kept pace with the national political movement. They -founded a strong nationalist party in Bohemia (The Old Csechs) in -opposition to the Viennese Government. With their majority in the -Landtag, and their appearance in the Viennese Parliament, the Csech -people became a factor with whom the Government had to reckon for good -or for evil—a people who refused to be ousted. Bohemia, which official -Austria loves to consider a German country, had to be divided into -“spheres.” The State had to pay for the upkeep of Csech schools and the -administration became bi-lingual! Of course, in accordance with the -usual Government policy, many Csech localities were included in German -spheres and promptly became bones of contention. The “Matica Školska” -founded more schools in these spheres to prevent the Germanization -of Csech children, whilst the German schools pursued their system of -an unofficial propaganda with the tacit support of the Government. -This state of affairs led to constant disturbances, which frequently -degenerated into riot and bloodshed. With the rise of the “Young -Csechs” the struggle assumed a more drastic and determined character, -for this party aimed at nothing less than a purely Csech government -for Bohemia, and a proportionate share in the management of Imperial -affairs. They repeatedly succeeded in wrecking the Austrian Government, -and under Prince Hohenlohe they were so strongly represented in the -Cabinet that they succeeded in making their power felt. The “Young -Csechs” have greatly helped the national cause in Bohemia, and also -furthered the Slav cause by their enthusiastic championship of the -All-Slav Ideal. - -One of their leaders, Dr. Kramarz, who was very friendly with Russia, -has been specially active in this cause. Though the “Young Csechs” are -still the leading party, recent years have seen the rise of parties -even more radical in their demands. The Social-Nationals and the Csech -Radicals desire to see Bohemia an absolutely autonomous State, whereas -the followers of Professor Masaryk aim at the regeneration of the Csech -race on a different basis (see opening of this article). - -Events have moved rapidly in Bohemia since the last Balkan war, which -made a profound impression on all the Austrian Slavs. Owing to the -uncompromising attitude taken up by the various parties, the Government -dissolved the Bohemian Landtag, suspended the constitution and placed -the administration in the hands of a Commission appointed by the -Government and responsible to none. The Csechs retorted by a violent -obstruction in the Viennese Parliament and so paralyzed the House, that -it had to be prorogued indefinitely. The Csechs demanded the immediate -convocation of the Landtag. “No Landtag, no Austrian Parliament,” was -their watchword, and they stood firm. When the crisis with Serbia and -the outbreak of the war occurred, the Parliament was unable to adopt -any attitude towards these events, and the only _constitutional body_ -in the Monarchy able to deal with them was the Hungarian Parliament. - - - - - _PART II._ - - YOUGOSLAVIA. - - (THE SOUTHERN SLAVS.) - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -BULGARIA. - - Country and People—The building up of the Bulgarian - State—Relations with Russia—German Influence—Alexander of - Battenberg—King Ferdinand—Bulgaria’s Immediate Duty. - - -Although it is asserted on historical grounds that the Bulgarians are -a mixed race, and merely “Slavicized” by the influence of neighbouring -Slav races, they certainly ought to be included in the great Slav -family. In many ways they have always held aloof from the Slav Ideal, -and emphatically preferred to stand alone, but, nevertheless, they -have done great service to the Slav cause in the past, and often -fought for it with true enthusiasm. In the early days of Christianity -the Bulgarians also did much for Slav culture through the Bogumili—(a -sect of reformers which will be dealt with in the Chapter on the -Southern Slavs)—who spread religious enlightenment, and through the -old Bulgarian tongue laid the foundation of the other Slav languages. -The Bulgarians, who were once masters of a great Empire, and enjoyed -worldwide importance under Simeon the Great, had to share the -age-long tragedy of all the Eastern Slavs, and it speaks volumes -for their national character that they emerged from Turkish bondage -as a strong, self-reliant people. Whoever knows the Bulgarians -well, cannot fail to respect them, even if they do not inspire great -affection. I believe as a race they are not affectionate—they prefer -to command respect. The gentle, dreamy, love-craving element in the -character of the other Slavs is quite absent in them, and even their -fire and enthusiasm is not a matter of sentiment, but a practical -necessity—almost a matter of mathematical calculation. Industrious -and thrifty as no other Slav nation, cold-blooded and calculating, -they have justly been called the “Slav Japanese.” Their type is very -interesting and differs considerably from that of the other Slavs. -Almost without exception the men are handsome and strongly built, -whereas the appearance of the women is spoilt by their wide cheek-bones -and thick-set build. Like most of the Slav peoples they are mainly -farmers and cattle-breeders, and as the country is fertile, they make -quite a good income out of their exports of grain, field-produce and -cattle. - -Although Bulgarian intellectual life springs from the people, and -the Bulgarians are essentially a democratic nation, it is necessary -to distinguish between the educated classes and the common people. -The Bulgarian peasant is an exceedingly good fellow; physically very -active, mentally rather stolid, he pursues his calling in a calm -deliberate way, and is not easily ruffled. His food is most simple; -he takes practically no alcohol and, owing to his temperate mode of -life, lives to a very great age. The entire population numbers about -four millions and shows a greater percentage of centenarians than any -other nation. The Bulgarians are very fond of music and dancing, but -they have no music or poetry of their own, and what they do possess -has been borrowed from the Turks or other Orientals. The traveller may -often come upon the genuine Nautch dance in a Bulgarian village, and -will hear songs sung to purely Turkish melodies. If the Bulgarians -have any advantage over the other Slavs, it is in the beauty of their -unadulterated Orthodox faith. The people are narrowly religious, and up -to now their religion represents the zenith of their culture. In this -respect they resemble the Russians and all the Slavs who have retained -the Slavo-Orthodox faith. It is superfluous to enlarge on the fighting -qualities of the Bulgarians—Kirkilisse, Lule Burgas, and Adrianople -have given ample proof of these. - -The educated classes are distinct from the people in two ways: they are -free-thinkers and quarrelsome. Religion is cultivated among them as a -fashion, and the churches have become mere rendezvous, as in Paris, -Berlin and Vienna. But, in spite of all this, one must admit that the -educated classes of Bulgaria are excellent social organizers, though -politically and intellectually they are not particularly brilliant. -The amount achieved in social matters by these men in the short time -that has elapsed since the emancipation is marvellous. Bulgaria in -this respect has become a truly modern state. This bright side is, -however, eclipsed by the countless blunders they have committed in -other respects. The worst of these is their headstrong blindness in -the political administration. Bulgarian politics have degenerated -into a devastating party-system, and are largely responsible for the -tragical happenings of recent years, in which the whole country, and -more especially the innocent mass of the people have been involved. -The chief characteristic of the educated Bulgarian is his distrust of -everyone; he does not confine this distrust to strangers, but extends -it even to his King and his own party leader. - -Hitherto intellectual Bulgaria has created but little, and that little -is quite out of proportion to the achievements of some other much -smaller Slav nations. Bulgarian art and literature are merely poor -reproductions of foreign originals and by no means express the strength -and vitality of the people. Of all their poets Ivan Vasoff, Hristoff, -and Aleko Konstantinoff alone have understood anything of the soul -of the people, and only their work will live. In art we seek in vain -for anything purely Bulgarian. But there is one thing of the greatest -value that the educated Bulgarians have done for their nation, and -for this they deserve a true crown of laurels. I am referring to the -organization of the Macedonian bands during the last half-century. -Their perseverance and heroism call for the greatest admiration. - -The country owned by the Bulgarians is one of the most beautiful -inhabited by Slavs. Only Dalmatia and Bosnia can compare with it, and -whoever has once been there will never forget it. It is the land of the -great Balkans in all their wild beauty—the land of the Kazanlik Valley -with its vast glorious rose-fields; the Vratza Gorge with its romantic -cliffs, dark primeval forests, and hills covered with lilac; the Black -Sea, and the beautiful shores of Varna and Burgas, and above all tower -the snow-capped summits of the Vitosha. Everywhere, and in everything, -dwells a throbbing life, full of variety and contrast, beautiful as the -men of Bulgaria and rugged as their women. - - * * * * * - -Bulgaria was freed from the Turkish yoke in 1878. The work of -emancipation was carried out by Russia with the help of Bulgarian -bands and many volunteers from all the Slav countries. By the peace -of San Stefano Bulgaria was _de jure_ declared mistress of the entire -territories from the Black Sea to Silistria, and along the Danube as -far as Vidin in the north, from Vidin along the Morava _via_ Ochrida -as far as Yanina in the west, from Yanina _via_ Salonika to Kavala in -the south, and in a straight line from Kavala to Varna in the east. -_De facto_ she was only given independent jurisdiction over such -territories as she possessed up to the first Balkan war. The complete -liberation of Bulgaria was by no means achieved by the emancipation, -and she continued to remain under Turkish suzerainty. - -The first task after the emancipation was to reconstruct the country on -the lines of a modern European state, and to infuse new life into it -after so many centuries of Turkish misrule. Education was represented -solely by the priests and the schoolmasters, who had laboured for the -enlightenment of the people even before the emancipation. Of course, -there were a few Bulgarians who possessed a European education, and had -graduated at European universities, and upon these devolved the task of -solving the problems of the newly-created state. There were however so -few of them that, at the beginning, many men of culture were imported -from other Slav countries, chiefly from Russia, Croatia and Bohemia. -The military administration was entrusted to Russia, who established -garrisons of her own in Bulgaria and undertook to create the Bulgarian -army. Considering the transitionary stage of the country at the time, -it was inevitable that the Russian military authorities should obtain -considerable influence over the civil administration also, and that -Bulgarian affairs fell under Russian influence from the very beginning. - -Prince Alexander of Battenberg, the first Bulgarian ruler, came to -the throne under similar conditions as King Carol to the throne of -Roumania. He was confronted with a super-human task, and Bulgarian -history can never deny the great service he rendered the country. He -came with a definite mission and set to work with the greatest possible -zeal. He devoted his attention chiefly to the education of the people -and to the army, and he found his most energetic ally in the people -themselves. The prompt efficiency of the school system would have done -credit to many a more modern state. The Bulgarians are intelligent, -persevering, and fond of learning, and popular education made immense -strides. At the present day the percentage of adult Bulgarians who -cannot read and write is exceedingly small compared to most other -countries—it is 2-1/2 per cent. of the adult population. The national -system of compulsory education affected the very poorest peasants -as well as the better classes. Before the foundation of secondary -schools in the country large numbers of young men were sent to foreign -secondary schools and universities, and every year yielded its quota -of well-equipped youths capable of providing the motive power for the -machinery of the State. Similar purposeful energy characterized the -military organization, with the intention of forming an independent, -purely Bulgarian army. For, in spite of his great admiration for Russia -and the Tsar Liberator, Prince Alexander felt that dependence upon -Russia—more especially a military dependence—would render his country a -vassal _de facto_ of Russia, no less than it was _de jure_ already the -vassal of Turkey. He therefore strove to render the Russian military -administration superfluous in Bulgaria by building up an efficient home -army. - -As soon as this was accomplished he sent a letter of thanks to the -Tsar, made a public manifesto, gave a big dinner to the Russian -generals, and gratefully dismissed the Russian co-operation. Then -the Russian generals had to leave Bulgaria. No one can deny that -Prince Alexander showed himself manly and self-reliant in taking this -decision, which was prompted by a very proper ambition. But he gave -mortal offence in Russia, and from that moment he fell completely -from Russian favour. The Court circles in St. Petersburg, which had -been hostile to him from the beginning, now began to intrigue against -him in Bulgaria, their efforts finding a ready response in the -pro-Russian party. The first Serbian War in 1885 afforded splendid -proof of Alexander’s military organization, but his influence was too -far undermined, and even his victories failed to save him. The tide -of adverse circumstances was too strong and led to the inevitable -but, fortunately, bloodless _coup d’état_ in 1886. Prince Alexander -was taken from his palace by night, transported over the frontier and -formally deposed. - -Prince Alexander left Bulgaria a well-organized State, only disturbed -by internal party hatreds. The new ruler, Prince Ferdinand of Coburg, -was received with divided sympathies. Already in many ways his path had -been smoothed for him, but he met with far more opposition from his own -people than his predecessor, whom Russia had installed. In spite of all -this, the machinery of State continued in the path of progress, the -constitution of the country was established on a broad liberal basis, -and the army increased in importance from year to year. With iron -perseverance Bulgaria steadily advanced to take her place among modern -states, and even succeeded in taking the lead in the Balkan question. -The proclamation of Ferdinand as King of Bulgaria put an end once and -for all to the shadow of Turkish suzerainty, and since then Bulgaria -has been frankly acknowledged as a strong, free and independent State. - - * * * * * - -In the course of years Bulgarian relations with Russia have passed -through many phases, especially during the reign of King Ferdinand. -As a rule the will of Russia was decisive, but her general influence -always depended on home politics and varied with the party in power. -Enthusiasm for Russia and antagonism against Russian influence were -alternately the order of the day. Only the people of Bulgaria remained -constant in their confidence and affection for Russia; they could -never forget whose hand had set them free, and even political changes -could not shake them. Certain political circles took the emancipation -from Russia as their party cry and hoped to make the country great -_outside_ the Russian protectorate. They desired to translate their -motto “Bulgaria for the Bulgarians” into an absolute fact. This party -was founded by the notorious Stambuloff, and whenever they came into -power they insisted on regarding not only Russia as the national enemy, -but also the Bulgarian _people_ who were in sympathy with Russia, and -they did their utmost to tyrannize the people out of this “disease.” -In fighting for this idea they coined the party catchword—“Greater -Bulgaria” in the hope of bribing the people by promises of Macedonia, -Serbia, Greece, and even Constantinople as future tit-bits. This -particular party knew very well that Russia would never allow the -Slav equilibrium in the Balkans to be upset, and, as it was not over -Slavonic in its sympathies, it waged a bitter opposition against -the Russian protectorate, under which all the Balkan Slav nations -stand to benefit equally. In opposition to Stambuloff’s party there -arose another, founded by Karaveloff, the greatest of Bulgarian -patriots, who fought with all the enthusiasm of which grateful hearts -are capable. Karaveloff saw clearly that Bulgaria would be too weak -to stand alone for a very long time to come, and that the Russian -protectorate was a strong guarantee against foreign hostile influence. -After Karaveloff’s death his ideas found enthusiastic partisans in -Czankoff, Radoslavoff and Daneff in spite of minor tactical party -differences. Stambuloff’s violent death—he was assassinated in -the open street—put an end to the _régime_ of his party for many -years, and brought the moderate pro-Russian parties into power. But -Bulgaria was deeply injured by his policy. He bequeathed a legacy of -discord and hatred at home and provoked Russia’s displeasure abroad. -The new pro-Russian Government did its utmost to heal the breach, -and succeeded in improving relations with Russia, but Stambuloff’s -partisans agitated in every possible way for the re-instatement of the -radical anti-Russian party. In Dushan Petkoff and Evlogij Genadieff -they had energetic leaders, who pursued their goal with all the -characteristic Bulgarian tenacity and a ruthless persistence that -was positively Asiatic. After Ferdinand had established a personal -_régime_ in Bulgaria, they realized that the turn of fortune’s wheel -no longer depended on the temper of the nation or the strength of a -party, but on the _will of the ruler_, and they were content to bide -their time. _Among the people they had no following whatsoever._ But -whichever party is in power by the will of the ruler is assured of -a majority in the Parliament. Elections are invariably manipulated -by terroristic pressure from the authorities. There is no difference -except that, whereas the pro-Russian parties are content to employ -demagogic means, the Stambulovists have had recourse to bloodshed. -At last the Stambulovists were successful; they came into power in -1902—(in accordance with the wish of the highest power in the land)—and -established a reign of terror equal to that of Stambuloff himself in -its cruelty, but breaking all previous records as regards corruption. -The Stambulovists commanded a crushing majority in the Sobranye -(Parliament) and pursued a policy of secret provocations against Russia -and the nation. General Ratsho Petroff, a personal favourite of King -Ferdinand and an absolute nonentity, was the Premier; but the actual -dictator and leader of the Stambulovist party was Dushan Petkoff, -Minister of the Interior. Once more the policy of the Government took -an anti-Russian trend, but in the meantime the nation had developed and -steadfastly pursued a different policy. To be sure, under compulsion -they had given the Government a _majority_ but not their heart, and -this heart now belonged to Russia more than ever. This sentiment found -expression in various violent demonstrations; it culminated in the -assassination of Petkoff (likewise in the open street) and in the abuse -showered upon King Ferdinand as he drove to the opening of the National -Theatre at Sofia. From that point Bulgarian policy took a totally new -turn, and for a time it seemed as if the Slav renaissance had really -taken root and Bulgaria had at last found herself. The Balkan Alliance -before the war certainly seemed strong evidence of it. - - * * * * * - -Bulgaria’s relations with Serbia have varied quite as much as those -with Russia, but with the difference that in these ups and downs the -nation has always been undivided. Bulgarian distrust of Serbia dates -from the beginning of the political independence of the former. Instead -of trying to settle their differences in a brotherly spirit, and to -eliminate the Macedonian bone of contention by fixing the spheres of -interests, both parties—especially Bulgaria—worked themselves up into -a fever of enmity which could only be mutually detrimental. Actual -frontier collisions added fuel to the fire, and the situation grew -steadily worse. It is safe to say that there was never any love lost -between the Serbs and the Bulgarians, even if political opportunism -at times dictated a more friendly attitude. Many discerning Bulgarian -politicians have often tried to promote a more cordial and neighbourly -understanding between the two states for the sake of the Slav cause -and the common good, and their Serbian colleagues loyally supported -them in this. But their work was always undone by the distrustful -attitude of Bulgaria, which was even increased by foreign influence. -In 1885 the nation entered into the war with Serbia with unanimous -enthusiasm and a bloodthirsty spite almost inconceivable between -brother nations. The war was fierce, and fate favoured Bulgaria; -but, instead of being content with their success, and exhibiting a -victor’s finest quality—humanity, the Bulgarians only grew increasingly -bitter in their hatred towards Serbia, and showed it in offensive -taunts. After their defeat the Serbs obviously could not feel very -friendly towards their neighbours, but I do not believe they hated -them in their souls. But from one cause or another it was impossible -to find the way to friendship. The Bulgarians declared that their -differences with Serbia were by no means settled in this war, and that -the Macedonian question would have to be decided beyond dispute. Thus -the war was continued, unfortunately not only with the pen, but also -with arms, for the Serbian and Bulgarian bands in Macedonia waged war -upon each other more fiercely than upon the Turks. Matters went from -bad to worse for both nations, and especially for the Slav cause in -the Balkans. Russia exerted all her influence to reconcile the two, -but with no result beyond promises of amendment. Several influential -Slav personages were equally unsuccessful until the youth of the -Southern Slavs entered the lists with a new plan of campaign, and -attacked the problem from _the standpoint of Southern Slav Culture_. -The authors and artists of Croatia and Slavonia, who had long stood in -friendly relations with Serbia, made it their business to include the -Bulgarians in the cause of Southern Slav Culture. As the intellectual -youth of Bulgaria was at that time passing through a phase of national -regeneration and desired to widen their horizon, these efforts fell -on fruitful soil. Soon afterwards joint exhibitions of Southern Slav -artists were arranged in Belgrade, Sofia, and Zagreb, and in each case -an Authors’ Congress was held simultaneously. By these meetings and -mutual intercourse many sharp corners were smoothed away, and many -points of difference were abolished, chiefly by the help of the Croats. -Serbs and Bulgarians meeting eye to eye at last realized that they were -brothers, sharing a common future. The Exhibition in Belgrade coincided -with the coronation of King Peter, and we witnessed the unexpected -spectacle of Bulgarians acclaiming the King with as much enthusiasm as -the Serbs. Those were the days of brotherhood and fellowship. The -representatives of Bulgarian art and literature took their mission -seriously and sincerely, proving true apostles of peace and friendship -between the two peoples. They reaped considerable success, for the -tide of mutual enmity subsided, and when King Peter came to Sofia on -an official visit he met with a reception that expressed not merely -the pomp and circumstance of a Court but the heartfelt cordiality of a -friendly people. It must not be forgotten that in this _rapprochement_ -good service was rendered by those politicians of both countries who -persistently did their best to improve mutual relations. Chief among -these is the Serbian statesman, Nikola Pašić. He cultivated this mutual -friendship so successfully that it culminated in the Balkan Alliance, -which would have proved a lasting blessing to the whole of the Balkans -if it had not been broken by the attack of Bregalnica. Yet the collapse -of the Alliance was not due to Bulgaria, but to other extraneous -influences. - - * * * * * - -I have briefly touched upon Bulgarian relations with Russia and Serbia -in order to give a brief sketch of the only too frequent mistakes -made by Bulgaria’s official Government. The Bulgarians possess many -excellent qualities, and, as a nation, have a distinct claim on our -respect; but they have one drawback: they are not independent in -politics, and their policy is not the outcome of the requirements of -the times,—as a rule it is not even suited to them, but is merely -the mouthpiece of foreign influences. Whenever these influences were -Russian they at least did not clash with the interests of the people -or do any particular harm. But, unfortunately, Bulgarian policy has -to a great extent followed in Germany’s footsteps, and for a long -time German influence—especially in recent years—has made alarming -progress in Bulgaria. The first to fall a victim to this influence -were Stambuloff and his followers who had made so free with the motto -“Bulgaria for the Bulgarians.” And, in proportion to the vehemence -with which they pursued their corrupt policy, they imported the German -element into Bulgaria. Intellectually it would be quite impossible to -Germanize the Bulgarians, but, as regards their political economy and -foreign policy they fell more and more under German ascendancy. The -Eastern expansive policy of Germany and Austria-Hungary, finding the -doors fast closed in Serbia, was content for the moment to ignore an -obdurate opponent, and insinuated itself into Bulgaria as being free -from the infection of “fantastic Slav ideals.” In King Ferdinand, as -a German prince, German propaganda found a distinct well-wisher. The -Bulgarian stock market was controlled by German trade, Austria-Hungary -and Germany founded branch banks and business houses in Bulgaria. -German and Austrian Ambassadors could always command the ear of -the Foreign Office. And Germany bestowed her favour or disfavour -in proportion to the pro-German or pro-Russian sympathies of the -Government. In face of this tide of Germanism all honest Bulgarian -politicians are confronted with a herculean task, if the country is to -be saved from becoming simply a vassal state to Germany. In the events -which preceded the second Balkan War their labours appeared to have -borne fruit, and Germany and Austria were suddenly confronted with a -fact they had never even contemplated—an alliance between Bulgarians -and the detested Serbs, and even a military convention between these -two _against_ Austria. But their amazement was only a thing of the -moment—German influence redoubled its efforts, and the second Balkan -War was due to its machinations. - - * * * * * - -Bulgaria’s defeat in the second Balkan War has filled the nation with a -burning, unquenchable hatred against Serbia. The realization of their -Macedonian ambition, which had been almost within their grasp, had -vanished in a bitter disappointment and plunged the heroic victors of -Kirkilisse into an agony of sullen despair. When the first stupefying -shock was over, the thought of revenge came uppermost, and everyone -foresaw that at the next opportunity the brother nations would again -fly at each other’s throats. - -It would be unreasonable to deny the Bulgarian claim to part of -Macedonia. If a great national problem is to be permanently and -satisfactorily solved, the principal of nationality cannot be -ignored. But Bulgaria exceeded the principles of nationality in her -demands and aimed at a position of _supremacy_ in the Balkans. By her -acquisition of Thrace it became necessary to revise the stipulations -of the Alliance Treaty, and, if the Allies could have arrived at -any conclusion, or accepted the arbitration of the Tsar, to-day the -position of the Balkans in the present crisis would be more favourable. - -The Bulgarian nation cannot be held responsible for the crime of -Bregalnica. It merely played a passive part. The official perpetrator, -supposed to have remained undiscovered to this day, was guided not -by the will of the nation, but by orders from Vienna and Berlin, who -desired to be revenged for the affront they had suffered through the -Balkan Alliance. Nothing short of a despicably devastating blow aimed -at all the Balkan States would suffice, and unfortunately they found -a ready tool in the wild ambitions of certain Bulgarian circles. Of -course, the blow was aimed at the detested Serbians, but with the -relentlessness of fate it fell upon those who had hoped to profit by -the Austro-German intrigue. Though Bulgaria alone suffered material -loss through the war, the whole of the Balkan States have suffered -morally. For their deadly enemy achieved his main object—the breaking -up of the Balkan union. Such was the lamentable state of affairs in the -Balkans when the present European crisis came to a head. The Austrian -declaration of war upon Serbia caused a positively insane joy in -Bulgaria. It was balm to the Bulgarian wounds that the great monarchy -should devour their small neighbor—_their brother nation_—and not one -of the heroes who had helped in the conquest of Adrianople be left -alive! All this time they overlooked the fact that, when Serbia had -been disposed of, their own country would have been the next dish in -the menu! It was a sordid triumph, neither manly, nor _Slav_. - -In their satisfaction they even forgot Russia. No one dreamt that -Russia would raise her mighty hand and cry Halt! to the Austrian -devourer. But when the inevitable occurred, Bulgaria suddenly found -herself face to face with a problem. Russia’s word—“Serbia’s enemies -are my enemies”—staggered the honest Bulgarian people, who are attached -to Russia, and they began to ask themselves very seriously, “What -next?” The first upshot of this was the perceptible cooling of the -anti-Slav agitation; then the nation began to reflect. The _people_ -and the patriotic Slavophile circles sent their best wishes, and -their finest General—Ratko Dimitrieff—to fight for Russia, and the -official Government proclaimed a strict neutrality. Both these facts -bode well for the future. But the anti-Slav agitation has by no means -lost all its power, and the Stambulovist circles, in conjunction with -Austro-German emissaries, have not ceased to stir up the people and -the masses against Serbia and against Russia. Which will prevail? It -is difficult to make any forecast, especially if one remembers the -personal _régime_ of King Ferdinand, who, in spite of the constitution -of the country, reigns supreme. At the same time it would be wrong -to lose hope and we must trust that in the decisive hour the _Slav_ -instinct will dominate all other instincts, and thus not only assist -the Slav cause, but also prove of the greatest service to civilized -Europe, and above all things to Bulgaria herself. - - Among Bulgarian authors we must also mention Pencho - Slavejkoff (a native of Macedonia), some of whose work - has been rendered into English. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -SERBIA. - - I. Serbian Self-reliance—Characteristics of the Serb - People—The Power of the Folk-song—Race Consciousness. - - II. History of the Southern Slavs. - - III. The Birth of a Nation—Prince Miloš—“The Great - Sower”—Alexander Karagjorgjević—Michael Obrenović—King - Milan—Fall of the Obrenović Dynasty—King Peter—The - Restoration of Serbia’s Prestige. - - IV. Serbia and Austria—A Campaign of Calumny—Annexation - of Bosnia-Hercegovina—The Balkan Wars—Serbia - rehabilitated—The Tragedy of Serajevo. - - -I. - -The free and independent kingdom of Serbia is undoubtedly the most -important of the Southern Slav States, although she has only three and -a half million inhabitants, and is shut in on all sides by her six -neighbours—Austria-Hungary, Roumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Albania and -Montenegro. In 1817 she was freed from the Turkish yoke, and in less -than 100 years she has developed into a sturdy, self-reliant state, -efficient in an intellectual, economic and military sense in spite of -constant upheavals at home and abroad. For all she is and has achieved -Serbia is indebted only to herself, to the capabilities, valour -and perseverance of her own children. Russia was her only foreign -protector. The Serb is a straight-dealing, industrious man, and, like -all the Southern Slavs, essentially poetic. Judged by the standard -of modern _school_ education the average Serbian peasant is perhaps -not so very far advanced, and usually limits his accomplishments to -reading and writing; but he is keenly observant, and his natural -gifts and mother-wit are so great as to warrant a very different -forecast for his future than exponents of German “Kultur” have so -far predicted. Like the Russian and the Croat, the Serb is above all -things a farmer, who loves his bit of black earth, and cultivates it -with care; and from this love of the soil spring his pleasures, his -shrewd philosophy, his large charity towards man and beast, and, above -all, his love of truth and justice. Shall not all the world be just, -even as the earth is just when she bestows or withholds her gifts? -From time immemorial the Serb has had a great feeling for family ties -and the bond of the community. The love he bears his own homestead -he extends to that of his neighbour, and then in a wider sense to -his whole country. Where his love of country is concerned, political -and economic considerations take a second place. The Serb loves his -country as a bridegroom his bride—passionately, often unreasonably, -but never with calculation. He desires his beloved land for himself—to -keep it untouched by strangers. In spite of considerable business -capacity he is not aggressive, and does not covet his neighbour’s -possessions. But, should his neighbour dare to move his fence even one -inch over the boundary, or purposely let his cattle stray into his -meadow, then the Serb becomes fierce, wrathful and unforgiving. The -Serbian farmer has no need to study history in order to learn where -his neighbours have removed his landmarks. His history lives in his -songs and ballads, and goes back a thousand years. These poems tell -him everything. Every one of his beautiful folk-songs is a piece of -history, a bit of the past; and they sink deeper into his heart than -any historical education. The _dates_ of his power, past splendour and -decline are meaningless to him; but the sad, deeply-moving legends in -his folk-songs, telling of his triumphs and his tragedies, plaintively -thrilling with love of country, and his tempestuous ballads of heroism -and revenge—_these_ have fostered his sense of patriotism, his yearning -for his downtrodden brothers, and his thirst for retribution. These -folk-songs have been handed down from one generation to another, and -to this day they have been preserved in all their pristine purity of -text and melody in the souls and memories of the Serbian people. It is -not necessary at a time of foreign menace to appeal to the Serb people -with elaborately-worded proclamations and inflammatory speeches. The -refrains of their songs suffice, and they take up arms as one man. But -the cause must be in harmony with the traditions of the past. They -fight like lions when they go to battle with their ancient songs upon -their lips. Thus did they war with the Turks—thus they are warring now -against Austria. - -To the Serb the love of his language is second only to his love of -country. The most beautiful and melodious of all the Slav tongues,[8] -rich in idiom and soft in modulation, it is specially fitted to be the -medium of folk-poesy. This language, which is identical with that of -the Croats (thence the name Serbo-Croat tongue), has been the sacred -and abiding link between the Serbs and their still enslaved brothers in -Turkey and in Austria. The Serbian peasant is in the habit of calling -every one who speaks to him in a foreign language a “Schwabo”;[9] but -should the stranger address him in Serbian, or, indeed, in any of -the Slav tongues, he will say: “Pa ti si naš” (Thou art one of us). -Undoubtedly, apart from their national music, this bond of union has -been one of the strongest factors in the preparation of the future, for -through it the Serb can freely communicate with his brothers beyond -the frontier. Those dear familiar sounds tell him that his brothers -still live and share his speech, his songs and his yearnings. This -explains the unanimous enthusiasm of the _whole_ nation in the Balkan -War, as well as in the present second war of liberation. They are not -the soldiers of the king who have gone to war, but the soldiers of an -_ideal_. The miracles of valour these men have performed are not the -exploits of a war-machine, but of a great heart, in which hundreds of -thousands of hearts beat as one. - -Many people, and especially Germans, have said that the Serbs are -dirty, lazy and dull. As regards the last of these accusations I -am ready to admit that such Germans as have come in contact with -the people may be excused for this impression. The Serbian peasant -regards the “Schwabo” with extreme distrust. His natural shrewdness -teaches him the wisdom of appearing as dull as possible before the -unscrupulous exploiter he knows so well. It would be no advantage -to him to inspire confidence in that quarter, and, as a matter of -fact, the Serbian peasant has often got the better of the apostles -of “Kultur” by this little deception. English and French travellers, -who have had dealings with the Serbs, have spoken of them in most -flattering terms. As regards the other two indictments, they are only -absurd. The Serbian peasant works very hard indeed. If we consider the -results of his labours, which can be gauged by the considerable export -of farm-produce and cattle, and remember that in so poor a country as -Serbia the farmer has not all the latest agricultural improvements at -his disposal, it becomes obvious that he has achieved marvels by the -industry of his bare hands. The dirt commented upon by his critics is -nothing more than the honest dirt of the soil on his hands and clothes; -but if the immaculate “Michels” had taken the trouble to glance round -his house they could not have failed to notice that in cleanliness and -neatness most Serbian farm-houses compare very well with the average -farm-house of Western Europe. A guest of gentle birth receiving -hospitality in a Serbian farm-house will certainly find nothing to -complain of in the way in which he is fed and accommodated, and his -wants considered. Of course there are cases of dirt and idleness in -Serbia, but then where shall we find a country quite free from these...? - -A prominent characteristic of the Serb is his race-consciousness. -Russians, Poles, Csechs, and Bulgars are Russians, etc., _first_ and -only Slavs in a general sense. But the Serbs and Croats are as much -Slavs as they are Serbs and Croats. Possibly this has not always been -so. Perhaps, from being more oppressed and beset by foes than any of -the other Slavs, these nations have come to look upon their sense of -race as a sheet-anchor to which they clung, at first with hope, and -then with heart-felt love. To a Russian, Slavdom is the symbol of his -protectorate, but to a Serbo-Croat it is the breath of life. - - * * * * * - - -II. - -[10] In prehistoric times, the south-eastern tracts of the Balkan -Peninsula were inhabited by Armenians, who were eventually compelled -to retreat to Asia Minor, about 700 B.C. The next inhabitants were the -Phrygians, who possessed a well-developed civilization, and penetrated -very far westward; but with the invasion of the Thracians from the -north, the Phrygians were likewise forced to migrate to Asia Minor and -only a few scattered groups were left between the Danube and the Balkan -Mountains, where they remained until the Roman invasion. Unlike the -above-mentioned Semitic races, the Pelasgians and Lepese, who formed -the aboriginal population of Greece, were of pure Indo-European stock. -They were eventually conquered by the Hellenes, and the illustrious -Greek nation sprang from the intermingling of these three tribes. - -The dawn of history shows the great Peninsula of Eastern Europe divided -between three tribes. The Greeks dwelt south of Heliakmon and Olympus, -the Thracians west of the Tekton valley in the eastern portion of -the Peninsula, and the Illyrians west of the Pindus. Their territory -extended north as far as the site of modern Vienna, and south to the -Gulf of Corinth. Of these three peoples the Greeks alone attained to a -high degree of civilization and culture. They founded several colonies -on the narrow coast-line of Macedonia, but the greater part of the -Peninsula to the west of the Vardar remained Illyrian, and, to the -east of the Vardar, Thracian. Only the wealthier classes and the royal -family from which Alexander the Great traced his descent migrated into -these countries from Grecian Thessaly in search of conquest. - -The Roman invasion was followed by considerable colonial development. -Under the sound administrative policy of the Romans a certain level -of civilization penetrated to the greater part of the Peninsula, and -a Latinized dialect became the general language. The Thracians very -speedily became Romanized, as did most of the Illyrians; the Hellenes -alone retained their national distinction. The Illyrians eventually -disappeared from Macedonia; but their kindred tribe, the Albanians -(Skipetars, Arnauts) remain there to this day, although they show a -strong admixture of ancient Roman and Slav blood. The _Roumanians_ are -the product of a lingual and racial mixture of Thracian, Roman and Slav -elements. - -The Great Migration broke up the Roman Empire (476 A.D.) and Europe -was re-distributed—the resulting racial boundaries having for the most -part persisted to this day. The Germanic tribes set their mark on the -North and West, and the Slavs on the East of Europe. In 525 A.D. the -Slavs under the name of “Εκλανεοι” are mentioned as dwelling on the -lower Danube. From that time, and for a century, they waged fierce -warfare against the Eastern Empire, until the latter became exhausted, -and the Balkan Peninsula was left open to the invaders from the north. - -In the first half of the seventh century, during the reigns of the -Emperors Phokas (602-610) and Heraklies (610-642) the Slav hordes -over-ran the countries of the upper and lower Danube like a flood from -Venice to Constantinople, sweeping southward as far as Cape Matapan. -The aboriginal inhabitants fled before them and took refuge in mountain -fastnesses, islands, and walled towns. Christianity eventually tamed -these wild hordes, and peaceful intercourse was once more established. -Constantinople, Adrianople, Seres, Salonika, Larissa and Patras -were the centres whence the light of Christendom and Greek culture -penetrated to the Slavs. - -Who and what manner of people were the Slavs? The Roman historian -Jordanis (551 A.D.) already distinguishes the “Sloveni,” as he calls -them, from the rest of the Slavs, whom he calls “Veniti.” He speaks of -an innumerable Slav people (“Venetharum natio populosa”) divided into -many tribes, of which the chief were the “_Russi_,” (“_Anti_”) between -the Dniestr and Dniepr, and the “_Sloveni_” on the lower Danube. It is -true that a number of different tribes were included under this name, -just as to-day it is used to designate the whole Slav race (“Slavyane” -in Russian, “Slovane” in Csech). Strictly speaking only the Southern -Slavs have a right to this name, and until well into the nineteenth -century they styled themselves “Sloveni” in addition to their local -appellations of Croat, Serb, Bulgar, etc. With the formation of local -states, the local names came more into use, but in literature and -folk-poesy the name “Sloveni” is invariably adopted. As a matter -of fact, the local names arose from the political and historical -distribution of the race. - -The geographical position of the Balkan Peninsula, as well as the -two currents of civilization which flowed in upon the Southern Slavs -from either side, prevented the formation of a United Southern Slav -State. They split up into several lesser states, which soon lost their -freedom, and submitted to foreign rule. Carniola was the first to fall -a victim, for she passed under German rule as early as the eighth -century. - -Towards the end of the seventh century the Finnish tribe of the -_Bulgars_ conquered the Slav tribes north and south of the Balkan range -and incidentally adopted the Slav language as their own. They merely -retained their original name, and their distinctive, coldly methodical -genius for organization—a racial characteristic which is totally absent -in the other Southern Slavs. In a short time the Bulgars also conquered -the Slav tribes in Macedonia, Epirus and Thessaly, and subjugated the -whole country as far as the Morava. In the ninth century the Bulgarian -Empire reached from the Carpathians in Hungary to the Pannonian Valley, -and, as a matter of fact, Budapest, the capital of Hungary, was founded -by the Bulgars. The Bulgarian Tsar Boris was baptized by the apostles -Cyril and Method, who also introduced the Slav liturgy in Bulgaria. The -Slav dialect spoken between Constantinople and Salonika was adopted -as the literary language, and the _Glagolitza_ (Glagolithic alphabet) -and eventually the _Cyrillitza_ (Cyrillic alphabet) were introduced. -This fact is of world-wide importance, for on this foundation rests -the whole subsequent intellectual development of Russia and the Balkan -Peninsula—in fact, of Eastern Europe. Under Simeon the Great (893-927) -Slav literature reached its zenith—its golden age. The Moravian monks, -who were driven out by Svatopluk, found a hospitable welcome in the -monasteries around the Lake of Ochrida, and developed great literary -activity. The Southern Slav monasteries sent monks and books to Russia, -and thus they became the first instructors of their mighty brothers -in the North. Still later, the Macedonian Empire was founded and the -Emperor Samoilo resided in Ochrida. He, however, was soon overthrown -by the Byzantine Emperor Basil II. in the Battle of Belassitza (1018). -But the Bulgarian Empire recovered again under Tsar Ivan Asen II. -(1218-1271) and had reached the zenith of its power when it was -shattered for centuries by the invading Turks (1391). - -The central Southern Slav (Serbian) countries—Illyria, Moesia, and -Dalmatia—for a long time remained broken up into separate counties. -Not before the twelfth century did Rasa become the centre of a Serbian -state, founded by Stefan Nemanya (1165), to whom the Serbs owe the -famous Nemanya dynasty. After their victory over the Byzantines -at Kossovo the Serbs penetrated further and further south towards -Macedonia. Under Dušan Silni (1331-1355) Serbian power reached its -meridian. He organized the nation into a state and gave the people -good laws. In his time Serbia reached from the Save and the Danube to -the Gulf of Corinth, and from the Adriatic to Mesta on the frontiers -of Thrace and Macedonia. After the battle of Belbushde (1330) even -the Bulgars had to acknowledge the supremacy of Serbia. The Serbian -Metropolitan of Petcha was made Patriarch, the National Serb Church -was founded, and, in the Macedonian town of Skoplye, Dušan Silni -proclaimed himself Tsar of the Serbs, Bulgars and Greeks. With an army -of 100,000 men he marched on Constantinople in order to establish his -throne there, and to be revenged upon the Greeks who had a few years -previously called the Ottoman Turks to Europe.[11] But he died on the -way,—it is said that he was poisoned by a Greek. - -Architectural and literary monuments from the age of the Serbian rulers -in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries still clearly show traces of -the high degree of culture that had spread from Byzantium, Venice and -Florence. But these are merely sparks which the Serbian discriminative -genius and natural ability would doubtless have kindled into a bright -flame had not the advent of the Turks frustrated the great plans of -Dušan Silni. Constantinople would have remained in the hands of a -Christian people who love art and progress. No other nation was so -well fitted as the Serbs to infuse new life into the culture of the -ancients. The presence of this sane and strong young nation would have -saved the humanists their flight from Byzantium. - -After the death of Dušan Silni the great Serbian Empire crumbled into -a large number of small states, whose rulers played a dangerous game, -and intrigued one against the other, whilst the Turks were conquering -Thrace. The Macedonian despots became vassals to the Turks, and only -a few countries like Zeta, Bosnia, and the empire of Prince Lazar (the -Serbia of to-day) maintained their independence. So long as these -countries were free, the Ottoman invasion of Europe was delayed, -because in the Kossovo polje (the field of Kossovo) Serbia held the key -of Europe. The Turks knew this and constantly prepared their attacks -accordingly. On Vidovdan (St. Vitus Day, 1387) 100,000 Serbs and -300,000 Turks met in battle on the Kossovo. The battle was fierce and -the losses on both sides were enormous. The Serbs lost their Prince -Lazar and all their nobility; the Turks the greater part of their army -and their Sultan Murat I. In Europe the report spread that the Serbs -had been victorious; in Florence and Paris all the bells were rung for -joy, and a service of thanksgiving was held in Notre Dame, which was -attended by Charles VI. with all his Court. - -Murat’s successor, Bayazit did not penetrate further; he permitted the -Serbs to retain their own laws, but they had to acknowledge him as -their suzerain. In 1459 Serbia was finally crushed and fell completely -under Turkish rule. Soon after (1463) the same fate befell Bosnia -and Hercegovina. Only the mountain fastnesses of Montenegro remained -unconquered. - - -III. - -When Serbia began her life as an independent State, she was still -bleeding from the many wounds inflicted upon her through centuries of -slavery, and first of all these wounds had to be tended. The Serbian -nation, intellectually and economically bankrupt from long Turkish -misrule, was in the position of a merchant—an honest fellow, but robbed -to his last farthing, whose ruined shop is being restored to him, and -who is expected to work up the old business to its former prosperity -out of these ruins. Years had to elapse ere the people got accustomed -to the new order of things, and, out of the welter of beginnings, -found the way to sound civic development. In those days Serbia fell -a victim to every political infantile disease, but on the other hand -she was inspired with a poetic, truly Slav patriotism. Their golden -freedom, which they had so long yearned and fought for, and had now -at last won, affected the nation not as a political event but as a -great _family festival_, in which all the members were united in -love and joy. They _revelled_ in their new-found freedom; the sordid -considerations of the day were put off till the morrow, or left to the -care of a small body of “cold-blooded” men. Civic law and order, and -regularity in the administration—unheard of under Turkish rule—were -first looked upon as purely miraculous, and then tacitly accepted as -the inevitable consequences of freedom. The idea of a _free State_ is -only of theoretical value to the Serbs, the main thing for them is -that they should be a _free people_. As a free people they followed -their leaders—not as superiors, but as children obey their fathers. -With childlike simplicity they gathered round their rural magistrate -to hear his instructions, and in the same spirit they assembled under -the ancient plane-tree in the Topchider Park to hear Miloš, their first -Gospodar and Prince, dispense wise counsel and even-handed justice. But -in these council-meetings between ruler and people was sown the seed of -the true constitution of the State, and, like the empire of Dušan Silni -in days gone by, modern Serbia has grown up out of her own people. And -this is why Serbia is an _eminently nationalistic_ state, free and -independent of foreign influence. Perhaps in some ways this has been a -drawback, but it has also been a great source of strength to Serbia. -The intimate connection between the reigning house and the people -proved a bulwark against foreign attempts at denationalization, and -gave Serbia the necessary strength to keep herself free from Germany’s -corroding influence to this day. - -In every way the patriarchal state of Prince Miloš proved the best -possible preparation for Serbia’s political future. She matured slowly, -like an apple in the sun, and fortunately was not compelled to ripen -unnaturally. Moreover, the inborn gifts of the Serbian people, which I -have already mentioned, proved a great help to this process. They began -to see that poetry has its limitations, that a free people must become -an organized state, and that political order, though it cannot be set -in verse, is the only guarantee of prosperity to the nation. Of course, -legal decisions and taxes were vexatious matters, but their good effect -on the community was recognized. The law expressed the will of the -people and was no longer resented as an imposition. - -It was fortunate for the young State that _Dositij Obradović_, the -greatest educational genius of Serbia, had lived before this critical -time. He laid the foundations of a national educational system—that -most necessary discipline for a young nation—and was beyond doubt one -of the greatest men the Southern Slavs have produced in modern times. -In Serbia he is called “_the great sower_.” He truly sowed the seed of -enlightenment, not only in Serbia but wherever Serbs and Croats live. -Dositij Obradović has not educated individuals, but whole generations, -and through them the entire nation. And if the modern State is -synonymous with civilization, then Dositij Obradović was the true -founder of Serbia. He sowed the seed, all others have only been reapers. - -Prince Miloš, who abdicated in 1839, was succeeded by his son Milan -Obrenović II. He died, however, within a month of his accession. -His successor and younger brother, Michael, was soon involved in -serious differences with the Senate, and had to quit the country in -1842. Serbia now elected Alexander Karagjorgjević, son of the Black -Kara-Gjorgje, who headed the insurrection against Turkey in 1804. -In spite of his great gifts as a statesman, he failed to maintain -himself on the throne on account of his leanings towards Austria. The -nation, who instinctively scented their ancient enemy, mistrusted him, -and matters finally came to a crisis in 1858. The Serbian Skuptchina -(Parliament) formally deposed Alexander and again elected an Obrenović -to the throne of Serbia. This was Miloš Obrenović, whose short reign -was not remarkable for any striking events. His son Michael succeeded -him in 1860. - -_Michael Obrenović_ was a brilliant, broad-minded, noble-hearted man. -He found the national harvest already well grown, and courageously -continued the work of his early predecessors. He thoroughly understood -his people, with all their gifts and limitations, and, above all, he -realized that the moment had arrived for Serbia to become “westernized” -without sacrificing her national qualities. He “Europeanized” the State -and made it respected at home and abroad. The educational system made -great strides and was modernized in his reign. The finances of the -country were placed on a sound basis, agriculture was developed on -modern, rational lines, and industrial enterprise and foreign trade -made their first appearance. Under the strong guiding hand of their -prince, the organization of the _army_ kept pace with the economic -development of the nation. He initiated Serbian foreign policy[12] and -was the best and wisest diplomat of his country. His policy towards -Russia resulted in the Russian protectorate, which has proved so -powerful to this very day, but it also aroused the jealousy of Austria. -Above all things Michael Obrenović was a Serb, and his Slav policy was -not only carried on in the interests of the nation, but dictated by his -heart. He evolved the idea of a Serbia with a seaboard on the Ægean -as well as the Adriatic. He knew that the future of his country will -never be secure until all Serbs and Croats are united, and the ways -open which will permit of a corresponding economic prosperity. Serbia’s -demand for a seaboard is _not_ mere aggression, but the recognition -of a vital problem which will be disposed of as soon as her minimum -requirements are satisfied. - -Under the next Obrenović, the jovial Prince Milan (subsequently King -Milan), Serbian policy occasionally deviated from the lines laid down -by Prince Michael. Unfortunately, the good services which _King_ -Milan undoubtedly rendered his country are overshadowed by his many -serious mistakes. At first his genial personality and great popularity -seemed to fit him very well for the continuation and completion of -the work _Prince_ Milan had begun. But apparently his ambitions did -not lie that way, for his reign presents a long record of discord -at home and abroad. The party-spirit in civil and military affairs -assumed formidable dimensions, and the State repeatedly barely escaped -shipwreck. Milan was a spoilt man of the world. He preferred to live -abroad and often left the administration for long periods wholly in -the hands of the Cabinet of the moment, who, in the absence of the -ruler, often found it most difficult to maintain their authority in -the face of opposing factions. Abroad the king became acquainted with -eminent foreign nobles and statesmen, and, as in most cases these were -Austrians, he fell under the influence of the Monarchy. The tide of -German pressure towards the East began to filter through into Serbia, -and at times the official policy was frankly pro-Austrian. The King -was still popular, but the people gradually lost confidence in him, -and on several critical occasions he was fain to “save” himself by -brilliant addresses to the people.[13] But the Royal blunders became -increasingly frequent, and were further aggravated by intolerable -domestic dissensions which finally led to the divorce of Queen Natalie. -Fortunately Serbia possessed singularly able statesmen during the -reign of King Milan, and it is solely due to their efforts that the -country escaped public disaster. The present Serbian Premier, Nikola -Pašić, already played a prominent part in those days, and repeatedly -saved his King and country in times of imminent danger. But presently -matters became intolerable, and King Milan abdicated in favour of his -son Alexander, who was still under age. The reign of Alexander is the -darkest period in the history of modern Serbia. During his minority -the country was governed by a regency, and all went well; but when -Alexander assumed the sceptre himself, the state began to crumble in -its very foundations. Mentally deficient, and therefore dangerous in -all his actions, he inaugurated a rule of autocracy, tolerated no -opposition, and endowed every one of his mistakes with the distinction -of a “supreme command.” The rift between King and people grew wider -and more impassable, and finally became an abyss when he insisted -on raising his mistress Draga Maschin to the position of legal wife -and Queen of Serbia. But even this was not all. The new queen, with -all the blind conceit of a _parvenue_, introduced the worst type of -petticoat government at court and in politics, which showed itself in -graft, corruption, unblushing exhibitions of contempt for the people, -and insults to statesmen, scholars and especially to the officers of -the army. When the scandal about the supposititious birth of an heir -occurred, the wrath of the people turned to fury, and, in the night of -May 28th, 1903, the garrison of Belgrade carried out the sentence of -the nation upon the King and Queen. - - * * * * * - -The accession of the Karagjorgjević dynasty, who were really entitled -to the crown, opens a new national and political era for Serbia. -An old man was called to the throne, but a _grand seigneur_ of the -best French school—a school which did not produce debauchees and -Boulevard-trotters, but soldiers and statesmen of the first order. King -Peter was a Western European in the best sense of the word. He was -not only of the blood of the black Karagjorgje, the scion of a house -of heroes, but an experienced soldier and statesman. During the long -years of his exile he was an officer in the French army, and in virtue -of his social position had every opportunity of garnering valuable -experience both in peace and in war. All this time he was emphatically -the “one who looked on” and watched the development of his country -from afar—her struggles and her trials. Although he never resigned his -pretendership to the Serbian throne he was often, surely very often, -convinced that he himself would never be called to ascend it. But -his heart and his love ruled with the Serbian people, and probably -he felt the misfortunes of his country more keenly than any other -Serbian. It is absurd to hold King Peter responsible for the murder -of his predecessor. Any one privileged to know him would indignantly -repudiate the thought. His accession to the throne was merely a -consequence and in no way a cause of the Obrenović tragedy. But Europe -was too horrified at the murder to discriminate at the time, and would -accept neither reasons nor explanations proving the necessity of -making a fresh start—and this quite apart from the circumstance of the -murder. Europe regarded the _deed_ and not the _causes_ of the deed; -and refused to search her own histories for similar deeds provoked -by similar causes. Thus King Peter was confronted with a two-fold -difficulty. On the one hand both he and his country had forfeited the -sympathies of Europe, and on the other he succeeded to the government -of a country demoralized by the previous reign, and torn by party -dissensions. It was a most difficult situation, so many conflicting -interests had to be reconciled! Truly a very weighty task for an -elderly and perhaps already world-weary man. - -But King Peter did not come to Serbia as a pretender who has at last -gained the crown he has coveted; he came as the champion of the -Serb ideal of the past—whose last representative had been Michael -Obrenović,—the ideal of national expansion, of a Serbian future. He -recognized his difficulties but attacked them without flinching. For -the Serb nation—impulsive, tempestuous and sensitive—it was a blessing -to pass under the guidance of a calm, wisely deliberate king. He went -his way step by step, firmly, and without illusions. Amid the tumult -of acclamations that greeted him in Belgrade his was probably the only -heart heavy with care. He knew only too well that the violent _coup -d’état_ was not the solution but merely the beginning of the problem. -This consciousness and his patriotic ideal have been the ruling motives -of his reign from the very first. One of King Peter’s first tasks was -the rehabilitation of Serbia in the eyes of Europe. Unjustly enough the -entire responsibility for the loss of Serbia’s prestige was laid to his -charge, and it was uphill work to alter the opinion of Europe, but he -refrained from protestations and excuses. He realized that Serbia must -be regenerated in such a fashion as to win back the full confidence -of Europe. By the wisdom of his policy and with the help of able -statesmen—principally Nikola Pašić—he steered Serbia’s foreign policy -back into a healthy, normal channel, and within a few years the country -once more took her position as a well-ordered European State—apart -from the calumnies and enmity of Germany and Austria. In fact, this -successful reconstruction was proof in the eyes of Europe that the -dynastic change was a necessity for Serbia, and that in the solution of -the Balkan problem she might certainly be trusted to take her part of -the burden as a civilized State. She proved her mettle soon afterwards -in the first Balkan War, for in this war the ideal of the King—which -he shares with his people—scored its first great success, when the -hard-pressed nation displayed a high degree of valour, statesmanship -and true nobility. - -In his ten years’ reign King Peter has gone far to restore to Serbia -her ancient glories. During his reign her politics have become more -settled at home and abroad. Agriculture, trade and industry have -improved and expanded. Literature and art have made miraculous strides, -so that Serbia may fairly consider herself the equal of the Western -nations; and the Serbian army has now demonstrated its excellent -organization and great military value in three successive wars. - -King Peter, whose short reign became so stormy towards the end, may -look back on the results of his labours with the same calm assurance -with which he took up the sceptre. He has quickened the new soul of -Serbia, and although he retired shortly before the outbreak of the -present war, and entrusted the sceptre to his son, his spirit still -lives in his people and army and—please God—will lead them both to -victory. IV. - -Serbian relations with Austria have been an important, and indeed the -decisive, factor in recent Serb history; and the events which are the -outcome of these relations will either bring about the territorial -consolidation of Serbia or her final ruin. Austria-Hungary was never -a well-wisher of Serbia, although she has often brazenly posed as her -benefactor. It has always been Austria’s aim to detach Serbia from -Russian influence, and to bring her under the soul-saving protectorate -of the Monarchy. The nearest road to Salonika lies through Serbia, and -at all costs this route had to be secured. If only Serbia could be made -dependent upon Austria-Hungary, it would be much better for the aims -of Germanistic expansive policy; it would also paralyse the Southern -Slavs in the Monarchy. Knowing that the Great Powers, especially -Russia, would never permit an effective occupation of Serbia, Austria -sought by intrigues in the spirit of Metternich to make her influence -predominant in Serbia, also economically to weaken her as a state, -by vexatious commercial treaties in the hope of rendering her more -amenable towards the Monarchy. Serbia bravely resisted all these -attempts and suffered considerable material loss; but she stood firm -in the knowledge that she is the first and strongest fortress in the -way of German pressure towards the East, and staunchly believed in the -ultimate success of her cause. The brave little country had a mission -to fulfil, not only in her own interest, but in that of the Slav race -and the whole of Europe. Vienna and Berlin knew that Serbia was a very -hard nut, but they felt confident of cracking it in the end. When open -aggression failed, they put a good face on the matter, and assured the -hard-pressed Serbs of their kind intentions. The occupation of Bosnia -and Hercegovina was the first tangible proof of these kind intentions, -for on that occasion Austria “delivered” two million Serbs and Croats -from Turkish bondage. Unfortunately Serbia did not in the least -appreciate this “benefit,” whereby a large number of her kindred were -handed over to the tender mercies of Austria, whose solicitous care of -her Southern Slav subjects was only too well known—in fact, instead of -being grateful, Serbia never ceased to point out her own national and -territorial claims upon Bosnia and Hercegovina. Naturally this insolent -attitude on the part of Serbia provoked the animosity, and presently -the official disfavour, of Austria. This disfavour was displayed on -every possible occasion although it always wore a sanctimonious garb. -Serbia was too weak and unprepared to retort aggressively upon this -animosity; her defence was limited to diplomatic measures and the moral -support of Russia. It was a marvellous achievement on the part of -her statesmen that in the face of strong popular feeling they so long -staved off an open rupture; and that they did not let the thirty-five -years of misgovernment in Bosnia and Hercegovina, or the oppression of -the Southern Slavs, drive them to a desperate decision. The influence -of European diplomacy was doubtless very helpful; still, the Serbian -people displayed admirable restraint under constant provocation. -Germany and Austria, who are able to corrupt the greater part of their -own Press, and even many foreign newspapers, and can command a whole -staff of political agitators, never relaxed their campaign of abuse and -calumny against Serbia, and everywhere represented her as an incapable, -barbarous, and dangerous State. In this they were only too successful. -Unfortunately the condition of Serbian home politics has often been -deplorable, and in addition to this the murder of the King and Queen in -1903 provided ample material for biassing public opinion in Europe. On -the whole Europe endorsed these calumnies and refused to listen to the -counter-protestations of Russia and other Slavs, because the testimony -of barbarians and troglodytes was obviously valueless. Serbia was -frequently reduced to desperate straits. She was really defending the -cause of civilization by stemming the tide of Germanism in the East—she -was _preparing_ a great world-work, and her reward was merely contempt -or a pitying smile. Without Russia’s moral support she must have been -swamped by Austria long ago. - -With the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1909 and the -disgraceful circumstances that preceded it (which I shall touch upon -in a later chapter), the mutual enmity between Austria and Serbia -reached its height. War between Austria-Hungary on the one hand and -Russia and Serbia on the other, seemed imminent, and was only averted -by the intervention of European diplomacy, especially by the efforts -of Sir Edward Grey. In a declaration dated March 31st, 1909, Serbia -acknowledged the annexation as an accomplished fact, and promised -henceforth to conduct her policy in a neighbourly and friendly spirit -towards Austria. This was the last act of self-abasement extorted from -the unhappy country, but by no means the end of hostile agitations. -On the contrary, these only became more virulent, because Austria -considered the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina merely a prelude -to the invasion of Serbia. Hence the necessity of representing Serbia -as a menace to the peace of Europe, and especially to the position -of the Monarchy as a Great Power. Serbia’s prestige declined still -further. But suddenly a new contingency arose, and the _Balkan War_ -of 1912 brought to light a series of glorious proofs of heroism, -self-control, statesmanship, and military and national ability on the -part of Serbia. The contempt of Europe was transformed into admiration, -and Serbia suddenly found herself appreciated at her true value. This -was a blow Austria could not forgive, and still less the fact that -the criminal blunder of the second Balkan War, whereby she fondly -hoped that Serbia would be crushed, proved unsuccessful. A strong and -respected Serbia was a thorn in the flesh to Austria and a disquieting -influence among her Southern Slav subjects. Henceforth the Viennese -Foreign Office concentrated its efforts on the destruction of Serbia -at all costs. First of all Serbia was confronted with a demand for -such trade concessions as would render her economically dependent upon -Austria, and the next commercial treaty was to have placed Austria -in the position of a “most favoured nation.” In politics Austria had -recourse to the invention of the spectre of a “Greater Serbia,”—an -idea which hitherto had merely possessed intellectual significance, -and whose representatives were a few hot-heads quite unconnected with -Serbian official policy. To make this new propaganda convincing Austria -employed a large number of _agents provocateurs_, whose masterpiece -appears to have been the attempt upon the Archduke Francis Ferdinand -at Serajevo, June 28th, 1914. Truly, when all the side-issues are -taken into account, it seems more than likely that the _attempt_ at -least was staged by Austrian agents. Was the assassination merely -an accident?[14] It is to be feared that this is one of the unhappy -mysteries which will never be fully cleared up. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -MONTENEGRO. - - The Country of the Black Mountain—Women Warriors—King, - Poet and Farmer—Historical Sketch of Montenegro—Petar I., - Petrović—Petar II.—Pro-Russian Policy—A Royal Poet—Nikola I. - - -All I have said about Serbia applies equally to Montenegro. The nations -are one and the same: they are identical in every respect and only -geographically divided. Montenegro is the Serbian advance guard on -the Adriatic. It is the eagle’s nest of Europe, the loftiest symbol -of freedom and independence. Nature herself has given this people an -impregnable fortress, and placed in their hands the keys of Southern -Slav liberty. From the height of their barren Black Mountains the -valiant high-spirited Montenegrin has looked down for centuries on the -rise and fall of his kinsmen all around him. In all the tragedies that -have passed in the shadow of his eyrie he has played his part, both -as dauntless warrior, and the bard of freedom who from his mountain -heights sang the song of the future to his enslaved brothers. The -Montenegrin has always been the same. In war-time he is a warrior, -in times of peace a shepherd armed to the teeth. He is inseparable -from his weapons, but only uses them against his enemies. Though his -aspect is martial and his glance fierce, he bears a kindly, loveable -heart. Comparing his outward appearance with his soul, one might call -him a lion with the heart of a dove. A friend, whoever he may be, is -welcomed with open arms, and his rough, powerful hand can be gently -caressing as a child’s. But an enemy will be crushed by its weight; -for the Montenegrin _hates_ his foe, hates him passionately, fiercely -and implacably, and he is ever on the watch for him. Even at tender -age the children are decked with weapons and have to learn the use -of them under the eyes of their elders. And the enemy is always the -“Schwabo.” The women are just as efficiently trained to arms as the -men, and it has often happened that the Montenegrin Amazons played a -decisive part in warfare; and, when weapons were scarce, the women -rolled mighty rocks from the heights down upon their enemies. Fighting -is a grim pleasure to the Montenegrin in war-time, and his recreation -in times of peace. Whoever has travelled in the Montenegrin mountains -cannot fail often to have noticed two goatherds in the midst of their -herds, fencing with their “Handzars” (the sheathless scimitar of the -Montenegrins) and not far off two goat-girls similarly engaged. - -The Montenegrin is not a great farmer. The soil is poor and barren; -yet every patch of fertile ground is utilized to the utmost of its -resources, and good soil is often carried from a great distance and -deposited in the stony corries for the cultivation of a little maize -and corn. But the Montenegrin cares less for a full stomach than for a -light heart. It is a people that is for ever singing, and the wealth of -Serbo-Croat folk-songs provides them with ample material. - -The relations between the Montenegrins and their rulers is without -parallel in Europe. Certainly the King is the “Gospodar” (ruler), but -he is really only the chief warrior, the chief farmer, and the chief -poet of his country. The dynasty is descended from Montenegrin farmers -and is deep-rooted in the people themselves. The Montenegrin does not -consider his King so much the head of the State, as the leader of the -nation, and relations between them are familiar and fraternal. The -King is the father, and the people are his children in a perfectly -patriarchal sense. There is no trace of Western European formality -in their intercourse. The familiar “thou” is used on either side, -and the simplest peasant shakes hands with the King as a matter of -course. But in war time the King’s word is law, and the unquestioning -discipline of the people is founded on their mutual relations in times -of peace—founded on the love of the people for their ruler. - -The Montenegrins are Serbs by nationality, and their Royal House, like -that of Serbia, has sprung from the people. Neither country has ever -been ruled by a foreign prince. - -In olden times it was the custom that the elders of the nation, without -special regard to diplomatic qualifications, should guide the fate of -their country by the rules of ancient custom. Chief among them was -the Vladika,[15] who possessed no special privileges as ruler but -merely took precedence in virtue of his ecclesiastical dignity. His -education was limited to what was necessary for his clerical duties, -and he knew little or nothing of state-craft. The character of a given -reign depended mainly on the prevailing relations with the Turks, -and Montenegrin affairs prospered in proportion to the peaceable -or aggressive attitude of these neighbours. A well-ordered state, -enlightenment, and education were luxuries no one desired or required, -and the people lived and fought merely for the needs of the day. But, -although they are naturally gifted, the nation could not develop -without any means of education; and, apart from the art of war they -were simple and unlettered as children. Mere adventurers have several -times taken advantage of this simplicity. The most flagrant instance -was that of Stjepan Mali, a Russian swindler, who gave himself out to -be a scion of the Vojevode family Petrović and proclaimed himself lord -of Montenegro. - -Affairs improved when Vladikas of Crnojević family were succeeded by -Vladikas of the true Petrović stock in the leadership of the country. -The first of these, Petar I., Petrović, was still content to follow -in the footsteps of his predecessors, and influenced the education of -his people only in so far as he himself was cultured. His immediate -successor Petar II., Petrović Njegoš, earned undying fame in the -history of Montenegro. - -Petar II. became Vladika and Gospodar of Montenegro at the age of -seventeen. At the time of his accession he was scarcely more than -a Montenegrin peasant lad, accustomed to dealing with attacks from -the Turks, but otherwise without education. The young ruler knew -nothing whatever of system or the deeper meaning of learning and -education, when he took the helm. Times were troubled and difficult, -for, even in Montenegro opinions were divided. There were several -other pretenders—not so much because of internal dissensions as in -consequence of foreign intrigue. It was not a matter of indifference -for the neighbouring states whether the ruler of Montenegro was their -friend and tool, or whether he was a man of independent personality -and inclined to follow Montenegrin tradition in considering Russia. -The Sandjaks of Skutari and Hercegovina (at that time still the -Sandjak Novipazar) were Montenegro’s vulnerable point. For nearly a -century Montenegro had already sought ways and means of extending -her territory as far as the frontier of modern Serbia. Moreover, from -the days of Peter the Great an idea had existed that, with the help -of the Serbs of Old Serbia, and the Serbs and Croats of Bosnia and -Hercegovina, Montenegro should prepare the way for the emancipation -of her kindred from the Turkish yoke. Poverty, however, lack of -numbers on the part of Montenegro, and the vacillations of Russian -diplomacy frustrated these plans, and Vladika Petar I. did not feel -strong enough to embark on this enterprise. Petar II. realized that, -before Montenegro could hope to attempt this task, she would have to -strengthen her hands—and those of her brothers awaiting liberation—by -a thorough-going pro-Russian policy, which would secure them the -protection of the Russian Empire. She must also provide her children -with the means of education. He knew well that nothing can be done with -an unlettered people. The lines laid down by him were quite correct. -Russian society understood the Prince’s aims and gave him sufficient -financial assistance for the foundation of schools, etc., and Russian -diplomacy supported him strongly in his politics. Petar II. set about -his educational mission with devotion and perseverance, and even -found time to complete his own studies. When he attained to man’s -estate he was already famous as one of the finest of the Southern Slav -poets, and as one of the patrons of culture among the oppressed Slav -peoples.[16] But his path was by no means strewn with roses. The very -strength of his independent personality laid him open to insidious -intrigues. True, he followed Russia’s advice, but, while he was still a -youth, full of the healthy, impetuous ardour of his mountain home, he -often transgressed the rules of European diplomacy. Diplomacy failed -to understand his actions, and he, being a true Montenegrin, could -not wait with his hands folded to see what diplomacy might achieve, -while the Turks were harrying his borders. Even the Russian Consul in -Dubrovnik (Ragusa) often complained to his Government that the Prince -“was better fitted for a grenadier than for a Vladika” (Bishop). And, -of course, Vienna always stirred up enmity against him. But Petar -II. remained a staunch Montenegrin warrior, and the older he grew -the less he was able to adapt himself to the wiles of diplomacy. He -devoted himself to his people, who loved, honoured, and revered him. -But foreign intrigue began to tell upon him. Disappointments increased -with advancing years, and he found little but bitterness in the onerous -duties of a prince; this bitterness and disappointment find eloquent -expression in his poems. At last circumstances became so unendurable -to him that he thought of abdicating, and was probably only deterred -from his purpose by his ardent love for his people. For, despite all -vexations, he cannot have failed to see that his presence was not -useless and that his work and activities were bringing a blessing to -his people and laying the foundations of the future. - -His nephew and successor, Danilo I., was the last “Vladika” on the -Montenegrin throne. He was far better versed in the arts of diplomacy, -but his reign will never rival that of his uncle in importance. He fell -a victim to assassination in 1860 at Kotor (Cattaro) and was succeeded -by his nephew Nikola I., the first secular prince of Montenegro. - -In Nikola I. fate bestowed upon Montenegro a ruler with a remarkably -strong character and first-rate diplomatic talent. The country was -re-organized from within, without giving offence to any of the sacred -traditions of the Montenegrins. In Nikola’s foreign policy veritable -masterpieces were achieved from time to time. Without departing from -the traditional pro-Russian policy Nikola established excellent -relations with all non-Slav states, especially with Austria, and made -the utmost use of every opportunity whereby his country and people -might benefit. A man of great personal charm, highly cultured and -refined, Nikola I. has enthusiastic friends and admirers in every part -of the world. The unity of the Southern Slavs is one of his favourite -ideals, and he has laboured unceasingly to promote this cause. His -personal relationship to several of the Royal Houses of Europe made it -possible for him to work effectively and win friends for the Slav cause -where another might have failed to do so. - -What Nikola I. has done for Montenegro during the fifty years of his -reign is more or less generally known. The education of the people, -which began under Petar II., has made splendid progress under Nikola -I., and to-day Montenegro can boast a large number of statesmen, poets, -scholars and men of letters for so small a country. When the Balkan -crisis arrived, Nikola, then already King of Montenegro, true to the -spirit of his fathers, unhesitatingly and enthusiastically placed -himself and his people at the disposal of Serbia and won glorious -victories, in consequence of which his territories were considerably -enlarged. After the Balkan War, King Nikola surely looked forward -to a time of peace and prosperity. But his hopes were doomed to -disappointment, for recent events have called him to another and more -important task. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE SOUTHERN SLAVS OF THE DUAL MONARCHY. - - I. A Homogeneous People—A Militant Past—The Bogumili—National - Bondage—Napoleon—Illyrism—Agreement with Hungary—Count - Khuen-Hedervary. - - II. The greatest representative of the Southern - Slavs—Strossmayer’s generosity and courage—Fall of - Count Khuen-Hedervary—Death of Strossmayer. - - III. False Dawn—Conference of Fiume—Ban Paul Rauch—Monster - Trial in Zagreb—The Friedjung Case—Cuvaj—Frano Supilo. - - IV. Dalmatia, Istria, Carniola—The Italian - Element—Bosnia-Hercegovina—Conclusion. - - -I. - -The whole south of the Dual Monarchy is inhabited by Slavs. The -Kingdoms of Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia, with the Duchy of -Carniola, Istria, and Bosnia-Hercegovina—these, comprising a population -of about seven millions, belong almost exclusively to one race. Whereas -in all other countries of the Monarchy (especially in Hungary and -Bohemia) the different races are represented in varying percentages, -the non-Slav population in Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia and Hercegovina -amounts only to about 5-1/2 per cent., in Carniola and Istria to 4 per -cent., and in Dalmatia only to 2 per cent. The considerable number of -Croats and Slovenes (750,000) living in Southern Hungary (in Torontal, -Bacs-Bodrog and Temes) must be added to the above-mentioned seven -millions. - -Ethnologically speaking, the inhabitants of all these countries form -one people, and are a brother nation to the Serbs in the Kingdoms -of Serbia and Montenegro. Their language, customs, historical past -and achievements in art, science and literature, are identical. The -sole difference between them is that the Croats and Slovenes are -Catholics, while part of the inhabitants of Bosnia are Mohammedans. -Those confessing the Serbo-Orthodox faith (more than a third of the -population) also own to the national name and call themselves Serbs. -This compact and homogeneous national body would certainly have become -a most important factor in the Monarchy had they not been cut in two by -administrative policy. Here as elsewhere throughout all her dominions -Austria has applied her principle of dividing and dismembering, -and the Southern Slav provinces were shared between two spheres of -power. Croatia and Slavonia were allotted to the Hungarian; Carniola, -Dalmatia and Istria to the Austrian sphere, and a mixed Austrian and -Hungarian administration was introduced in Bosnia and Hercegovina. -This system made a unanimous political rally of the Southern Slavs -quite impossible, and provided German and Magyar propaganda with a more -manageable field of operations. In both spheres unremitting efforts -were devoted to the task of eliminating the Southern Slav element, -stifling Slav thought, and transforming the Slavs into _slaves_. -But the Southern Slav is endowed with unusual tenacity; the most -zealous efforts on the part of the Government were frustrated by his -dogged resistance, and they merely defeated their own ends. German -“kultur” and Magyar _lack_ of culture were held in equal abomination -by the Slav nations upon whom they were to be inflicted, and the -ruthless spoliation to which they were likewise subjected engendered a -deep-seated animosity. The Northern Slavs, who possess more practical -business capacity than the Southern, did not allow themselves to be -economically strangled, and even contrived to hold their own in this -respect; whereas the Southern Slavs, being mainly an agricultural -people, found themselves the helpless victims of Austrian and Hungarian -rapacity. Dalmatia, one of the loveliest spots in Europe, has for -the last century known no privilege except that of paying taxes, and -Austria’s mal-administration of that country has become proverbial. -Croatia and Slavonia fare little better. They have to pay 56 per -cent. of their revenues to Hungary. This tax figures under the head -of “contributions to mutual interests,” chiefly represented by the -railways and the postal system. The net annual income from these two -sources amounts to 250 million Kr., but of this Croatia never receives -a penny! The net profit _all_ goes to Hungary who brazenly employs -it to subvention the Magyar propaganda in Croatia. The condition of -Carniola and Istria is almost as deplorable as that of Dalmatia, and -in Bosnia and Hercegovina the Austro-Hungarian Government has for -thirty-five years built villages “after the pattern of Potemkin,” -for the edification of foreign journalists, while the people have -been left to starve, or sink into poverty and ignorance. The numerous -foreign tourists who have travelled in these beautiful countries have -seen nothing of Austria’s “work of civilization,” as they are kept to -the beaten tracks specially prepared for them, and they only see the -country like a carefully staged panorama on the films of the Royal -and Imperial State Cinematograph! But had these travellers caught a -glimpse of the abject misery of the people, their pleasure in these -beautiful countries would have been spoilt, and they would have better -understood why the inhabitants are rebelling against the “blessing” of -Austro-Hungarian rule. - -It is much easier to understand why the political horizon in the -Southern Slav corner of Europe is always clouded if one is given a -clearer view of the _Chartered rights_, as opposed to the _actual -position_, held by the Southern Slavs in the Monarchy; but this view -is not usually obtained through the official channels of Vienna and -Budapest. According to these, all ancient _charters_ of liberty are -so many “scraps of paper,” and the actual law merely the right of -the strongest. The Hapsburgs did not come as victors with the rights -of a conqueror to the Southern Slav provinces. They became rulers of -these countries in virtue of voluntary treaties, and they themselves -issued manifestos and bulls, in which the integrity and independence -of the Southern Slav countries are incontestably guaranteed. Centuries -ago, while the Hapsburg dynasty was endangered by constant wars, -and especially during the Turkish invasion, these guarantees were -faithfully observed. But with the altered conditions of affairs the -Southern Slavs had to wage a bitter struggle for their rights. - -Of all this group Croatia-Slavonia alone still retains the slightest -degree of autonomy, while the countries belonging to Austria have -been deprived of every vestige of self-government, and only appear -to be distinct dominions in the State by their mock Landtags, whose -decisions are almost invariably disregarded. Croatia-Slavonia, which -belongs to Hungary, has to this day at least theoretically maintained -her political independence. Croatia was once more guaranteed this -independence by the agreement between herself and Hungary in 1868. -When the Hapsburg Empire was reconstructed in 1867 the constitutional -independence of Croatia could not be set aside, especially as this -reconstruction was founded on the Pragmatic Sanction, which provided -for the separate constitutional independence of Croatia under guarantee -of the Royal Oath. Moreover, the events of the revolution of 1848 were -still too fresh in the memories of the Hungarian statesmen who had -laboured for the establishment of Hungary’s State Constitution from -1861 till 1867, and in their dealings with Croatia they did not dare -to repeat the mistakes they had made in 1847 and 1848. Francis Deak, -the chief of these statesmen, knew very well that the catastrophe -that overtook Hungary in 1848 would never have been so great, if the -Croatian national forces had fought side by side with Hungary. Thus it -was his wish to conclude a lasting peace with Croatia on a just basis. -Under Deak’s influence, and with the co-operation of Croatia’s leading -representatives, an agreement was concluded which assured Croatia the -position of a State enjoying equal rights with Hungary, with complete -self-government as regards her internal affairs, a separate legislative -parliament, and her own army; only the railways and the postal and -financial systems were to be under mutual control, and Croatia was -guaranteed a proportionate share of the revenues from these sources. -The Croatian tongue was to be the official language in the Landwehr, -and in all courts of law, whether joint or autonomous. The important -Croatian seaport Fiume was declared a “corpus separatum adnexæ _rex_,” -and thus constituted a joint open port. I shall presently show how -Hungary kept her side of the bargain. - - * * * * * - -A Southern Slav patriot has said that no greater misfortune has -befallen the Southern Slavs, than to pass under the dominion of -civilized Austria. Had they been obliged to share the fate of their -brothers, the Serbs and Bulgarians, they would certainly have tasted -all the misery of the Turkish yoke, but to-day they would be free, -as an independent State with a right to their own national and -intellectual development. The one thing Turkey has left untouched in -the Serbs and Bulgars—_the heart of the people_—is the very thing that -Austria has sought to destroy in her Southern Slav subjects. Turkish -captivity has steeled the hearts of the Slavs she oppressed, but -Austrian captivity has cankered them and made them effete. - -In many respects this pessimistic view is justified. The struggle of -the Southern Slavs for national life has passed through many phases, -and has exhausted itself in many more. For centuries the Southern Slav -stood under the protection of “Heaven militant,” and his motto was -“For Faith and Freedom,” for with him faith was always first. All his -culture consisted in imaging the Christ as the “Otac i voyskovodya -illyrskyh Kralyeva” (Father and leader of the armies of the Kings of -Illyria). The Holy Cross was transformed into a standard of war, and -his enthusiasm for this false ideal led him so far astray, that the -_baptized_ arch-enemy was nearer to him than his own _unbaptized_ -brother, and the Church dearer to him than his country. But these -traits do not originate in the character of the Southern Slav. He -was educated into them and impregnated with them from without, and -always by his greatest enemies, the Germans or the Turks. The Germans -made a national mission of the Crusades, and the Turks usually went -to war on religious grounds and called their armies the Hosts of the -Prophet. Following the example of the Turks, and imitating the Germans -in their appropriation of the Deity, Slav Christianity was infected -by the fanaticism of the Church of Rome, and became synonymous with -militancy and the spirit of the _condottieri_. The heart of the nation -grew vitiated, and the Illyrians callously neglected their lovely -land, which ought to have been a Garden of Eden. And those who were -so liberal with their promises of Heaven and constantly cried, “Thy -Kingdom is not of this world!” were well pleased that these things -should be so, for they coveted the lost Empire of the Southern Slavs -for an earthly paradise of their own. - -Unfortunately this dark page in the history of Southern Slavdom -followed directly upon one of the most brilliant periods in the -intellectual development of Southern Slav culture. It was a period -when the national culture of the Southern Slavs put forth some of its -most vigorous, fairest and sanest blossoms—the time of the Bogumili -(“beloved of God”) whose work of enlightenment spread from Bulgaria -over the whole of the Slav South. The Bogumili were strongly opposed -to the poetic glorification of the Crusades, because they grasped -the fact that the extolling of such an ideal can never open the mind -to _heretic_ culture—the culture based on _free choice according to -conscience_—which was eventually to undermine the foundations of -the sacrosanct Roman Empire and lay the first solid foundations of -_true_ culture. The Bogumili taught that true culture is not spread -by crusades, but springs from Christian, human contemplation. They -deprecated personal worship, and replaced it by a worship of ideals, -of spirit, and of thought. Wyclif, Huss and Luther are always quoted -as the foremost apostles of the _heretical_ culture. But in the -Hungarian Crusaders the Bogumili found bitter enemies. Bogumilist -activity in Bosnia and Croatia was stifled in blood, and the people, -who were beginning to protest against the lying cult of Cæsarism -wedded to Papistry, were simply butchered in the name of the Cross. -The blood-baths on the fields of Bosnia filled the people with -consternation, but could not stifle Bogumilism. True, its progress -was checked in the Southern Slav region, but it secretly penetrated -westward, whence the Patarenes in Italy and the Catharists, Albigenses -and Waldenses in France spread it all over the world. It is interesting -to note that at the very moment when Bogumilist culture was destroyed -among the Slavs themselves, they bequeathed this very Bogumilism to the -rest of Europe—the first and only gift from the Southern Slav race _as -a whole_ to the spiritual life of Europe. It was the true “antemurale -Christianitatis”—the outworks of Christianity—purified from Byzantine -and Roman elements. _What they gave_ was perhaps not so very much their -own as the _vigour_ with which they transplanted the ideal and the -doctrine of a spiritual life, from the mountains of Asia Minor to the -West. Theirs was the work of emissaries and outposts. - -To resume, during the time of Turkish power, the Southern Slavs had -ceased to be the “outworks of Christianity” and had become merely a -_soldatesca_ in the service of the foreigner, fighting indifferently -for Cross or Crescent. It was a terrible time of national abasement, -more especially because it followed so closely upon the great era of -spiritual exaltation. The gradual loss of Southern Slav independence -likewise dates from this period, and from that time until quite -recently they were unable, _as a race_, to produce a truly Southern -Slav culture. Only those among them who travelled westward, where -Bogumilism continued to thrive and flourish, found the way of true -culture. Among these exceptions were Marko Marulić (Marcus Marulus), a -Spalatine noble, whose works were translated from the Latin into all -the principal European tongues, and Flavius Illyricus, whom, after -Luther, Germany considers one of her greatest teachers. In their souls -these men were merely Bogumili and nothing more. With them we may also -class John of Ragusa, who led the whole Council of Bâle against the -Pope and proposed to negotiate calmly and justly with the Hussites and -Manichees. Just such a man was Bishop Strossmayer in our own day, a man -of whom I shall presently speak further. - -Their liberation from the Crescent put an end to the period of -religious militancy among the Southern Slav people. The warlike -element is perhaps of great historic moment. It certainly fended the -Southern Slavs over the abysses of Turkish barbarism to freedom in -the Christian sense of the word, but by no means to national freedom. -When the Turkish invasion was rolled back and the everlasting wars -were over, the symbol of the sword was exchanged for that of the -plough, and God as God was no longer adorned with weapons, but imaged -in a nobler spirit as the highest conception of _peace_. And, as the -people accustomed themselves to peace, and once more came in touch -with the soil, a new spirit grew up within them, or rather it was the -re-awakening of an old spirit that for a while had been silenced by -the clamour of weapons—the spirit of love for the homestead and the -community. Nationalism still slumbered but, like a guardian angel, the -_national tongue_ watched over its slumbers. Through storm and stress, -in spite of travels and intercourse with foreign-speaking mercenaries, -this language has remained pure and unalloyed. This was the seed of the -future from which sprang the great awakening; for so long as a people -preserves its language it possesses a Nationality. - -Liberty of conscience, and the transformation of the warrior into a -husbandman, were also the beginning of a change in the souls of the -people, which, while groping its way back towards its own essential -beauty, began to feel the hidden wounds within, and strove to rid -itself of the canker. The old beautiful mode of life, the patriarchal -family feeling and the bond of union in the community were restored, -and the gentle, plaintive melodies echoed once more in farm and field. -And this regeneration grew and expanded until it brought the revelation -of national union, patriotism, and finally the love for all that -belongs to the Slav race. - - * * * * * - -The Napoleonic era found this people already fully developed. They had -found their soul and knew what they wanted. Napoleon, who treated -most of the people he conquered without much consideration, was filled -with unusual admiration for the Southern Slavs that came under his -rule. By the peace of Schönbrunn (October 14th, 1809) he acquired -Triest, Görz, Carniola, part of Carinthia, Austrian Istria, the Croat -seaboard with Fiume, and all Croatia south of the Save. Napoleon united -all these countries with French Istria, Dalmatia and Ragusa into one -“Province of Illyria,” and thus for one short moment fulfilled the -dearest wish of all the Southern Slavs. Illyria was organized as one -military province divided into six civil provinces; Maréchal Marmont -was appointed Governor and in the name of Napoleon carried out sweeping -reforms throughout the country. Trade and industry were signally -improved and the people were granted far-reaching national liberties. -The use of German as the official language was abolished in the schools -and law courts and Serbo-Croatian introduced in its place. Special -attention was devoted to road-making and education, and the Croats -were permitted to edit their own newspapers in the Croat tongue, which -would have been considered high treason under Austria. Although the -French rule was only of short duration (till 1817) _it did more for -the Southern Slav lands in three years than Austria did during the -century that followed_. But the main thing was that this rule aroused -the national thought so effectively that henceforth it ceased to be a -dream and became a factor to be reckoned with. From that time dates the -unremitting struggle against Germanism and Magyarism, and the agitation -for a national union of all the Southern Slavs. - -The first-fruits of the complete national regeneration were seen in -the great movement started in 1835 and known by the name of Illyrism. -Illyrism began with a small group of patriots and poets whose leaders -were Ljndevit Gaj and Count Janko Drašković. They founded newspapers -and periodicals, published patriotic books and poems, and roused the -national enthusiasm of the people to the highest pitch. In this mission -they successfully sought help and advice from other Slavs, especially -the Csechs and Serbs; they were also the first to come into touch with -Russia. Austria-Hungary tried sharply to repress this movement, and -for the first time found herself confronted by a united nation bent on -going its own way. The Illyrist movement cannot point to any positive -political results, but it laid a foundation for future political and -national activity and did an incalculable amount of pioneer work which -would have been most difficult to carry out under the conditions that -followed. In 1843 the name of Illyrism was prohibited by an Imperial -edict, and it was hoped by the Austrian authorities that this would -be the end of the patriotic movement. But their labour was lost. In -fact, under the spur of persecution the patriots passed from their -idealistic literary campaign to more tangible activities. By the -prohibition of the Illyrian name the motto of the poetic propaganda -was lost, and it became the duty of the patriots to lead their -politics into less sentimental paths, and enter upon a campaign of -cold reasoning in place of poetic sentiment. This was all the more -necessary as the national cause was greatly endangered by several new -regulations. Following closely upon the prohibition of the Illyrian -name came an order for the introduction of the Magyar tongue in the -Croatian law courts. When the Croatian counties protested in Vienna -that Croatia was privileged to choose her own official language, and -that no one had the right to interfere with this privilege, they met -with a brusque rebuff. Up to now the Government had hardly dared to -attempt the Magyarization of Croatia, but now they decided to enforce -it in spite of the newly-awakened national consciousness. The Croats -now realized that it was a case of war to the knife. The Hungarian -Government proclaimed that all countries and nationalities subjected -to the crown of St. Stephen must be made one people, one state, and be -taught to speak _one_ language—in short, they were to become Magyars. -They were determined to break the national resistance of the Serbs -and Croats by force, or preferably, by corruption. In this enterprise -Hungary found an able assistant in Ban Haller. A “Magyar party” was -organized in Croatia with a view to reconciling the people to Magyar -demands, but, unfortunately, it consisted chiefly of adventurers and -social riff-raff; the work of Magyarization made no progress, but only -further incensed the Southern Slavs. One of the consequences of this -hatred was that in 1848 the Croats and Serbs enthusiastically followed -Ban Jellacić in the campaign against Hungary. - - * * * * * - -After the conclusion of peace between Hungary and the Crown the Croats -were rewarded in a truly Austrian fashion for their assistance in -putting down the rebellion: once more they were handed over to the -tender mercies of Hungary. This ingratitude roused a perfect tempest -of indignation, but at the same time the Southern Slavs finally -learnt their lesson. Henceforth they would look for help to no one -but themselves, and they resolved that the coming struggle must be -fought to a finish. The Southern Slav leaders knew very well that -nothing could be done by revolutionary propaganda, but that their first -task must be to establish a footing from which they could conduct a -constitutional campaign. They formed a strong Nationalist party in -Croatia, which co-operated with the Dalmatine and Slovene parties, -laid down their programme on a broad national basis, and organized -a campaign of passive resistance among the people. Of course the -success of these labours was largely due to the fact that Hungary was -weakened by the revolution and inclined to be somewhat less aggressive. -Croatia, on the other hand, was fresh, strong, and self-reliant. Of -course the results were not apparent at once, but the agreement of -1867 was a consequence of Croatia’s united stand. This agreement by -no means satisfied all the aspirations of the Southern Slavs, but it -gave them the required footing against Magyar oligarchy. Upon the -conclusion of the agreement, Croatia received her first constitutional -Ban, who was henceforth to be responsible to the _Croatian Parliament_. -Unfortunately the King made this appointment upon the recommendation -of Hungary, who saw to it that the first Ban, Baron Levin Rauch, -should be a mere exponent of the Hungarian Government. Contempt -of the constitution, and corruption, were the first-fruits of the -agreement under Hungarian influence in Croatia, with the result that -all Croatian patriots—including those who had helped to conclude the -agreement—passed over to the Opposition. This Opposition worked on -rigidly constitutional lines, and, as more radical parties arose, -they formed the constitutionally correct, though barren, Croatian -Constitutional party. Space forbids me to enumerate all the means by -which the first “constitutional Ban” strove to carry out his orders -from Budapest. By suddenly imposing a new election law he secured -a large and obsequious majority in Parliament, which effectively -barred the co-operation of the Opposition in national affairs. But the -Opposition attacked the Government _outside_ Parliament, through the -press. When this systematic corruption and disregard of the agreement -had gone too far, M. Mrazović, the leader of the Opposition, published -a sensational indictment against Baron Rauch, accusing him of underhand -dealings. Baron Rauch took proceedings against Mrazović for libel -in the military courts, but Mrazović substantiated his accusations -and was acquitted. Baron Rauch resigned, and the Nationalist Party -scored its first victory. He was succeeded by Ban Bedeković, another -Hungarian nominee, who was, however, unable to prevent a triumphant -Nationalist victory in the election of 1871. The Hungarians asserted -that this victory had been subsidized by funds from Russia and Serbia, -and this accusation contains the substance of all subsequent charges of -high treason. The Opposition replied with a manifesto, in which they -clearly set forth the gravity of the numerous infringements of the -constitution. Because of this manifesto, the Government wished to take -proceedings against the leaders of the Opposition for high treason, but -they refrained through fear of offending European public opinion. At -this time the Constitutionalist Kvaternik, a good patriot but wholly -unpractical, started an armed rebellion among the peasantry in the -Rakovica district. It was put down by a strong military force, and -Kvaternik lost his life. The October manifesto, in conjunction with -the rebellion in Rakovica, afforded Andrassy (then Minister of Foreign -Affairs) a pretext for opposing every form of Slavophile policy and -ascribing both the manifesto and the rebellion to Russian influence. - -The policy then inaugurated remains in force to this day. Brutal -Imperialism is rampant in Croatia, and the Agreement has become a -mere “scrap of paper.” But oppression begets opposition, and during -these critical times the Southern Slavs found not only their greatest -tyrant but their greatest patriot. From 1883 to 1903 Count Carl -Khuen-Hedervary was Ban of Croatia, and the twenty years of his -administration have been the blackest period as regards political, -economic and personal thraldom. Countless Magyar schools were scattered -throughout the country to promote the denationalization of the people; -espionage and Secret Police flourished as in Darkest Russia. The -archives of the State, with the Constitutional Charters of Croatia, -Slavonia and Dalmatia, were incorporated with the State archives in -Budapest, and, _last but not least, the Agreement itself was falsified -by the pasting of a slip of paper over the specification of Fiume as a -“Corpus separatum adnexæ rex”_ converting it into a “corpus separatum -adnexæ _Hungariam_,” whereby this important Croatian seaport became -exclusively Hungarian property. But this same period also witnessed -the labours of the greatest of all Southern Slavs, the benefactor and -father of his people, Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer. - - -II. - -Bishop Strossmayer (1815-1905) was the most generous benefactor of -his people, their greatest patron of science and art, and the very -incarnation of their political programme. He was the first to break -down the local artificial barriers between Serb and Croat—the first -to preach the gospel of united Yougoslavia. Labouring in a period -when all national effort was suppressed in every possible way, when -Slav sympathies were accounted high treason, he rose to a position -of unassailable eminence, which enabled him to set the mark of his -powerful personality like a leitmotive on the whole nineteenth-century -history of the Southern Slavs. Born of peasant stock and, like all -gifted Slav boys, destined for the church, Strossmayer began his -patriotic activity, while he was still a student and youthful priest, -by joining the Illyrist movement. His exceptional abilities were soon -noticed in connection with the national movement, and Vienna and -Budapest awoke to the dangerous possibilities of his personality. -Determined to put an end to his patriotic labours they appointed him -court chaplain, and trusted that the society of the court with all its -splendour and gaiety would dazzle the handsome young priest, and wile -him away from the service of his country. But Strossmayer made a most -unexpected and highly diplomatic use of his position. He brilliantly -succeeded in deceiving his surroundings as to his sympathies, and when -barely over thirty he secured his appointment to the Episcopal See -of Djakovo. Hereby he also became Vladika of Bosnia and Syrmia, and -shortly afterwards was created governor of the Virovitica district. - -At this point Strossmayer’s life-work for his people began in earnest. -Holding a most distinguished position, and with the vast revenues -of his bishopric at his disposal, he opened the flood-gates of his -activities, and Vienna and Budapest saw with horror and amazement -the mistake they had made. Strossmayer assumed the leadership of the -Nationalist party; and in Parliament, where he took his seat in the -double capacity of bishop and elected deputy, he showed himself a -brilliant orator, a subtle politician, and an astute diplomat. He was -the incarnation of a keen, but determined and wise Opposition. He also -became an intellectual leader of his people and accomplished more -than anyone else before him. He founded the Southern Slav Academy of -Science and Art, which in the very terms of its foundation embodies the -intellectual unity of the Southern Slavs. He also founded the Croatian -University; and, being a great art connoisseur, he spent years in -accumulating an exceedingly fine private collection, which he presented -to the nation. He built the Cathedral at Djakovo, and at his own -expense sent hundreds of young Serbs and Croats to foreign art schools -and universities. Every intellectual enterprise, whether literary, -artistic or scientific, found in him a munificent patron. His entire -income was devoted to the welfare of the nation, and the sums that -Strossmayer spent in adding to the greatness and fame of his country -amounted to many millions during the long years of his office. But his -dearest wish was the realization of the Yougoslav ideal, the breaking -down of all local barriers between Serbs and Croats, and the creation -of a united people. With this end in view, and in spite of his position -in the Roman Catholic Church, Strossmayer went so far as to advocate -that the Serbian Græco-Orthodox, and the Croatian Catholic, Churches -should unite and become one National Church. He knew that the future of -his people could never be realized within the confines of the Monarchy, -but that it must be identified with that of all the other Southern -Slav nations, and founded upon a purely Slav basis. Strossmayer did -not confine his efforts to winning converts among his own people for -this idea. He knew too well, that at the decisive moment the nation -would require strong support from without, and, at the risk of being -accused of high treason, he entered into friendly relations with -Russia, which should bring the big and powerful brother of the North -nearer to his down-trodden little brother in the South. He succeeded in -finding influential friends in Russia as in other countries, and his -nation is still proud of his friendship with the Tsar Alexander III., -Leo XIII., Gladstone, Crispi and Gambetta. Before Strossmayer entered -the lists no one in Europe had taken the slightest interest in the -Southern Slav problem. The slippery diplomacy of Vienna—which is only -equalled in duplicity by that of Turkey—had for centuries successfully -diverted the attention of Europe from the Southern Slav peoples in the -Monarchy, and the general assumption about them was that they were a -horde of uncivilized semi-barbarians, fed by Austria at great sacrifice -and treated by her with the utmost forbearance. The spectacles through -which Europe viewed these nations were made in Vienna and Budapest, and -no one took the trouble to bring an independent, unbiassed mind to bear -upon the problem. Many Southern Slav patriots made desperate though -vain efforts to bring even a grain of truth before the European public; -a Jesuit Vienna and a Judaized Budapest were too strong for them. The -world thought more of the colourless anational Austrian culture, and -the borrowed pseudo-culture of the Magyars than of the culture of the -Slavs, which for a thousand years has been the spontaneous expression -of their national individuality, with a literature worthy of the lyre -of Homer. Not only Austro-Hungarian politics, but the age itself was -unpropitious to the Southern Slavs. They possessed no importance for -the European balance of power; and it is one of the bitterest ironies -of history, that for a very long time the Southern Slavs fought less -for their own advantage than for the interests of Europe. For, even as -the Southern Slavs were for centuries the bulwark against the tide of -Ottoman invasion _from_ the East, they subsequently became an equally -strong bulwark against the rising tide of Germanism _towards_ the East. -With every fibre of their being they kept the gate of the East fast -closed against either foe—not only for themselves, but in the interests -of European civilization. - -Strossmayer was the first who succeeded in re-awakening the interest of -Europe in this struggle, and, even if his efforts were not crowned with -immediate practical success, he at least contrived to cast a doubt on -the complacent assurances of Vienna and Budapest. Strossmayer was a man -with a tremendous personality, and his word was invariably accepted. He -was also past-master in the art of _not saying too much_—thus avoiding -the appearance of exaggeration. Even in his world-famous speech in -the Council of the Vatican (1871, under Pius IX.), when he spoke in -Latin for sixteen consecutive hours against the doctrine of Papal -infallibility, he left some things unsaid, for he was interrupted in -“the midst of his speech” by the Archbishop of Paris, who embraced and -kissed him, and assured him that what he had already said was amply -convincing. - -Strossmayer’s activity was pursued with ruthless enmity in Vienna -and Budapest, and, even as he was the best-loved man among his own -people, he was the best-hated enemy of the Germans and the Magyars. -They tried by every possible means to minimize his power, and agitated -in the Vatican for his recall to Rome. But Leo XIII. was not only the -personal friend of Strossmayer, but also the friend of the Slavs, and -Viennese diplomacy failed in its object. Then followed disgraceful -intrigues, and endeavours to represent Strossmayer as a traitor. Among -other accusations, it was alleged that he had exchanged incriminating -telegrams with the Tsar, in which he was said to have advocated the -detachment of the Southern Slav provinces from Austria. Strossmayer’s -reply to these insinuations was truly characteristic. Several years -after this alleged exchange of telegrams the Emperor Francis Joseph -came to Croatia for the grand manœuvres, and Bishop Strossmayer was -one of the guests at the great reception in Belovar, where the Emperor -had his headquarters. The Emperor took the opportunity to sharply -reprimand the Bishop for his conduct. Strossmayer retorted with equal -sharpness “My conscience is clear, your Majesty,” then brusquely turned -his back and ostentatiously walked out of the hall. Circumstances -made it impossible to celebrate Strossmayer’s courage, but the people -rejoiced in this new proof that their champion feared no risk when it -was a case of defending the freedom and interests of his people. - -Strossmayer was no dreamer, but above all things a practical statesman. -He knew that whoever hopes to win a final success must first carefully -prepare the ground. Any attempt to detach the Southern Slav Kingdoms -from the Monarchy by force would have been unadvisable, and moreover, -a dangerous and futile enterprise. Therefore, the political party of -which Strossmayer was the leader made it their business to see that the -stipulations of the Agreement were scrupulously observed, knowing well -that a strict observance of the Agreement—if only for a time—would give -the nation the much-needed chance of economic improvement, and thus -pave the way to future independence. In this policy they were supported -by the entire nation, who by their very unanimity proved their -political fitness. Twenty years’ martyrdom under Count Khuen-Hedervary -had not enervated the nation; on the contrary, they grew strong through -adversity; and, with their eyes fixed upon their spiritual guide -and protector, they steadfastly went forward towards their goal. -Khuen-Hedervary’s bribery, intimidation, everlasting trials for high -treason, prison and the gallows, all these had only incited them to -further resistance. When, bowed with age, Strossmayer finally had to -resign his active part in politics, we saw the people whom his spirit -had inspired suddenly turn upon their oppressors. In 1903, the whole -country rose in rebellion as one man, and Khuen-Hedervary’s power was -broken. Even he had to admit that his twenty years’ rule of ruthless -oppression had merely defeated its own object, that it had united the -people whom he had sought to weaken, and strengthened that which he had -hoped to destroy. - -Strossmayer lived to see Khuen’s resignation, and his last days were -cheered by a gleam of light—which alas! proved only illusory—shed -upon the path of his country; yet as he closed his eyes for ever, he -realized that he had not given his all to Croatia in vain, and that the -hour was not far off when his ideals should become realities. - -He died in 1905, but his spirit lives on in his people and his memory -shines among them like a guiding star to point the way. - - -III. - -The popular rising in 1903 opened new channels for the national -struggle; it was also the prelude to the hardest and bitterest time -that the Southern Slav people have yet been called upon to face. -Khuen’s successor was Count Theodore Pejacsević, a Croatian noble, who -was no great statesman, but at least a good administrative official. -He gave the distracted country a brief time of quiet, equitable -government, and deserves great credit for abolishing Khuen’s system -of corruption. Meantime the strongly Nationalist parties in Croatia -had formed a block,—the _Serbo-Croat Coalition_,—and Count Pejacsević -found it impossible to raise a pro-Hungarian majority in Parliament. -Shortly afterwards the Hungarian Opposition also rose into conflict -with the Crown, and the situation became involved both in Hungary -and Croatia. The Hungarian Opposition applied to the Serbo-Croat -Coalition for support in their struggle and promised that, if their -party were returned, they would grant all Croatia’s demands as embodied -in the Agreement of 1867. Negotiations were carried on by Francis -Kossuth and Geza Polonyi on behalf of Hungary, and by Frano Supilo as -delegate of the Serbo-Croat Coalition. These negotiations resulted in -the _Resolution of Fiume_ (October, 1905), which stipulated for the -political co-operation between the Hungarian and Serbo-Croat parties, -and secured considerable advantages to Croatia in the event of success. -The Resolution of Fiume was in every way a masterpiece of policy and -diplomacy, and was in all its details the achievement of Frano Supilo, -who was the popular leader in Croatia at the time. In the election -of 1905 the Coalition won a brilliant victory. Not one Government -candidate was returned, and the small Opposition consisted of partizans -of Ante Starćević’s one-time idealist, patriotic constitutionalist -party, which however, since his death, had passed under the control -of Jewish solicitors, and was so committed to a purely Austrian -_Christian-Socialist policy_. As the Hungarian Opposition had likewise -scored a victory, the Croatian Cabinet was composed of representatives -of the Serbo-Croat Coalition, with Count Pejacsević retained in office -as “ut conditio sine qua non.” Croatia enjoyed a short respite and -began to look forward to better times. But her hopes were once more -doomed to disappointment. The perfidious Magyars once more failed to -keep their word. So long as they _needed_ the Serbs and Croats they -were full of love and brotherliness, but when they had gained their -point, they discarded the mask of false friendship. Francis Kossuth, -having become Handelsminister (Minister of Trade) in the Hungarian -Cabinet in 1907, introduced a bill on the control of the Railways which -was the most _flagrant_ and _outrageous_ infringement of the Agreement -as yet attempted. It provided that thenceforth the language used on -the railway-system, even in Croatian territory, was to be _Hungarian_, -although it had been specially stipulated in the Agreement—which -stands in the place of a fundamental constitutional law—that _Croatian_ -was to be official tongue in all joint offices within Croatian -territory. The Serbo-Croat Coalition, which is represented by forty -members in the Hungarian Parliament, rose in wrath against the -Bill, and declared war to the knife upon the Hungarian Government. -The conflict in the Hungarian Parliament is known all over Europe. -The Croats and Serbs pursued a policy of obstruction, which fairly -paralyzed the House and made parliamentary discussion of the Railway -Bill quite impossible. To get it passed Kossuth so worded his Bill that -it was contained in one paragraph, empowering the Government to deal -with the Pragmatic (administrative business of the country) at their -discretion as part of the Order of the Day. - -The rupture with Hungary was now complete. The Serbo-Croat Coalition -transferred the conflict to Croatia, and the nation began to agitate -for detachment from Hungary. The Parliament was dissolved, but the -Coalition was again victorious in the election. On the resignation of -the Croatian Government, Alexander v. Rakodczay was appointed Ban, -but failing to raise a party friendly to the Government he was forced -to resign his office in two months. The next Ban to be appointed was -Baron Paul Rauch, who boldly entered his capital town of Zagreb, but -was received with hostile demonstrations and showers of stones. It -speaks well for his courage that he was not affected by this reception, -and even introduced himself to the Parliament with great pomp. His -reception in Parliament was one great demonstration of hostility, -so that he could not even read the Royal message. He had to fly the -building with his Ministerial staff, and Parliament was officially -dissolved the same day. Baron Rauch formed a Government party of venal -upstarts and discredited characters, secured the support of the now -thoroughly demoralized “constitutionalist party,” and ordered a new -election. _Everything_ was done to intimidate the electorate, with the -result that not one of Rauch’s candidates was returned. This Parliament -was dissolved without even having been summoned, and Rauch embarked on -a reign of terror which can only be compared to that of Germany in the -Cameroons. He organized the Jewish-constitutionalist party into bands -which went by the name of the “Black Hand.” Their motto was “For the -Emperor, and for Croatia,” and their weapons were murder and assault, -which they were allowed to use with impunity against their opponents. -At the same time an organized judicial persecution of the Serbs was set -on foot. But even this tyranny could not break the national resistance. - -At this juncture a new contingency arose. The Monarchy was preparing to -annex Bosnia and Hercegovina, and a suitable pretext had to be found. -The Government accordingly invented the “_Greater Serbian agitation_.” -The heroic struggle of the Serbo-Croat Coalition was represented as -being the outcome of a Greater Serbian agitation, and Baron Rauch was -commissioned to unmask this “widespread criminal conspiracy.” In the -summer of 1908, to the amazement and consternation of the people, -large numbers of Serbs, chiefly priests, school-masters and business -men, were arrested, and the official Press triumphantly announced -that a horrible, widespread and highly treasonable propaganda had -been discovered! The preliminary investigations lasted a long time, -and March 3rd, 1909, saw the opening of the proceedings against the -“traitors” who had conspired with Serbia for the detachment of all the -Slavonic South from the Monarchy. The trial lasted till October 5th, -when all the accused parties received very heavy sentences. Immediately -afterwards the Austrian historian Dr. Heinrich Friedjung stated in -the Viennese _Neue Freie Presse_, that the leaders of the Serbo-Croat -Coalition were also implicated in this conspiracy, especially Frano -Supilo, Grga Tuškan and Božidar Vinković, and that his accusation -was founded on documentary evidence. Hereupon the whole Serbo-Croat -Coalition took proceedings against Dr. Friedjung for libel. The result -of this case, which was fought in Vienna, caused a European sensation. -_It was conclusively proved that all the documentary evidence against -the Coalition, both in the Zagreb and the Viennese trials, had -been forged by order of Baron Aehrenthal, the Minister for Foreign -Affairs, and Count Forgach, the Austrian Ambassador in Belgrade._ -Friedjung himself confessed as much in court. The consequence of this -unparalleled _exposé_ was, that the King-Emperor had to rescind the -sentences already passed in the Zagreb trial.[17] Meantime, however, -the desired object had been gained, and Bosnia-Hercegovina was annexed -contrary to the will of all the Slavs. - -But, with scandalous details incidental to the annexation, Baron -Rauch’s mission had been brilliantly fulfilled. Soon afterwards -Kossuth’s perfidious Government was turned out and Croatia’s old -oppressor, Count Khuen Hedervary, became Premier. Khuen, however, -was a personal enemy of Rauch, and occasioned his recall. In his -place Nikolaus von Tomašić was appointed Ban of Croatia—a most -eminent and highly-respected Croatian scholar, but politically a -satellite of Khuen. He did his best to restore order, and to this end -negotiated with the Serbo-Croat Coalition. Frano Supilo protested most -emphatically against this. He had already had exhaustive experience -of Magyar perfidy, and had no desire to see his people once again -walk into the trap. But the Coalition was perhaps weary of the -struggle—perhaps they still hoped for fair dealing, and accordingly -entered into a compact with Tomašić which made peaceful government -possible so long as the rights of the nation were respected. On the -strength of this compact several Government candidates were returned at -the next election; after which Tomašić promptly ignored the Coalition -and governed only with his own party. Supilo’s prophecy was fulfilled, -and the Coalition had once more to join the Opposition. Tomašić was -overthrown but the Austro-Hungarian Government replied by sending Herr -von Cuvaj, the Terrorist Commissioner, and suspending the Constitution. -These were the days of bitterest misery and unscrupulous tyranny -in Croatia. Cuvaj ruled with the knout, and the knout only. Police -espionage flourished, and all personal, political and civil liberty -was set at naught. All this time the Balkan War was raging, and woe -to the Serb or Croat who dared to rejoice at his brother’s victories. -But, when the Balkan Alliance was victorious, the Southern Slavs knew -that from henceforth they could rely on a measure of support from their -kinsmen. Vienna and Budapest were equally perspicacious and realized -the advisability of changing their tactics. Cuvaj was recalled and -Count Stephen Tisza, one of the most inveterate enemies of the Slavs, -sent Baron Skerlecz to Croatia with instructions to conciliate the -Croats. The effete Serbo-Croat Coalition was once more cajoled, and, -for the third time, it entered into a disastrous compact with Hungary. -This time one of the consequences was the expropriation of the Croatian -sea-board in favour of Hungary. Moreover, the present crisis found the -Coalition helplessly committed to the Government. - -But the people had stood firm. The dire sufferings of recent years -have begotten a new and healthy movement, which includes the entire -youth of Croatia. The younger generation has lost faith in political -parties, and begun to go its own way along the path which leads -away from Hungary and away from Austria, back to union with their -scattered kindred. Their aim is the establishment of a great, free and -independent Southern Slav State. At the head of this younger generation -stands a man of magnetic personality—Frano Supilo. - - -IV. - -The Southern Slavs in Dalmatia, Carniola and Istria fared little better -than their brothers in Croatia and Slavonia. I have already alluded -to the economic neglect of Dalmatia. In politics, Germanization was -practised in much the same way as Magyarization in Croatia. Dalmatia -unfortunately does not enjoy independence, even on paper, and thus her -oppression could wear a perfectly constitutional guise. The Dalmatian -“Sabor,” like that of Istria and Carniola, is an assembly quite at -the mercy of the viceroy for the time being, who would never dream -of convoking it, unless he had made quite sure that no inconvenient -resolutions would be passed. As a rule these “Sabors” enjoy prolonged -periods of rest, and the people are only represented by their delegates -in the Viennese Reichstrat. There these delegates certainly make a -brave fight, but they are too few, and their voice is drowned by the -huge German majority. Because of this and also through the fault -of the Slovene Roman Catholic party, Carniola has become strongly -Germanized, especially as regards the administration of the schools. -But the Dalmatians and Istrians are a sturdy, progressive people, Slav -to the backbone, and all attempts at Germanizing them have proved -as futile as the beating of waves upon the shore. Beside the German -danger, this people also has the Italian danger to contend with. For -opportunist reasons the Austrian Government has always favoured the -Italian element (4 per cent. in Istria and 2 per cent. in Dalmatia) -and granted them concessions, which have given rise to the most absurd -anomalies. For instance, the election law in Istria is so framed, -that 96 per cent. Slovenes and Croats send fewer delegates to Vienna -than 4 per cent. Italians. The same injustice prevails in the Parish -Council election law, but in spite of this the Italians would never -secure their majority, if special Government regulations did not compel -all officials and State employees to vote Italian. _If to-day Italy -is apparently able to claim a sphere of interest in Istria, this is -the outcome of a chance state of affairs, arbitrarily created by the -Austrian Government._ As an instance of this policy, I will state -that shortly before the outbreak of the war the Government seriously -contemplated the foundation of an Italian University for a population -of 700,000 souls, while strenuously opposing the foundation of a -Slovene University for 1,400,000 Slovenes and Croats in Carniola and -Istria. Of course this policy made the Italians aggressive, and they -continued to extend their sphere of interest until it actually included -the Quarnero Islands, although these islands do not possess one single -Italian inhabitant, and _these very islands are the most sacred -possession of the Southern Slavs_. THEY ARE THE ONLY SPOT IN SLAV -TERRITORY WHERE THE OLD SLAV TONGUE IS STILL SPOKEN BY THE PEOPLE. This -fact is amply borne out by publications of the Southern Slav Academy, -and also of the Russian Academy, which sends its scholars year by year -to these islands to study the language. In the province of Dalmatia -the populace have themselves dismissed the Italian question from the -order of the day, and the local government of Zadar (Zara) is the only -possession—and a very problematical one at that—which the Italians -might claim, and that only because of the truly mediæval election -laws. For, as soon as vote by ballot for the Parliamentary elections -was introduced in the Austrian Crown lands, the Croatian candidate was -returned by a majority of 7,000 votes over his Italian colleague. - -The pro-Italian attitude of Austria was and is as insincere as the -rest of her policy. It is simply dictated by the “_divide-et-impera_” -principle, because an alliance between Slavs and Italians would have -been fatal to the Government. One nationality was played off against -the other, and the Italians proved willing tools in the hands of -Austria. The influence of Italian culture, which has for centuries been -received with love and admiration by the Southern Slavs, has created an -Italian-speaking zone of culture in the coast-lands of the Adriatic; -and the Italians, assisted by the Austrian Government, have made the -most of this zone until they have actually had the audacity to include -it in their sphere of _national_ aspirations. Thus Austria created an -enemy both for herself and the Slav peoples, an enemy with whom the -Southern Slavs have never before had any real quarrel. Antagonism led -to bitter conflicts, and if the Slav population in Dalmatia and Istria -have begun to detest the Italian zone of culture it has been purely -in self-defence and for fear of having to pay with their national -existence for the amity and admiration of centuries. Nowadays, the -Italians themselves admit that Dalmatia and Istria are indigenously -pure Slav countries. Probably the present struggle has also revealed to -them the true value of Austria’s favours. - -In Bosnia and Hercegovina, Austria pursued the same heartless -policy. Out of the three religions of _one_ people she made _three_ -nationalities, and then fostered dissensions between them. Her policy -was especially bitter against the Serbs, who are in the majority and -also the more highly-educated element of the population and therefore -more able to give effective support to the just claims of Serbia. -Austria was not in the least interested in the prosperity of the -country, and merely created an intolerable chaos by her political -intrigue in a land that had already suffered beyond endurance. Her -evidences of civilization exhibited before Europe were pure humbug, and -the annexation of Bosnia-Hercegovina one of the most flagrant acts of -injustice ever perpetrated on a nation. - -If the present war is decided in favour of the Allies—and this is -the prayer of _all_ the Slavs—it will become necessary to settle -the Southern Slav problem once and for all. This can only be done -_satisfactorily_ by respecting the principle of nationality, and -by a just delimitation of the various national zones. In disputed -territories, such as Istria or the Quarnero Islands, a referendum ought -to decide. - -The Slavs have been tortured long enough. For centuries they have -guarded European civilization against the inroads of _Ottoman Islam_, -which has always been synonymous with bigotry, barbarism and sloth, -and should never be confounded with _Arab Islam_, or _Hindu Islam_, -to whom the whole world of science, art and philosophy is eternally -indebted. Austria and Prussia are the natural heirs of Ottoman Islam, -and the Southern Slavs have made a heroic stand against this latter-day -_Prussian Islam_. - -Civilization owes them a debt of honour, and it is only their due that -Europe should give them justice. - - - - -EPILOGUE. - -“BURIED TREASURES.” - -BY DIMITRIJ MITRINOVIĆ. - - -Speaking generally, the Southern Slavs are divided into Slovenes, -Serbo-Croats, and Bulgarians, but of these three branches only the -Slovenes and Serbo-Croats are racially identical. In speaking of a -political Southern Slav State, a state which would in the future -dominate the _whole_ of the Balkan Peninsula, it would be wrong not -to include the Bulgarian nation. However, the Serbo-Croats form the -principal cultural “unit” among the Southern Slavs, and after them come -the Slovenes. The nucleus, the life-giving element of the Southern Slav -family and its culture, is formed by the Southern Slavs of Serbia, Old -Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, Hercegovina, Croatia, Dalmatia and Serbian -Hungary, or, to give them their collective name, by the Serbo-Croats. -The Serbo-Croats, and more especially the Serbians proper (Serbians of -Old Serbia and Serbia), have always led the vanguard of Serbo-Croatian -political life; the two greatest cultural achievements of the Southern -Slav race, to wit, the national poetry and the individual architecture -and sculpture of Ivan Meštrović, have always been associated with the -Serbians of Serbia. The fall of the Serbian Empire forms the chief -theme of Meštrović’s art, no less than of Southern Slav national -poetry—and thus it has become usual, if not strictly correct, to speak -of all Southern Slav poetry as Serbian national poetry, and of the -great Southern Slav artist as the great Serbian artist. - -We speak of the Southern Slav poetry and of Ivan Meštrović, our -Southern Slav Michelangelo, as “buried treasures.” In a sense, all -Slav civilization may be called a buried treasure. Russian and Slav -literature as a whole, is far greater than its reputation in Western -Europe. Ottokar Brezina, the celebrated Csech poet, is translated and -read in Slavophobe Germany, but not in allied France and England; -because in these days nations are more often brought into contact by -war and travel than by civilization and our common humanity. - -Western Europe has been even less just to the Southern Slavs than to -any other Slav nation; and they who have paid so dearly in blood and -suffering for their freedom are less known and recognized than any -other European nation, in spite of the great historic merit of the -Serbians, and the importance of their culture;—the consideration shown -by Europe to a dynasty has been greater than her justice to a portion -of mankind. A universal conflagration and a breaking-up of the old -order of things was necessary, ere Europe learned to value millions of -human beings more highly than the principle of a bygone generation, or -the pathos of old age. In the future we may hope to see a just Europe -which will not look upon the Serbians as a nation of regicides, but -as a people revolting against secret treaties with the Hapsburgs, and -upon the Southern Slavs, not as traitors, but as a democratic people -refusing to be destroyed. When the Slovenes of Istria, Carniola, -Styria, and Carinthia, together with the Serbo-Croats, form a strong, -prosperous and free, though small State, their culture will be -developed to the full, crowning and unifying Southern Slav life. - -This growing civilization of Greater Serbia, which may be called -_Yougoslavia_, will gather up the scattered threads of the history of -Serbian art in the past. We shall then no longer speak of “Slovene -painting,” “Croatian drama,” “Old Serbian tapestry,” “Serbian -folk-lore.” The literature of one and the same people will cease to -be broken up into “Literature in Ragusa,” “Dalmatian Island and Coast -Literature,” “Bosnian,” “Croatian,” and “Serbian” literature. All this, -together with the national life to the State, will form the _totality -of the Southern Slav nation_. The two zones of culture: the Western -European zone of the Croats and Slovenes, and the Eastern-Byzantine -zone of the Serbians; the three religions: Orthodox, Catholic and -Mussulman; the two forms of script: the Latin of the Croats, and the -Cyrillic of the Serbians; all these, as well as a few differences of -speech, will only add to the wealth and originality of Southern Slav -culture. When this Greater Serbia or _Yougoslavia_ shall stand for -the third great civilization of the Balkans (the first was Hellenic, -the second Byzantine), the Southern Slavs will become a new factor -in European civilization and politics, and the great art of Serbian -national poetry, and the work of the Yougoslav artist, Meštrović, will -no longer be buried treasures. Serbian music, literature and science, -although they have existed and still exist, will only then be known and -recognized. - - * * * * * - -It has been the fate of the Southern Slavs to fulfil a mission in -European history; Serbia and the Serbo-Croat race constituted a bulwark -for Europe and Christianity against the invasion of Turkish barbarians -and Islam. The martyrdom of the Southern Slavs lasted for centuries; -it was a most humiliating thraldom to the barbarous Mongolism of the -Ottoman Turks, and a hard, incessant fight for the dignity of humanity. -It was a period of indescribable suffering from the barbarities of a -lower race, one of the hardest struggles for existence the world has -known. It was impossible to continue or to realize the plans of the -great Nemanjić rulers. All attempts at union between the peoples of -Croatia and Bosnia were fruitless: _never in the history of Europe -has a nation lived for so many centuries in such terrible political -impotence and disunion as the Serbo-Croat and Slovene nation_. Italy at -the time of the Renaissance, and Germany before the liberation, were, -in comparison with the Southern Slavs, in a well-organized and healthy -condition. - -Thus it has come about that we have no Serbian history of art, only -various provincial histories—Old Serbian, Macedonian, Dalmatian, -Bosnian, History of Serbian art in Hungary, Slovene and New Serbian. - -The bitter enmity of Austria-Hungary towards Serbia, which deepened -steadily, and finally became the direct cause of the European War, -began with the Russophile and Southern Slav trend of Serbian policy -after the series of Southern Slav Congresses, which took place -in Belgrade at the time of the coronation of King Peter in 1904. -Serbia’s new policy, after the suicidal and humiliating pro-Austrian -policy of the Obrenović dynasty had been abolished, was a _racial -policy_, pro-Russian, pro-Bulgarian and democratic, which restored the -stability and order of the State, and led to the foundation of the -Balkan Alliance in 1912. Serbia regenerated, sought to consolidate -a scattered, provincial culture into one great culture of a Greater -Serbia, or of all the Southern Slavs. For this reason it has only quite -recently become possible to speak of the united cultural efforts of -the Serbo-Croats. - -The consolidation of Southern Slav history and culture are only now -beginning, and the appearance of the artist-prophet Ivan Meštrović, -a Dalmatian Catholic, is the central event in Southern Slav history -of art. He is the prophet of the third, or Southern Slav Balkan, -State, who proclaims that it is the historical task of Serbia to free -the Southern Slavs and unite them, not only in a political, but in -a spiritual, sense; and he has symbolized this ideal in his great -art, which is the living soul of the architecture and sculpture of -the _Temple of Kossovo_, and of all the Southern Slavs. When the -Balkans are freed from Ottoman Islam and the Turks, when a strong and -progressive Federation of Southern Slavs, including Bulgaria, Roumania, -Greece and even Albania, is established, then we may see the triumphant -rise of a mature and typically Southern Slav culture. When all nations -shall receive their due, when they are allowed to develop freely, then -and only then, the blood-drenched Peninsula will be at peace. A strong -and prosperous Yougoslavia will interest the world both politically and -economically; the opinion that the Southern Slavs are an uncivilized -race will cease, and the great services rendered to art and letters by -the Serbo-Croats and Slovenes will be recognized and appreciated at -their true value. If we include Meštrović’s _Temple of Kossovo_ among -these achievements, we may fairly claim to have contributed to the -greatest possessions of human culture for all time. - -The life-work of the Serbian Monarchs of the Nemanjić dynasty, who -aimed at the inclusion of Serbia within the zone of the then-civilized -nations of Europe, failed of its fulfilment, owing to the fall of the -Serbian Empire before the Turks. The Serbo-Byzantine architecture -of the convents and churches which abound in Macedonia and Serbia, -affords admirable proof of the results of this work, the most important -examples being Studenitza (1198), Dečani (1331), and Gračanica (1341). -A few years later culture made great strides in Dalmatia, but it -was not a spontaneous, national growth, but rather the offspring -of Slavicized Latin culture, and savoured more of Venice and the -Renaissance than of Dalmatia and the Southern Slavs. Furthermore, the -artists, scientists, philosophers and writers of Dalmatia went to Italy -and were lost to their nation. The poor, down-trodden, uncivilized -Southern Slav countries could not provide their artists with a -livelihood. The celebrated mathematician, philosopher and astronomer, -Roger Bošković, went to Rome, Paris, and London; Nikolo Tomasso, a -Serbian from Sevenico, founded the Italian literary language. Julije -Lovranić (Laurana), an eminent architect of his time, was a Serbian -from Dalmatia, and at one time the teacher of Bramante; and Franjo -Laurana, of Palermo, a kinsman of Julije, earned a high place in the -history of art through his sculpture; he was especially celebrated for -his beautiful female portrait busts. In like manner many Serbians found -their way to other countries. For instance, Peter Križanić, a Croatian, -was the first Pan-Slavist; he was exiled to Siberia for his schemes of -reform and European propaganda in Russia. To this day the Dalmatian -ships’ captains are not the only representatives of that country all -the world over, but great scientists and inventors like Pupin and -Nikola Tesla. - -Whenever a part of Serbian territory became independent, or even for -a short time found tolerable conditions, an intense creative culture -grew up swiftly, even after the fall of the Empire and during the -time of slavery. For generations the greater part of the Serbians -have lived, and still live, in slavery. The Serbians under Turkish -rule were liberated only two years ago, and the liberation of the -Slavs of the Hapsburg Monarchy is only just beginning. In accordance -with the changes in the political fate of the Southern Slavs, and -as the material conditions of the people grew better or worse, the -centres of Slav literature moved from place to place. This unfortunate -disorganization and consequent impotence were the bane of Serbian or -Southern Slav literature. Ragusan literature; the literature of the -Dalmatian coast and its islands, with its original creations, and -many fine translations of the Greek drama—Homer, Virgil and Horace, -Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Tasso, Ariosto—none of these counted in -the later development of literature in Croatia, Serbian Hungary, -Bosnia or Serbia. As things now stand, Slovenian literature bears no -recognized relation to Serbo-Croat literature, which has to a certain -extent become unified. The great Croatian poets, Peter Preradović, Ivan -Mažuranić, and Silvije Kranjčević are scarcely read in Serbia, owing -to bitter political disagreements and the Austrian _divide-et-impera_ -policy. For this reason, too, the Croatians scarcely know the greatest -Southern Slav poets such as the Montenegrin Petar Petrović Njegoš, or -the Serbian from Hungary, Lazar Kostić. The historian and philosopher -Boža Knižević and the metaphysician Branislav Petronijević are scarcely -known in Bosnia owing to their being Serbians from Serbia, that is to -say, from anti-Austrian Serbia. Thus it is scarcely surprising that -Southern Slav culture is unknown in Europe, when it is practically -unknown even in Yougoslavia; when Meštrović, the immortal artist of -Yougoslavia, the architect and sculptor of the Serbian Acropolis, is -unknown to his own countrymen beyond the frontier. - - * * * * * - -At present the nation is fighting for its very life. _Inter arma -silent musæ_, and when a nation has to bear first the occupation and -then the annexation of the heart of its territory; when it has to -wage an incessant war, even in times of so-called peace, against an -implacable neighbour like Austria-Hungary; when the strength of the -nation is absorbed in the mere struggle for _existence_; then it is -impossible to realize the possession of a great artist. The Serbian -nation has waged three wars of life and death, and always against -an enemy stronger than herself; first against Turkey, then against -Bulgaria, and now against Austria—all within three years. At such a -time it is impossible to create a great civilization, and still less -possible not to appear to the world as a nation created solely for war. -Diplomatic Europe is interested in Serbian politics—_not_ from motives -of humanity and justice. And to the Europe of civilization, philosophy, -science, art and ethics the spirit of Yougoslavia is not even a name. -Who knows that even apart from Meštrović—who, as the peer of Phidias -and Michelangelo, cannot be compared with mere mortals—the finest -architect of the present day is a Southern Slav—a Slovene—the son of a -small nation of three million people? This great architect of modern -Europe is Josip Plečnik; he was director of the Arts Academy in Prague, -and a few months ago was promoted to the Vienna Academy. Downtrodden -Dalmatia boasts such powerful writers, thinkers and scientists as -Count Ivo Vojnović, Antun Tresić-Pavićić, the philosopher Petrić, and -the historian Nodilo. At the time of Carducci and Swinburne Bosnia -possessed a typical poet, Silvije Kranjčević, and at the present -time Serbia has in Borislav Stankovi a novelist worthy to rank with -Leonid Andreeff. In Yougoslavia there are to-day splendidly edited -reviews, particularly good theatres and opera (as for instance the -Opera at Zagreb), and good universities with distinguished professors -and scientific men. Assuredly the Southern Slavs are not to blame if -the whole world has seen this gifted and important nation through -the spectacles of the Viennese Press, a nation which is worth more -to the human race than the whole of the Hapsburg dynasty—or _was_, -until the outbreak of the present war.... In all their poverty and -slavery, and without the help even of Serbia, they undertook a campaign -of enlightenment in the European Press, organized art exhibitions, -and by concerts, lectures, and translations made known their art and -literature to the world. English literature has greatly influenced -Serbo-Croat literature; and not only Shakespeare, Dickens, Byron and -Shelley are translated into Serbian, but Carlyle, Buckle, and Draper -have also exercised great influence upon Serbian culture; and the most -modern literature of Britain has found worthy translators and admirers. -The poems of Rossetti, Browning, Keats, Swinburne and Walt Whitman, the -novels of Wells, and the plays of Bernard Shaw have been translated -into the beautiful tongue of the “Belgrade regicides.” - - * * * * * - -To resume, it is not surprising that Western Europeans do not know -Southern Slav civilization, when many rich fields of this culture -still remain “buried treasures” to the Southern Slavs themselves. The -Serbo-Croat and Slovene poets, such as Gundulić, Ranjina, Palmotić -and Gjorgjić from Ragusa and Dalmatia, compare favourably with the -exponents of Western literature, and among modern Serbo-Croat poets -Petar Petrović Njegoš, Lazar Kostić and Silvije Kranjčević are great, -even when compared with the greatest. Yet it is not so much the artists -and their individual works, but the _nation_, and the _collective -artistic worth_ of the national spirit that is of priceless value. The -music of the Southern Slavs, more especially the music of Old Serbia -and Bosnia, possesses great melodic beauty and emotional depth, and -when it finds its modern exponent it will take its proper place in the -history of music. This great art of the Serbian nation however, is -not only absolutely unknown to Europe and the rest of the world, but -even in Serbia, although universally known, it is cultivated little -or not at all. The Serbian State, which since its re-birth under -Karagjorgje Petrović has waged continual war for the liberty and union -of the Southern Slavs, could not devote itself to music, art and -beauty; and that part of the nation which remains under the yoke of -the Ottoman Turks and the Hapsburgs felt still less inclined to do so. -The priceless treasures of popular song have not yet been artistically -exploited. Thus their own creation is a buried treasure to the Southern -Slavs; in a sense, one may even say, that there is no Serbian music. -Europeans cannot value this beautiful and noble music because they do -not know it; neither can they value the national textile art of Old -Serbia, Dalmatia and Croatia, since it is equally unknown. For three -consecutive years the Serbian Government has had to arm the State, and -has had neither time nor money to turn the Southern Slav textile art -into a modern industry. - -What the Serbo-Croats and Slovenes, and even the Bulgarians, do -cultivate, and are proud of, is the Southern-Slav or Serbian national -poetry, the ballads and legends which the people have invented and -sung during centuries of slavery. Goethe, the great “citizen of -the universe,” and the first to predict the foundation of a modern -universal literature, assigned Serbian national poetry a very high -place among the literatures of the world, and many of the poems have -already been translated into different languages.[18] - -To understand Ivan Meštrović, the creator of the _Temple of Kossovo_, -one must feel Serbian music and appreciate Serbian textile art; and -above all one must learn to know this noble nation of Christians and -Slavs through their national poetry. It is not arrogance on our part -to call Meštrović and the _Temple of Kossovo_ the eternal art of the -present generation. Every divinely-inspired artist creates not only -beauty, but life,—for the mind is the life—and this great regenerator -of European art is the son of a small nation of the blood-stained -Balkans, and also the son of the great race which has produced -Dostoievski. - - * * * * * - -Europe and mankind in general must accord justice to the Southern -Slav spirit, and the historic merit and achievements of the Serbian -nation. The knowledge of Serbian music and especially of Serbian poetry -can only be a gain to the Europe of the future. For this Serbian art -is a _truly Slav art_, wonderful and deep, equal to that of ancient -Egypt and India. It was not because Miczkiewicz, the great Polish -poet, was himself a Slav, that he sang the praises of this beauty so -enthusiastically, but because he understood the moral of this beauty. -This poetry has been for centuries a life-force of the Southern Slav -nation, because morality and life are one, and because the spirit of -Serbian beauty—barbaric and god-like—is a religion in poetry and a -moral in art. Without fear we may say that Serbian ethics are the -most wonderful in the history of humanity. If it may be said of any -nation that it is great and noble, it may be said of the Southern -Slavs. Europe does not realize the monstrous injustice she has done -these “barbarous” peoples. They are rather a heroic and mythical than -a barbaric people. It is only Austria-Hungary who regards them as a -nation of anarchists and regicides. - -What is the Serbian spirit? It has been twice manifested. Once -through a man, Ivan Meštrović, the prophet of the Slav Balkans, -and again through the whole nation, in the thousands of legends, -fairy-tales, ballads and songs which have been collected by Vuk -Stefanović-Karadžić.[19] The occupation of Bosnia, then the national -catastrophe of the annexation of Bosnia, and finally the Balkan War -have already become the subjects of poetry, and our own time will see -the latest and greatest war of the Southern Slavs sung in all its -heroic reality. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The reason for this “cultural” ostracism of Russia is both -racial and geographical. There has never been any desire in England -to belittle the Slavs, least of all Russia. On the contrary, a long -succession of traditions, as far back as the Viking Age, binds the -extreme West to the extreme East of Europe, and has now reached a great -ethical and practical expression in the Triple Entente. But between -Western Europe and the Slavs lies Imperial Germany, who has acted not -only as a barrier, but also as a distorting glass, through which the -western and eastern races of Europe were compelled to look at each -other. [Footnote by the translator F.S.C.] - -[2] History has recently cast a doubt on Rurik’s Norse origin, but -tradition is quite positive on the subject. Certainly the name -Rurik—recalling the Norse-Scottish Roderick-Rory—is in its favour, -and it is interesting that the Scandinavian origin of Rurik, and -even the Russian origin of Scandinavians has been championed by some -Scottish writers—perhaps to explain the undoubted Scottish sympathy -with the Russian people.[3] (_See_ Piazzi Smyth’s “Three Cities in -Russia.”)—F.S.C. - -[3] In connection with this, it is interesting to know that several -Slav historiologists assert that the Scotch are of Slav descent.—S.T. - -[4] Dostoievski, who really only knew Russia and his own people, was -of course justified in crediting the Russian nation alone with these -qualities. If he could have studied the British in their own country, -he could not have failed to discover many points of resemblance between -the two nations.—S. T. - -[5] The Tatar scriptures. - -[6] It cannot be too strongly impressed on the British reader who has -not made a study of mediæval politics on the Continent, that this -acknowledgment of the rule of certain royal Houses _was voluntary_, and -not at all brought about by conquest. If these elected rulers chose -to abuse their privileges, the nations who had chosen them reserved -to themselves the right to protest and even repudiate their authority -(_cf._ the Swiss Rebellion against Austria [William Tell] and the Rise -of the Dutch Republic).—Translator’s Note, F.S.C. - -[7] The Expropriation Law provides facilities for German colonists -in Polish territory whereby Polish land and private property may be -summarily _expropriated_ for the benefit of German colonists.—S. T. - -[8] This statement has been endorsed by many foreign Slav scholars. -Both Serbia and Croatia have adopted the colloquial tongue of -Hercegovina as their literary language.—S. T. - -[9] A derisive term for “German.” - -[10] Taken from Niko Županić. (Delo, 1903). - -[11] This fact is the first proof in history that the Southern Slavs -have from the very beginning been the bulwark of Christianity, and -thereby also the bulwark of European civilization. - -[12] It is due to his diplomacy that Serbia was freed from the Turkish -garrisons in her territory. - -[13] King Milan was a fascinating orator, and often the populace, who -had assembled with the intention of demonstrating against him, were so -carried away by his oratory that their abuse was converted into cheers. - -[14] See the articles in No. 16 of “the Round Table.” (Meantime the -sentences in the Serajevo murder trial have been passed, and it -is significant that five Serbs who had no part in the murder have -been condemned to death, whereas the actual murderer, Princip, and -the bomb-thrower, Cabrinović, were merely sentenced to terms of -imprisonment.)—S. T. - -[15] The Bishop as spiritual and temporal head of the State. - -[16] His collection of poems, “Gorski Vienac,” is a lasting monument of -the Southern Slav literature of the last century.—S. T. - -[17] This trial has been described at length in Seton Watson’s -admirable book, “_The Southern Slav Question_.” - -[18] Goethe’s studies referred to appear in Goethe’s Works Vol. vi., -Stuttgart, 1874. - -[19] Among English translations of Serbian poetry should be mentioned -one by Bowring (1826) and that by Madame Elodie Lawton Mijatović, -“Kossovo, Serbian National Song about the Fall of the Empire” (London, -Isbister, 1881). The most recent English edition of Serbian poetry -is entitled “Hero Tales and Legends of Serbia,” by Voislav Petrović -(London, 1914). - - -_Printed in Great Britain by Wyman & Sons Ltd., London and Reading._ - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SLAV NATIONS*** - - -******* This file should be named 54348-0.txt or 54348-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/4/3/4/54348 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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