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diff --git a/old/54643-0.txt b/old/54643-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index dcac049..0000000 --- a/old/54643-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14838 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Pictographs of the North American Indians. -A preliminary paper, by Garrick Mallery - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Pictographs of the North American Indians. A preliminary paper - Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the - Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, - Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 3-256 - -Author: Garrick Mallery - -Release Date: May 2, 2017 [EBook #54643] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PICTOGRAPHS *** - - - - -Produced by Henry Flower, Carlo Traverso, The Internet -Archive (American Libraries). and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by the -Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at -http://gallica.bnf.fr) - - - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Italics are indicated by _underscores_, and superscript by caret signs, -e. g. Oheno^npa, 38^{mm}. Individual letters in square brackets were -inverted in the printed text. - - - - - SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. - - - PICTOGRAPHS - OF THE - NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. - - A PRELIMINARY PAPER. - - BY - GARRICK MALLERY. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - Page. - List of illustrations 7 - - Introductory 13 - - Distribution of petroglyphs in North America 19 - Northeastern rock-carvings 19 - Rock-carvings in Pennsylvania 20 - in Ohio 21 - in West Virginia 22 - in the Southern States 22 - in Iowa 23 - in Minnesota 23 - in Wyoming and Idaho 24 - in Nevada 24 - in Oregon and Washington Territory 25 - in Utah 26 - in Colorado 27 - in New Mexico 28 - in Arizona 28 - in California 30 - in Colored pictographs on rocks 33 - - Foreign petroglyphs 38 - Petroglyphs in South America 38 - in British Guiana 40 - in Brazil 44 - Pictographs in Peru 45 - - Objects represented in pictographs 46 - - Instruments used in pictography 48 - Instruments for carving 48 - for drawing 48 - for painting 48 - for tattooing 49 - - Colors and methods of application 50 - In the United States 50 - In British Guiana 53 - Significance of colors 53 - - Materials upon which pictographs are made 58 - Natural objects 58 - Bone 59 - Living tree 59 - Wood 59 - Bark 59 - Skins 60 - Feathers 60 - Gourds 60 - Horse-hair 60 - Shells, including wampum 60 - Earth and sand 60 - - The human person 61 - Paint on the human person 61 - Tattooing 63 - Tattoo marks of the Haida Indians 66 - Tattooing in the Pacific Islands 73 - Artificial objects 78 - - Mnemonic 79 - The quipu of the Peruvians 79 - Notched sticks 81 - Order of songs 82 - Traditions 84 - Treaties 86 - War 87 - Time 88 - The Dakota Winter Counts 89 - The Corbusier Winter Counts 127 - - Notification 147 - Notice of departure and direction 147 - condition 152 - Warning and guidance 155 - Charts of geographic features 157 - Claim or demand 159 - Messages and communications 160 - Record of expedition 164 - - Totemic 165 - Tribal designations 165 - Gentile or clan designations 167 - Personal designations 168 - Insignia or tokens of authority 168 - Personal name 169 - An Ogalala roster 174 - Red-Cloud’s census 176 - Property marks 182 - Status of the individual 183 - Signs of particular achievements 183 - - Religious 188 - Mythic personages 188 - Shamanism 190 - Dances and ceremonies 194 - Mortuary practices 197 - Grave-posts 198 - Charms and fetiches 201 - - Customs 203 - Associations 203 - Daily life and habits 205 - - Tribal history 207 - - Biographic 208 - Continuous record of events in life 208 - Particular exploits and events 214 - - Ideographs 219 - Abstract ideas 219 - Symbolism 221 - - Identification of the pictographers 224 - General style or type 225 - Presence of characteristic objects 230 - - Modes of interpretation 233 - Homomorphs and symmorphs 239 - - Conventionalizing 244 - - Errors and frauds 247 - - Suggestions to collaborators 254 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PLATE Page. - - I.--Colored pictographs in Santa Barbara County, California 34 - II.--Colored pictographs in Santa Barbara County, California 35 - III.--New Zealand tattooed heads 76 - IV.--Ojibwa Meda song 82 - V.--Penn wampum belt 87 - VI.--Winter count on buffalo robe 89 - VII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1786-’87 to 1792-’93 100 - VIII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1793-’94 to 1799-1800 101 - IX.--Dakota winter counts: for 1800-’01 to 1802-’03 103 - X.--Dakota winter counts: for 1803-’04 to 1805-’06 104 - XI.--Dakota winter counts: for 1806-’07 to 1808-’09 105 - XII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1809-’10 to 1811-’12 106 - XIII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1812-’13 to 1814-’15 108 - XIV.--Dakota winter counts: for 1815-’16 to 1817-’18 109 - XV.--Dakota winter counts: for 1818-’19 to 1820-’21 110 - XVI.--Dakota winter counts: for 1821-’22 to 1823-’24 111 - XVII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1824-’25 to 1826-’27 113 - XVIII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1827-’28 to 1829-’30 114 - XIX.--Dakota winter counts: for 1830-’31 to 1832-’33 115 - XX.--Dakota winter counts: for 1833-’34 to 1835-’36 116 - XXI.--Dakota winter counts: for 1836-’37 to 1838-’39 117 - XXII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1839-’40 to 1841-’42 117 - XXIII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1842-’43 to 1844-’45 118 - XXIV.--Dakota winter counts: for 1845-’46 to 1847-’48 119 - XXV.--Dakota winter counts: for 1848-’49 to 1850-’51 120 - XXVI.--Dakota winter counts: for 1851-’52 to 1853-’54 120 - XXVII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1854-’55 to 1856-’57 121 - XXVIII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1857-’58 to 1859-’60 122 - XXIX.--Dakota winter counts: for 1860-’61 to 1862-’63 123 - XXX.--Dakota winter counts: for 1863-’64 to 1865-’66 124 - XXXI.--Dakota winter counts: for 1866-’67 to 1868-’69 125 - XXXII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1869-’70 to 1870-’71 126 - XXXIII.--Dakota winter counts: for 1871-’72 to 1876-’77 127 - XXXIV.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1775-’76 to 1780-’81 130 - XXXV.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1781-’82 to 1786-’87 131 - XXXVI.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1787-’88 to 1792-’93 132 - XXXVII.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1793-’94 to 1798-’99 133 - XXXVIII.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1799-1800 to 1804-’05 134 - XXXIX.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1805-’06 to 1810-’11 134 - XL.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1811-’12 to 1816-’17 135 - XLI.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1817-’18 to 1822-’23 136 - XLII.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1823-’24 to 1828-’29 137 - XLIII.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1829-’30 to 1834-’35 138 - XLIV.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1835-’36 to 1840-’41 139 - XLV.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1841-’42 to 1846-’47 140 - XLVI.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1847-’48 to 1852-’53 142 - XLVII.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1853-’54 to 1858-’59 143 - XLVIII.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1859-’60 to 1864-’65 143 - XLIX.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1865-’66 to 1870-’71 144 - L.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1871-’72 to 1876-’77 145 - LI.--Corbusier winter counts: for 1877-’78 to 1878-’79 146 - LII.--An Ogalala roster: Big-Road and band 174 - LIII.--An Ogalala roster: Low-Dog and band 174 - LIV.--An Ogalala roster: The Bear Spares-him and band 174 - LV.--An Ogalala roster: Has a War-club and band 174 - LVI.--An Ogalala roster: Wall-Dog and band 174 - LVII.--An Ogalala roster: Iron-Crow and band 174 - LVIII.--An Ogalala roster: Little-Hawk and band 174 - LIX.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LX.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LXI.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LXII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LXIII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LXIV.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LXV.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LXVI.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Cloud’s band 176 - LXVII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Shirt’s band 176 - LXVIII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Shirt’s band 176 - LXIX.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Shirt’s band 176 - LXX.--Red-Cloud’s census: Black-Deer’s band 176 - LXXI.--Red-Cloud’s census: Black-Deer’s band 176 - LXXII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Black-Deer’s band 176 - LXXIII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Hawk’s band 176 - LXXIV.--Red-Cloud’s census: Red-Hawk’s hand 176 - LXXV.--Red-Cloud’s census: High-Wolf’s band 176 - LXXVI.--Red-Cloud’s census: High-Wolf’s band 176 - LXXVII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Gun’s band 176 - LXXVIII.--Red-Cloud’s census: Gun’s band 176 - LXXIX.--Red-Cloud’s census: Second Black-Deer’s band 176 - LXXX.--Rock Painting in Azuza Cañon, California 156 - LXXXI.--Moki masks etched on rocks. Arizona 194 - LXXXII.--Buffalo-head monument 195 - LXXXIII.--Ojibwa grave-posts 199 - - FIGURE 1.--Petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona 30 - 2.--Deep carvings in Guiana 42 - 3.--Shallow carvings in Guiana 43 - 4.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Beaver 47 - 5.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Bear 47 - 6.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Mountain sheep 47 - 7.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Three Wolf heads 47 - 8.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Three Jackass rabbits 47 - 9.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Cotton-tail rabbit 47 - 10.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Bear tracks 47 - 11.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Eagle 47 - 12.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Eagle tails 47 - 13.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Turkey tail 47 - 14.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Horned toads 47 - 15.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Lizards 47 - 16.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Butterfly 47 - 17.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Snakes 47 - 18.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Rattlesnake 47 - 19.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Deer track 47 - 20.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Three Bird tracks 47 - 21.--Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Bitterns 47 - 22.--Bronze head from the necropolis of Marzabotto, Italy 62 - 23.--Fragment of bowl from Troja 63 - 24.--Haida totem post, Queen Charlotte’s Island 68 - 25.--Haida man, tattooed 69 - 26.--Haida woman, tattooed 69 - 27.--Haida woman, tattooed 70 - 28.--Haida man, tattooed 70 - 29.--Skulpin (right leg of Fig. 26) 71 - 30.--Frog (left leg of Fig. 26) 71 - 31.--Cod (breast of Fig. 25) 71 - 32.--Squid (Octopus), (thighs of Fig. 25) 71 - 33.--Wolf, enlarged (back of Fig. 28) 71 - 34.--Tattoo designs on bone, from New Zealand 74 - 35.--New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark 75 - 36.--New Zealand tattooed woman 75 - 37.--Australian grave and carved trees 76 - 38.--Osage chart 86 - 39.--Device denoting succession of time. Dakota 88 - 40.--Device denoting succession of time. Dakota 89 - 41.--Measles or Smallpox. Dakota 110 - 42.--Meteor. Dakota 111 - 43.--River freshet. Dakota 113 - 44.--Meteoric shower. Dakota 116 - 45.--The-Teal-broke-his-leg. Dakota 119 - 46.--Magic Arrow. Dakota 141 - 47.--Notice of hunt. Alaska 147 - 48.--Notice of departure. Alaska 148 - 49.--Notice of hunt. Alaska 149 - 50.--Notice of direction. Alaska 149 - 51.--Notice of direction. Alaska 150 - 52.--Notice of direction. Alaska 150 - 53.--Notice of distress. Alaska 152 - 54.--Notice of departure and refuge. Alaska 152 - 55.--Notice of departure to relieve distress. Alaska 153 - 56.--Ammunition wanted. Alaska 154 - 57.--Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska 154 - 58.--Starving hunters. Alaska 154 - 59.--Starving hunters. Alaska 155 - 60.--Lean Wolf’s map. Hidatsa 158 - 61.--Letter to “Little-man” from his father. Cheyenne 160 - 62.--Drawing of smoke signal. Alaska 161 - 63.--Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 162 - 64.--Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 162 - 65.--Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 162 - 66.--Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 163 - 67.--Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 163 - 68.--Dakota pictograph: for Kaiowa 165 - 69.--Dakota pictograph: for Arikara 166 - 70.--Dakota pictograph: for Omaha 166 - 71.--Dakota pictograph: for Pawnee 166 - 72.--Dakota pictograph: for Assiniboine 166 - 73.--Dakota pictograph: for Gros Ventre 166 - 74.--Lean-Wolf as “Partisan” 168 - 75.--Two-Strike as “Partisan” 169 - 76.--Lean-Wolf (personal name) 172 - 77.--Pointer. Dakota 172 - 78.--Shadow. Dakota 173 - 79.--Loud-Talker. Dakota 173 - 80.--Boat Paddle. Arikara 182 - 81.--African property mark 182 - 82.--Hidatsa feather marks: First to strike enemy 184 - 83.--Hidatsa feather marks: Second to strike enemy 184 - 84.--Hidatsa feather marks: Third to strike enemy 184 - 85.--Hidatsa feather marks: Fourth to strike enemy 184 - 86.--Hidatsa feather marks: Wounded by an enemy 184 - 87.--Hidatsa feather marks: Killed a woman 184 - 88.--Dakota feather marks: Killed an enemy 185 - 89.--Dakota feather marks: Cut throat and scalped 185 - 90.--Dakota feather marks: Cut enemy’s throat 185 - 91.--Dakota feather marks: Third to strike 185 - 92.--Dakota feather marks: Fourth to strike 185 - 93.--Dakota feather marks: Fifth to strike 185 - 94.--Dakota feather marks: Many wounds 185 - 95.--Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc. 186 - 96.--Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, etc. 186 - 97.--Captured a horse. Hidatsa, etc. 186 - 98.--First to strike an enemy. Hidatsa 187 - 99.--Second to strike an enemy. Hidatsa 187 - 100.--Third to strike an enemy. Hidatsa 187 - 101.--Fourth to strike an enemy. Hidatsa 187 - 102.--Fifth to strike an enemy. Arikara 187 - 103.--Struck four enemies. Hidatsa 187 - 104.--Thunder bird. Dakota 188 - 105.--Thunder bird. Dakota 188 - 106.--Thunder bird (wingless). Dakota 189 - 107.--Thunder bird (in beads). Dakota 189 - 108.--Thunder bird. Haida 190 - 109.--Thunder bird. Twana 190 - 110.--Ivory record, Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska 191 - 111.--Ivory record, Supplication for success. Alaska 192 - 111_a_.--Shaman’s Lodge. Alaska 196 - 112.--Alaska votive offering 197 - 113.--Alaska grave-post 198 - 114.--Alaska grave-post 199 - 115.--Alaska village and burial grounds 199 - 116.--New Zealand grave effigy 200 - 117.--New Zealand grave-post 201 - 118.--New Zealand house posts 201 - 119.--Mdewakantawan fetich 202 - 120.--Ottawa pipe-stem 204 - 121.--Walrus hunter. Alaska 205 - 122.--Alaska carving with records 205 - 123.--Origin of Brulé. Dakota 207 - 124.--Running Antelope: Killed one Arikara 208 - 125.--Running Antelope: Shot and scalped an Arikara 209 - 126.--Running Antelope: Shot an Arikara 209 - 127.--Running Antelope: Killed two warriors 210 - 128.--Running Antelope: Killed ten men and three women 210 - 129.--Running Antelope: Killed two chiefs 211 - 130.--Running Antelope: Killed one Arikara 211 - 131.--Running Antelope: Killed one Arikara 212 - 132.--Running Antelope: Killed two Arikara hunters 212 - 133.--Running Antelope: Killed five Arikara 213 - 134.--Running Antelope: Killed an Arikara 213 - 135.--Record of hunt. Alaska 214 - 136.--Shoshoni horse raid 215 - 137.--Drawing on buffalo shoulder-blade. Camanche 216 - 138.--Cross-Bear’s death 217 - 139.--Bark record from Red Lake, Minnesota 218 - 140.--Sign for pipe. Dakota 219 - 141.--Plenty buffalo meat. Dakota 219 - 142.--Plenty buffalo meat. Dakota 220 - 143.--Pictograph for Trade. Dakota 220 - 144.--Starvation. Dakota 220 - 145.--Starvation. Ottawa and Pottawatomi 221 - 146.--Pain. Died of “Whistle.” Dakota 221 - 147.--Example of Algonkian petroglyphs, from Millsborough, - Pennsylvania 224 - 148.--Example of Algonkian petroglyphs, from Hamilton Farm, - West Virginia 225 - 149.--Example of Algonkian petroglyphs, from Safe Harbor, - Pennsylvania 226 - 150.--Example of Western Algonkian petroglyphs, from Wyoming 227 - 151.--Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Idaho 228 - 152.--Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Idaho 229 - 153.--Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Utah 230 - 154.--Example of Shoshonian rock painting, from Utah 230 - 155.--Rock painting, from Tule River, California 235 - 156.--Sacred inclosure from Arizona. Moki 237 - 157.--Ceremonial head-dress. Moki 237 - 158.--Houses. Moki 237 - 159.--Burden-sticks. Moki 238 - 160.--Arrows. Moki 238 - 161.--Blossoms. Moki 238 - 162.--Lightning. Moki 238 - 163.--Clouds. Moki 238 - 164.--Clouds with rain. Moki 238 - 165.--Stars, Moki 238 - 166.--Sun. Moki 239 - 167.--Sunrise. Moki, 239 - 168.--Drawing of Dakota lodges, by Hidatsa 240 - 169.--Drawing of earth lodges, by Hidatsa 240 - 170.--Drawing of white man’s house, by Hidatsa 240 - 171.--Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa 240 - 172.--Horses and man. Arikara 240 - 173.--Dead man. Arikara 240 - 174.--Second to strike enemy. Hidatsa 240 - 175.--Third to strike enemy. Hidatsa 240 - 176.--Scalp taken. Hidatsa 240 - 177.--Enemy struck and gun captured. Hidatsa 240 - 178.--Mendota drawing. Dakota 241 - 179.--Symbol of war. Dakota 241 - 180.--Captives. Dakota 242 - 181.--Circle of men. Dakota 242 - 182.--Shooting from river banks. Dakota 242 - 183.--Panther. Haida 242 - 184.--Wolf head. Haida 243 - 185.--Drawings on an African knife 243 - 186.--Conventional characters: Men. Arikara 244 - 187.--Conventional characters: Man. Innuit 244 - 188.--Conventional characters: Dead man. Satsika 244 - 189.--Conventional characters: Man addressed. Innuit 244 - 190.--Conventional characters: Man. Innuit 244 - 191.--Conventional characters: Man. From Tule River, California 244 - 192.--Conventional characters: Man. From Tule River, California 244 - 193.--Conventional characters: Disabled man. Ojibwa 244 - 194.--Conventional characters: Shaman. Innuit 245 - 195.--Conventional characters: Supplication. Innuit 245 - 196.--Conventional characters: Man. Ojibwa 245 - 197.--Conventional characters: Spiritually enlightened man. Ojibwa 245 - 198.--Conventional characters: A wabeno. Ojibwa 245 - 199.--Conventional characters: An evil Meda. Ojibwa 245 - 200.--Conventional characters: A Meda. Ojibwa 245 - 201.--Conventional characters: Man. Hidatsa 245 - 202.--Conventional characters: Headless body. Ojibwa 245 - 203.--Conventional characters: Headless body. Ojibwa 245 - 204.--Conventional characters: Man. Moki 245 - 205.--Conventional characters: Man. From Siberia 245 - 206.--Conventional characters: Superior knowledge. Ojibwa 246 - 207.--Conventional characters: An American. Ojibwa 246 - 208.--Specimen of imitated pictograph 249 - 209.--Symbols of cross 252 - - - - -ON THE PICTOGRAPHS OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. - -BY GARRICK MALLERY. - - - - -INTRODUCTORY. - - -A pictograph is a writing by picture. It conveys and records an idea or -occurrence by graphic means without the use of words or letters. The -execution of the pictures of which it is composed often exhibits the -first crude efforts of graphic art, and their study in that relation -is of value. When pictures are employed as writing the conception -intended to be presented is generally analyzed, and only its most -essential points are indicated, with the result that the characters -when frequently repeated become conventional, and in their later forms -cease to be recognizable as objective portraitures. This exhibition of -conventionalizing also has its own import in the history of art. - -Pictographs are considered in the present paper chiefly in reference to -their significance as one form of thought-writing directly addressed -to the sight, gesture-language being the other and probably earlier -form. So far as they are true ideographs they are the permanent, -direct, visible expression of ideas of which gesture-language gives the -transient expression. When adopted for syllabaries or alphabets, which -is known to be the historical course of evolution in that regard, they -have ceased to be the direct and have become the indirect expression -of the ideas framed in oral speech. The writing common in civilization -records sounds directly, not primarily thoughts, the latter having -first been translated into sounds. The trace of pictographs in the -latter use shows the earlier and predominant conceptions. - -The importance of the study of pictographs depends upon their -examination as a phase in the evolution of human culture, or as -containing valuable information to be ascertained by interpretation. - -The invention of alphabetic writing being by general admission the -great step marking the change from barbarism into civilization, the -history of its earlier development must be valuable. It is inferred -from internal evidence that picture-writing preceded and originated -the graphic systems of Egypt, Nineveh, and China, but in North America -its use is still modern and current. It can be studied there, without -any requirement of inference or hypothesis, in actual existence as -applied to records and communications. Furthermore, its transition -into signs of sound is apparent in the Aztec and the Maya characters, -in which stage it was only arrested by foreign conquest. The earliest -lessons of the birth and growth of culture in this most important -branch of investigation can therefore be best learned from the Western -Hemisphere. In this connection it may be noticed that picture-writing -is found in sustained vigor on the same continent where sign-language -has prevailed or continued in active operation to an extent unknown in -other parts of the world. These modes of expression, _i. e._, transient -and permanent idea-writing, are so correlated in their origin and -development that neither can be studied with advantage to the exclusion -of the other. - -The limits assigned to this paper allow only of its comprehending the -Indians north of Mexico, except as the pictographs of other peoples -are introduced for comparison. Among these no discovery has yet -been made of any of the several devices, such as the rebus, or the -initial, adopted elsewhere, by which the element of sound apart from -significance has been introduced. - -The first stage of picture-writing as recognized among the Egyptians -was the representation of a material object in such style or connection -as determined it not to be a mere portraiture of that object, but -figurative of some other object or person. This stage is abundantly -exhibited among the Indians. Indeed, their personal and tribal names -thus objectively represented constitute the largest part of their -picture-writing so far thoroughly understood. - -The second step gained by the Egyptians was when the picture became -used as a symbol of some quality or characteristic. It can be readily -seen how a hawk with bright eye and lofty flight might be selected as -a symbol of divinity and royalty, and that the crocodile should denote -darkness, while a slightly further step in metaphysical symbolism made -the ostrich feather, from the equality of its filaments, typical of -truth. It is evident from examples given in the present paper that -the North American tribes at the time of the Columbian discovery had -entered upon this second step of picture-writing, though with marked -inequality between tribes and regions in advance therein. None of them -appear to have reached such proficiency in the expression of connected -ideas by picture as is shown in the sign-language existing among some -of them, in which even conjunctions and prepositions are indicated. -Still many truly ideographic pictures are known. - -A consideration relative to the antiquity of mystic symbolism, and its -position in the several culture-periods, arises in this connection. -It appears to have been an outgrowth of human thought, perhaps in the -nature of an excrescence, useful for a time, but abandoned after a -certain stage of advancement. - -A criticism has been made on the whole subject of pictography by Dr. -Richard Andree, who, in his work, Ethnographische Parallelen und -Vergleiche, Stuttgart, 1878, has described and figured a large number -of examples of petroglyphs, a name given by him to rock-drawings -and adopted by the present writer. His view appears to be that these -figures are frequently the idle marks which, among civilized people, -boys or ignorant persons cut with their pen-knives on the desks and -walls of school-rooms, or scrawl on the walls of lanes and retired -places. From this criticism, however, Dr. Andree carefully excludes the -pictographs of the North American Indians, his conclusion being that -those found in other parts of the world generally occupy a transition -stage lower than that conceded for the Indians. It is possible that -significance may yet be ascertained in many of the characters found in -other regions, and perhaps this may be aided by the study of those in -North America; but no doubt should exist that the latter have purpose -and meaning. Any attempt at the relegation of such pictographs as are -described in the present paper, and have been the subject of the study -of the present writer, to any trivial origin can be met by a thorough -knowledge of the labor and pains which were necessary in the production -of some of the petroglyphs described. - -All criticism in question with regard to the actual significance of -North American pictographs is still better met by their practical use -by historic Indians for important purposes, as important to them as -the art of writing, of which the present paper presents a large number -of conclusive examples. It is also known that when they now make -pictographs it is generally done with intention and significance. - -Even when this work is undertaken to supply the demand for painted -robes as articles of trade it is a serious manufacture, though -sometimes imitative in character and not intrinsically significant. -All other instances known in which pictures are made without original -design, as indicated under the several classifications of this paper, -are when they are purely ornamental; but in such cases they are often -elaborate and artistic, never the idle scrawls above mentioned. A main -object of this paper is to call attention to the subject in other parts -of the world, and to ascertain whether the practice of pictography -does not still exist in some corresponding manner beyond what is now -published. - -A general deduction made after several years of study of pictographs of -all kinds found among the North American Indians is that they exhibit -very little trace of mysticism or of esotericism in any form. They -are objective representations, and cannot be treated as ciphers or -cryptographs in any attempt at their interpretation. A knowledge of -the customs, costumes, including arrangement of hair, paint, and all -tribal designations, and of their histories and traditions is essential -to the understanding of their drawings, for which reason some of those -particulars known to have influenced pictography are set forth in this -paper, and others are suggested which possibly had a similar influence. - -Comparatively few of their picture signs have become merely -conventional. A still smaller proportion are either symbolical or -emblematic, but some of these are noted. By far the larger part of them -are merely mnemonic records and are treated of in connection with -material objects formerly and, perhaps, still used mnemonically. - -It is believed that the interpretation of the ancient forms is to be -obtained, if at all, not by the discovery of any hermeneutic key, but -by an understanding of the modern forms, some of which fortunately -can be interpreted by living men; and when this is not the case -the more recent forms can be made intelligible at least in part by -thorough knowledge of the historic tribes, including their sociology, -philosophy, and arts, such as is now becoming acquired, and of their -sign-language. - -It is not believed that any considerable information of value in -an historical point of view will be obtained directly from the -interpretation of the pictographs in North America. The only pictures -which can be of great antiquity are rock-carvings and those in shell or -similar substances resisting the action of time, which have been or may -be found in mounds. The greater part of those already known are simply -peckings, etchings, or paintings delineating natural objects, very -often animals, and illustrate the beginning of pictorial art. It is, -however, probable that others were intended to commemorate events or to -represent ideas entertained by their authors, but the events which to -them were of moment are of little importance as history. They referred -generally to some insignificant fight or some season of plenty or of -famine, or to other circumstances the evident consequence of which has -long ceased. - -While, however, it is not supposed that old inscriptions exist directly -recording substantively important events, it is hoped that some -materials for history can be gathered from the characters in a manner -similar to the triumph of comparative philology in resurrecting the -life-history and culture of the ancient Aryans. The significance of the -characters being granted, they exhibit what chiefly interested their -authors, and those particulars may be of anthropologic consequence. -The study has so far advanced that, independent of the significance -of individual characters, several distinct types of execution are -noted which may be expected to disclose data regarding priscan habitat -and migration. In this connection it may be mentioned that recent -discoveries render it probable that some of the pictographs were -intended as guide-marks to point out trails, springs, and fords, and -some others are supposed to indicate at least the locality of mounds -and graves, and possibly to record specific statements concerning -them. A comparison of typical forms may also usefully be made with the -objects of art now exhumed in large numbers from the mounds. - -Ample evidence exists that many of the pictographs, both ancient and -modern, are connected with the mythology and religious practices of -their makers. The interpretations obtained during the present year of -some of those among the Moki, Zuñi, and Navajo, throw new and strong -light on this subject. It is regretted that the most valuable and novel -part of this information cannot be included in the present paper, as -it is in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology in a shape not yet -arranged for publication, or forms part of the forthcoming volume of -the Transactions of the Anthropological Society of Washington, which -may not be anticipated. - -The following general remarks of Schoolcraft, Vol. I, p. 351, are of -some value, though they apply with any accuracy only to the Ojibwa and -are tinctured with a fondness for the mysterious: - - For their pictographic devices the North American Indians have two - terms, namely, _Kekeewin_, or such things as are generally understood - by the tribe; and _Kekeenowin_, or teachings of the _medas_ or - priests, _jossakeeds_ or prophets. The knowledge of the latter is - chiefly confined to persons who are versed in their system of magic - medicine, or their religion, and may be deemed hieratic. The former - consists of the common figurative signs, such as are employed at - places of sepulture, or by hunting or traveling parties. It is also - employed in the _muzzinábiks_, or rock-writings. Many of the figures - are common to both, and are seen in the drawings generally; but it - is to be understood that this results from the figure-alphabet being - precisely the same in both, while the devices of the nugamoons, or - medicine, wabino, hunting, and war songs, are known solely to the - initiates who have learned them, and who always pay high to the - native professors for this knowledge. - -It must, however, be admitted, as above suggested, that many of the -pictographs found are not of the historic or mythologic significance -once supposed. For instance, the examination of the rock carvings in -several parts of the country has shown that some of them were mere -records of the visits of individuals to important springs or to fords -on regularly established trails. In this respect there seems to have -been, in the intention of the Indians, very much the same spirit as -induces the civilized man to record his initials upon objects in the -neighborhood of places of general resort. At Oakley Springs, Arizona -Territory, totemic marks have been found, evidently made by the -same individual at successive visits, showing that on the number of -occasions indicated he had passed by those springs, probably camping -there, and such record was the habit of the neighboring Indians at that -time. The same repetition of totemic names has been found in great -numbers in the pipestone quarries of Dakota, and also at some old -fords in West Virginia. But these totemic marks are so designed and -executed as to have intrinsic significance and value, wholly different -in this respect from vulgar names in alphabetic form. It should also -be remembered that mere _graffiti_ are recognized as of value by the -historian, the anthropologist, and the artist. - -One very marked peculiarity of the drawings of the Indians is that -within each particular system, such as may be called a tribal system, -of pictography, every Indian draws in precisely the same manner. The -figures of a man, of a horse, and of every other object delineated, are -made by every one who attempts to make any such figure with all the -identity of which their mechanical skill is capable, thus showing their -conception and motive to be the same. - -The intention of the present work is not to present at this time a -view of the whole subject of pictography, though the writer has been -preparing materials with a reference to that more ambitious project. -The paper is limited to the presentation of the most important known -pictographs of the North American Indians, with such classification -as has been found convenient to the writer, and, for that reason, may -be so to collaborators. The scheme of the paper has been to give very -simply one or more examples, with illustrations, in connection with -each one of the headings or titles of the classifications designated. -This plan has involved a considerable amount of cross reference, -because, in many cases, a character, or a group of characters, could be -considered with reference to a number of noticeable characteristics, -and it was a question of choice under which one of the headings -it should be presented, involving reference to it from the other -divisions of the paper. An amount of space disproportionate to the -mere subdivision of Time under the class of Mnemonics, is occupied by -the Dakota Winter Counts, but it is not believed that any apology is -necessary for their full presentation, as they not only exhibit the -device mentioned in reference to their use as calendars, but furnish a -repertory for all points connected with the graphic portrayal of ideas. - -Attention is invited to the employment of the heraldic scheme of -designating colors by lines, dots, etc., in those instances in the -illustrations where color appeared to have significance, while it was -not practicable to produce the coloration of the originals. In many -cases, however, the figures are too minute to permit the successful use -of that scheme, and the text must be referred to for explanation. - -Thanks are due and rendered for valuable assistance to correspondents -and especially to officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and the United -States Geological Survey, whose names are generally mentioned in -connection with their several contributions. Acknowledgment is -also made now and throughout the paper to Dr. W. J. Hoffman who -has officially assisted the present writer during several years by -researches in the field, and by drawing nearly all the illustrations -presented. - - - - -DISTRIBUTION OF PETROGLYPHS IN NORTH AMERICA. - - -Etchings or paintings on rocks in North America are distributed -generally. - -They are found throughout the extent of the continent, on bowlders -formed by the sea waves or polished by ice of the glacial epoch; on the -faces of rock ledges adjoining streams; on the high walls of cañons -and cliffs; on the sides and roofs of caves; in short, wherever smooth -surfaces of rock appear. Drawings have also been discovered on stones -deposited in mounds and caves. Yet while these records are so frequent, -there are localities to be distinguished in which they are especially -abundant and noticeable. Also they differ markedly in character of -execution and apparent subject-matter. - -An obvious division can be made between characters etched or pecked and -those painted without incision. This division in execution coincides to -a certain extent with geographic areas. So far as ascertained, painted -characters prevail perhaps exclusively throughout Southern California, -west and southwest of the Sierra Nevada. Pictures, either painted or -incised, are found in perhaps equal frequency in the area extending -eastward from the Colorado River to Georgia, northward into West -Virginia, and in general along the course of the Mississippi River. In -some cases the glyphs are both incised and painted. The remaining parts -of the United States show rock-etchings almost exclusive of paintings. - -It is proposed with the accumulation of information to portray the -localities of these records upon a chart accompanied by a full -descriptive text. In such chart will be designated their relative -frequency, size, height, position, color, age, and other particulars -regarded as important. With such chart and list the classification and -determination now merely indicated may become thorough. - -In the present paper a few only of the more important localities will -be mentioned; generally those which are referred to under several -appropriate heads in various parts of the paper. Notices of some of -these have been published; but many of them are publicly mentioned for -the first time in this paper, knowledge respecting them having been -obtained by the personal researches of the officers of the Bureau of -Ethnology, or by their correspondents. - - -NORTHEASTERN ROCK CARVINGS. - -A large number of known and described pictographs on rocks occur -in that portion of the United States and Canada at one time in the -possession of the several tribes constituting the Algonkian linguistic -stock. This is particularly noticeable throughout the country of the -great lakes, and the Northern, Middle, and New England States. - -The voluminous discussion upon the Dighton Rock, Massachusetts, -inscription, renders it impossible wholly to neglect it. - -The following description, taken from Schoolcraft’s History, Condition, -and Prospect of the Indian Tribes of the United States, Vol. IV, p. -119, which is accompanied with a plate, is, however, sufficient. It -is merely a type of Algonkin rock-carving, not so interesting as many -others: - - The ancient inscription on a bowlder of greenstone rock lying in - the margin of the Assonet, or Taunton River, in the area of ancient - Vinland, was noticed by the New England colonists so early as 1680, - when Dr. Danforth made a drawing of it. This outline, together with - several subsequent copies of it, at different eras, reaching to 1830, - all differing considerably in their details, but preserving a certain - general resemblance, is presented in the Antiquatés Americanes - [_sic_] (Tab. XI, XII) and referred to the same era of Scandinavian - discovery. The imperfections of the drawings (including that executed - under the auspices of the Rhode Island Historical Society, in 1830, - Tab. XII) and the recognition of some characters bearing more or less - resemblance to antique Roman letters and figures, may be considered - to have misled Mr. Magnusen in his interpretation of it. From - whatever cause, nothing could, it would seem, have been wider from - the purport and true interpretation of it. It is of purely Indian - origin, and is executed in the peculiar symbolic character of the - Kekeewin. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN PENNSYLVANIA. - -Many of the rocks along the river courses in Northern and Western -Pennsylvania bear traces of carvings, though, on account of the -character of the geological formations, some of these records are -almost, if not entirely, obliterated. - -Mr. P. W. Shafer published in a historical map of Pennsylvania, in -1875, several groups of pictographs. (They had before appeared in -a rude and crowded form in the Transactions of the Anthropological -Institute of New York, N. Y., 1871-’72, p. 66, Figs. 25, 26, where -the localities are mentioned as “Big” and “Little” Indian Rocks, -respectively.) One of these is situated on the Susquehanna River, -below the dam at Safe Harbor, and clearly shows its Algonkin origin. -The characters are nearly all either animals or various forms of the -human body. Birds, bird-tracks, and serpents also occur. A part of this -pictograph is presented below, Figure 149, page 226. - -On the same chart a group of pictures is also given, copied from the -originals on the Allegheny River, in Venango County, 5 miles south of -Franklin. There are but six characters furnished in this instance, -three of which are variations of the human form, while the others are -undetermined. - -Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela City, describes in correspondence a -rock bearing pictographs opposite the town of Millsborough, in Fayette -County, Pennsylvania. This rock is about 390 feet above the level of -Monongahela River, and belongs to the Waynesburg stratum of sandstone. -It is detached, and rests somewhat below its true horizon. It is about -6 feet in thickness, and has vertical sides; only two figures are -carved on the sides, the inscriptions being on the top, and are now -considerably worn. Mr. Wall mentions the outlines of animals and some -other figures, formed by grooves or channels cut from an inch to a mere -trace in depth. No indications of tool marks were discovered. It is -presented below as Figure 147, page 224. - -The resemblance between this record and the drawings on Dighton Rock is -to be noted, as well as that between both of them and some in Ohio. - -Mr. J. Sutton Wall also contributes a group of etchings on what is -known as the “Geneva Picture Rock,” in the Monongahela Valley, near -Geneva. These are foot-prints and other characters similar to those -mentioned from Hamilton Farm, West Virginia, which are shown in Figure -148, page 225. - -Schoolcraft (Vol. IV, pp. 172, 173, Pll. 17, 18), describes also, -presenting plates, a pictograph on the Allegheny River as follows: - - One of the most often noticed of these inscriptions exists on the - left bank of this river [the Allegheny], about six miles below - Franklin (the ancient Venango), Pennsylvania. It is a prominent - point of rocks, around which the river deflects, rendering this - point a very conspicuous object. * The rock, which has been lodged - here in some geological convulsion, is a species of hard sandstone, - about twenty-two feet in length by fourteen in breadth. It has an - inclination to the horizon of about fifty degrees. During freshets - it is nearly overflown. The inscription is made upon the inclined - face of the rock. The present inhabitants in the country call it - the ‘Indian God.’ It is only in low stages of water that it can be - examined. Captain Eastman has succeeded, by wading into the water, - in making a perfect copy of this ancient record, rejecting from its - borders the interpolations of modern names put there by boatmen, - to whom it is known as a point of landing. The inscription itself - appears distinctly to record, in symbols, the triumphs in hunting and - war. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN OHIO. - -In the Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers, -Columbus, 1877, many localities showing rock carvings are noted. The -most important (besides those mentioned below) are as follows: Newark, -Licking County, where human hands, many varieties of bird tracks, and a -cross are noticed. Independence, Cuyahoga County, showing human hands -and feet and serpents. Amherst, Lorain County, presenting similar -objects. Wellsville, Columbiana County, where the characters are more -elaborate and varied. - -Mr. James W. Ward describes in the Journal of the Anthropological -Institute of New York, Vol. I, 1871-’72, pp. 57-64, Figs. 14-22, some -sculptured rocks. They are reported as occurring near Barnesville, -Belmont County, and consist chiefly of the tracks of birds and animals. -Serpentine forms also occur, together with concentric rings. The -author also quotes Mr. William A. Adams as describing, in a letter to -Professor Silliman in 1842, some figures on the surface of a sandstone -rock, lying on the bank of the Muskingum River. These figures are -mentioned as being engraved in the rock and consist of tracks of the -turkey, and of man. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN WEST VIRGINIA. - -Mr. P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that he found -numerous localities along the Kanawha River, West Virginia, bearing -pictographs. Rock etchings are numerous upon smooth rocks, covered -during high water, at the prominent fords of the river, as well as -in the niches or long shallow caves high in the rocky cliffs of this -region. Although rude representations of men, animals, and some deemed -symbolic characters were found, none were observed superior to, or -essentially differing from, those of modern Indians. - -Mr. John Haywood mentions (The Natural and Aboriginal History of -Tennessee, Nashville, 1823, pp. 332, 333) rock etchings four miles -below the Burning Spring, near the mouth of Campbell’s Creek, Kanawha -County, West Virginia. These consist of forms of various animals, -as the deer, buffalo, fox, hare; of fish of various kinds; “infants -scalped and scalps alone,” and men of natural size. The rock is said to -be in the Kanawha River, near its northern shore, accessible only at -low water, and then only by boat. - -On the rocky walls of Little Coal River, near the mouth of Big Horse -Creek, are cliffs upon which are many carvings. One of these measures -8 feet in length and 5 feet in height, and consists of a dense mass of -characters. - -About 2 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason County, West Virginia, on the -north side of the Kanawha River, are numbers of characters, apparently -totemic. These are at the foot of the hills flanking the river. - -On the cliffs near the mouth of the Kanawha River, opposite Mount -Carbon, Nicholas County, West Virginia, are numerous pictographs. These -appear to be cut into the sandstone rock. - -See also page 225, Figure 148. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. - -Charles C. Jones, jr., in his Antiquities of the Southern Indians, -etc., New York, 1873, pp. 62, 63, gives some general remarks upon the -pictographs of the southern Indians, as follows: - - In painting and rock writing the efforts of the Southern Indians - were confined to the fanciful and profuse ornamentation of their - own persons with various colors, in which red, yellow, and black - predominated, and to marks, signs, and figures depicted on skins and - scratched on wood, the shoulder blade of a buffalo, or on stone. - The smooth bark of a standing tree or the face of a rock was used - to commemorate some feat of arms, to indicate the direction and - strength of a military expedition, or the solemnization of a treaty - of peace. High up the perpendicular sides of mountain gorges, and - at points apparently inaccessible save to the fowls of the air, - are seen representations of the sun and moon, accompanied by rude - characters, the significance of which is frequently unknown to the - present observer. The motive which incited to the execution of work - so perilous was, doubtless, religious in its character, and directly - connected with the worship of the sun and his pale consort of the - night. - -The same author, page 377, particularly describes and illustrates one -in Georgia, as follows: - - In Forsyth County, Georgia, is a carved or incised bowlder of - fine-grained granite, about 9 feet long, 4 feet 6 inches high, and 3 - feet broad at its widest point. The figures are cut in the bowlder - from one-half to three-fourths of an inch deep. * It is generally - believed that they are the work of the Cherokees. - -These figures are chiefly circles, both plain, nucleated, and -concentric, sometimes two or more being joined by straight lines, -forming what is now known as the “spectacle-shaped” figure. - -Dr. M. F. Stephenson mentions, in Geology and Mineralogy of Georgia, -Atlanta, 1871, p. 199, sculptures of human feet, various animals, bear -tracks, etc., in Enchanted Mountain, Union County, Georgia. The whole -number of etchings is reported as one hundred and forty-six. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN IOWA. - -Mr. P. W. Norris found numerous caves on the banks of the Mississippi -River, in Northeastern Iowa, 4 miles south of New Albion, containing -incised pictographs. Fifteen miles south of this locality paintings -occur on the cliffs. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN MINNESOTA. - -Mr. P. W. Norris has discovered large numbers of pecked totemic -characters on the horizontal face of the ledges of rock at Pipe Stone -Quarry, Minnesota, of which he has presented copies. The custom -prevailed, it is stated, for each Indian who gathered stone (Catlinite) -for pipes to inscribe his totem upon the rock before venturing to -quarry upon this ground. Some of the cliffs in the immediate vicinity -were of too hard a nature to admit of pecking or scratching, and upon -these the characters were placed in colors. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN WYOMING AND IN IDAHO. - -A number of pictographs in Wyoming are described in the report on -Northwestern Wyoming, including Yellowstone National Park, by Capt. -William A. Jones, U. S. A., Washington, 1875, p. 268 _et seq._, Figures -50 to 53 in that work. The last three in order of these figures are -reproduced in Sign Language among North American Indians, in the First -Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, pages 378 and 379, to show their -connection with gesture signs. The most important one was discovered on -Little Popo-Agie, Northwestern Wyoming, by members of Captain Jones’s -party in 1873. The etchings are upon a nearly vertical wall of the -yellow sandstone in the rear of Murphy’s ranch, and appear to be of -some antiquity. - -Further remarks, with specimens of the figures, are presented in this -paper as Figure 150, on page 227. - -Dr. William H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in a letter to the writer, -mentions the discovery of rock etchings on a sandstone rock near the -headwaters of Sage Creek, in the vicinity of Fort Washakie, Wyoming. -Dr. Corbusier remarks that neither the Shoshoni nor the Arapaho Indians -know who made the etchings. The two chief figures appear to be those -of the human form, with the hands and arms partly uplifted, the whole -being surrounded above and on either side by an irregular line. - -The method of grouping, together with various accompanying appendages, -as irregular lines, spirals, etc., observed in Dr. Corbusier’s drawing, -show great similarity to the Algonkin type, and resemble some etchings -found near the Wind River Mountains, which were the work of Blackfeet -(Satsika) Indians, who, in comparatively recent times, occupied -portions of the country in question, and probably also etched the -designs near Fort Washakie. - -A number of examples from Idaho appear _infra_, pages 228 and 229. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN NEVADA. - -At the lower extremity of Pyramid Lake, Nevada, pictographs have been -found by members of the United States Geological Survey, though no -accurate reproductions are available. These characters are mentioned as -incised upon the surface of basalt rocks. - -On the western slope of Lone Butte, in the Carson Desert, Nevada, -pictographs occur in considerable numbers. All of these appear to have -been produced, on the faces of bowlders and rocks, by pecking and -scratching with some hard mineral material like quartz. No copies have -been obtained as yet. - -Great numbers of incised characters of various kinds are found on the -walls of rock flanking Walker River, near Walker Lake, Nevada. Waving -lines, rings, and what appear to be vegetable forms are of frequent -occurrence. The human form and footprints are also depicted. - -Among the copies of pictographs obtained in various portions of the -Northwestern States and Territories, by Mr. G. K. Gilbert, is one -referred as to as being on a block of basalt at Reveillé, Nevada, and -is mentioned as being Shinumo or Moki. This suggestion is evidently -based upon the general resemblance to drawings found in Arizona, and -known to have been made by the Moki Indians. The locality is within -the territory of the Shoshonian linguistic division, and the etchings -are in all probability the work of one or more of the numerous tribes -comprised within that division. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN OREGON AND IN WASHINGTON. - -Numerous bowlders and rock escarpments at and near the Dalles of the -Columbia River, Oregon, are covered with incised or pecked pictographs. -Human figures occur, though characters of other forms predominate. - -Mr. Albert S. Gatschet reports the discovery of rock etchings near -Gaston, Oregon, in 1878, which are said to be near the ancient -settlement of the Tuálati (or Atfálati) Indians, according to the -statement of these people. These etchings are about 100 feet above the -valley bottom, and occur on six rocks of soft sandstone, projecting -from the grassy hillside of Patten’s Valley, opposite Darling Smith’s -farm, and are surrounded with timber on two sides. The distance from -Gaston is about 4 miles; from the old Tuálati settlement probably not -more than 2-1/2 miles in an air-line. - -This sandstone ledge extends for one-eighth of a mile horizontally -along the hillside, upon the projecting portions of which the -inscriptions are found. These rocks differ greatly in size, and slant -forward so that the inscribed portions are exposed to the frequent -rains of that region. The first rock, or that one nearest the mouth of -the cañon, consists of horizontal zigzag lines, and a detached straight -line, also horizontal. On another side of the same rock is a series -of oblique parallel lines. Some of the most striking characters found -upon other exposed portions of the rock appear to be human figures, -_i. e._, circles to which radiating lines are attached, and bearing -indications of eyes and mouth, long vertical lines running downward -as if to represent the body, and terminating in a bifurcation, as if -intended for legs, toes, etc. To the right of one figure is an arm and -three-fingered hand (similar to some of the Moki characters), bent -downward from the elbow, the humerus extending at a right angle from -the body. Horizontal rows of short vertical lines are placed below and -between some of the figures, probably numerical marks of some kind. - -Other characters occur of various forms, the most striking being an -arrow pointing upward, with two horizontal lines drawn across the -shaft, vertical lines having short oblique lines attached thereto. - -Mr. Gatschet, furthermore, remarks that the Tuálati attach a trivial -story to the origin of these pictures, the substance of which is as -follows: The Tillamuk warriors living on the Pacific coast were often -at variance with the several Kalapuya tribes. One day, passing through -Patten’s Valley to invade the country of the Tuálati, they inquired -of a passing woman how far they were from their camp. The woman, -desirous not to betray her own countrymen, said that they were yet at -a distance of one (or two?) days’ travel. This made them reflect over -the intended invasion, and holding a council they preferred to retire. -In commemoration of this the inscription with its numeration marks, was -incised by the Tuálati. - -Capt. Charles Bendire, U. S. Army, states in a letter that Col. Henry -C. Merriam, U. S. Army, discovered pictographs on a perpendicular cliff -of granite at the lower end of Lake Chelan, lat. 48° N., near old Fort -O’Kinakane, on the upper Columbia River. The etchings appear to have -been made at widely different periods, and are evidently quite old. -Those which appeared the earliest were from twenty-five to thirty feet -above the present water level. Those appearing more recent are about -ten feet above water level. The figures are in black and red colors, -representing Indians with bows and arrows, elk, deer, bear, beaver, and -fish. There are four or five rows of these figures, and quite a number -in each row. The present native inhabitants know nothing whatever -regarding the history of these paintings. - -For another example of pictographs from Washington see Figure 109, p. -190. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN UTAH. - -A locality in the southern interior of Utah has been called Pictograph -Rocks, on account of the numerous records of that character found there. - -Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the United States Geological Survey, in 1875 -collected a number of copies of inscriptions in Temple Creek Cañon, -Southeastern Utah, accompanied by the following notes: “The drawings -were found only on the northeast wall of the cañon, where it cuts the -Vermillion cliff sandstone. The chief part are etched, apparently -by pounding with a sharp point. The outline of a figure is usually -more deeply cut than the body. Other marks are produced by rubbing or -scraping, and still other by laying on colors. Some, not all, of the -colors are accompanied by a rubbed appearance, as though the material -had been a dry chalk. - -“I could discover no tools at the foot of the wall, only fragments of -pottery, flints, and a metate. - -“Several fallen blocks of sandstone have rubbed depressions that may -have been ground out in the sharpening of tools. There have been many -dates of inscriptions, and each new generation has unscrupulously run -its lines over the pictures already made. Upon the best protected -surfaces, as well as the most exposed, there are drawings dimmed beyond -restoration and others distinct. The period during which the work -accumulated was longer by far than the time which has passed since the -last. Some fallen blocks cover etchings on the wall, and are themselves -etched. - -“Colors are preserved only where there is almost complete shelter from -rain. In two places the holes worn in the rock by swaying branches -impinge on etchings, but the trees themselves have disappeared. Some -etchings are left high and dry by a diminishing talus (15-20 feet), but -I saw none partly buried by an increasing talus (except in the case of -the fallen block already mentioned). - -“The painted circles are exceedingly accurate, and it seems incredible -that they were made without the use of a radius.” - -In the collection contributed by Mr. Gilbert there are at least fifteen -series or groups of figures, most of which consist of the human form -(from the simplest to the most complex style of drawing), animals, -either singly or in long files, as if driven, bird tracks, human feet -and hands, etc. There are also circles, parallel lines, and waving or -undulating lines, spots, and other unintelligible characters. - -Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a great number of -pictographs, chiefly in color, though some are etched, in a cañon of -the Book Cliff, containing Thompson’s spring, about 4 miles north of -Thompson’s station, on the Denver and Colorado Railroad, Utah. - -Collections of drawings of pictographs at Black Rock spring, on Beaver -Creek, north of Milford, Utah, have been furnished by Mr. Gilbert. A -number of fallen blocks of basalt, at a low escarpment, are filled with -etchings upon the vertical faces. The characters are generally of an -“unintelligible” nature, though the human figure is drawn in complex -forms. Foot-prints, circles, etc., also abound. - -Mr. I. C. Russell, of the United States Geological Survey, furnished -rude drawings of pictographs at Black Rock spring, Utah (see Figure -153). Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the United States Geological Survey, -also discovered pictographs at Fool Creek Cañon, Utah (see Figure 154). -Both of those figures are on page 230. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN COLORADO. - -Captain E. L. Berthoud furnished to the Kansas City Review of Science -and Industry, VII, 1883, No. 8, pp. 489, 490, the following: - - The place is 20 miles southeast of Rio Del Norte, at the entrance of - the cañon of the Piedra Pintada (Painted Rock) Creek. The carvings - are found on the right of the cañon, or valley, and upon volcanic - rocks. They bear the marks of age and are cut in, not painted, as - is still done by the Utes everywhere. They are found for a quarter - of a mile along the north wall of the cañon, on the ranches of W. - M. Maguire and F. T. Hudson, and consist of all manner of pictures, - symbols, and hieroglyphics done by artists whose memory even - tradition does not now preserve. The fact that these are carvings, - done upon such hard rock merits them with additional interest, as - they are quite distinct from the carvings I saw in New Mexico and - Arizona on soft sand-stone. Though some of them are evidently of - much greater antiquity than others, yet all are ancient, the Utes - admitting them to have been old when their fathers conquered the - country. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN NEW MEXICO. - -On the north wall of Cañon de Chelly, one fourth of a mile east of -the mouth of the cañon, are several groups of pictographs, consisting -chiefly of various grotesque forms of the human figure, and also -numbers of animals, circles, etc. A few of them are painted black, the -greater portion consisting of rather shallow lines which are in some -places considerably weathered. - -Further up the cañon, in the vicinity of cliff-dwellings, are numerous -small groups of pictographic characters, consisting of men and animals, -waving or zigzag lines, and other odd and “unintelligible” figures. - -Lieut. J. H. Simpson gives several illustrations of pictographs copied -from rocks in the northwest part of New Mexico in his Report of an -Expedition into the Navajo Country. (Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Cong., -1st sess., 1856, Pl. 23, 24, 25.) - -Inscriptions have been mentioned as occurring at El Moro, consisting -of etchings of human figures and other unintelligible characters. This -locality is better known as Inscription Rock. Lieutenant Simpson’s -remarks upon it, with illustrations, are given in the work last cited, -on page 120. He states that most of the characters are no higher than -a man’s head, and that some of them are undoubtedly of Indian origin. - -At Arch Spring, near Zuñi, figures are cut upon a rock which Lieutenant -Whipple thinks present some faint similarity to those at Rocky Dell -Creek. (Rep. Pac. R. R, Exped., Vol. III, 1856, Pt. III, p. 39, Pl. 32.) - -Near Ojo Pescado, in the vicinity of the ruins, are pictographs, -reported in the last mentioned volume and page, Plate 31, which are -very much weather-worn, and have “no trace of a modern hand about -them.” - - -ROCK-CARVINGS IN ARIZONA. - -On a table land near the Gila Bend is a mound of granite bowlders, -blackened by augite, and covered with unknown characters, the work of -human hands. On the ground near by were also traces of some of the -figures, showing some of the pictographs, at least, to have been the -work of modern Indians. Others were of undoubted antiquity, and the -signs and symbols intended, doubtless, to commemorate some great event. -(See Ex. Doc. No. 41, 30th Cong., 1st sess. (Emory’s Reconnaissance), -1848, p. 89; Ill. opposite p. 89, and on p. 90.) - -Characters upon rocks, of questionable antiquity, are reported in the -last-mentioned volume, Plate, p. 63, to occur on the Gila River, at 32° -38′ 13″ N. lat., and 109° 07′ 30″ long. [According to the plate, the -figures are found upon bowlders and on the face of the cliff to the -height of about 30 feet.] - -The party under Lieutenant Whipple (see Rep. Pac. R. R. Exped., III, -1856, Pt. III, p. 42) also discovered pictographs at Yampais Spring, -Williams River. “The spot is a secluded glen among the mountains. A -high, shelving rock forms a cave, within which is a pool of water and -a crystal stream flowing from it. The lower surface of the rock is -covered with pictographs. None of the devices seem to be of recent -date.” - -Many of the country rocks lying on the Colorado plateau of Northern -Arizona, east of Peach Springs, bear traces of considerable artistic -workmanship. Some observed by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, in 1871, were rather -elaborate and represented figures of the sun, human beings in various -styles approaching the grotesque, and other characters not yet -understood. All of those observed were made by pecking the surface of -basalt with a harder variety of stone. - -Mr. G. K. Gilbert discovered etchings at Oakley Spring, eastern -Arizona, in 1878, relative to which he remarks that an Oraibi chief -explained them to him and said that the “Mokis make excursions to a -locality in the cañon of the Colorado Chiquito to get salt. On their -return they stop at Oakley Spring and each Indian makes a picture on -the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, the symbol of his gens -[(?)]. He draws it once, and once only, at each visit.” Mr. Gilbert -adds, further, that “there are probably some exceptions to this, but -the etchings show its general truth. There are a great many repetitions -of the same sign, and from two to ten will often appear in a row. In -several instances I saw the end drawings of a row quite fresh while the -others were not so. Much of the work seems to have been performed by -pounding with a hard point, but a few pictures are scratched on. Many -drawings are weather-worn beyond recognition, and others are so fresh -that the dust left by the tool has not been washed away by rain. Oakley -Spring is at the base of the Vermillion Cliff, and the etchings are on -fallen blocks of sandstone, a homogeneous, massive, soft sandstone. -Tubi, the Oraibi chief above referred to, says his totem is the rain -cloud but it will be made no more as he is the last survivor of the -gens.” - -A group of the Oakley Spring etchings of which Figure 1 is a copy, -measures six feet in length and four feet in height. Interpretations -of many of the separated characters of Figure 1 are presented on page -46 _et seq._, also in Figures 156 _et seq._, page 237. - -[Illustration: FIG. 1.--Petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona.] - -Mr. Gilbert obtained sketches of etchings in November, 1878, on -Partridge Creek, northern Arizona, at the point where the Beale wagon -road comes to it from the east. “The rock is cross-laminated Aubrey -sandstone and the surfaces used are faces of the laminæ. All the -work is done by blows with a sharp point. (Obsidian is abundant in -the vicinity.) Some inscriptions are so fresh as to indicate that -the locality is still resorted to. No Indians live in the immediate -vicinity, but the region is a hunting ground of the Wallapais and -Avasupais (Cosninos).” - -Notwithstanding the occasional visits of the above named tribes, the -characters submitted more nearly resemble those of other localities -known to have been made by the Moki Pueblos. - -Rock etchings are of frequent occurrence along the entire extent of the -valley of the Rio Verde, from a short distance below Camp Verde to the -Gila River. - -Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports etchings on the rocks in Cañon Segy, and in -Keam’s Cañon, northeastern Arizona. Some forms occurring at the latter -locality are found also upon Moki pottery. - - -ROCK CARVINGS IN CALIFORNIA. - -From information received from Mr. Alphonse Pinart, pictographic -records exist in the hills east of San Bernardino, somewhat resembling -those at Tule River in the southern spurs of the Sierra Nevada, Kern -County. - -These pictographic records are found at various localities along the -hill tops, but to what distance is not positively known. - -In the range of mountains forming the northeastern boundary of Owen -Valley are extensive groups of petroglyphs, apparently dissimilar to -those found west of the Sierra Nevada. Dr. Oscar Loew also mentions a -singular inscription on basaltic rocks in Black Lake Valley, about 4 -miles southwest of the town of Benton, Mono County. This is scratched -in the basalt surface with some sharp instrument and is evidently -of great age. (Ann. Report upon the Geog. Surveys west of the 100th -meridian. Being Appendix J J, Ann. Report of Chief of Engineers for -1876. Plate facing p. 326.) - -Dr. W. J. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports the occurrence -of a number of series of etchings scattered at intervals for over -twenty miles in Owen’s Valley, California. Some of these records were -hastily examined by him in 1871, but it was not until the autumn of -1884 that a thorough examination of them was made, when measurements, -drawings, etc., were obtained for study and comparison. The country -is generally of a sandy, desert, character, devoid of vegetation -and water. The occasional bowlders and croppings of rock consist -of vesicular basalt, upon the smooth vertical faces of which occur -innumerable characters different from any hitherto reported from -California, but bearing marked similarity to some figures found in the -country now occupied by the Moki and Zuñi, in New Mexico and Arizona, -respectively. - -The southernmost group of etchings is eighteen miles south of the town -of Benton; the next group, two miles almost due north, at the Chalk -Grade; the third, about three miles farther north, near the stage road; -the fourth, half a mile north of the preceding; then a fifth, five and -a half miles above the last named and twelve and a half miles south of -Benton. The northernmost group is about ten or twelve miles northwest -of the last-mentioned locality and south west from Benton, at a place -known as Watterson’s Ranch. The principal figures consist of various -simple, complex, and ornamental circles, some of the simple circles -varying as nucleated, concentric, and spectacle-shaped, zigzag, and -serpentine lines, etc. Animal forms are not abundant, those readily -identified being those of the deer, antelope, and jack-rabbits. -Representations of snakes and huge sculpturings of grizzly-bear -tracks occur on one horizontal surface, twelve and a half miles south -of Benton. In connection with the latter, several carvings of human -foot-prints appear, leading in the same direction, _i. e._, toward the -south-southwest. - -All of these figures are pecked into the vertical faces of the rocks, -the depths varying from one-fourth of an inch to an inch and a quarter. -A freshly broken surface of the rock presents various shades from a -cream white to a Naples yellow color, though the sculptured lines are -all blackened by exposure and oxidation of the iron contained therein. -This fact has no importance toward the determination of the age of the -work. - -At the Chalk Grade is a large bowlder measuring about six feet in -height and four feet either way in thickness, upon one side of which -is one-half of what appears to have been an immense mortar. The sides -of this cavity are vertical, and near the bottom turn abruptly and -horizontally in toward the center, which is marked by a cone about -three inches high and six inches across at its base. The interior -diameter of the mortar is about twenty-four inches, and from the -appearance of the surface, being considerably grooved laterally, it -would appear as if a core had been used for grinding, similar in action -to that of a millstone. No traces of such a core or corresponding form -were visible. This instance is mentioned as it is the only indication -that the authors of the etchings made any prolonged visit to this -region, and perhaps only for grinding grass seed, though neither grass -nor water is now found nearer than the remains at Watterson’s Ranch and -at Benton. - -The records at Watterson’s are pecked upon the surfaces of detached -bowlders near the top of a mesa, about one hundred feet above the -nearest spring, distant two hundred yards. These are also placed at -the southeast corner of the mesa, or that nearest to the northern most -of the main group across the Benton Range. At the base of the eastern -and northeastern portion of this elevation of land, and but a stone’s -throw from the etchings, are the remains of former camps, such as stone -circles, marking the former sites of brush lodges, and a large number -of obsidian flakes, arrowheads, knives, and some jasper remains of like -character. Upon the flat granite bowlders are several mortar-holes, -which perhaps were used for crushing the seed of the grass still -growing abundantly in the immediate vicinity. Piñon nuts are also -abundant in this locality. - -Upon following the most convenient course across the Benton Range to -reach Owen’s Valley proper, etchings are also found, though in limited -numbers, and seem to partake of the character of “indicators as to -course of travel.” By this trail the northernmost of the several groups -of etchings above mentioned is the nearest and most easily reached. - -The etchings upon the bowlders at Watterson’s are somewhat different -from those found elsewhere. The number of specific designs is limited, -many of them being reproduced from two to six or seven times, thus -seeming to partake of the character of personal names. - -One of the most frequent is that resembling a horseshoe within which -is a vertical stroke. Sometimes the upper extremity of such stroke is -attached to the upper inside curve of the broken ring, and frequently -there are two or more parallel vertical strokes within one such curve. -Bear-tracks and the outline of human feet also occur, besides several -unique forms. A few of these forms are figured, though not accurately, -in the Ann. Report upon the Geog. Surveys west of the 100th meridian -last mentioned (1876), Plate facing p. 326. - -Lieutenant Whipple reports (Rep. Pac. R. R. Exped. III, 1856, Pt. III, -p. 42, Pl. 36) the discovery of pictographs at Pai-Ute Creek, about -30 miles west of the Mojave villages. These are carved upon a rock, -“are numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscure to be easily -traceable.” - -These bear great general resemblance to etchings scattered over -Northeast Arizona, Southern Utah, and Western New Mexico. - -Remarkable pictographs have also been found at Tule River Agency. See -Figure 155, page 235. - - -COLORED PICTOGRAPHS ON ROCKS. - -Mr. Gilbert Thompson reports the occurrence of painted characters at -Paint Lick Mountain, 3 miles north of Maiden Spring, Tazewell County, -Virginia. These characters are painted in red, blue, and yellow. A -brief description of this record is given in a work by Mr. Charles B. -Coale, entitled “The Life and Adventures of Wilburn Waters,” etc., -Richmond, 1878, p. 136. - -Mr. John Haywood (The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, -Nashville, 1823, p. 149) mentions painted figures of the sun, moon, a -man, birds, etc., on the bluffs on the south bank of the Holston, 5 -miles above the mouth of the French Broad. These are painted in red -colors on a limestone bluff. He states that they were attributed to -the Cherokee Indians, who made this a resting place when journeying -through the region. This author furthermore remarks: “Wherever on -the rivers of Tennessee are perpendicular bluffs on the sides, and -especially if caves be near, are often found mounds near them, enclosed -in intrenchments, with the sun and moon painted on the rocks,” etc. - -Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discovered by -the Pacific Railroad Expedition in 1853-’54 (Rep. Pac. R. R. Exped., -III, 1856, Pt. III, pp. 36, 37, Pll. 28, 29, 30) may be mentioned those -at Rocky Dell Creek, New Mexico, which were found between the edge of -the Llano Estacado and the Canadian River. The stream flows through a -gorge, upon one side of which a shelving sandstone rock forms a sort -of cave. The roof is covered with paintings, some evidently ancient, -and beneath are innumerable carvings of footprints, animals, and -symmetrical lines. - -Mr. James H. Blodgett, of the U. S. Geological Survey, calls attention -to the paintings on the rocks of the bluffs of the Mississippi River, -a short distance below the mouth of the Illinois River, in Illinois, -which were observed by early French explorers, and have been the -subject of discussion by much more recent observers. - -Mr. P. W. Norris found numerous painted totemic characters upon the -cliffs in the immediate vicinity of the pipestone quarry, Minnesota. -These consisted, probably, of the totems or names of Indians who had -visited that locality for the purpose of obtaining catlinite for making -pipes. These had been mentioned by early writers. - -Mr. Norris also discovered painted characters upon the cliffs on the -Mississippi River, 19 miles below New Albin, in northeastern Iowa. - -Mr. Gilbert Thompson reports his observation of pictographs at San -Antonio Springs, 30 miles east of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The human -form, in various styles, occurs, as well as numerous other characters -strikingly similar to those frequent in the country, farther west, -occupied by the Moki Indians. The peculiarity of these figures is -that the outlines are incised or etched, the depressions thus formed -being filled with pigments of either red, blue, or white. The interior -portions of the figures are simply painted with one or more of the same -colors. - -Charles D. Wright, esq., of Durango, Colorado, writes that he has -discovered “hieroglyphical writings” upon rocks and upon the wall of -a cliff house near the Colorado and New Mexico boundary line. On the -wall in one small building was found a series of characters in red and -black paints, consisting of a “chief on his horse, armed with spear and -lance, wearing a pointed hat and robe; behind this were about twenty -characters representing people on horses, lassoing horses, etc.; in -fact, the whole scene represented breaking camp and leaving in a hurry. -The whole painting measured about 12 by 16 feet.” Other rock-paintings -are also mentioned as occurring near the San Juan River, consisting -of four characters representing men as if in the act of taking an -obligation, hands extended, etc. At the right are some characters in -black paint, covering a space 3 by 4 feet. - -The rock-paintings presented in Plates I and II are reduced copies of -a record found by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Ethnology, in -September, 1884, 12 miles west-northwest of the city of Santa Barbara, -California. They are one-sixteenth original size. The locality is -almost at the summit of the Santa Ynez range of mountains; the gray -sandstone rock on which they are painted is about 30 feet high and -projects from a ridge so as to form a very marked promontory extending -into a narrow mountain cañon. At the base of the western side of this -bowlder is a rounded cavity, measuring, on the inside, about 15 feet -in width and 8 feet in height. The floor ascends rapidly toward the -back of the cave, and the entrance is rather smaller in dimensions -than the above measurements of the interior. About 40 yards west of -this rock is a fine spring of water. One of the four old Indian trails -leading northward across the mountains passes by this locality, and it -is probable that this was one of the camping-places of the tribe which -came south to trade, and that some of its members were the authors of -the paintings. The three trails beside the one just mentioned cross the -mountains at various points east of this, the most distant being about -15 miles. Other trails were known, but these four were most direct -to the immediate vicinity of the Spanish settlement which sprang up -shortly after the establishment of the Santa Barbara Mission in 1786. -Pictographs (not now described) appear upon rocks found at or -near the origin of all of the above-mentioned trails at the base of -the mountains, with the exception of the one under consideration. The -appearance and position of these pictographs appear to be connected -with the several trails. - -The circles figured in _b_ and _d_ of Plate I, and _c_, _r_, and -_w_ of Plate II, together with other similar circular marks bearing -cross-lines upon the interior, were at first unintelligible, as their -forms among various tribes have very different signification. The -character in Plate I, above and projecting from _d_, resembles the -human form, with curious lateral bands of black and white, alternately. -Two similar characters appear, also, in Plate II, _a_, _b_. In _a_, the -lines from the head would seem to indicate a superior rank or condition -of the person depicted. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. I - -PICTOGRAPHS IN SANTA BARBARA COUNTY, CALIFORNIA.] - -Having occasion subsequently to visit the private ethnologic collection -of Hon. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, Dr. Hoffman -discovered a clue to the general import of the above record, as well -as the signification of some of the characters above mentioned. In a -collection of colored illustrations of Mexican costumes some of them -probably a century old, he found blankets bearing borders and colors, -nearly identical with those shown in the circles in Plate I, _d_, and -Plate II, _c_, _r_, _w_. It is more than probable that the circles -represent bales of blankets which early became articles of trade at the -Santa Barbara Mission. If this supposition is correct, the cross-lines -would seem to represent the cords, used in tying the blankets into -bales, which same cross-lines appear as cords in _l_, Plate II. Mr. -Coronel also possesses small figures of Mexicans, of various conditions -of life, costumes, trades, and professions, one of which, a painted -statuette, is a representation of a Mexican lying down flat upon an -outspread serape, similar in color and form to the black and white -bands shown in the upper figure of _d_, Plate I, and _a_, _b_, of Plate -II, and instantly suggesting the explanation of those figures. Upon the -latter the continuity of the black and white bands is broken, as the -human figures are probably intended to be in front, or on top, of the -drawings of the blankets. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. II - -PICTOGRAPHS IN SANTA BARBARA COUNTY, CALIFORNIA.] - -The small statuette above mentioned is that of a Mexican trader, and -if the circles in the pictographs are considered to represent bales of -blankets, there is a figure in Plate I, _d_, still more interesting, -from the union of one of these circles with that of a character -representing the trader, _i. e._, the man possessing the bales. Bales, -or what appear to be bales, are represented to the top and right of the -circle _d_, Plate I, and also upon the right hand figure in _l_, Plate -II. To the right of the latter are three short lines, evidently showing -the knot or ends of the cords used in tying a bale of blankets without -colors, therefore of less importance, or of other goods. This bale is -upon the back of what appears to be a horse, led in an upward direction -by an Indian whose head-dress, and ends of the breech-cloth, are -visible. Other human forms appear in the attitude of making gestures, -one also in _j_, Plate II, probably carrying a bale of goods. Figure -_u_ represents a centipede, an insect found occasionally south of the -mountains, but reported as extremely rare in the immediate northern -regions. (For _x_, see page 232.) - -Mr. Coronel stated that when he first settled in Los Angeles, in 1843, -the Indians living north of the San Fernando mountains manufactured -blankets of the fur and hair of animals, showing transverse bands of -black and white similar to those depicted, which were sold to the -inhabitants of the valley of Los Angeles and to Indians who transported -them to other tribes. - -It is probable that the pictograph is intended to represent the salient -features of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of the -cavity found between the drawings represented in Plate I and Plate II -has disappeared, owing to disintegration, thus leaving a blank about 4 -feet long, and 6 feet from the top to the bottom of the original record -between the parts represented in the two plates. - -Dr. W. J. Hoffman also reports the following additional localities in -Santa Barbara and Los Angeles counties. Fifteen miles west of Santa -Barbara, on the northern summit of the Santa Ynez range, and near the -San Marcos Pass, is a group of paintings in red and black. One figure -resembles a portion of a checker-board in the arrangement of squares. -Serpentine and zigzag lines occur, as also curved lines with serrations -on the concave sides; figures of the sun, groups of short vertical -lines, and _tree forms_, resembling representations of the dragon-fly, -and the human form, as drawn by the Moki Indians, and very similar to -Fig. _e_, Pl. II. These paintings are in a cavity near the base of an -immense bowlder, over twenty feet in height. A short distance from this -is a flat granitic bowlder, containing twenty-one mortar holes, which -had evidently been used by visiting Indians during the acorn season. -Trees of this genus are very abundant, and their fruit formed one of -the sources of subsistence. - -Three miles west-northwest of this locality, in the valley near the -base of the mountain, are indistinct figures in faded red, painted upon -a large rock. The characters appear similar, in general, to those above -mentioned. - -Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Najowe Valley, is -a promontory, at the base of which is a large shallow cavern, the -opening being smaller than the interior, upon the roof and back of -which are numerous figures of similar forms as those observed at San -Marcos Pass. Several characters appear to have been drawn at a later -date than others, such as horned cattle, etc. The black color used was -a manganese compound, while the red pigments consist of ferruginous -clays, abundant at numerous localities in the mountain cañons. Some of -the human figures are drawn with the hands and arms in the attitude of -making the gestures for _surprise_ or _astonishment_, and _negation_. - -One of the most extensive records, and probably also the most -elaborately drawn, is situated in the Carisa Plain, near Señor Oreña’s -ranch, sixty or seventy miles due north of Santa Barbara. The most -conspicuous figure is that of the sun, resembling a face, with -ornamental appendages at the cardinal points, and bearing striking -resemblance to some Moki marks and pictographic work. Serpentine lines -and numerous anomalous forms also abound. - -Four miles northeast of Santa Barbara, near the residence of Mr. -Stevens, is an isolated sandstone bowlder measuring about twenty feet -high and thirty feet in diameter, upon the western side of which is -a slight cavity bearing figures corresponding in general form to -others in this county. The gesture for _negation_ again appears in the -attitude of the human figures. - -Half a mile farther east, on Dr. Coe’s farm, is another smaller -bowlder, in a cavity of which some portions of human figures are shown. -Parts of the drawings have disappeared through disintegration of the -rock, which is called “Pulpit Rock,” on account of the shape of the -cavity, its position at the side of the narrow valley, and the echo -observed upon speaking a little above the ordinary tone of voice. - -Painted rocks also occur in the Azuza Cañon, about thirty miles -northeast of Los Angeles, of which illustrations are given in Plate -LXXX, described on p. 156. - -Dr. Hoffman also found other paintings in the valley of the South Fork -of the Tule River, in addition to those discovered in 1882, and given -in Figure 155, p. 235. The forms are those of large insects, and of the -bear, beaver, centipede, bald eagle, etc. - -Upon the eastern slope of an isolated peak between Porterville and -Visalia, several miles east of the stage road, are pictographs in red -and black. These are chiefly drawings of the deer, bear, and other -animals and forms not yet determined. - -Just previous to his departure from the Santa Barbara region, Dr. -Hoffman was informed of the existence of eight or nine painted records -in that neighborhood, which up to that time had been observed only by -a few sheep-herders and hunters. - -Other important localities showing colored etchings, and other -painted figures, are at San Diego, California; at Oneida, Idaho; in -Temple Creek Cañon, southeastern Utah, and in the Cañon de Chelly, -northwestern New Mexico. - - - - -FOREIGN PETROGLYPHS. - - -The distribution and the description of the petroglyphs of Mexico, -as well as of other forms of pictographs found there, are omitted in -the present paper. The subject is so vast, and such a large amount of -information has already been given to the public concerning it, that it -is not considered in this work, which is mainly devoted to the similar -productions of the tribes popularly known as North American Indians, -although the pre-Columbian inhabitants of Mexico should, in strictness, -be included in that category. It is, however, always to be recognized -that one of the most important points in the study of pictographs, is -the comparison of those of Mexico with those found farther north. - -Copies of many petroglyphs found in the eastern hemisphere have been -collected, but the limitations of the present paper do not allow of -their reproduction or discussion. - - -PETROGLYPHS IN SOUTH AMERICA. - -While the scope of this work does not contemplate either showing the -distribution of the rock carvings in South America, or entering upon -any detailed discussion of them, some account is here subjoined for the -purpose of indicating the great extent of the ethnic material of this -character that is yet to be obtained from that continent. Alexander -von Humboldt, in Aspects of Nature in different lands and different -climates, etc., Vol. I, pp. 196-201, London, 1850, gives the following -general remarks concerning pictographs from South America: - - In the interior of South America, between the 2d and 4th degrees of - North latitude, a forest-covered plain is enclosed by four rivers, - the Orinoco, the Atabapo, the Rio Negro, and the Cassiquiare. In - this district are found rocks of granite and of syenite, covered, - like those of Caicara and Uruana, with colossal symbolical figures - of crocodiles and tigers, and drawings of household utensils, and - of the sun and moon. At the present time this remote corner of the - earth is entirely without human inhabitants, throughout an extent - of more than 8,000 square geographical miles. The tribes nearest to - its boundaries are wandering naked savages, in the lowest stages - of human existence, and far removed from any thoughts of carving - hieroglyphics on rocks. One may trace in South America an entire - zone, extending through more than eight degrees of longitude, of - rocks so ornamented; viz. from the Rupuniri, Essequibo, and the - mountains of Pacaraima, to the banks of the Orinoco and of the - Yupura. These carvings may belong to very different epochs, for - Sir Robert Schomburgk even found on the Rio Negro representations - of a Spanish galiot, which must have been of a later date than the - beginning of the 16th century; and this in a wilderness where the - natives were probably as rude then as at the present time. But it - must not be forgotten that * * nations of very different descent, - when in a similar uncivilized state, having the same disposition to - simplify and generalize outlines, and being impelled by inherent - mental dispositions to form rythmical repetitions and series, may - be led to produce similar signs and symbols. * * * Some miles from - Encaramada, there rises, in the middle of the savannah, the rock - Tepu-Mereme, or painted rock. It shews several figures of animals and - symbolical outlines which resemble much those observed by us at some - distance above Encaramada, near Caycara, in 7° 5′ to 7° 40′ lat., and - 66° 28′ to 67° 23′ W. long. from Greenwich. Rocks thus marked are - found between the Cassiquiare and the Atabapo (in 2° 5′ to 3° 20′ - lat.), and what is particularly remarkable, 560 geographical miles - farther to the East in the solitudes of the Parime. This last fact is - placed beyond a doubt by the journal of Nicholas Hortsman, of which I - have seen a copy in the handwriting of the celebrated D’Anville. That - simple and modest traveller wrote down every day, on the spot, what - had appeared to him most worthy of notice, and he deserves perhaps - the more credence because, being full of dissatisfaction at having - failed to discover the objects of his researches, the Lake of Dorado, - with lumps of gold and a diamond mine, he looked with a certain - degree of contempt on whatever fell in his way. He found, on the - 16th of April, 1749, on the banks of the Rupunuri, at the spot where - the river winding between the Macarana mountains forms several small - cascades, and before arriving in the district immediately round Lake - Amucu, “rocks covered with figures,”--or, as he says in Portugese, - “de varias letras.” We were shown at the rock of Culimacari, on - the banks of the Cassiquiare, signs which were called characters, - arranged in lines--but they were only ill-shaped figures of heavenly - bodies, boa-serpents, and the utensils employed in preparing manioc - meal. I have never found among these painted rocks (piedras pintadas) - any symmetrical arrangement or any regular even-spaced characters. I - am therefore disposed to think that the word “letras” in Hortsmann’s - journal must not be taken in the strictest sense. - - Schomburgk was not so fortunate as to rediscover the rock seen by - Hortsmann, but he has seen and described others on the banks of the - Essequibo, near the cascade of Warraputa. “This cascade,” he says, - “is celebrated not only for its height but also for the quantity of - figures cut on the rock, which have great resemblance to those which - I have seen in the island of St. John, one of the Virgin Islands, - and which I consider to be, without doubt, the work of the Caribs, - by whom that part of the Antilles was formerly inhabited. I made the - utmost efforts to detach portions of the rock which contained the - inscription, and which I desired to take with me, but the stone was - too hard and fever had taken away my strength. Neither promises nor - threats could prevail on the Indians to give a single blow with a - hammer to these rocks--the venerable monuments of the superior mental - cultivation of their predecessors. They regard them as the work of - the Great Spirit, and the different tribes who we met with, though - living at a great distance, were nevertheless acquainted with them. - Terror was painted on the faces of my Indian companions, who appeared - to expect every moment that the fire of heaven would fall on my head. - I saw clearly that my endeavors would be fruitless, and I contented - myself with bringing away a complete drawing of these memorials.” * - * * Even the veneration everywhere testified by the Indians of the - present day for these rude sculptures of their predecessors, shews - that they have no idea of the execution of similar works. There is - another circumstance which should be mentioned: between Encaramada - and Caycara, on the banks of the Orinoco, a number of these - hieroglyphical figures are sculptured on the face of precipices at a - height which could now be reached only by means of extraordinarily - high scaffolding. If one asks the natives how these figures have been - cut, they answer, laughing, as if it were a fact of which, none but - a white man could be ignorant, that “in the days of the great waters - their fathers went in canoes at that height.” Thus a geological - fancy is made to afford an answer to the problem presented by a - civilization which has long passed away. - -Mr. A. Pinart has for several years past been engaged in ethnologic -researches, in which, as he explained to the present writer, orally, -he has discovered a very large number of pictographs in the islands -of the Caribbean Sea, in Venezuela, and Nicaragua, with remarkable -correspondences between some of them, and strongly demarkating lines in -regard to different types. His report will be of inestimable value in -the complete discussion of this subject. - - -PETROGLYPHS IN BRITISH GUIANA. - -In particular, a copious extract is given from the recent work Among -the Indians of Guiana, by Everard F. im Thurn: London, 1883. His -account is so suggestive for comparison with the similar discoveries -made in North America that there is a temptation to extract from it -even more liberally than has been done. - -[Illustration: FIG. 2.--Deep carvings in Guiana.] - -The following is taken from pages 391, _et seq._, of that author: - - The pictured rocks, which are certainly the most striking and - mysterious of the antiquities of Guiana, are--and this has apparently - never yet been pointed out--not all of one kind. In all cases various - figures are rudely depicted on larger or smaller surfaces of rocks. - Sometimes these figures are painted, though such cases are few and, - as will be shown, of little moment; more generally they are graven on - the rock, and these alone are of great importance. Rock sculptures - may, again, be distinguished into two kinds, differing in the depth - of incision, the apparent mode of execution, and, most important of - all, the character of the figures represented. - - Painted rocks in British Guiana are mentioned by Mr. C. Barrington - Brown, well known as a traveler in the colony. He says, for instance, - that in coming down past Amailah fall (in the same district and - range as the Kaieteur), on the Cooriebrong River, he passed ‘a large - white sandstone rock ornamented with figures in red paint.’ When in - the Pacaraima mountains, on the Brazilian frontier, I heard of the - existence of similar paintings in that neighborhood, but was unable - to find them. Mr. Wallace, in his account of his ‘Travels on the - Amazons,’ mentions the occurrence of similar drawings in more than - one place near the Amazons; and from these and other accounts it - seems probable that they occur in various parts of South America. - If, as seems likely, these figures are painted with either of the - red pigments which the Indians use so largely to paint their own - bodies as well as their weapons and other implements, or, as is also - possible, with some sort of red earth, they must be modern, the work - of Indians of the present day; for these red pigments would not long - withstand the effects of the weather, especially where, as in the - case quoted from Mr. Brown, the drawings are on such an unenduring - substance as sandstone. Some further account of these paintings is, - however, much to be desired; for, though they are probably modern, - it would be very interesting to know whether the designs resemble - those depicted on the engraved rocks, or are of the kind with which - the Indian at the present time ornaments both his own skin and his - household utensils and paddles. It may be mentioned that in the - Christy collection there is a stone celt from British Guiana on which - are painted lines very closely resembling in character those which - the Indian commonly paints on his own body. - - The engraved rocks, on the contrary, must be of some antiquity; that - is to say, they must certainly date from a time before the influence - of Europeans was much felt in Guiana. As has already been said, - the engravings are of two kinds and are probably the work of two - different people; nor is there even any reason to suppose that the - two kinds were produced at one and the same time. - - These two kinds of engraving may, for the sake of convenience, be - distinguished as ‘deep,’ [a typical example of which is in Figure 2] - and ‘shallow’ [typical example Figure 3,] respectively, according as - the figures are deeply cut into the rock or are merely scratched on - the surface. The former * * vary from one-eighth to one-half of an - inch, or even more, in depth; the latter are of quite inconsiderable - depth. This difference probably corresponds with a difference in the - means by which they were produced. The deep engravings seem cut into - the rock with an edged tool, probably of stone; the shallow figures - were apparently formed by long continued friction with stones and - moist sand. The two kinds seem never to occur in the same place or - even near to each other; in fact, a distinct line may almost be - drawn between the districts in which the deep and shallow kinds - occur, respectively; the deep * * form occurs at several spots on the - Mazeruni, Essequibo, Ireng, Cotinga, Potaro, and Berbice Rivers. The - shallow form has as yet only been reported from the Corentyn River - and its tributaries, where, however, examples occur in considerable - abundance. But the two kinds differ not only in the depth of - incision, in the apparent mode of their production, and in the place - of their occurrence, but also--and this is the chief difference - between the two--in the figures represented. - - * * * * * - - They (the shallow engravings) seem always to occur on comparatively - large and more or less smooth surfaces of rock, and rarely, if - ever, as the deep figures, on detached blocks of rock, piled one - on the other. The shallow figures, too, are generally much larger, - always combinations of straight or curved lines in figures much more - elaborate than those which occur in the deep engravings; and these - shallow pictures always represent not animals, but greater or less - variations of the figure which has been described. Lastly, though I - am not certain that much significance can be attributed to this, all - the examples that I have seen, face more or less accurately eastward. - - The deep engravings, on the other hand, consist not of a single - figure but of a greater or less number of rude drawings. * * These - depict the human form, monkeys, snakes, and other animals, and also - very simple combinations of two or three straight or curved lines - in a pattern, and occasionally more elaborate combinations. The - individual figures are small, averaging from twelve to eighteen - inches in height, but a considerable number are generally represented - in a group. - - Some of the best examples of this latter kind are at Warrapoota - cataracts, about six days’ journey up the Essequibo. - - * * * The commonest figures at Warrapoota are figures of men or - perhaps sometimes monkeys. These are very simple, and generally - consist of one straight line, representing the trunk, crossed by - two straight lines at right angles to the body line: one, about - two-thirds of the distance from the top, represents the two arms as - far as the elbows, where upward lines represent the lower part of the - arms; the other, which is at the lower end, represents the two legs - as far as the knees, from which point, downward lines represent the - lower part of the legs. A round dot, or a small circle, at the top of - the trunk-line, forms the head; and there are a few radiating lines - where the fingers, a few more where the toes, should be. Occasionally - the trunk-line is produced downwards as if to represent a long tail. - Perhaps the tailless figures represent men, the tailed monkeys. In a - few cases the trunk, instead of being indicated by one straight line, - is formed by two curved lines, representing the rounded outlines of - the body; and the body, thus formed, is bisected, by a row of dots, - almost invariably nine in number, which seem to represent vertebræ. - - Most of the other figures at Warrapoota are very simple combinations - of two, three, or four straight lines similar to the so-called - ‘Greek meander pattern,’ which is of such widespread occurrence. - Combinations of curved lines and simple spiral lines also frequently - occur. Many of these combinations closely resemble the figures which - the Indians of the present day paint on their faces and naked bodies. - The resemblance is, however, not so great but that it may be merely - due to the fact that the figures are just such simple combinations - of lines which would occur independently to the rock-engravers and to - the body-painters as to all other untaught designers. - -[Illustration: FIG. 3.--Shallow carvings in Guiana.] - -The same author (pp. 368, 369) gives the following account of the -superstitious reverence entertained for the petroglyphs by the living -Indians of Guiana: - - Every time a sculptured rock or striking mountain or stone is seen, - Indians avert the ill-will of the spirits of such places by rubbing - red peppers (_Capsicum_) each in his or her own eyes. For instance, - on reaching the Timehri rock on the Corentyn River, I at once began - to sketch the figures sculptured thereon. Looking up the next moment - I saw the Indians--men, women and children--who accompanied me all - grouped round the rock-picture, busily engaged in this painful - operation of pepper-rubbing. The extreme pain of this operation when - performed thoroughly by the Indians I can faintly realize from my - own feelings when I have occasionally rubbed my eyes with fingers - which had recently handled red-peppers; and from the fact that, - though the older practitioners inflict this self-torture with the - utmost stoicism, I have again and again seen that otherwise rare - sight of Indians, children, and even young men, sobbing under the - infliction. Yet the ceremony was never omitted. Sometimes when by a - rare chance no member of the party had had the forethought to provide - peppers, lime-juice was used as a substitute; and once, when neither - peppers nor limes were at hand, a piece of blue indigo-dyed cloth was - carefully soaked, and the dye was then rubbed into the eyes. These, - I believe, are the only ceremonies observed by the Indians. One idea - underlies them all, and that is the attempt to avoid attracting the - attention of malignant spirits. - -The following extract from a paper on the Indian picture writing -in British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Brown, in the Journal of the -Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1873, Vol. II, -254-257, gives views and details somewhat different from the foregoing: - - These writings or markings are visible at a greater or less distance - in proportion to the depth of the furrows. In some instances they - are distinctly visible upon the rocks on the banks of the river - at a distance of one hundred yards; in others they are so faint - that they can only be seen in certain lights by reflected rays - from their polished surfaces. They occur upon greenstone, granite, - quartz-porphyry, gneiss, and jasperous sandstone, both in a vertical - and horizontal position, at various elevations above the water. - Sometimes they can only be seen during the dry season, when the - rivers are low, as in several instances on the Berbice and Cassikytyn - rivers. In one instance, on the Corentyne river, the markings on the - rock are so much above the level of the river when at its greatest - height, that they could only have been made by erecting a staging - against the face of the rock, unless the river was at the time much - above its usual level. The widths of the furrows vary from half an - inch to one inch, while the depth never exceeds one-fourth of an - inch. Sometimes the markings are almost level with the surrounding - surfaces, owing to the waste or degradation by atmospheric - influences, which have acted with greater force upon the rough rock - than on the polished face of the grooved markings. The furrows - present the same weather-stained aspect as the rocks upon which they - are cut, and both the rocks and the furrows are in some instances - coated with a thin layer of the oxides of iron and manganese. - - The Indians of Guiana know nothing about the picture writing by - tradition. They scout the idea of their having been made by the - hand of man, and ascribe them to the handiwork of the Makunaima, - their great spirit. Nevertheless, they do not regard them with any - superstitious feelings, looking upon them merely as curiosities, - which is the more extraordinary as there are numbers of large rocks - without any markings on some rivers, which they will not even look at - in passing, lest some calamity should overtake them. Their Peaimen or - sorcerers always squeeze tobacco juice in their eyes on approaching - these, but pay no regard to the sculptured rocks. In the Pacaraima - mountains, between the villages of Mora and Itabay, the path passes - through a circle of square stones placed on one end, one of which - has a carving upon it; some of these blocks have been thrown down - and broken by the Indians, clearly proving their utter disregard for - them. If then there were any traditions regarding these writings - handed down from father to son, I conclude that the Indians of the - present day--the most superstitious of beings--would undoubtedly - treat them with awe and respect. Again, if their forefathers were - as indolent as they now are, they never would have gone to the - trouble of making these pictures merely for the purpose of passing - away their time, which they could have more easily accomplished by - lying in their hammocks from morning to night in a semi-dreamy sort - of state, as their descendants do at present. As these figures were - evidently cut with great care and at much labor by a former race of - men, I conclude that they were made for some great purpose, probably - a religious one, as some of the figures give indications of Phallic - worship. - - -PETROGLYPHS IN BRAZIL. - -The following is an abstract from a paper by J. Whitfield on Rock -Inscriptions in Brazil, in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute -of Great Britain and Ireland, 1874, Vol. III, p. 114: - - The rock inscriptions were visited in August, 1865, during an - exploring expedition for gold mines in the province of Ceará. - Several similar inscriptions are said to exist in the interior of - the province of Ceará, as well as in the provinces of Pernambuco and - Piauhy, especially in the _Sertaõs_, that is, in the thinly-wooded - parts of the interior, but no mention is ever made of their having - been seen near the coast. - - In the margin and bed only of the river are the rocks inscribed. On - the margin they extend in some instances to fifteen or twenty yards. - Except in the rainy season the stream is dry. The rock is a silicious - schist of excessively hard and flinty texture. The marks have the - appearance of having been made with a blunt heavy tool, such as might - be made with an almost worn-out mason’s hammer. - - The situation is about midway between Serra Grande or Ibiapaba and - Serra Merioca, about seventy miles from the coast and forty west of - the town Sobral. There are not any indications of works of art or - other antiquarian remains, nor anything peculiar to the locality. The - country is gently undulating, and of the usual character that obtains - for hundreds of miles extending along the base of the Serra Ibiapaba. - - The native population attribute all the ‘Letreiros’ (inscriptions), - as they do everything else of which they have no information, to the - Dutch as records of hidden wealth. The Dutch, however, only occupied - the country for a few years in the early part of the seventeenth - century. Along the coast numerous forts, the works of the Dutch, - still remain; but there are no authentic records of their ever - having established themselves in the interior of the country, and - less probability still of their amusing themselves with inscribing - puzzling hieroglyphics, which must have been a work of time, on the - rocks of the far interior, for the admiration of wandering Indians. - - -PICTOGRAPHS IN PERU. - -Dr. J. J. Von Tschudi mentions in his Travels in Peru during the -years 1838-1842, [Wiley and Putnam’s Library, Vols. XCIII-XCIV, New -York, 1847,] Pt. II, p. 345-346, that the ancient Peruvians also used -a certain kind of “hieroglyphics” which they engraved in stone, and -preserved in their temples. Notices of these “hieroglyphics” are given -by some of the early writers. There appears to be a great similarity -between these Peruvian pictographs and those found in Mexico and Brazil. - -The temptation to quote from Charles Wiener’s magnificent work Pérou -et Bolivie, Paris, 1880, and also from La Antigüedad del Hombre en el -Plata, by Florentine Ameghino, Paris (and Buenos Aires), 1880, must be -resisted. - - - - -OBJECTS REPRESENTED IN PICTOGRAPHS. - - -The objects depicted in pictographs of all kinds are too numerous and -varied for any immediate attempt at classification. Those upon the -petroglyphs may, however, be usefully grouped. Instructive particulars -regarding them, may be discovered, for instance the delineation of the -fauna in reference to its present or former habitat in the region where -the representation of it is found, is of special interest. - -As an example of the number and kind of animals pictured, as well as -of their mode of representation, the following Figures, 4 to 21, are -presented, taken from the Moki inscriptions at Oakley Springs, Arizona, -by Mr. G. K. Gilbert. These were selected by him from, a large number -of etchings, for the purpose of obtaining the explanation, and they -were explained to him by Tubi, an Oraibi chief living at Oraibi, one of -the Moki villages. - -Jones, in his Southern Indians, p. 377-379, gives a résumé of objects -depicted as follows: - - Upon the Enchanted Mountain in Union County, cut in plutonic rock, - are the tracks of men, women, children, deer, bears, bisons, turkeys - and terrapins, and the outlines of a snake, of two deer, and of a - human hand. These sculptures--so far as they have been ascertained - and counted--number one hundred and thirty-six. The most extravagant - among them is that known as the footprint of the “Great Warrior.” - It measures eighteen inches in length, and has six toes. The other - human tracks and those of the animals are delineated with commendable - fidelity. * * * - - Most of them present the appearance of the natural tread of the - animal in plastic clay. * * * These _intaglios_ closely resemble - those described by Mr. Ward [Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of N. Y., No. - 1, 57 _et seq._], as existing upon the upheaved strata of coarse - carboniferous grit in Belmont County, Ohio, near the town of - Barnesville. - -The appearance of objects showing the influence of European -civilization and christianization should always be carefully noted. An -instance where an object of that character is found among a multitude -of others not liable to such suspicion is in the heart surmounted by -a cross, in the upper line of Figure 1, page 30 _ante._ This suggests -missionary teaching. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 4 - Fig. 5 - Fig. 6 - Fig. 7 - Fig. 8 - Fig. 9 - Fig. 10 - Fig. 11 - Fig. 12 - Fig. 13 - Fig. 14 - Fig. 15 - Fig. 16 - Fig. 17 - Fig. 18 - Fig. 19 - Fig. 20 - Fig. 21 -] - -The following is the explanation of the figures: - - Fig. 4. A beaver. - 5. A bear. - 6. A mountain sheep (_Ovis montana_). - 7. Three wolf heads. - 8. Three Jackass rabbits. - 9. Cottontail rabbit. - 10. Bear tracks. - 11. An eagle. - 12. Eagle tails. - 13. A turkey tail. - 14. Horned toads (_Phryosoma_ sp.?). - 15. Lizards. - 16. A butterfly. - 17. Snakes. - 18. A rattlesnake. - 19. Deer track. - 20. Three Bird tracks. - 21. Bitterns (wading birds). - - - - -INSTRUMENTS USED IN PICTOGRAPHY. - - -These are often of anthropologic interest. A few examples are given as -follows, though other descriptions appear elsewhere in this paper. - - -INSTRUMENTS FOR CARVING. - -This includes etching, pecking, and scratching. - -The Hidatsa, when carving upon stone or rocks, as well as upon pieces -of wood, use a sharply pointed piece of hard stone, usually a fragment -of quartz. - -The bow-drill was an instrument largely used by the Innuit of Alaska in -carving bone and ivory. The present method of cutting figures and other -characters, to record events and personal exploits, consists in the use -of a small blade, thick, though sharply pointed, resembling a graver. - - -INSTRUMENTS FOR DRAWING. - -When in haste, or when the necessary materials are not at hand, the -Hidatsa sometimes prepare notices by drawing upon a piece of wood or -the shoulder blade of a buffalo with a piece of charcoal obtained -from the fire, or with a piece of red chalk, with which nearly every -warrior is at all times supplied. - - -INSTRUMENTS FOR PAINTING. - -Painting upon robes or skins is accomplished by means of thin strips -of wood, or sometimes of bone. Tufts of antelope hair are also used, -by tying them to sticks to make a brush. This is evidently a modern -innovation. Pieces of wood, one end of each chewed so as to produce a -loose fibrous brush, are also used at times, as has been observed among -the Titon Dakota. - -The Hidatsa, Arikara, and other Northwest Indians usually employ a -piece of buffalo rib, or a piece of hard wood, having somewhat of an -elliptical or lozenge-shaped form. This is dipped in thin glue and a -tracing is made, which is subsequently treated in a similar manner with -a solution, of glue, water, and color. - - -INSTRUMENTS FOR TATTOOING. - -The Hidatsa say that formerly, when tattooing was practiced, sharp -pieces of bone were used for pricking the skin. - -The tribes of Oregon, Washington, and northern California used sharp -pieces of bone, thorns, and the dorsal spines of fish, though at -present needles are employed, as they are more effective and less -painful, and are readily procured by purchase. - -Needles are used by the Klamath Indians, according to Mr. Gatschet. - -Rev. M. Eells reports (Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey II, p. -75) that for tattooing the Twana Indians use a needle and thread, -blackening the thread with charcoal and drawing it under the skin as -deeply as they can bear it. - -Stephen Powers says (Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol. III., p. 130) that -tattooing among the Yuki is done with pitch-pine soot, and a -sharp-pointed bone. After the designs have been traced on the skin the -soot is rubbed in dry. - -Paul Marcoy mentions in his Travels in South America, N. Y., 1875, Vol. -II, 353, that the Passés, Yuris, Barrés and Chumanas, of Brazil, use a -needle for tattooing. - -The following quotation is from Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its -Inhabitants, by Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1870, pp. 320, 321: - - The substance generally used as coloring matter is the resin of the - _kauri_ or _rimu_, which, when burnt, is pounded and converted into - a fine powder. - - The _uhi_ or instrument used was a small chisel, made of the bone of - an albatross, very narrow and sharp, which was driven by means of - a little mallet, _he mahoe_, quite through the skin, and sometimes - completely through the cheek as well, in which case when the person - undergoing the operation took his pipe, the smoke found its way out - through the cuttings; the pain was excruciating, especially in the - more tender parts, and caused dreadful swellings, only a small piece - could be done at a time; the operator held in his hand a piece of - _muka_, flax, dipped in the pigment, which he drew over the incision - immediately it was made; the blood which flowed freely from the wound - was constantly wiped away with a bit of flax; the pattern was first - drawn either with charcoal or scratched in with a sharp-pointed - instrument. To tattoo a person fully was therefore a work of time, - and to attempt to do too much at once endangered life. I remember a - poor _porangi_, or insane person, who, during the war, was tattooed - most unmercifully by some young scoundrels; the poor man’s wounds - were so dreadfully inflamed, as to occasion his death; whilst any one - was being operated upon, all persons in the pa were tapu, until the - termination of the work, lest any evil should befall him; to have - fine tattooed faces, was the great ambition of young men, both to - render themselves attractive to the ladies, and conspicuous in war: - for even if killed by the enemy, whilst the heads of the untattooed - were treated with indignity and kicked on one side, those which were - conspicuous by their beautiful moko, were carefully cut off, stuck - on the _turuturu_, a pole with a cross on it, and then preserved; - all which was highly gratifying to the survivors, and the spirits of - their late possessors. - - The person operated upon was stretched all his length on the ground, - and to encourage him manfully to endure the pain, songs were - continually sung to him. - - -COLORS AND METHODS OF APPLICATION. - - -IN THE UNITED STATES. - -Since the establishment of traders’ stores most colors of civilized -manufacture are obtained by the Indians for painting and decoration. -Frequently, however, the primitive colors are prepared and used when -Indians are absent from localities where those may be obtained. The -ferruginous clays of various shade of brown, red, and yellow, occur so -widely distributed in nature that these are the most common and leading -tints. Black is generally prepared by grinding fragments of charcoal -into a very fine powder. Among some tribes, as has been found in some -of the “ancient” pottery from the Arizona ruins, clay had evidently -been mixed with charcoal to give better body. The black color of some -of the Innuit tribes is blood and charcoal intimately mixed, which is -afterwards applied to the incisions made in ivory, bone, and wood. - -Among the Dakota, colors for dyeing porcupine quills are obtained -chiefly from plants, or have been until very recently. The vegetable -colors, being soluble, penetrate the substance of the quills more -evenly and beautifully than the mineral colors of eastern manufacture. - -The black color of some of the Pueblo pottery is obtained by a special -burning with pulverized manure, into which the vessel is placed as it -is cooling after the first baking. The coloring matter--soot produced -by smoke--is absorbed into the pores of the vessel, and will not wear -off as readily as when colors are applied to the surface with sticks or -primitive brushes. - -In decorating skins or robes the Arikara Indians boil the tail of the -beaver, thus obtaining a viscous fluid which is in reality thin glue. -The figures are first drawn in outline with a piece of beef-rib, or -some other flat bone, the edge only being used after having been dipped -into the liquor. The various pigments to be employed in the drawing are -then mixed with some of the same liquid, in separate vessels, when the -various colors are applied to the objects by means of a sharpened piece -of wood or bone. The colored mixture adheres firmly to the original -tracing in glue, and does not readily rub off. - -When similar colors are to be applied to wood, the surface is -frequently picked or slightly incised to receive the color more -securely. For temporary purposes, as for mnemonic marks upon a shoulder -blade of a buffalo or upon a piece of wood to direct comrades upon the -course to be pursued to attain a certain object, a piece of red chalk, -or a lump of red ocher of natural production is resorted to. This is -often carried by the Indian for personal decoration. - -A small pouch, discovered on the Yellowstone River in 1873, which had -been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several fragments -of black micaceous iron. The latter had almost the appearance and -consistence of graphite, so soft and black was the result upon rubbing -it. It had evidently been used for decorating the face as warpaint. - -Mr. Dall, in treating of the remains found in the mammalian layers in -the Amakuak cave, Unalashka, remarks (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, -I, p. 79) that “in the remains of a woman’s work-basket, found in the -uppermost layer in the cave, were bits of this resin [from the bark of -pine or spruce driftwood], evidently carefully treasured, with a little -birch-bark case (the bark also derived from drift logs) containing -pieces of soft hæmatite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, with -which the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork.” - -The same author reports, _op. cit._ p. 86, “The coloration of wooden -articles with native pigments is of ancient origin, but all the more -elaborate instances that have come to my knowledge bore marks of -comparatively recent origin. The pigments used were blue carbonates of -iron and copper; the green fungus, or _peziza_, found in decayed birch -and alder wood; hæmatite and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky -earth; black charcoal, graphite, and micaceous ore of iron. A species -of red was sometimes derived from pine bark or the cambium of the -ground willow.” - -Stephen Powers states in Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, III, -244, that the Shastika women “smear their faces all over daily with -chokecherry juice, which gives them a bloody, corsair aspect.” - -Mr. A. S. Gatschet reports that the Klamaths of southwestern Oregon -employ a black color, _lgú_, made of burnt plum seeds and bulrushes, -which is applied to the cheeks in the form of small round spots. This -is used during dances. Red paint, for the face and body, is prepared -from a resin exuding from the spruce tree, _pánam_. A yellow mineral -paint is also employed, consisting probably of ocher or ferruginous -clay. Mr. Gatschet says the Klamath _spál_, yellow mineral paint, is -of light yellow color, but turns red when burned, after which it is -applied in making small round dots upon the face. The white infusorial -earth (?), termed chalk by Mr. Gatschet, is applied in the form of -stripes or streaks over the body. The Klamaths use charcoal, _lgúm_, in -tattooing. - - * * * * * - -The various colors required by a tribe were formerly obtained from -plants as by the Dakota, while some of the earthy compounds consisted -of red and yellow ocher--oxides of iron--and black micaceous ore of -iron and graphite. Some of the California Indians in the vicinity of -Tulare River also used a white color, obtained at that locality, and -consisted of infusorial earth--diatomaceous. The tribes at and near -the geysers, north of San Francisco Bay, obtained their vermilion from -croppings of sulphuret of mercury--cinnabar. The same is said to have -been the case at the present site of the New Almaden mines, where -tribes of the Mutsun formerly lived. Black colors were also prepared -by mixing finely powdered charcoal and clay, this being practiced by -some of the Pueblos for painting upon pottery. Some of the black color -obtained from pictographs in Santa Barbara County, California, proved -to be a hydrous oxide of manganese. - -For black color in tattooing the Yuki, of California, use soot. The -juice of certain plants is also used by the Karok, of California, to -color the face. - -The Yokuts, of Tule River Agency, California, employ the roots of the -cedar (red) and willow (white) split and rendered uniform in caliber. -During work the materials are kept moistened, so as to permit of easy -manipulation and to prevent fracture of the vegetal fibers. - -Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports regarding the -Osages that one mode of obtaining black color for the face consists in -burning a quantity of small willows. When these are charred they are -broken in small pieces and placed in pans, with a little water in each. -The hands are then dipped into the pan and rubbed together, and finally -rubbed over the parts to be colored. - -Formerly tattooing was more frequently practiced among the Hidatsa -than at present, the marks being caused by pricking the skin with a -sharp splinter of bone and the application of a paste consisting of -finely-powdered charcoal and water. - -The Hualpais, living on the western border of the Colorado Plateau, -Arizona Territory, were found by Dr. Hoffman, in 1871, to decorate -their persons by a disgusting process. Various individuals were -observed who appeared as if their persons had been tattooed in vertical -bands from the forehead to the waist, but upon closer examination it -was found that dark and light bands of the natural skin are produced -in the following manner: When a deer or an antelope has been killed, -the blood is rubbed over the face and breast, after which the spread -and curved fingers--to resemble claws--are scratched downward from -the forehead over the face and over the breast, thus removing some -of the blood; that remaining soon dries, and gives the appearance of -black stripes. The exposed portion of the skin retains the natural -dark-tanned color, while that under the coating of coagulated blood -naturally becomes paler by being protected against the light and air. -These individuals do not wash off such marks of success in the chase, -and after a while the blood begins to drop off by desquamation, leaving -lighter spots and lines, which for a short period of a week or two -appear like tattoo marks. - -The Mojave pigments are ocher, clay, and probably charcoal, mingled -with oil. See Pac. R. R. Exped., Vol. III, Pt. III, p. 33. - -The colors, at present used by the Indians and obtained from the -traders, consist generally of the following compounds, viz.: vermilion, -red lead, chromate of lead (yellow), Prussian blue, chrome green, ivory -black and lamp black, Chinese white, and oxide of zinc. All of these -are in the form of powder or in crude masses, and are subsequently -prepared for use as required. - - -IN BRITISH GUIANA. - -Everard F. im Thurn, _op. cit._, p. 316, gives the following details: - - The dyes used by the Indians to paint their own bodies, and - occasionally to draw patterns on their implements, are red faroah, - purple caraweera, blue-black lana, white felspathic clay, and, though - very rarely, a yellow vegetable dye of unknown origin. - - Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub (_Bixa - orellana_), which grows wild on the banks of some of the rivers, and - is cultivated by the Indians in their clearings. Mixed with a large - quantity of oil, it is then either dried and so kept in lumps which - can be made soft again by the addition of more oil, or is stored in - a liquid condition in tubes made of hollow bamboo-stems. When it is - to be used, either a mass of it is taken in the palm of the hand and - rubbed over the skin or other surface to be painted, or a pattern of - fine lines is drawn with it by means of a stick used as a pencil. The - True Caribs also use faroah largely to stain their hammocks. - - Caraweera is a somewhat similar dye, of a more purplish red, and by - no means so commonly used. It is prepared from the leaves of a yellow - flowered bignonia (_B. chicka_), together with some other unimportant - ingredients. The dried leaves are boiled for a few minutes over a - fire, and then some fresh-cut pieces of the bark of a certain tree - and a bundle of twigs and fresh leaves of another tree are added to - the mixture. The whole is then boiled for about twenty minutes, care - being taken to keep the bark and leaves under water. The pot is then - taken from the fire, and the contents, being poured into bowls, are - allowed to subside. The clear water left at the top is poured away, - and the sediment, of a beautiful purple colour, is put into a cloth, - on which it is allowed to dry; after this it is scraped off and - packed in tiny baskets woven of the leaves of the cokerite palm. The - pigment is used for body-painting, with oil, just as is faroah. - - Lana is the juice of the fruit of a small tree (_Genipa americana_), - with which, without further preparation, blue-black lines are drawn - in patterns, or large surfaces are stained on the skin. The dye thus - applied is for about a week indelible. - - One or more of the three body paints already mentioned is used by - most Indians and in large quantities. But the white, and still more - the yellow, pigments are used only rarely, in lines or dots, and very - sparingly, by some of the Savannah Indians. The white substance is - simply a very semi-liquid felspathic clay, which occurs in pockets - in one or two places on the savannah; this is collected and dried in - lumps, which are then pierced, threaded, and so put aside for future - use. The nature of the yellow dye I was never able to trace; all that - the Indians could or would say was that they received it in small - quantities from a tribe living beyond the Wapianas, who extracted it - from a tree which only grows in that neighborhood. - -Paul Marcoy, in Travels in South America: N. Y., 1875, Vol. II, p. -353, says the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas, of Brazil, employ a -decoction of indigo or genipa in tattooing. - - -SIGNIFICANCE OF COLORS. - -Significance has been attached to the several colors among all -peoples and in all periods of culture. That it is still recognized -in the highest civilizations is shown by the associations of death -and mourning connected with black, of innocence and peace with white, -danger with red, and epidemic disease, officially, with yellow. Without -dwelling upon the modern popular fancies on this subject, some -illustrations from antiquity may be useful for comparison. - -The Babylonians represented the sun and its sphere of motion by gold, -the moon by silver, Saturn by black, Jupiter by orange, Mars by red, -Venus by pale yellow, and Mercury by deep blue. Red was anciently and -generally connected with divinity and power both priestly and royal. -The tabernacle of the Israelites was covered with skins dyed red and -the gods and images of Egypt and Chaldea were noticeably of that color, -which to this day is the one distinguishing the Roman Pontiff and the -cardinals. - -In ancient art each color had a mystic sense or symbolism, and its -proper use was an important consideration and carefully studied. With -regard to early Christian art, the following extract is given from Mrs. -Clement’s Handbook of Legendary and Mythologic Art, Boston, 1883. The -associations with the several colors therein mentioned differ widely -from those in modern folk-lore--for instance, those with green and -yellow, from the same colors stigmatized in the song produced by Mr. -Black in his Three Feathers, exhibiting the belief in Cornwall that -“green’s forsaken and yellow’s forsworn.” - - White is worn by the Saviour after his resurrection, by the Virgin - in representations of the Assumption; by women as the emblem of - chastity; by rich men to indicate humility, and by the judge as the - symbol of integrity. It is represented sometimes by silver or the - diamond, and its sentiment is purity, virginity, innocence, faith, - joy, and light. - - Red, the color of the ruby, speaks of royalty, fire, divine love, - the holy spirit, creative power, and heat. In an opposite sense it - symbolized blood, war, and hatred. Red and black combined were the - colors of Satan, purgatory, and evil spirits. Red and white roses are - emblems of love and innocence, or love and wisdom, as in the garland - of St. Cecilia. - - Blue, that of the sapphire, signified heaven, heavenly love and - truth, constancy and fidelity. Christ and the Virgin Mary wear the - blue mantle, St. John a blue tunic. - - Green, the emerald, the color of spring, expressed hope and victory. - - Yellow or gold was the emblem of the sun, the goodness of God, - marriage and fruitfulness. St. Joseph and St. Peter wear yellow. - Yellow has also a bad signification when it has a dirty, dingy hue, - such as the usual dress of Judas, and then signifies jealousy, - inconstancy, and deceit. - - Violet or amethyst signified passion and suffering, or love and - truth. Penitents, as the Magdalene, wear it. The Madonna wears it - after the crucifixion, and Christ after the resurrection. - - Gray is the color of penance, mourning, humility, or accused - innocence. - - Black with white signified humility, mourning, and purity of life. - Alone, it spoke of darkness, wickedness, and death, and belonged to - Satan. In pictures of the Temptation Jesus sometimes wears black. - -It is probable that, at one time, the several colors, at least in -the same Indian tribe, had each special significance. This general -significance was, however, modified by specific positions of the colors. - -Colors are generally applied at this day according to fancy and without -regard to special signification. The warriors make a distinction when -on the warpath, and when mourning a deceased relative or engaged in -dances and religious ceremonies the members of most of the tribes still -exhibit precise care in the selection and arrangement of color. - -The Dakota at Grand River Agency, now abandoned, generally painted -the face red from the eyes down to the chin when going to war. The -whole face was blacked with charcoal or ashes when mourning. The women -frequently resorted to this method of expressing grief. - -The Absaroka, or Crow Indians, generally paint the forehead red when on -the war-path. This distinction of the Crows is also noted by the Dakota -in recording pictographic narratives of encounters with the Crows. See -page 62, and Figures 124 _et seq._ - -Haywood, Nat. and Aborig. Hist. of Tennessee, 1823, p. 228, says of the -Cherokees: - -“When going to war their hair is combed and annointed with bear’s -grease and the red-root [_Sanguinaria canadensis?_], and they adorn it -with feathers of various beautiful colours, besides copper and iron -rings, and sometimes wampum or peak in the ears. And they paint their -faces all over as red as vermillion, making a circle of black about one -eye and another circle of white about the other.” - -When a Modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle -it means victory or death, and he will not survive a defeat. See -Bancroft’s Native Races, I, p. 333. - -The Los Angeles County Indian girls paint the cheeks sparingly with red -ocher when in love. (Bancroft, I, 403.) This prevails, to some extent -also, among the northern bands of the Sioux, and among the Arikara at -Fort Berthold, Dakota. - -Rev. J. Owen Dorsey reports that when the Osage men go to steal horses -from the enemy they paint their faces with charcoal. - -The same authority gives the following description of the Osage paint -for war parties: - -Before charging the foe the Osages warriors paint themselves anew. This -is called the death paint. If any of the men die with this paint on -them the survivors do not put on any other paint. - -All the gentes on the Tsi[c]u side use the “fire paint” or i[k]ama^n, -which is red. It is applied by them with the left hand all over the -face. And they use prayers about the fire: “As the fire has no mercy, -so should we have none.” Then they put mud on the cheek below the left -eye, as wide as two or more fingers. On the Hañ[k]a side this mud is -put on the cheek, below the right eye. It is the young buffalo bull -decoration (Tse-[t]ú-[c]iñ´[k]a kínŭ^n itáa[p]i aú). With reference to -it, a man says, “My little grandfather (the young buffalo bull) is ever -dangerous, as he makes attempts. Very close do I stand, ready to go to -the attack” (Witsí[k]u [c]iñ´[k]a wáckŭ^n nŭ^n´pewá¢ĕ ehnu^n[p]i aú. -Ecŭ^nqtsita wa[k]a^n´¢a [p]¢é atqa^n´hi aú!) The horse is painted with -some of the mud on the left cheek, shoulder, and thigh. - -For the corresponding Hanka decorations, substitute _the right_ for -_the left_ wherever the latter word occurs above. - -Some who act like a black bear paint with charcoal alone. - -Some paint in the wind style, some in the lightning style, and others -in the panther or puma style. - -See also pages 85 and 162. - -When a Thlinkit arms himself for war he paints his face and powders -his hair a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with white -eagle-feathers, a token of stern vindictive determination. See -Bancroft, Native Races, etc., I, page 105. - -Blue signifies peace among the Indians of the Pueblo of Tesuque. See -Schoolcraft, III, 306. - -In several addresses before the Anthropological Society of Washington, -D. C., and papers yet unpublished, in the possession of the Bureau of -Ethnology, by Mr. James Stevenson, Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, -and Mr. Thomas V. Keam, the tribes below are mentioned as using in -their ceremonial dances the respective colors designated to represent -the four cardinal points of the compass, viz.: - - N. S. E. W. - Stevenson--Zuñi Yellow. Red. White. Black. - Matthews--Navajo Black. Blue. White. Yellow. - Keam--Moki White. Red. Yellow. Blue. - -Capt. John G. Bourke, U. S. Army, in the Snake Dance of the Moquis of -Arizona, etc., New York, 1884, p. 120, says that the Moki employ the -following colors: yellow in prayers for pumpkins, green for corn, and -red for peaches. Black and white bands are typical of rain, while red -and blue bands are typical of lightning. - -The Central Californians (north of San Francisco Bay) formerly wore the -down of Asclepias(?) (white) as an emblem of royalty. See Bancroft, -Native Races, I, 387, 388, quoting Drake’s World Encomp. pp. 124-126. - -The natives of Guatemala wore red feathers in their hats, the nobles -only wearing green ones. _Ibid_, p. 691. - -See with reference to the Haidas, Mr. J. G. Swan’s account, page 66, -_infra_. - -The following extract relative to the color red among the New -Zealanders is from Taylor’s Te Ika a Maui, etc., pp. 209-210. - - Closely connected with religion, was the feeling they entertained - for the Kura, or Red Paint, which was the sacred color; their - idols, _Pataka_, sacred stages for the dead, and for offerings or - sacrifices, _Urupa_ graves, chief’s houses, and war canoes, were all - thus painted. - - The way of rendering anything tapu was by making it red. When a - person died, his house was thus colored; when the tapu was laid on - anything, the chief erected a post and painted it with the kura; - wherever a corpse rested, some memorial was set up, oftentimes the - nearest stone, rock, or tree served as a monument; but whatever - object was selected, it was sure to be made red. If the corpse were - conveyed by water, wherever they landed a similar token was left; - and when it reached its destination, the canoe was dragged on shore, - thus distinguished, and abandoned. When the hahunga took place, - the scraped bones of the chief, thus ornamented, and wrapped in a - red-stained mat, were deposited in a box or bowl, smeared with the - sacred color, and placed in a tomb. Near his final resting-place a - lofty and elaborately carved monument was erected to his memory; this - was called _he tiki_, which was also thus colored. - - In former times the chief annointed his entire person with red ochre; - when fully dressed on state occasions, both he and his wives had red - paint and oil poured upon the crown of the head and forehead, which - gave them a gory appearance, as though their skulls had been cleft - asunder. - -A large number of examples occur in the present paper where the use -and significance of color is mentioned. Among these see pages 64, -165-’6-’7, and 183. - - - - -MATERIALS UPON WHICH PICTOGRAPHS ARE MADE. - - -These may be divided into: - -1st. Natural objects other than the human person. - -2d. The human person. - -3d. Artificial objects. - - -NATURAL OBJECTS. - -Under the first head, the most important division is that of rocks and -stones, many examples of which have already been presented. In addition -to those respecting stone, Mr. Gilbert furnishes some data relating to -the sacred stone kept by the Indians of the village of Oraibi, on the -Moki mesas. This stone was seen by Messrs. John W. Young and Andrew S. -Gibbon, and the notes were made by Mr. Gilbert from those furnished to -him by Mr. Young. Few white men have had access to this sacred record, -and but few Indians have enjoyed the privilege. - -Mr. Gilbert remarks that “the stone was evidently squared by the eye -and not by any instrument. The engraving seems to have been done with -some rude instrument, but executed with some degree of skill, like an -ancient art faded into dim remembrance of the artist or writer of the -characters. The stone is a red clouded marble, entirely different from -anything found in the region, so I learn by the Indians. The stone is -badly worn, and some of the characters are difficult to determine.” - -According to the notes accompanying the rude drawings of this stone, -it is an oblong rectangle, measuring 11-3/4 inches long, 7-1/4 inches -wide, and 1-1/2 inches thick. On one side there is an interior space, -also an oblong rectangle measuring about three-fourths of the size of -the whole tablet, between which and the outer margin are six nude human -figures resembling one another, one at either end and two on each of -the two sides. The interior space may have contained characters, though -no traces are now visible. - -On the other side are drawings of the sun, clouds with rain descending -therefrom, lightning, stars, arrows, foot-prints of the bear, and -several other undeterminable characters. - -No history of the origin and import of this tablet has been obtained. - -Other materials may be mentioned as follows: - - -BONE. - -For instances of the use of bone, refer to several Alaska ivory -carvings in this paper, _e. g._, Figure 111, page 192; Comanche buffalo -shoulder blade, Figure 137, page 216; Hidatsa shoulder blade, page 151; -New Zealand human bone, Figure 34, page 74. - - -THE LIVING TREE. - -An example is to be found in Schoolcraft, IV, p. 253; Pl. 33, Fig. A, -where it is stated that Mr. Richard H. Kern furnished a copy of an -Indian drawing, which was “found on the trunk of a cottonwood tree in -the valley of King’s River, California, and evidently represents the -manner of catching different wild animals with the lasso.” - -The use of the lasso, and the characters being upon the bark of a -living tree, show sufficient reason to believe that this record was of -modern workmanship. - - -WOOD. - -The Indians of the Northwest Coast generally employ wood upon which to -depict objects of various kinds. These appear to partake of a mythical -nature, sometimes becoming absurdly grotesque. Totem posts (Plate -LXXXIII, page 199), boats, boat paddles, the boards constituting the -front wall of a house, and masks are among the objects used upon which -to display artistic skill. - -Ottawa drawings are also found upon pipe-stems made of wood, usually -ash. Figure 120, page 204, is an example of this. - -Among the Arikara boat paddles are used upon which marks of personal -distinction are reproduced, as shown in Figure 80, page 182. - -Wooden dancing ornaments, such as fanciful representations of the human -figure, idols, etc., are generally ornamented with a variety of colors, -having them sometimes arranged to represent designs closely related to, -if not actually signifying, marks of gentile distinction. - -In Alaska, mortuary records are drawn upon slabs of wood. See Figures -113 and 114, page 198. Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, -distress, etc., are also drawn upon thin narrow slips of wood, -averaging an inch in width, and of sufficient length. See Figures 58 -and 59, page 154. A circular piece of wood or board is sometimes drawn -upon, showing the human face, and placed upon a pole, and facing in -a certain direction, to show the course taken by the survivors of a -settlement which has been attacked by an enemy. See Figure 50, page 152. - - -BARK. - -The Ojibwa have, until very recently, been in the habit of tracing -characters of various kinds upon the inner surface of birch bark. -These records are usually mnemonic, though many pertain to personal -exploits. An illustration is given in Figure 139, page 218. The lines -appear to have been traced with a sharply-pointed instrument, probably -bone, and in some examples the drawings are made by simple puncturing. -Sometimes color is applied to the objects delineated, and apparently -with reference to specific signification. The strips of bark, varying -from an inch to several feet in length, roll up upon drying, and are -straightened out for examination by heating near the fire. - - -SKINS. - -This includes scalps. A large number of records upon the hides -of animals are mentioned in the present paper. Plate VI with its -description in the Dakota Winter Counts is one instance. - - -FEATHERS. - -The Sacramento tribes of California are very expert in weaving blankets -of feathers, many of them having really beautiful figures worked upon -them. This is reported by Edward M. Kern in Schoolcraft, V, 649, 650. - -The feather work in Mexico, Central America and the Hawaiian Islands -is well known, often having designs properly to be considered among -pictographs, though in general not, at least in modern times, passing -beyond ornamentation. - - -GOURDS. - -After gourds have dried the contents are removed and handles are -attached; they serve as rattles in dances, and in religious and -shamanistic rites. The representations of natural or mythical objects -for which the owner may have special reverence are often depicted upon -their surfaces. This custom prevails among the Pueblos generally, and, -also, among many other tribes, notably those constituting the Siouan -linguistic stock. - - -HORSE HAIR. - -The Hidatsa, Arikara, Dakota, and several other tribes of the Northwest -plains, use horse hair dyed red as appendages to feathers worn as -personal marks of distinction. Its arrangement is significant. - - -SHELLS, INCLUDING WAMPUM. - -The illustrated and exhaustive paper of Mr. W. H. Holmes, in the Second -Annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, removes all necessity for -present extended mention under this head. - - -EARTH AND SAND. - -Papers by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A., Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U. S. -A., and Mr. James Stevenson were read in the Anthropological Society -of Washington during the season of 1884-5, giving account of important -and entirely novel paintings by the Navajo, Yuman, and Zuni Indians. -These paintings were made upon the ground by means of sand, ashes, -and powdered vegetable matter of various colors. These were highly -elaborate, made immediately preceding certain ceremonies, at the close -of which they were obliterated. - -Dr. W. J. Hoffman states that when the expedition under command of -Capt. G. M. Wheeler, U. S. A., passed through Southern Nevada in -1871, the encampment for one night was at Pai-Uta Charlie’s rancheria, -where it was visited by many of the Pai-Uta Indians of that vicinity. -On leaving camp the following morning representations of many mounted -men, the odometer cart and pack animals were found depicted upon the -hard, flat surface of the sand. The Indians had drawn the outlines in -life size with sticks of wood, and the work was very artistically done. -A mounted expedition was a new thing in that part of the country and -amused them not a little. - -The well-known animal mounds, sometimes called effigy mounds, of -Wisconsin come in this category. - - -THE HUMAN PERSON. - -Pictographs upon the human person may be divided into, 1st, paint on -the face; 2d, paint on the body; and, 3d, tattooing, which is also -divided into tattoo marks upon the head and tattoo marks upon the body. - - -PAINT. - -Dr. Hoffman, who visited the Hualpai Indians of northern Arizona in -1871, gives an account (see _ante_, p. 52) of their habit of besmearing -their bodies and faces with the blood of game killed. - -A colored plate, facing page 33 of the report of the Pacific Railroad -Expedition, 1856, pt. III, shows the designs adopted by the Mojave -Indians for painting the body. These designs consist of transverse -lines extending around the body, arms, and legs, or horizontal lines, -or different parts may partake of different designs. Clay is now -generally used, as was observed by Dr. Hoffman, who visited Camp Mojave -in 1871. - -For other notices of paint on head and body and the significance of -color see _ante_, page 53 _et seq._ - -Everard F. im Thurn, in his work before cited, page 196, describes the -painting of the Indians of Guiana as follows: - - The paint is applied either in large masses or in patterns. For - example, a man, when he wants to dress well, perhaps entirely coats - both his feet up to the ankles with a crust of red; his whole trunk - he sometimes stains uniformly with blue-black, more rarely with red, - or covers it with an intricate pattern of lines of either colour; - he puts a streak of red along the bridge of his nose; where his - eyebrows were till he pulled them out he puts two red lines; at the - top of the arch of his forehead he puts a big lump of red paint, and - probably he scatters other spots and lines somewhere on his face. The - women, especially among the Ackawoi, who use more body-paint than - other ornament, are more fond of blue-black than of red; and one very - favorite ornament with them is a broad band of this, which edges the - mouth, and passes from the corners of that to the ears. Some women - especially affect certain little figures, like Chinese characters, - which look as if some meaning were attached to them, but which the - Indians are either unable or unwilling to explain. - -The Serranos, near Los Angeles, California, formerly cut lines upon the -trees and posts, marking boundaries of land, these lines corresponding -to those adopted by the owner as facial decorations. See page 182. - -During his connection with the Yellowstone expedition of 1873, under -the command of General Stanley, Dr. Hoffman found elaborate narratives -of hostile encounters between the Absaroka and Dakota Indians incised -upon the bark of cotton-wood trees, in the valley of the Musselshell -River. The Absaroka were shown by having the bark in the forehead -removed, thus corresponding to their war custom of painting that -portion of the face red, while the Dakota were denoted by having only -the part of the face from the eyes down to the chin removed, referring -to their custom of painting that part of the face. The number of -individuals was shown by the outline of one individual of either tribe, -with added short lines. The total number of arms was shown by drawing -one gun and the requisite number of spots. The number of horses was -indicated in a similar manner. - -See also with reference to paint on the human person, pages 165 and 167. - -The present writer, when reading the magnificent work of Conte Giovanni -Gozzadini, Di Ulteriori Scoperte Nell’ Antica Necropoli a Marzabotto -nel Bolognese, Bologna, 1870, noticed in Plate XII, Figure 1, the -representation of a human head in bronze of great antiquity, and that -it shows incised lines over the superior malar region, below and -outward from the outer canthus of the eye. To any one recently familiar -with tattooing and the lines of face painting this gives a decided -suggestion, and is offered as such. - -The head is reproduced in Figure 22. - -[Illustration: FIG. 22.--Bronze head from the Necropolis of Marzabotto, -Italy.] - -A less distinct suggestion arose from the representation of a “Fragment -of a lustrous black bowl, with an incised decoration filled with white -chalk,” pictured in Troja, etc., by Dr. Henry Schliemann, New York, -1884, p. 31, No. 1, and here presented, Figure 23. In the absence -of knowledge as to the connection of the two sets of parallel lines -on each side of the face, with the remainder of the bowl, it is not -possible to form any decision as to whether there was any intention to -portray face painting or tattooing, or whether the lines merely partook -of the general pattern of the bowl. The lines, however, instantly -caught the present writer’s eye as connected with the subject now under -consideration. - -[Illustration: FIG. 23.--Fragment of bowl from Troja.] - - -TATTOOING. - -Tattooing, a permanent marking of the skin as distinguished from -the temporary painting, and accomplished by the introduction of -coloring matter under the cutaneous epidermis, was formerly practiced -extensively among the Indians of North America. Some authorities for -this statement are here quoted, as also some descriptions of the custom -where still practiced. - -Capt. John Smith, in “The True Travels, Adventures, etc.,” Richmond, -1819, Vol. I, page 130, is made to say of the Virginia Indians: - -“They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings. Their -women, some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly -imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially -wrought into their flesh with blacke spots.” - -The Innuit, according to Cook, practiced tattooing perpendicular lines -upon the chin of women, and sometimes similar lines extending backward -from near the outer portions of the eyes. - -Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their faces, -but such as are still observed have but a single line of black running -from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. The women have three -lines, one from each corner of the mouth and one down over the center -of the chin. - -The Modoc women tattoo three blue lines, extending perpendicularly -from the center and corners of the lower lip to the chin. See Bancroft, -Native Races, I, p. 332. - -Stephen Powers says (Contrib. N. A. Ethnol., III, p. 20) that the -Karol, California, squaws tattoo in blue three narrow fern leaves -perpendicularly on the chin, one falling from each corner of the mouth -and one in the middle. For this purpose, they are said to employ soot -gathered from a stone, mingled with the juice of a certain plant. - -The same author reports, page 76: “Nearly every (Hupâ, California) man -has ten lines tattooed across the inside of the left arm, about half -way between the wrist and the elbow; and in measuring shell-money, -he takes the string in his right hand, draws one end over his left -thumbnail, and if the other end reaches to the uppermost of the tattoo -lines, the five shells are worth $25 in gold or $5 a shell. Of course -it is only one in ten thousand that is long enough to reach this high -value.” - -The same author, on page 96, says: The squaws (Pat´awāt, Cal.) tattoo -in blue three narrow pinnate leaves perpendicularly on their chins, and -also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands. - -He reports, page 148, of the Kas´tel Pomo: The women of this and other -tribes of the Coast Range frequently tattoo a rude representation of a -tree or other object, covering nearly the whole abdomen and breast. - -Of the Wintūns of California the same author says (page 233) that the -squaws all tattoo three narrow lines, one falling from each corner of -the mouth, and one between. - -See also page 167 _infra_. - -Rev. M. Eells says (Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 75) of -the Twana Indians: A little of this tattooing is done, but much less -than formerly, and chiefly now among the children. - -Blue marks tattooed upon a Mojave woman’s chin denotes that she is -married. See Pacific R. R. Exped., III, 1856, p. 33. - -The only remarkable instance of tattooing now among the Hidatsa is that -of Lean-Wolf, the present second chief of the tribe. The ornamentation -consists of horizontal stripes, from one-third to one-half an inch -broad, running from the middle of the breast around the right side of -the body to the spinal column. The right arm and the right leg are -encircled by similar bands, between which there are spaces of equal -width. Lean-Wolf professed not to be able to give the origin and -history of this ornamentation, although, he represents himself with it -upon pictographs relating to personal events of warfare and the chase. - -Bancroft (Native Races, Vol. I, p. 48) says of the Eskimo, that the -females tattoo lines on their chins; the plebeian female of certain -bands has one vertical line in the center and one parallel to it on -either side. The higher classes mark two vertical lines from each -corner of the mouth. On page 72 he says that young Kadiak wives tattoo -the breast and adorn the face with black lines. The Kuskoquim women -sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. This color is applied by -drawing a thread under the skin or pricking it with a needle. On page -117 he says that the Chippewyans have tattooed cheeks and foreheads. -Both sexes have blue or black bars or from one to four straight lines -to distinguish the tribe to which they belong; they tattoo by entering -an awl or needle under the skin and on drawing it out, immediately -rubbing powdered charcoal into the wounds. On page 127 he states that -on the Yukon River among the Kutchins, the men draw a black stripe down -the forehead and the nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks -with red lines and streaking the chin, alternately with red and black, -and the women tattoo the chin with a black pigment. - -It will be observed that these statements by Bancroft, about tattooing -among the Hyperboreans, seem to be confined to the face, except as is -mentioned among the Kadiak, where the women tattoo the breast, and that -these tattoo marks seem to be simple straight lines, either vertical or -horizontal. - - * * * * * - -In this place is properly inserted the following report of original -research among the Haidas on this subject, by Mr. James G. Swan, of -Port Townsend, Washington, for which the thanks of this Bureau are -tendered to him. - - - - -TATTOO MARKS OF THE HAIDA INDIANS OF QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, B. C., -AND THE PRINCE OF WALES ARCHIPELAGO, ALASKA. - -By JAMES G. SWAN. - - -H. H. Bancroft, in his “Native Races, Pacific States,” Vol. I, p. -155, includes in the Haida family the nations occupying the coast and -islands from the southern extremity of Prince of Wales Archipelago to -the Bentinck Arms in about 52° N. - -Their territory is bounded on the north and east by the Thlinkeet and -Carrier nations of the Hyperboreans, and on the south by the Nootka -family of the Columbians. - -Its chief nations, or, more correctly speaking, bands, whose -boundaries, however, can rarely be fixed with precision, are the -Massets, Skiddegates, Cumshawas, Laskeets, and the Skringwai, of Queen -Charlotte Islands: the Kaigani, Howkan, Klemakoan, and Kazan, of Prince -of Wales Archipelago; the Chimsyans, about Fort Simpson and on Chatham -Sound; the Nass and the Skenas, on the rivers of the same name; the -Sebasses, on Pitt Archipelago and the shores of Gardiner Channel, and -the Millbank Sound Indians, including the Hailtzas, Bella Bella, Bella -Coola, etc. - -Among all the tribes or bands belonging to the Haida family, the -practice of tattooing the person in some manner is common; but the -most marked are the Haidas proper, or those living on Queen Charlotte -Islands, and the Kaiganis, of Prince of Wales Archipelago, Alaska. -Of the Haida tribe, H. H. Bancroft says (Works 1882, Vol. I, p. -159), “Besides the regular lip piece, ornaments various in shape and -material, of shell, bone, wood, or metal, are worn, stuck in the lips, -nose, and ears, apparently according to the caprice or taste of the -wearer, the skin being sometimes, though more rarely, tattooed to -correspond.” The authors quoted by Bancroft for this information are -Mayne’s British Columbia, p. 282; Barrett-Lennard’s Travels, pp. 45, -46; Poole’s Queen Charlotte Islands, pp. 75-311; Dunn’s Oregon, pp. -279, 285, and Reed, who says, “The men habitually go naked, but when -they go off on a journey they wear a blanket.” - -How this latter writer, presuming he speaks from personal experience, -could have seen naked Haida men without noticing tattoo marks, I cannot -understand. On page 182 of the same volume of Bancroft, footnote, is -the following: “‘The habit of tattooing the legs and arms is common to -all the women of Vancouver’s Island; the men do not adopt it.’ Grant, -in Lond. Geog. Soc. Jour., Vol. XXVII, p. 307. ‘No such practice as -tattooing exists among these natives.’ Sproat’s Scenes, p. 27.” - -What Grant says applies not to the women of Vancouver’s Island, but to -those of Queen Charlotte Islands. Sproat seems to have given more of -his attention to some fancied terminal in their language, upon which -he builds his theory of the “Aht” nation, than to the observance of -their personal peculiarities. I am of the opinion, judging from my own -observation of over twenty years among the coast tribes, that but few -females can be found among the Indians, not only on Vancouver’s Island, -but all along the coast to the Columbia River, and perhaps even to -California, that are _not_ marked with some device tattooed on their -hands, arms, or ankles, either dots or straight lines; but of all the -tribes mentioned, the Haidas stand pre-eminent for tattooing, and seem -to be excelled only by the natives of the Fiji Islands or the King’s -Mills Group in the South Seas. The tattoo marks of the Haidas are -heraldic designs or the family totem, or crests of the wearers, and are -similar to the carvings depicted on the pillars and monuments around -the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers have thought were idols. - -In a memoir written by me on the Haida Indians, for the Smithsonian -Institution, and published as No. 267 of Contributions to Knowledge, -I have given illustrations of various tattoo designs and heraldic -carvings in wood and stone, but did not attempt to delineate the -position or appearance of those designs upon their bodies or limbs, -although all the tattoo marks represented in that memoir were copied -by me directly from the persons of the Haidas, as stated in the -illustrations. - -The publication of this memoir, with its illustrations, which I showed -to the Haidas and Kaiganis in 1875, during my cruise to Alaska in the -United States revenue steamer Wolcott, gave them confidence in me that -I had not made the drawings from idle curiosity, and in February, 1879, -I was fortunate enough to meet a party of Haida men and women in Port -Townsend, Washington, who permitted me to copy their tattoo marks again. - -These designs are invariably placed on the men between the shoulders, -just below the back of the neck, on the breast, on the front part of -both thighs, and on the legs below the knee. On the women they are -marked on the breast, on both shoulders, on both fore-arms, from the -elbow, down over the back of the hands, to the knuckles, and on both -legs below the knee to the ankle. - -When the Haidas visit Victoria or the towns on Puget Sound they -are dressed in the garb of white people and present a respectable -appearance, in marked contrast with the Indians from the west coast -of Vancouver’s Island, or the vicinity of Cape Flattery, who dress in -a more primitive manner, and attract notice by their more picturesque -costumes than do the Haidas, about whom there is nothing outwardly of -unusual appearance, except the tattoo marks on the hands of the women, -which show their nationality at a glance of the most careless observer. - -As I before remarked, almost all of the Indian women of the northwest -coast have tattoo marks on their hands and arms, and some on the face; -but as a general thing these marks are mere dots or straight lines, -having no particular significance. With the Haidas, however, every mark -has its meaning; those on the hands and arms of the women indicate -the family name, whether they belong to the bear, beaver, wolf, or -eagle totems, or any of the family of fishes. As one of them quaintly -remarked to me, “If you were tattooed with the design of a swan, the -Indians would know your family name.” - -Although it is very easy to distinguish the Haida women from those of -other tribes by seeing the tattoo marks on the backs of their hands, -yet very few white persons have cared to know the meaning of these -designs, or are aware of the extent of the tattoo marks on the persons -of both sexes. - -In order to illustrate this tattooing as correctly as possible, I -inclose herewith a view (Figure 24) taken at Massett, Queen Charlotte -Island, of the carved columns in front of the chief’s residence; and -also sketches of the tattoo marks on two women and their husbands taken -by me at Port Townsend. - -[Illustration: FIG. 24.--Haida Totem Post.] - -It should be borne in mind that during their festivals and masquerade -performances the men are entirely naked and the women have only a -short skirt reaching from the waist to the knee; the rest of their -persons are exposed, and it is at such times that the tattoo marks show -with the best effect, and the rank and family connection known by the -variety of designs. - -Like all the other coast tribes, the Haidas are careful not to permit -the intrusion of white persons or strangers to their Tomanawos -ceremonies, and as a consequence but few white people, and certainly -none of those who have ever written about those Indians, have been -present at their opening ceremonies when the tattoo marks are shown. - -My information was derived from the Haidas themselves, who explained -to me while I was making the drawings, and illustrated some of the -positions assumed in their dances by both sexes. - -Fig. 25 represents a man. On his breast is the cod (kahatta) split from -the head to the tail and laid open; on each thigh is the octopus (noo), -and below each knee is the frog (flkamkostan). - -[Illustration: FIG. 25.--Haida man, tattooed. - -FIG. 26.--Haida woman, tattooed.] - -Figure 26 represents a woman. On her breast is the head with forepaws -of the beaver (tsching); on each shoulder is the head of the eagle -or thunder-bird (skamskwin); on each arm, extending to and covering -the back of the hand, is the halibut (hargo); on the right leg is the -sculpin (kull); on the left leg is the frog (flkamkostan). - -Figure 27 is a woman with the bear’s head (hoorts) on her breast. On -each shoulder is the eagle’s head, and on her arms and legs are figures -of the bear. - -[Illustration: FIG. 27.--Haida woman, tattooed. - -FIG. 28.--Haida man, tattooed.] - -Figure 28 shows the back of a man with the wolf (wasko) split in halves -and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in Figure -33. Wasko is a mythological being of the wolf species similar to the -chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an antediluvian demon supposed to -live in the mountains. - -[Illustration: FIG. 33.--Wolf.] - -The skulpin on the right leg of the woman in Figure 26 is shown -enlarged in Figure 29; the frog on the left leg in Figure 30. - -[Illustration: FIG. 29.--Skulpin.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 30.--Frog.] - -The codfish on the man in Figure 25 is shown enlarged in Figure 31, the -octopus or squid in Figure 32. - -[Illustration: FIG. 31.--Cod.] - -[Illustration: FIG 32.--Squid or octopus.] - -As the Haidas, both men and women, are very light colored, some of -the latter, full blooded Indians too, having their skins as fair -as Europeans, the tattoo marks show very distinct. These sketches -are not intended as portraits of persons, but simply to illustrate -the positions of the various tattoo marks. To enter into a detailed -description would require more space and study than is convenient at -this time. Enough is given, it is hoped, to convey to you an idea of -this interesting subject, which will require much study to properly -elaborate, or understand. - -This tattooing is not all done at one time nor is it every one who can -tattoo. Certain ones, almost always men, have a natural gift which -enables them to excel in this kind of work. One of the young chiefs, -named Geneskelos, was the best designer I knew, and ranked among his -tribe as a tattooer. He belonged to Laskeek village on the east side of -Moresby’s Island, one of the Queen Charlotte group. I employed him to -decorate the great canoe which I sent to the Centennial Exposition at -Philadelphia in 1876, for the National Museum. I was with him a great -deal of the time both at Victoria and Port Townsend. He had a little -sketch book in which he had traced designs for tattooing, which he gave -to me. He subsequently died in Victoria of small-pox, soon after he had -finished decorating the canoe. - -He told me the plan he adopted was first to draw the design carefully -on the person with some dark pigment, then prick it in with needles and -then rub over the wound with some more coloring matter till it acquired -the proper hue. He had a variety of instruments composed of needles -tied neatly to sticks. His favorite one was a flat strip of ivory or -bone, to which he had firmly tied five or six needles, with their -points projecting beyond the end just far enough to raise the skin -without inflicting a dangerous wound, but these needle points stuck out -quite sufficiently to make the operation very painful, and although he -applied some substance to deaden the sensation of the skin, yet the -effect was on some to make them quite sick for a few days; consequently -the whole process of tattooing was not done at one time. As this -tattooing is a mark of honor, it is generally done at or just prior to -a Tomanawos performance and at the time of raising the heraldic columns -in front of the chief’s houses. The tattooing is done in open lodge and -is witnessed by the company assembled. Sometimes it takes several years -before all the tattooing is done, but when completed and the person -well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their seats among the -elders. - -It is an interesting question, and one worthy of careful and patient -investigation, Why is it that the Haida Nation alone of all the coast -tribes tattoo their persons to such an extent, and how they acquire the -art of carving columns which bear such striking similarity to carving -in wood and stone by the ancient inhabitants of Central America, as -shown by drawings in Bancroft’s fourth volume of Native Races and in -Habel’s investigation in Central and South America? - -Some of these idols in design, particularly on pages 40 to 58, and -notably on pages 49-50 (Bancroft, _op. cit._), are very like some small -carvings I have in Port Townsend which I received from Alaska, showing -a similarity of idea which could not be the result of an accident. - -The tattoo marks, the carvings, and heraldic designs of the Haida are -an exceedingly interesting study, and I hope what I have thus hastily -and imperfectly written may be the means of awakening an interest to -have those questions scientifically discussed, for they seem to me to -point to a key which may unlock the mystery which for so many ages has -kept us from the knowledge of the origin of the Pacific tribes. - - * * * * * - - -TATTOOING IN THE PACIFIC ISLANDS. - -The following quotations and illustrations of tattooing in the islands -of the Pacific Ocean are presented for comparison, and in hopes that -the discussion of the subject may afford further information upon the -significance of tattoo marks. It is by no means probable that they were -originally altogether or chiefly for ornamentation. - -The accompanying illustration, Figure 34, is taken from a bone obtained -from a mound in New Zealand, by Mr. I. C. Russell, of the United States -Geological Survey, several years ago. Mr. Russell says that the Maori -formerly tattooed the bones of enemies, though the custom now seems to -have been abandoned. The work consists of sharp, shallow lines, as if -made with a sharp-pointed steel instrument, into which some blackish -pigment has been rubbed, filling up some of the markings, while in -others scarcely a trace remains. - -[Illustration: FIG. 34.--Tattoo designs on bone, New Zealand.] - -In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on -artificial objects see also, Figure 37, page 76, and Figure 116, page -200. - -The following is extracted from Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its -inhabitants, by Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1870, p. 320, etc. - - Before they went to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark their - countenance with charcoal in different lines, and their traditions - state that this was the beginning of the tattoo, for their wars - became so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus constantly - painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the moko; it is - however a question whether it did not arise from a different cause; - formerly the grand mass of men who went to fight were the black - slaves, and when they fought side by side with their lighter colored - masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal to make it - appear they were all one. - - Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and the - thighs as well, the females had chiefly the chin and the lips, - although occasionally they also had their thighs and breasts, - with a few smaller marks on different parts of the body as well. - There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist always - went systematically to work, beginning at one spot and gradually - proceeding to another, each particular part having its distinguishing - name. Thus, - - 1. _Te kawe_, which are four lines on each side of the chin. - 2. _Te pukawae_, six lines on the chin. - 3. _Nga rere hupe_, the lines below the nostrils, six in number. - 4. _Nga kohiri_, a curved line on the cheek-bone. - 5. _Nga koroaha_, lines between the cheek-bone and ear. - 6. _Nga wakarakau_, lines below the former. - 7. _Nga pongiangia_, the lines on each side of the lower extremity - of the nose. - 8. _Nga pae tarewa_, the lines on the cheek-bone. - 9. _Nga rerepi_, and _Nga ngatarewa_, lines on the bridge of the nose. - 10. _Nga tiwana_, four lines on the forehead. - 11. _Nga rewha_, three lines below the eyebrows. - 12. _Nga titi_, lines on the center of the forehead. - 13. _Ipu rangi_, lines above the former. - 14. _Te tonokai_, the general names for the lines on the forehead. - 15. _He ngutu pu rua_, both lips tattooed. - 16. _Te rape_, the higher part of the thighs. - 17. _Te paki paki_, the tattooing on the seat. - 18. _Te paki turi_, the lower thigh. - 19. _Nga tata_, the adjoining part. - - The following are female tattoos:-- - - 1. _Taki taki_, lines from the breast to the navel. - 2. _Hope hope_, the lines on the thighs. - 3. _Waka te he_, the lines on the chin. - -Figure 35 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of the -tattooing on a woman’s chin, taken from the work last quoted. - -[Illustration: FIG. 35.--New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark.] - -Figure 36 is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by Mr. -Russell. It shows tattooing upon the chin. - -[Illustration: FIG. 36.--New Zealand tattooed woman.] - -Two beautifully tattooed heads are in the collection of the Army -Medical Museum at Washington, D. C., of which illustrations are -presented in the accompanying Plate, III. No history of these heads -can be obtained. The skin is almost perfect, and has become much -brighter in tint than the original color. The tattooing is a blue -black, and in certain lights becomes almost bright indigo. In many of -the markings there appear slight grooves, which add greatly to the -general ornamentation, breaking the monotony of usually plain surfaces. -Whether any mechanical work was performed upon the heads after death -is not positively known, though from the general appearance of the -work it would be suggested that the sharp creases or grooves was -done subsequent to the death of the individual. The tattooing shows -sub-cutaneous coloring, which indicates that at least part of the -ornamentation was done in life. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. III - -NEW ZEALAND TATTOOED HEADS.] - -Figure 37 is an illustration from Te Ika a Maui, etc., _op. cit._, -facing page 378. It shows the “grave of an Australian native, with his -name, rank, tribe, etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees,” which -“hieroglyphics” are supposed to be connected with his tattoo marks. - -[Illustration: FIG. 37.--Australian grave and carved trees.] - -Mr. I. C. Russell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the -American Naturalist, Volume XIII, p. 72, February, 1879, remarks, that -the desire of the Maori for ornament is so great that they covered -their features with tattooing, transferring indelibly to their faces -complicated patterns of curved and spiral lines, similar to the designs -with which they decorated their canoes and their houses. - -In Mangaia, of the Hervey Group, the tattoo is said to be in imitation -of the stripes on the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color -of which is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Ina´. See -Myths and songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876, p. 94. - -Mr. Everard F. im Thurn, in his work previously cited, pages 195-’96 -among the Indians of Guiana, says: - - Painting the body is the simplest mode of adornment. Tattooing or any - other permanent interference with the surface of the skin by way of - ornament is practiced only to a very limited extent by the Indians; - is used, in fact, only to produce the small distinctive tribal mark - which many of them bear at the corners of their mouths or on their - arms. It is true that an adult Indian is hardly to be found on whose - thighs and arms, or on other parts of whose body, are not a greater - or less number of indelibly incised straight lines; but these are - scars originally made for surgical, not ornamental purposes. - -The following extracts are taken from Samoa, by George Turner, LL.D., -London, 1884: - - Page 55. Taema and Tilafainga, or Tila the _sportive_, were the - goddesses of the tattooers. They swam from Fiji to introduce the - craft to Samoa, and on leaving Fiji were commissioned to sing all the - way, “Tattoo the women, but not the men.” They got muddled over it in - the long journey, and arrived at Samoa singing, “Tattoo the _men_ and - not the women.” And hence the universal exercise of the blackening - art on the men rather than the women. - - Page 88. “Herodotus found among the Thracians that the barbarians - could be exceedingly foppish after their fashion. The man who was not - tattooed among them was not respected.” It was the same in Samoa. - Until a young man was tattooed, he was considered in his minority. - He could not think of marriage, and he was constantly exposed to - taunts and ridicule, as being poor and of low birth, and as having no - right to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed - he passed into his majority, and considered himself entitled to the - respect and privileges of mature years. When a youth, therefore, - reached the age of sixteen, he and his friends were all anxiety that - he should be tattooed. He was then on the outlook for the tattooing - of some young chief with whom he might unite. On these occasions, six - or a dozen young men would be tattooed at one time; and for these - there might be four or five tattooers employed. - - Tattooing is still kept up to some extent, and is a regular - profession, just as house-building, and well paid. The custom is - traced to Taēmā and Tilafainga; and they were worshipped by the - tattooers as the presiding deities of their craft. - - The instrument used in the operation is an oblong piece of human bone - (_os ilium_), about an inch and a half broad and two inches long. - A time of war and slaughter was a harvest for the tattooers to get - a supply of instruments. The one end is cut like a small-toothed - comb, and the other is fastened to a piece of cane, and looks like - a little serrated adze. They dip it into a mixture of candle-nut - ashes and water, and, tapping it with a little mallet, it sinks - into the skin, and in this way they puncture the whole surface over - which the tattooing extends. The greater part of the body, from the - waist down to the knee is covered with it, variegated here and there - with neat regular stripes of the untattooed skin, which when they - are well oiled, make them appear in the distance as if they had on - black silk knee-breeches. Behrens, in describing these natives in his - narrative of Roggewein’s voyage of 1772, says: “They were clothed - from the waist downwards with fringes and a kind of silken stuff - artificially wrought.” A nearer inspection would have shown that - the fringes were a bunch of red _ti_ leaves (_Dracæna terminalis_) - glistening with cocoa-nut oil, and the “kind of silken stuff,” the - tattooing just described. As it extends over such a large surface - the operation is a tedious and painful affair. After smarting and - bleeding for awhile under the hands of the tattooers, the patience of - the youth is exhausted. They then let him rest and heal for a time, - and, before returning to him again, do a little piece on each of the - party. In two or three months the whole is completed. The friends of - the young men are all the while in attendance with food. They also - bring quantities of fine mats and native cloth, as the hire of the - tattooers; connected with them, too, are many waiting on for a share - in the food and property. - -Among the fellahs, as well as among the laboring people of the cities, -the women tattoo their chin, their forehead, the middle of the breast, -a portion of their hands and arms, as well as feet, with indelible -marks of blue and green. In Upper Egypt most females puncture their -lips to give them a dark bluish hue. See Featherman, Social Hist. of -the Races of Mankind, V, 1881, p. 545. - - * * * * * - -Professor Brauns, of Halle, reports (Science, III, No. 50, p. 69) that -among the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the -beards of the men. - - * * * * * - -The antiquity of tattooing in the eastern hemisphere is well -established. With reference to the Hebrews, and the tribes surrounding -them, the following Biblical texts may be in point: - -“Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead, nor print -any marks upon you.” Lev., XIX, 28. - -* * * “Though thou rentest thy face with painting, in vain shalt thou -make thyself fair.” Jer., IV. 30. - - -ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS. - -The objects of this character, on which pictographs are found, may be -mentioned as follows: - - 1. Lances. - 2. Arrows. - 3. Shields. - 4. Canoes. - 5. Paddles. - 6. Habitations. - 7. Utensils. - 8. Pottery. - 9. Sinews or thread. - 10. Artificial beads. - -It is believed that examples showing the use of each of these objects -are presented in various parts of the present paper, but the following -do not appear under other headings: - -Many of the California tribes are expert workers in grass and roots in -the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs are frequently worked, -other than mere ornamentation, in geometric forms. The Yokuts, at -Tule River Agency, in the southeastern part of the State, frequently -incorporate various forms of the human body, in which the arms are -suspended at the sides of the body with the hands directed outward -to either side. Above the head is a heavy horizontal line. In the -manufacture of these vessels grass is taken, carefully cleaned, and -soaked, so as to become smooth and uniform in size. - -Among the Thlinkit, boats as well as paddles are ornamented with -painted figures, and the family coat of arms. See Bancroft’s Native -Races, etc., I, 106. - -There is no need to give evidence concerning the designs upon pottery, -after the numerous illustrations in the Second Annual Report of this -Bureau, from Zuñi, etc. - - - - -MNEMONIC. - - -This has been the most apparent, and probably the most ancient, -purpose for which pictographs have been made. It commenced by the use -of material objects which afterwards were reproduced graphically in -paintings, etchings, and carvings. - -In the present paper many examples appear of objects known to have -been so used, the graphic representations of which, made with the same -purpose, are explained by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are -mentioned as connected with the evolution of pictographs, and possibly -to interpret some of the latter which are not yet understood. - -The quipu of the Peruvians is one of the most instructive devices -for the general aid of memory, and as applicable to a variety of -subjects, also having value for comparison with and reference to all -other objects of this character. A good account of the quipu, quoted -from Travels in Peru, during the years 1838-1842, * * by Dr. J. J. von -Tschudi [Wiley and Putnam’s Library, Vols. XCIII-XCIV.], New York, -1847, Pt. II, pp. 344, 345, is as follows: - - - THE QUIPU OF THE PERUVIANS. - - The ancient Peruvians had no manuscript characters for single sounds; - but they had a method by which they composed words and incorporated - ideas. This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots - on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The - instrument consisting of these strings and knots was called the - QUIPU. It was composed of one thick head or top string, to which, - at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string - was much thicker than these pendent strings, and consisted of two - doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. - The branches, if I may apply the term to these pendent strings, were - fastened to the top ones by a single loop; the knots were made in the - pendent strings, and were either single or manifold. The length of - the strings used in making the quipu were various. The transverse or - top string often measures several yards, and sometimes only a foot - long; the branches are seldom more than two feet long, and in general - they are much shorter. - - The strings were often of different colors; each having its own - particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for gold, - yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, &c. This writing by knots - was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; each - single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred; - each triple knot for one thousand, &c.; two single knots standing - together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred. - - This method of calculation is still practiced by the shepherds of the - Puna. They explained it to me, and I could, with very little trouble, - construe their quipus. On the first branch or string they usually - place the numbers of the bulls; on the second, that of the cows; - the latter being classed into those which were milked, and those - which were not milked; on the next string were numbered the calves, - according to their ages and sizes. Then came the sheep, in several - subdivisions. Next followed the number of foxes killed, the quantity - of salt consumed, and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. - Other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, - &c. Each list was distinguished by a particular color, or by some - peculiarity in the twisting of the string. - - In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their - army. On one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on - another, the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, &c. In - the same manner the military reports were prepared. In every town - some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu, and to - explain them. These men were called _quipucamayocuna_ (literally, - officers of the knots). Imperfect as was this method, yet in the - flourishing period of the Inca government the appointed officers had - acquired great dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. It, - however, seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some - verbal commentary. Something was always required to be added if the - quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to - the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, &c. Through - long-continued practice, the officers who had charge of the quipus - became so perfect in their duties that they could with facility - communicate the laws and ordinances, and all the most important - events of the kingdom, by their knots. - - All attempts made in modern times to decipher Peruvian quipus have - proved unsatisfactory in their results. The principal obstacle to - deciphering those found in graves consists in the want of the oral - communication requisite for pointing out the subjects to which they - refer. Such communication was necessary, even in former times, to - the most learned quipucamayocuna. Most of the quipus here alluded - to seems to be accounts of the population of particular towns or - provinces, tax-lists, and information relating to the property of - the deceased. Some Indians in the southern provinces of Peru are - understood to possess a perfect knowledge of some of the ancient - quipus, from information transmitted to them from their ancestors. - But they keep that knowledge profoundly secret, particularly from the - whites. - -That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing in -the quipus, was used pictorially is indicated in the illustrations -given by Dr. S. Habel in The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalwhuapa -in Guatemala, etc., Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, [No. 269], -1878, Vol. XXII, page 85. Upon these he remarks: - - It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America had - nowhere arisen high enough in civilization to have characters for - writing and numeral signs; but the sculptures of Santa Lucia exhibit - signs which indicate a kind of cipher writing, higher in form than - mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings, - living or dead, emanates a staff variously bent, to the sides of - which nodes are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and - shapes, and variously distributed on the sides of the staff, either - singly or in twos and threes,--the last named either separated or - in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates - that the person is speaking, or praying, but also indicates the very - words, the contents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain that - each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a well-known petition - which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted with a - cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may be allowed to - conjecture that the various curves of the staves served the purpose - of strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his various meters - for the same purpose. - -In connection with the quipu, Dr. Hoffman reports a corresponding -device among the Indians formerly inhabiting the mountain valleys north -of Los Angeles, California, who frequently came to the settlements to -dispose of native blankets, skins, and robes. The man delegated by the -tribe to carry away and sell these articles was provided with a number -of strings, made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each -class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one contributing -articles mentioned the prices to be asked therefor, and when the -salesman disposed of a blanket the proper cord was taken, and a single -knot was tied for each _real_ received, or a double knot for each -_peso_. Thus any particular string indicated the kind of goods disposed -of, as well as the whole sum realized, which was finally distributed -among the original contributors. - - -NOTCHED STICKS. - -The use of these mnemonically was very frequent. A few instances only -of this obvious expedient need be given. - -The Dakotas formerly residing at Grand River Agency, the Hidatsa, and -the Shoshoni from Idaho were observed to note the number of days during -which they journeyed from one place to another, by cutting lines or -notches upon a stick of wood. - -The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors are often found bearing a -number of small notches, which refer to the number of individuals the -owners may have hit after they had been shot or wounded. - -The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, -frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every bird -killed during a single expedition. - -Dr. Hoffman states that he found in the collection of the Hon. A. -F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, a number of notched sticks, -which had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission of San -Gabriel. The history of them is as follows: Immediately after the -establishment of the mission the Franciscan father appointed major -domos, who had under their charge corporals or overseers of the several -classes of laborers, herders, etc. The chief herder was supplied with -a stick of hard wood, measuring about one inch in thickness each way, -and from twenty to twenty-four inches long. The corners were beveled at -the handle. Upon each of these facets were marks to indicate the kinds -of cattle herded, thus: one cut or notch, a bull; two cuts, a cow; one -cross, a heifer; and a >-shaped character, an ox. Similar characters -were also used for horses, respectively, for stallion, mare, colt, and -gelding. Where only cattle were owned no difference was made in the -upper end of the stick; but when both kinds of animals were owned near -the same localities, or by the same settler, the stick referring to -cattle was notched v-shaped at the head end, and reversed or pointed -to denote horses. Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds -of stock, and to record those which had been branded. In all of these -sticks numbers were indicated by cutting notches into the corners, -each tenth cut extending across the face of the stick. For instance, -if the herder had thirteen oxen in charge, he selected that edge of -the stick which bore upon the handle the >-shape, and cut nine short -notches, one long one, and three short ones. - -Labor sticks were also used by the Indians. On one side was a circle -intersected with cross lines to denote _money_, and on the opposite -side, which was reserved for time, either nothing or some character, -according to the fancy of the owner. Short notches on the money side -indicated _reals_, long cuts _pesos_. On the opposite side short cuts -indicated days, and long cuts weeks. - -For further reference to this subject, see Reliquiæ Aquitanicæ; etc., -by Edouard Lartet and Henry Christy, * * London, 1875, p. 183 _et seq._ - - -ORDER OF SONGS. - -Many instances have been published in regard to the use of mnemonic -characters to preserve the remembrance of songs. The words of these -are invariable as well as the notes to which they are chanted. Both -words and notes must have been previously memorized by the singers. -Ideographic characters might give the general interpretation, but would -not suggest the exact words. - -Schoolcraft, I, 361, remarks: Sounds are no further preserved by these -mnemonic signs, than is incident, more or less, to all pure figurative -or representative pictures. The simple figure of a quadruped, a man, -or a bird, recalls the _name_ of a quadruped, a man or a bird. * * We -may thus recall something of the living language from the oblivion of -the past, by the pictorial method. Mnemonic symbols are thus at the -threshold of the hieroglyphic. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV - -OJIBWA MEDA SONG.] - -One of the best examples of this mnemonic device is one of the Ojibwas, -found in Schoolcraft, _op. cit._, I, page 362 _et seq._, and called by -him Songs of the Meda. His illustration is reproduced as Plate IV, and -his explanation, much condensed, is as follows: - -No. 1. A medicine lodge filled with the presence of the Great Spirit, -who, it is affirmed, came down with wings to instruct the Indians in -these ceremonies. The meda, or priest, sings, “The Great Spirit’s -lodge--you have heard of it. I will enter it.” While this is sung, and -repeated, the priest shakes his shi-shi-gwun, and each member of the -society holds up one hand in a beseeching manner. All stand, without -dancing. The drum is not struck during this introductory chant. - -No. 2. A candidate for admission crowned with feathers, and holding, -suspended to his arm, an otter-skin pouch, with the wind represented -as gushing out of one end. He sings, repeating after the priest, all -dancing, with the accompaniment of the drum and rattle: * * “I have -always loved that that I seek. I go into the new green leaf lodge.” - -No. 3 marks a pause, during which the victuals prepared for the feast -are introduced. - -No. 4. A man holding a dish in his hand, and decorated with magic -feathers on his wrists, indicating his character as master of the -feast. All sing, “I shall give you a share, my friend.” - -No. 5. A lodge apart from that in which the meda-men are assembled, -having a vapor-bath within it. The elder men go into this lodge, and -during the time of their taking the bath, or immediately preceding -it, tell each other certain secrets relative to the arts they employ -in the Medá-win. The six heavy marks at the top of the lodge indicate -the steam escaping from the bath. There are three orders of men in -this society, called 1. meda; 2. sangemau; and 3. ogemau. And it is in -these secret exchanges of arts, or rather the communication of unknown -secrets from the higher to the lower orders, that they are exalted from -one to another degree. The priest sings, “I go into the bath--I blow my -brother strong.” - -No. 6. The arm of the priest, or master of ceremonies, who conducts the -candidate, represented in connection with the next figure. - -No. 7. The goods, or presents given, as a fee of admission, by the -novitiate. “I wish to wear this, my father, my friend.” - -No. 8. A meda-tree. The recurved projection from the trunk denotes the -root that supplies the medicine. “What! my life, my single tree!--we -dance around you.” - -No. 9. A stuffed crane-skin, employed as a medicine-bag. By shaking -this in the dance, plovers and other small birds are made, by a -sleight-of-hand trickery, to jump out of it. These, the novitiates are -taught, spring from the bag by the strong power of the operator. This -is one of the prime acts of the dance. “I wish them to appear--that -that has grown--I wish them to appear.” - -No. 10. An arrow in the supposed circle of the sky. Represents a -charmed arrow, which, by the power of the meda of the person owning -it, is capable of penetrating the entire circle of the sky, and -accomplishing the object for which it is shot out of the bow. “What are -you saying, you mee dá man? This--this is the meda bone.” - -No. 11. The Ka Kaik, a species of small hawk, swift of wing, and -capable of flying high into the sky. The skin of this bird is worn -round the necks of warriors going into battle. “My kite’s skin is -fluttering.” - -No. 12. The sky, or celestial hemisphere, with the symbol of the Great -Spirit looking over it. A Manito’s arm is raised up from the earth in a -supplicating posture. Birds of good omen are believed to be in the sky. -“All round the circle of the sky I hear the Spirit’s voice.” - -No. 13. The next figure denotes a pause in the ceremonies. - -No. 14. A meda-tree. The idea represented is a tree animated by magic -or spiritual power. “The Wabeno tree--it dances.” - -No. 15. A stick used to beat the Ta-wa-e-gun or drum. “How rings aloud -the drum-stick’s sound.” - -No. 16. Half of the celestial hemisphere--an Indian walking upon it. -The idea symbolized is the sun pursuing his diurnal course till noon. -“I walk upon half the sky.” - -No. 17. The Great Spirit filling all space with his beams, and -enlightening the world by the halo of his head. He is here depicted as -the god of thunder and lightning. “I sound all around the sky, that -they can hear me.” - -No. 18. The Ta-wa-e-gun, or single-headed drum. “You shall hear the -sound of my Ta-wa-e-gun.” - -No. 19. The Ta-wa-e-gonse, or tambourine, ornamented with feathers, -and a wing, indicative of its being prepared for a sacred use. “Do you -understand my drum?” - -No. 20. A raven. The skin and feathers of this bird are worn as head -ornaments. “I sing the raven that has brave feathers.” - -No. 21. A crow, the wings and head of which are worn as a head-dress. -“I am the crow--I am the crow--his skin is my body.” - -No. 22. A medicine lodge. A leader or master of the Meda society, -standing with his drum stick raised, and holding in his hands the -clouds and the celestial hemisphere. “I wish to go into your lodge--I -go into your lodge.” - -In connection with this topic reference may be made to the Lenâpé and -their Legends: with the complete text and symbols of The Walam Olum, -by Daniel G. Brinton, A. M., M. D., Phila., 1885. 8vo. pp. 262, with -numerous illustrations. - - -TRADITIONS. - -[Illustration: FIG. 38--Osage chart.] - -As an example of a chart used to assist in the exact repetition of -traditions, Figure 38 is presented with the following explanation by -Rev. J. Owen Dorsey: - -“The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret -society of the Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Ha[p]a -[c]ü[t][s]e, Red Corn, who was adopted in childhood by a white man -named Matthews; hence he is also known as Wm. P. Matthews, or “Bill -Nix.” He is one of the tribal lawyers. He obtained his version of -the tradition from a member of his gens, Sa[p]eki¢ĕ. Another version -of the same tradition was obtained by him from Pahü-skă, White Hair, -the chief of the Bald Eagle sub-gens of the Tsi[c]u gens. [K]ahi[k]e -wa[t]ayiñ[k]e, Saucy Chief, gave me other parts of the tradition, which -Ha[p]a [c]ü[t][s]e had forgotten. - -He also chanted a few lines of the tradition of the Wa[c]a[c]e gens. -Wayüts`a[k]a[c]ĭ, of the Black Bear gens, told me a little of his -tradition; and I obtained part of the Wa[c]a[c]e tradition from -Hu¢ak¢i^n, Good Voice, of the Mi^nk’i^n gens. - -The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows a river. -The tree and the river are described later in the degrees. When a woman -is initiated she is required by the head of her gens to take four sips -of water (symbolizing the river), then he rubs cedar on the palms of -his hands, with which he rubs her from head to foot. If she belongs -to a gens on the left side of the tribal circle, her chief begins on -the left side of her head, making three passes, and pronouncing the -sacred name of Deity three times. Then he repeats the process from her -forehead down; then on the right side of her head; then at the back of -her head; four times three times, or twelve passes in all. - -Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse [t]u[k]a, male -slaying animal(?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars -called the “Elm rod” by the white people in the Indian Territory. 3. -The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these are the moon, -seven stars, and sun. Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and -war hatchet, the latter is close to the sun, and the former and the -moon are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel lines extending -across the chart, represent four heavens or upper worlds through which -the ancestors of the Tsi[c]u people passed before they came to this -earth. The lowest heaven rests on an oak tree: the ends of the others -appear to be supported by pillars or ladders. The tradition, according -to Sa[p]eki¢ĕ, begins below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the -chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the pillar corresponds with -a line of the chant; and each stanza (at the opening of the tradition) -contains four lines. The first stanza precedes the arrival of the first -heaven, pointing to a time when the children of the “former end” of -the race were without human bodies as well as human souls. The bird -hovering over the arch denotes an advance in the condition of the -people; then they had human souls in the bodies of birds. Then followed -the progress from the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the -descent to earth. The ascent to four heavens and the descent to three, -makes up the number seven. - -The tree on which the Tsi[c]u was called pü-sü-hü, jack oak, or a -sort of a red oak. When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when -the earth was covered with luxuriant vegetation. From that time the -paths of the Osages separated; some marched on the right, being the -war gentes, while those on the left were peace gentes, including the -Tsi[c]u, whose chart this is. - -Then the Tsi[c]u met the black bear, called Káxe-wáhü-sa^n´ in the -tradition. Káxe-wáhü-sa^n´, Crow-bone-white in the distance. He offered -to become their messenger, so they sent him to the different stars for -aid. According to the chart he went to them in the following order: -Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star; but, -according to the chant related, they were as follows: Watse [t]u[k]a -(morning star); Watse mi^n[k]a (female animal that slays another -star); Ha^n-pa[t]a^n-Wakan[t]a (Wakanda or Deity during the day, -the sun); Wakan[t]aha^n ¢iñkce (Deity of the night, moon); Mikak’e -pe¢ŭ^n[p]a, Seven Stars; Ta a[p]¢i^n, Three Deer; Mikak’e tañ[k]a, Big -Star; Mikak’e [c]iñ[k]a, Little Star. Then the Black bear went to the -Wa[c]iñ[k]a-[c]ü[t][s]e, a female red bird sitting on her nest. This -grandmother granted his request. She gave them human bodies, making -them out of her own body. - -The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village of the -Hañ[k]a uta¢a^n[t][s]i, who were a very warlike people. Buffalo skulls -were on the tops of the lodges, and the bones of the animals on which -they subsisted, whitened on the ground. The very air was rendered -offensive by the decaying bodies and offal. The Hañ[k]a uta¢a^n[t][s]i -made a treaty of peace with the Wa[c]ace and Tsi[c]u gentes, and from -the union of the three resulted the present nation of the Osages. - -The Bald Eagle account of the tradition begins very abruptly. The -stars were approached thus: Ha^n[p]a[t]a^n-Wakan[t]a (sun), Watse -[t]u[k]a (morning star), Wa[p]aha (Great Dipper), Tapa (Pleiades), -Mikak’e-ha^n-[p]a[t]a^n (Day Star). This version gives what is wanting -in the other, the meeting of other gentes, Hañkā [c]iñ[k]a, Wa[c]a[c]e, -Hañ[k]a-uta¢a^n[t][s]i, etc., and the decisions of the chief of the -Hañ[k]a-uta¢a^n[t][s]i. - -The people on the war side had similar adventures, but the accurate -account has not yet been obtained. - -The whole of the chart was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such as the -four heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and chest of the -old men belonging to the order.” - - -TREATIES. - -The most familiar example of the recording of treaties is the -employment of wampum belts for that purpose. An authority on the -subject says: “The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of -immortal Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side, -and white in the middle; the white being placed in the center was to -express peace, and that the path between them was fair and open. In the -center of the belt was a figure of a diamond made of white wampum, -which the Indians call the council fire.” See Voyages and Travels of an -Indian interpreter and trader, etc., by J. Long, London, 1791, p. 47. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V - -PENN WAMPUM BELT.] - -More minute statements regarding wampum is made superfluous after -its full discussion by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his work, “Art in Shell -of the ancient Americans,” in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau -of Ethnology, pages 253 _et seq._ One of his illustrations specially -in point for the present purpose is here reproduced in Plate V. His -remarks upon it are as follows: - - The remarkable belt shown has an extremely interesting, although a - somewhat incomplete, history attached to it. It is believed to be - the original belt delivered by the Leni-Lenape sachems to William - Penn at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree at Shackamaxon in - 1682. Although there is no documentary evidence to show that this - identical belt was delivered on that occasion, it is conceded on - all hands that it came into the possession of the great founder - of Pennsylvania at some one of his treaties with the tribes that - occupied the province ceded to him. Up to the year 1857 this belt - remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 1857, it was - presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John - Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on - this occasion, states that there can be no doubt that this is the - identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his views in the - following language: - - “In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used - on more ordinary occasions, of which we have one still in our - possession--this belt being composed of eighteen strings of wampum, - which is a proof that it was the record of some very important - negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which is - of white wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude but - graphic style, two figures--that of an Indian grasping with the hand - of friendship the hand of a man evidently intended to be represented - in the European costume, wearing a hat; which can only be interpreted - as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship which was - then concluded between William Penn and the Indians, and recorded by - them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their - meaning, by the employment of hieroglyphics. Then the fact of its - having been preserved in the family of the founder from that period - to the present time, having descended through three generations, - gives an authenticity to the document which leaves no doubt of its - genuineness; and as the chain and medal which were presented by the - parliament to his father the admiral, for his naval services, have - descended among the family archives unaccompanied by any written - document, but is recorded on the journals of the House of Commons, - equal authenticity may be claimed for the wampum belt confirmatory of - the treaty made by his son with the Indians; which event is recorded - on the page of history, though, like the older relic, it has been - unaccompanied in its descent by any document in writing.” - - -WAR. - -Material objects were often employed in challenge to and declaration of -war, some of which may assist in the interpretation of pictographs. A -few instances are mentioned: - -Arrows, to which long hairs are attached, were stuck up along the -trail or road, by the Florida Indians, to signify a declaration of war. -See Captain Laudonnière in Hakluyt, III, 415. - -Challenging by heralds obtained. Thus the Shumeias challenged the -Ponios [in central California] by placing three little sticks, notched -in the middle and at both ends, on a mound, which marked the boundary -between the two tribes. If the Ponios accept, they tie a string round -the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place, and the -battle comes off as appointed. See Bancroft, Native Races, I, p. 379. - - * * * * * - -A few notices of the foreign use of material objects in connection with -this branch of the subject may be given. - -It appears in the Bible: Ezek., XXXVII, 16-20, and Numbers, XVII, 2. - -Lieutenant-Colonel Woodthorp says (Jour. Anth. Inst. Gr. Brit., Vol. -XLI, 1882, p. 211): “On the road to Niao we saw on the ground a curious -mud figure of a man in slight relief presenting a gong in the direction -of Senna; this was supposed to show that the Fiao men were willing -to come to terms with Senna, then at war with Niao. Another mode of -evincing a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching enemy, and -induce him to open negotiations, is to tie up in his path a couple of -goats, sometimes also a gong, with the universal symbol of peace, a -palm leaf planted in the ground hard by.” - -The Maori had neither the quipus nor wampum, but only a board shaped -like a saw, which was called _he rakau wakapa-paranga_, or genealogical -board; it was in fact a tally, having a notch for each name, and a -blank space to denote where the male line failed and was succeeded -by that of the female; youths were taught their genealogies by -repeating the names of each to which the notches referred. See Te Ika -a Maui.--Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1870, p. 379. - - -TIME. - -Dr. William H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, gives the -following information: - -[Illustration: FIG. 39.--Device denoting succession of time. Dakota.] - -The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of time; -a small one for a year and a large one for a longer period of time, -as a life-time, one old man. Also a round of lodges, or a cycle of 70 -years, as in Battiste Good’s Winter Count. The continuance of time -is sometimes indicated by a line extending in a direction from right -to left across the page, when on paper, and the annual circles are -suspended from the line at regular intervals by short lines, as in -Figure 39, and the ideograph for the year is placed beneath each -one. At other times the line is not continuous, but is interrupted at -regular intervals by the yearly circle, as in Figure 40. - -[Illustration: FIG. 40.--Device denoting succession of time. Dakota.] - -The large amount of space taken up by the Dakota Winter Counts, now -following, renders it impracticable to devote more to the graphic -devices regarding time. While these Winter Counts are properly under -the present head, their value is not limited to it, as they suggest, -if they do not explain, points relating to many other divisions of the -present paper. - - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. - -The existence among the Dakota Indians of continuous designations of -years, in the form of charts corresponding in part with the orderly -arrangement of divisions of time termed calendars, was first made -public by the present writer in a paper entitled “A Calendar of the -Dakota Nation,” which was issued in April, 1877, in Bulletin III, No. -1, of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey. Later -consideration of the actual use of such charts by the Indians has -induced the change of their title to that adopted by themselves, viz., -Winter Counts, in the original, waníyetu wówapi. - -The lithographed chart published with that paper, substantially the -same as Plate VI, now presented, was ascertained to be the Winter Count -used by or at least known to a large portion of the Dakota people, -extending over the seventy-one years commencing with the winter of A. -D. 1800-’01. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VI - -WINTER COUNT ON BUFFALO ROBE.] - -The copy from which the lithograph was taken, is traced on a strip of -cotton cloth, in size one yard square, which the characters almost -entirely fill, and was made by Lieut. H. T. Reed, First United States -Infantry, an accomplished officer of the present writer’s former -company and regiment, in two colors, black and red, used in the -original, of which it is a _fac simile_. - -The general design of the chart and the meaning of most of its -characters were ascertained by Lieutenant Reed, at Fort Sully, Dakota, -and afterwards at Fort Rice, Dakota, in November, 1876, by the present -writer; while further investigation of records and authorities at -Washington elicited additional details used in the publication -mentioned and many more since its issue. - -After exhibition of the copy to a number of military and civil officers -connected with the Departments of War and of the Interior, it appeared -that those who, from service on expeditions and surveys or from special -study of American ethnology, were most familiar with the Indian tribes -west of the Mississippi, had never heard of this or any other similar -attempt among them to establish a chronological system. Bragging -biographies of chiefs and partisan histories of particular wars -delineated in picture writing on hides or bark are very common. Nearly -every traveler on the plains has obtained a painted robe, on which -some aboriginal artist has stained rude signs purporting to represent -tribal or personal occurrences, or often the family connections of the -first owner. Some of these in the possession of the present writer have -special significance and are mentioned under appropriate heads in the -present work. - -It is believed that, in the pictographs of all of these peoples -discovered before the chart mentioned, the obvious intention was -either historical or biographical, or more generally was to chronicle -occurrences as such, and that there was not an apparent design to -portray events selected without exclusive reference to their intrinsic -interest or importance, but because they severally occurred within -regular successive intervals of time, and to arrange them in an orderly -form, specially convenient for use as a calendar and valuable for no -other purpose. - -The copy made by Lieutenant Reed was traced over a duplicate of the -original, which latter was drawn on a buffalo robe by Lone-Dog, an -aged Indian, belonging to the Yanktonai tribe of the Dakotas, who in -the autumn of 1876 was near Fort Peck, Montana, and was reported to be -still in his possession. His Dakota name is given him by correspondents -who knew him, as in the ordinary English literation, Shunka-ishnala, -the words respectively corresponding very nearly with the vocables in -Riggs’s lexicon for dog-lone. Others have, however, identified him as -Chi-no-sa, translated as “a lone wanderer,” and asserted that he was at -the time mentioned with the hostile Dakotas under Sitting Bull. There -appear to have been several Dakotas of the present generation known to -the whites as Lone-Dog. - -Plate VI is a representation of the chart as it would appear on the -buffalo robe, but it is photographed from the copy on linen cloth, not -directly from the robe. - -The duplicate from which the copy was immediately taken was in the -possession of Basil Clément, a half-breed interpreter, living at -Little Bend, near Fort Sully, Dakota, who professed to have obtained -information concerning the chart from personal inquiries of many -Indians, and whose dictated translation of them, reduced to writing -in his own words, forms the basis of that given in the present paper. -The genuineness of the document was verified by separate examination, -through another interpreter, of the most intelligent Indians accessible -at Fort Rice, and at a considerable distance from Clément, who could -have had no recent communication with those so examined. One of the -latter, named Good-Wood, a Blackfoot Dakota and an enlisted scout -attached to the garrison at Fort Rice, immediately recognized the copy -now in possession of the writer as “the same thing Lone-Dog had,” and -also stated that he had seen another copy at Standing Rock Agency -in the hands of Blue-Thunder, a Blackfoot Dakota. He said it showed -“something put down for every year about their nation.” He knew how -to use it as a calendar, beginning from the center and counting from -right to left, and was familiar with the meaning of many of the later -characters and the events they commemorated, in which he corroborated -Clément’s translation, but explained that he had forgotten the -interpretation of some of the earlier signs, which were about those -things done before his birth. - -All the investigations that could be made elicited the following -account, which, whether accurate or not, the Indians examined certainly -believed: Probably with the counsel of the old men and authorities -of his tribe, Lone-Dog ever since his youth has been in the habit of -deciding upon some event or circumstance which should distinguish each -year as it passed, and when such decision was made he marked what was -considered to be its appropriate symbol or device upon a buffalo robe -kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient times exhibited to -other Indians of the nation, who were thus taught the meaning and use -of the signs as designating the several years, in order that at the -death of the recorder the knowledge might not be lost. A similar motive -as to the preservation of the record led to its duplication in 1870 or -1871, so that Clément obtained it in a form ending at that time. It -was also reported by several Indians that other copies of the chart in -its various past stages of formation had been known to exist among the -several tribes, being probably kept for reference, Lone-Dog and his -robe being so frequently inaccessible. - -Although Lone-Dog was described as a very old Indian, it was not -supposed that he was of sufficient age in the year 1800 to enter upon -the duty as explained. Either there was a predecessor from whom he -received the earlier records or obtained copies of them, or, his work -being first undertaken when he had reached manhood, he gathered the -traditions from his elders and worked back so far as he could do so -accurately, the object either then or before being to establish some -system of chronology for the use of the tribe, or more probably in the -first instance for the use of his particular band. - -Present knowledge of the Winter Count systems renders it improbable -that Lone-Dog was their inventor or originator. They were evidently -started, at the latest, before the present generation, and have -been kept up by a number of independent recorders. The idea was one -specially appropriate to the Indian genius, yet the peculiar mode of -record was an invention, and is not probably a very old invention, -as it has not, so far as known, spread beyond a definite district -or been extensively adopted. If an invention of that character had -been of great antiquity it would probably have spread by inter-tribal -channels beyond the bands or tribes of the Dakotas, where alone the -copies of such charts have been found and are understood. Yet the -known existence of portable pictographs of this ascertained character -renders it proper to examine rock etchings and other native records -with reference to their possible interpretation as designating events -chronologically. - -A query is naturally suggested, whether intercourse with missionaries -and other whites did not first give the Dakotas some idea of dates and -awaken a sense of want in that direction. The fact that Lone-Dog’s -winter count, the only one known at the time of its first publication, -begins at a date nearly coinciding with the first year of the present -century by our computation, awakened a suspicion that it might be -due to civilized intercourse, and was not a mere coincidence. If the -influence of missionaries or traders started any plan of chronology, it -is remarkable that they did not suggest one in some manner resembling -the system so long and widely used, and the only one they knew, of -counting in numbers from an era, such as the birth of Christ, the -Hegira, the Ab Urbe Conditâ, the First Olympiad, and the like. But the -chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest character (the one in -the center or beginning of the spiral) merely represents the killing -of a small number of Dakotas by their enemies, an event of frequent -occurrence, and neither so important nor interesting as many others of -the seventy-one shown in the chart, more than one of which, indeed, -might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before and after -which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to mark the -years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would naturally have -introduced, the one actually adopted--to individualize each year by -a specific recorded symbol, or totem, according to the decision of a -competent person, or by common consent acted upon by a person charged -with or undertaking the duty whereby confusion was prevented--should -not suffer denial of its originality merely because it was ingenious, -and showed more of scientific method than has often been attributed to -the northern tribes of America. The ideographic record, being preserved -and understood by many, could be used and referred to with sufficient -ease and accuracy for ordinary purposes. Definite signs for the first -appearance of the small-pox and for the first capture of wild horses -may be dates as satisfactory to the Dakotas as the corresponding -expressions A. D. 1802 and 1813 to the Christian world, and far more -certain than much of the chronological tables of Regiomontanus and -Archbishop Usher in terms of A. M. and B. C. The careful arrangement -of distinctly separate characters in an outward spiral starting from -a central point is a clever expedient to dispense with the use of -numbers for noting the years, yet allowing every date to be determined -by counting backward or forward from any other that might be known; -and it seems unlikely that any such device, so different from that -common among the white visitors, should have been prompted by them. -The whole conception seems one strongly characteristic of the Indians, -who in other instances have shown such expertness in ideography. The -discovery of the other charts presented or referred to in this paper, -which differ in their times of commencement and ending from that of -Lone-Dog and from each other, removed any inference arising from the -above-mentioned coincidence in beginning with the present century. - -Copies of the paper publishing and explaining Lone-Dog’s record were -widely circulated by the present writer among Army officers, Indian -agents, missionaries, and other persons favorably situated, in hopes -of obtaining other examples and further information. The result was a -gratifying verification of all the important statements and suggestions -in the publication, with the correction of some errors of detail and -the supply of much additional material. The following copies of the -chart, substantially the same as that of Lone-Dog, are now, or have -been, in the possession of the present writer: - -1. A chart made and kept by Bo-í-de, The-Flame (otherwise translated -The-Blaze), who, in 1877, lived at Peoria Bottom, 18 miles south of -Fort Sully, Dakota. He was a Dakota and had generally dwelt with the -Sans Arcs, though it was reported that he was by birth one of the Two -Kettles. The interpretation was obtained (it is understood originally -at the instance of Lieutenant Maus, First United States Infantry) -directly from The-Flame by Alex. Laravey, official interpreter at Fort -Sully, in the month of April, 1877. - -The fac-simile copy in the writer’s possession, also made by -Lieutenant Reed, is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in -black and red--thus far similar to his copy of Lone-Dog’s chart, -but the arrangement is wholly different. The character for the -first year mentioned appears in the lower left-hand corner, and the -record proceeds toward the right to the extremity of the cloth, then -crossing toward the left and again toward the right at the edge of the -cloth--and so throughout in the style called boustrophedon; and ending -in the upper left-hand corner. The general effect is that of seven -straight lines of figures, but those lines are distinctly connected at -their extremities with others above and below, so that the continuous -figure is serpentine. It thus answers the same purpose of orderly -arrangement, allowing constant additions, like the more circular spiral -of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 1786-’7 to 1876-’7, thus -commencing earlier and ending later than that of Lone-Dog. - -2. The-Swan’s chart was kindly furnished to the writer by Dr. Charles -Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution. It was sent to him in 1872 by -Dr. John R. Patrick, of Belleville, Saint Clair County, Illinois, who -received it from Dr. Washington West, of Belleville, Illinois, who -became an acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, November 2, 1868, and -was assigned to duty at Cheyenne Agency, Dakota, established by General -Harney, as one of a number of agencies to become useful as rendezvous -for Dakotas to keep them from disturbing the line of the Union Pacific -Railroad. He remained there from November, 1868, to May, 1870. The -agency was specially for the Two Kettles, Sans Arcs, and Minneconjous. -A Minneconjou chief, The-Swan, elsewhere called The-Little-Swan, kept -this record on the dressed skin of an antelope or deer, claiming that -it had been preserved in his family for seventy years. The title of -the written interpretation of this chart was called the History of the -Minneconjou Dakotas, its true use not being then understood. In return -for favors, Dr. West obtained permission to have some copies made on -common domestic cotton cloth and employed an Indian expert of the Two -Kettle band to do the work in fac-simile. From one of these he had a -photograph taken on a small plate, and then enlarged in printing to -about two-thirds of the original size and traced and touched up in -India ink and red paint to match the original, which was executed in -some black pigment and ruddle. - -The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog’s -chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left -to right, not from right to left. The interpretation of this chart -was made at Cheyenne Agency in 1868 for Dr. Washington West by Jean -Premeau, interpreter at that agency. - -A useful note is given in connection with the interpretation, that in -it all the names are names given by the Minneconjous, and not the names -the parties bear themselves, _e. g._, in the interpretation for the -year 1829-’30, (see Plate XVIII, and page 114,) Bad Arrow Indian is a -translation of the Dakota name for a band of Blackfeet. The owner and -explainer of this copy of the chart was a Minneconjou, and therefore -his rendering of names might differ from that of another person equally -familiar with the chart. - -3. Another chart examined was kindly loaned to the writer by Brevet -Maj. Joseph Bush, captain Twenty-second United States Infantry. It was -procured by him in 1870 at the Cheyenne Agency, from James C. Robb, -formerly Indian trader, and afterwards post trader. This copy is one -yard by three-fourths of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center from -right to left. The figures are substantially the same size as those -in Lone-Dog’s chart, with which it coincides in time, except that it -ends at 1869-’70. The interpretation differs from that accompanying the -latter in a few particulars. - -4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou warrior, -residing in 1868 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency Reservation, on -the Missouri River, near Fort Sully, Dakota, near the mouth of the -Cheyenne River. In order to please Lieut. O. D. Ladley, Twenty-second -United States Infantry, who was in charge of the reservation, he drew -or copied on a piece of cotton cloth what he called, through the -interpreter, the History of the Minneconjous, and also gave through -the same interpreter the key or translation to the figures. Lieutenant -Ladley loaned them to an ex-army friend in Washington, who brought them -to the notice of the present writer. - -This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat and -elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral reads -from right to left. This chart, which begins as does that of Lone-Dog, -ends with the years 1868-’69. - -The present writer has had conversation and correspondence concerning -other copies and other translated interpretations of what may be -called for convenience and with some right, on account of priority in -publication, the Lone-Dog system of winter counts. But it also was -discovered that there were other systems in which the same pictographic -method was adopted by the Dakotas. An account of the most important of -these, viz.: the charts of Baptiste or Battiste Good, American-Horse, -Cloud-Shield, and White-cow-killer has been communicated by Dr. William -H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon, United States Army, and is presented -_infra_, page 127, under the title of The Corbusier Winter Counts. - -The study of all the charts, with their several interpretations, -renders plain some points remaining in doubt while the Lone-Dog chart -was the only example known. In the first place, it became clear -that there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the order of -continuity of the year-characters. They were arranged spirally or -lineally, or in serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, starting -backward from the last year shown, or proceeding uniformly forward -from the first year selected or remembered. Any mode that would -accomplish the object of continuity with the means of regular addition -seemed to be equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there was -some symbolism in the right to left circling of Lone-Dog’s chart was -aborted, especially when an obvious reproduction of that very chart was -made by an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also obvious that -when copies were made, some of them probably from memory, there was -no attempt at Chinese accuracy. It was enough to give the graphic or -ideographic character, and frequently the character is better defined -on one of the charts than on the others for the corresponding year. One -interpretation or rather one translation of the interpretation would -often throw light on the others. It also appeared that while different -events were selected by the recorders of the different systems, there -was sometimes a selection of the same event for the same year and -sometimes for the next, such as would be natural in the progress of a -famine or epidemic, or as an event gradually became known over a vast -territory. To exhibit these points more clearly, the characters on the -charts of The-Flame, Lone-Dog, and The-Swan have been placed together -on Plates VII-XXXIII, and their interpretations, separately obtained -and translated, have also been collated, commencing on page 100. Where -any information was supplied by the charts of Mato Sapa or of Major -Bush and their interpretation, or by other authorities, it is given in -connection with the appropriate year. Reference is also made to some -coincidences or explanatory manner noticed in the Corbusier system. - -With regard to the Lone-Dog system, with which the present writer is -more familiar, and upon which he has examined a large number of Indians -during the last eight years, an attempt was made to ascertain whether -the occurrences selected and represented were those peculiar to the -clan or tribe of the recorder or were either of general concern or of -notoriety throughout the Dakota tribes. This would tend to determine -whether the undertaking was of a merely individual nature, limited -by personal knowledge or special interests, or whether the scope was -general. All inquiries led to the latter supposition. The persons -examined were of different tribes, and far apart from each other, yet -all knew what the document was, _i. e._, that “some one thing was put -down for each year;” that it was the work of Lone-Dog, and that he -was the only one who “could do it,” or perhaps was authority for it. -The internal evidence is to the same effect. All the symbols indicate -what was done, experienced, or observed by the nation at large or by -its tribes without distinction--not by that of which Lone-Dog is a -member, no special feat of the Yanktonais, indeed, being mentioned--and -the chiefs whose deaths or deeds are noted appear to have belonged -indifferently to the several tribes, whose villages were generally at -great distance each from the other and from that of the recorder. It -is, however, true that the Minneconjous were more familiar than other -of the Dakotas with the interpretation of the characters on Lone-Dog’s -chart, and that a considerable proportion of the events selected relate -to that division of the confederacy. - -In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog’s chart is understood and -used among his people, it may be mentioned that the writer has never -shown it to an intelligent Dakota of full years who has not known what -it was for, and many of them knew a large part of the years portrayed. -When there was less knowledge, there was the amount that may be likened -to that of an uneducated person or child who is examined about a map -of the United States, which had been shown to him before, with some -explanation only partially apprehended or remembered. He would tell -that it was a map of the United States; would probably be able to point -out with some accuracy the State or city where he lived; perhaps the -capital of the country; probably the names of the States of peculiar -position or shape, such as Maine, Delaware, or Florida. So the Indian -examined would often point out in Lone-Dog’s chart the year in which he -was born or that in which his father died, or in which there was some -occurrence that had strongly impressed him, but which had no relation -whatever to the character for the year in question. It had been pointed -out to him before, and he had remembered it, though not the remainder -of the chart. - -With the interpretations of the several charts given below some -explanations are furnished, but it may be useful to set forth in -advance a few facts relating to the nomenclature and divisions of the -tribes frequently mentioned. In the literature on the subject the -great linguistic stock or family embracing not only the Sioux or -Dakotas proper, but the Missouris, Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, Kansas, -Otos, Assiniboines, Gros Ventres or Minnitaris, Crows, Iowas, Mandans, -and some others, has been frequently styled the Dakota Family. Major -Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, from considerations -of priority, has lately adopted the name Siouan for the family, and -for the grand division of it popularly called Sioux has used the -term Dakota, which the people claim for themselves. In this general -respect it is possible to conform in this paper to Major Powell’s -classification, but, specially in the details of the Winter Counts, -the form of the titles of the tribes is that which is generally used, -but with little consistency, in literature, and is not given with the -accurate philologic literation of special scholars, or with reference -to the synonomy determined by Major Powell, but not yet published. The -reason for this temporary abandonment of scientific accuracy is that -another course would require the correction or annotation of the whole -material contributed from many sources, and would be cumbrous as well -as confusing prior to the publication, by the Bureau of Ethnology, of -the synonomy mentioned. - -The word “Dakota” is translated in Riggs’s Dictionary of that language -as “leagued, or allied.” Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, the distinguished -ethnographer and glossologist, gives the meaning to be more precisely -“associated as comrades,” the root being found in other dialects of the -same group of languages for instance, in the Minitari, where _dáki_ is -the name for the clan or band, and _dakóe_ means friend or comrade. In -the Sioux (Dakota) dialect, _cota_, or _coda_ means friend, and Dakota -may, literally translated, signify “our friends.” - -The title Sioux, which is indignantly repudiated by the nation, is -either the last syllable or the two last syllables, according to -pronunciation, of “Nadowesioux,” which is the French plural of the -Algonkin name for the Dakotas, “Nadowessi,” “enemy,” though the English -word is not so strong as the Indian, “hated foe” being nearer. The -Chippeways called an Iroquois “Nadowi,” which is also their name for -rattlesnake (or, as others translate, adder); in the plural, Nadowek. A -Sioux they called Nadowessi, which is the same word with a contemptuous -or diminutive termination; plural, Nadowessiwak or Nadawessyak. The -French gave the name their own form of the plural, and the voyageurs -and trappers cut it down to “Sioux.” - -The more important of existing tribes and organized bands into which -the nation is now divided are given below, being the dislocated remains -of the “Seven Great Council Fires,” not only famed in tradition, but -known to early white pioneers: - -Yankton and Yanktonai or Ihañkto^nwa^n, both derived from a root -meaning “at the end,” alluding to the former locality of their villages. - -Sihasapa, or Blackfeet. - -Oheno^npa, or Two Kettles. - -Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French translation, Sans Arc, is, however, -more commonly used. - -Minneconjou, translated Those who plant by the water, the physical -features of their old home. - -Sitca^ngu, Burnt Hip or Brulé. - -Santee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, _i. e._, forests, -and Sisseton, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now practically -extinct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or, as it is more correctly -spelled, Isanti tribe, from the root _Issan_, knife. Their former -territory furnished the material for stone knives, from the manufacture -of which they were called the “knife people.” - -Ogallalla, Ogalala, or Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this name, -as well as the one next mentioned (Uncpapa), have been the subjects of -much controversy. - -Uncpapa, Unkpapa, or Hunkpapa, the most warlike and probably the most -powerful of all the bands, though not the largest. - -Hale, Gallatin, and Riggs designate a “Titon tribe” as located west -of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas, the -latter authority subdividing into the Sichangu, Itazipcho, Sihasapa, -Minneconjou, Oheno^npa, Ogallalla, and Huncpapa, seven of the tribes -specified above, which he calls bands. The fact probably is that -“Titon” (from the word _ti^ntan_, meaning, “at or on land without -trees, or prairie”) was the name of a tribe, but it is now only an -expression for all those tribes whose ranges are on the prairie, -and that it has become a territorial and accidental, not a tribular -distinction. One of the Dakotas at Fort Rice spoke to the writer of the -“hostiles” as “Titons,” with obviously the same idea of locality, “away -on the prairie;” it being well known that they were a conglomeration -from several tribes. - -It is proper here to remark that throughout the charts the totem of the -clan of the person indicated is not generally given, though it is often -used in other kinds of records, but instead, a pictorial representation -of his name, which their selection of proper names rendered -practicable. The clans are divisions relating to consanguinity, and -neither coincide with the political tribal organizations nor are -limited by them. The number of the clans, or distinctive totemic -groups, of the Dakota is less than that of their organized bands, if -not of their tribes, and considerably less than that of the totems -appearing on the charts. Although it has been contended that the -clan-totem alone was used by Indians, there are many other specimens of -picture-writings among the Dakota where the name-totem appears, notably -the set of fifty-five drawings in the library of the Army Medical -Museum narrating the deeds of Sitting-Bull. A pictured message lately -sent by a Dakota at Fort Rice to another at a distant agency, and -making the same use of name-signs, came to the writer’s notice. Captain -Carver, who spent a considerable time with these Indians (called by him -Nadowessies) in 1766-’77, explains that “besides the name of the animal -by which every nation or tribe [clan] is denominated, there are others -that are personal, which the children receive from their mother. * * * -The chiefs are distinguished by a name that has either some reference -to their abilities or to the hieroglyphic of their families, and these -are acquired after they have arrived at the age of manhood. Such as -have signalized themselves either in their war or hunting parties, or -are possessed of some eminent qualification, receive a name that serves -to perpetuate the fame of their actions or to make their abilities -conspicuous.” The common use of these name-signs appears in their being -affixed to old treaties, and also to some petitions in the office -of Indian Affairs. Their similarity in character, use, and actual -design, either with or without clan designation, affords an instructive -comparison with the origin of heraldry and of modern surnames. Further -remarks about the name system of Indians appear on page 169. - -With reference to the Winter Counts, it is well known that the Dakotas -count their years by winters (which is quite natural, that season -in their high levels and latitudes practically lasting more than -six months), and say a man is so many snows old, or that so many -snow seasons have passed since an occurrence. They have no division -of time into weeks, and their months are absolutely lunar, only -twelve, however, being designated, which receive their names upon the -recurrence of some prominent, physical phenomenon. For example, the -period partly embraced by February is intended to be the “raccoon -moon”; March, the “sore-eye moon”; and April, that “in which the -geese lay eggs.” As the appearance of raccoons after hibernation, the -causes inducing inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese vary with the -meteorological character of each year, and as the twelve lunations -reckoned do not bring back the point in the season when counting -commenced, there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward the end -of winter as to the correct current date. In careful examination of -the several Counts it does not appear to be clear whether the event -portrayed occurred in the winter months or was selected in the months -immediately before or in those immediately after the winter. No -regularity or accuracy is noticed in these particulars. - -The next following pages give the translated interpretation of the -above-mentioned charts of The-Flame, designated as No. I; of Lone-Dog, -designated as No. II; and of The-Swan as No. III; and are explanations -of Plates VII to XXXIII. As The-Flame’s count began before the other -two and ended later than those, Plates VII, VIII, and XXXIII are -confined to that count, the others showing the three in connection. The -red color frequently mentioned appears in the corresponding figures in -Plate VI of Lone-Dog’s chart as reproduced, but black takes its place -in the series of plates now under consideration. Mention of the charts -of Mato Sapa and of Major Bush is made where there seems to be any -additional information or suggestion in them. When those charts are not -mentioned they agree with that of Lone-Dog. Reference is also made to -the counts in the Corbusier system when correspondence is to be noted. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VII - -1786-’87. - -1787-’88. - -1788-’89. - -1789-’90. - -1790-’91. - -1791-’92. - -1792-’93. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1786-’87.--No. I represents an Uncpapa chief who wore an “iron” shield -over his head. It is stated that he was a great warrior, killed by -the Rees. This word is abbreviated from the word Arikaree, a corrupt -form of Arikara. This year in the Anno Domini style is ascertained by -counting back from several well-known historical events corresponding -with those on the charts. - -Battiste Good’s count for the same year says: -“Iron-hand-band-went-on-war-path winter,” and adds, “They formerly -carried burdens on their backs hung from a band passed across their -forehead. This man had a band of iron which is shown on his head.” - -1787-’88.--No. I. A clown, well known to the Indians; a mischief-maker. -A Minneconjou. The interpreter could not learn how he was connected -with this year. His accoutrements are fantastic. The character is -explained by Battiste Good’s winter count for the same year as follows: - -“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain man was heyoka, that -is, in a peculiar frame of mind, and went about the village bedecked -with feathers singing to himself, and, while so, joined a war party. On -sighting the enemy the party fled, and called to him to turn back also, -but as he was heyoka, he construed everything that was said to him as -meaning the very opposite, and, therefore, instead of turning back he -went forward and was killed. The interpreter remarked if they had only -had sense enough to tell him to go on, he would then have run away, but -the idiots talked to him just as if he had been an ordinary mortal, -and, of course, were responsible for his death. - -The figure by Battiste Good strongly resembles that in this chart, -giving indications of fantastic dress with the bow. The independent -explanations of this figure and of some on the next page referring to -dates so remote have been of interest to the present writer. - -1788-’89.--No. I. Very severe winter and much suffering among the -Indians. Crows were frozen to death, which is a rare occurrence. Hence -the figure of the crow. - -Battiste Good says: “Many-crows-died winter.” - -Cloud Shield says: The winter was so cold that many crows froze to -death. - -White-Cow-Killer calls the preceding year, 1787-’88, -“Many-black-crows-died winter.” - -For the year 1789-’90, American-Horse says: “The cold was so intense -that crows froze in the air and dropped dead near the lodges.” - -This is an instance of where three sets of accounts refer to the same -severe cold, apparently to three successive years; it may really not -have been three successive years, but that all charts referred to -the same season, the fractions of years not being regarded, as above -explained. - -1789-’90.--No. I. Two Mandans killed by Minneconjous. The peculiar -arrangement of the hair distinguishes the tribe. - -The Mandans were in the last century one of the most numerous and -civilized tribes of the Siouan stock. Lewis and Clarke, in 1804, say -that the Mandans settled forty years before, _i. e._, 1764, in nine -villages, 80 miles below their then site (north of Knife River), seven -villages on the west, and two on the east side of the Missouri. Two -villages, being destroyed by the small-pox and the Dakotas, united and -moved up opposite to the Arickaras, who probably occupied the same site -as exhibited in the counts for the year 1823-’24. - -Battiste Good says: “Killed-two-Gros-Ventres-on-the ice winter.” - -1790-’91.--No. I. The first United States flag in the country brought -by United States troops. So said the interpreter. No special occasion -or expedition is noted. - -Battiste Good says: “Carried-flag-about-with-them winter,” and -explains; they went to all the surrounding tribes with the flag, but -for what purpose is unknown. - -White-Cow-Killer says: “All-the-Indians-see-the-flag winter.” - -1791-’92.--No. I. A Mandan and a Dakota met in the middle of the -Missouri; each swimming half way across, they shook hands, and made -peace. - -Mulligan, post interpreter at Fort Buford, says that this was at Fort -Berthold, and is an historic fact; also that the same Mandan, long -afterwards, killed the same Dakota. - -Cloud-Shield says: The Sioux and Omahas made peace. - -1792-’93.--No. I. Dakotas and Rees meet in camp together, and are at -peace. - -The two styles of dwellings, viz., the tipi of the Dakotas, and the -earth lodge of the Arickaras, are apparently depicted. - -Battiste Good says: “Camp-near-the-Gros-Ventres winter,” and adds: -“They were engaged in a constant warfare during this time.” The Gros -Ventres’ dirt-lodge, with the entry in front, is depicted in Battiste -Good’s figure, and on its roof is the head of a Gros Ventre. - -See Cloud-Shields’s explanations of his figure for this year, page 133. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII - -1793-’94. - -1794-’95. - -1795-’96. - -1796-’97. - -1797-’98. - -1798-’99. - -1799-1800. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1793-’94.--No. I. Thin-Face, a noted Dakota chief, was killed by Rees. - -Battiste Good says: “Killed-a-long-haired-man-at-Raw-Hide-Butte -winter,” adding that the Dakotas attacked a village of fifty-eight -lodges, of a tribe [called by a correspondent the Cheyennes], and -killed every soul in it. After the fight they found the body of a man -whose hair was done up with deer-hide in large rolls, and on cutting -them open, found it was all real hair, very thick, and as long as a -lodge-pole. (Mem.: Catlin tells of a Crow called Long-Hair, whose -hair, by actual measurement, was 10 feet 7 inches long.) The fight -was at Raw-Hide Butte, now so-called by the whites, which they named -Buffalo-Hide Butte because they found so many buffalo hides in the -lodges. - -According to Cloud-Shield, Long-Hair was killed in 1786-’87; and, -according to American-Horse, Long-Hair (a Cheyenne) was killed in -1796-’97. - -White-Cow-Killer says: “Little-Face-kill winter.” - -Battiste Good says in his count for the succeeding year, 1794-’95, -“Killed-little-face-Pawnee winter.” The Pawnee’s face was long, flat, -and narrow like a man’s hand, but he had the body of a large man. - -1794-’95--No. I. A Mandan chief killed a noted Dakota chief with -remarkably long hair, and took his scalp. - -White-Cow-Killer says: “Long-Hair-killed winter.” - -1795-’96--No. I. While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans) a Blackfeet -Dakota Indian goes at the risk of his life for water for the party. - -The interpreter states that this was near the present Cheyenne Agency, -Dakota Territory. In the original character there is a bloody wound at -the shoulder showing that the heroic Indian was wounded. He is shown -bearing a water vessel. - -Battiste Good gives a figure for this year recognizably the same -as that in The-Flame’s chart, but with a different explanation. -He calls it “The Rees-stood-the-frozen-man-up-with-the-buffalo -stomach-in-his-hand winter,” and adds: “The body of a Dakota who had -been killed in an encounter with the Rees, and had been left behind, -froze. The Rees dragged it into their village, propped it up with a -stick, and hung a buffalo stomach filled with ice in one hand to make -sport of it. The buffalo stomach was in common use at that time as a -water-jug.” - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Water-stomach-killed winter.” - -1796-’97--No. I. A Mandan chief, “The-Man-with the-Hat,” becomes noted -as a warrior. The character is precisely the same as that often given -for white man. Some error in the interpretation is suggested in the -absence of knowledge whether there actually was a Mandan chief so -named, in which case the pictograph would be consistent. - -Battiste Good says: “Wears-the-war-bonnet-died winter,” adding: He did -not die this winter, but received a wound in the abdomen from which the -arrow head could not be extracted, but he died of the belly-ache years -after. - -White-Cow-Killer says: “War-Bonnet-killed winter.” - -The translated expression, “killed,” has been noticed to refer often to -a fatal wound, though the death did not take place immediately. - -1797-’98.--No. I. A Ree woman is killed by a Dakota while gathering -“pomme-blanche,” a root used for food. Pomme-blanche, or Navet de -prairie, is a white root somewhat similar in appearance to a white -turnip, botanically _Psoralea esculenta_ (Nuttal), sometimes _P. -argophylla_. It is a favorite food of the Indians, eaten boiled down -to a sort of mush or hominy. A forked stick is used in gathering these -roots. - -It will be noticed that this simple statement about the death of the -Arikara woman is changed by other recorders or interpreters into one of -a mythical character. - -Battiste Good says: “Took-the-god-woman-captive winter,” adding: a -Dakota war party captured a woman of a tribe unknown, who, in order to -gain their respect, cried out, “I am a ‘Waukan-Tanka’ woman,” meaning -that she feared or belonged to God, the Great Spirit, whereupon they -let her go unharmed. - -A note is added: This is the origin of their name for God -[Waka^n-Tañka], the Great Holy, or Supernatural One, they having never -heard of a Supreme Being, but had offered their prayers to the sun, -earth, and many other objects, believing they were endowed with spirits. - -White-Cow-Killer says: “Caught-a-medicine-god-woman winter.” - -1798-’99.--No. I. Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. - -1799-1800.--No. I. Uncpapas kill two Rees. The figure over the heads -of the two Rees is a bow, showing the mode of death. The hair of the -Arickaras in this and the preceding character is represented in the -same manner. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IX - -1800-’01. - -1801-’02. - -1802-’03. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1800-’01.--No. I. Thirty-one Dakotas killed by Crows. - -No. II. Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. - -The device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, -the outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines always -signify the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies. - -The Absaroka or Crow tribe, although classed by ethnographers as -belonging to the Siouan family, has nearly always been at war with the -Dakotas proper since the whites have had any knowledge of either. The -official tables of 1875 give the number of Crows then living as 4,200. -They are tall, well-made, bold, and noted for the extraordinary length -of their hair. - -No. III. Thirty Dakotas killed by the Gros Ventres Indians between -Forts Berthold and Union, Dakota. - -Mato Sapa’s record has nine inside strokes in three rows, the -interpretation being that thirty Dakotas were killed by Gros Ventres -between Forts Berthold and Union, Dakota. - -Major Bush says the same, adding that it was near the present site of -Fort Buford. - -1801-’02.--No. I. Many died of small-pox. - -No. II. The small-pox broke out in the nation. The device is the head -and body of a man covered with red blotches. - -No. III. All the Dakotas had the small-pox very bad; fatal. - -Battiste Good’s record says: “Small-pox-used-them-up-again winter.” - -White-Cow-Killer says: “All-sick winter.” - -Major Bush adds “very badly” to “small-pox broke out.” - -1802-’03.--No. I. First shod horses seen by Indians. - -No. II. A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, _i. e._, stole them either -directly from the whites or from some other Indians who had before -obtained them from whites, as the Indians never shoe their horses. The -device is a horseshoe. - -No. III. Blackfeet Dakotas stole some American horses having shoes on. -Horseshoes seen for the first time. - -Mato Sapa says: Blackfeet Dakota stole American horses with shoes on, -then first seen by them. - -Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Brought-in-horseshoes winter.” - -Battiste Good says: “Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-iron shoes-on -winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X - -1803-’04. - -1804-’05. - -1805-’06. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1803-’04.--No. I. A Blackfeet steals many curly horses from the -Assinaboines. - -No. II. They stole some “curly horses” from the Crows. Some of -these horses are still seen on the plains, the hair growing in -closely-curling tufts, resembling in texture the negro’s woolly pile. -The device is a horse with black marks for the tufts. The Crows are -known to have been early in the possession of horses. - -No. III. Uncpapa Dakotas stole five woolly horses from the Ree Indians. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-woolly-horses winter.” - -Mato Sapa says: Uncpapa stole from the Rees five horses having curly -hair. - -Major Bush same as last, using “woolly” instead of “curly.” - -Battiste Good says: -“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-their-hair-rough-and-curly winter.” - -1804-’05.--No. I. Calumet dance. Tall-Mandan born. - -No. II. The Dakotas had a calumet dance and then went to war. The -device is a long pipe-stem, ornamented with feathers and streamers. -The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail feathers -of the adult golden eagle (_Aquila chrysaëtos_), highly prized by -all Indians. The streamers anciently were colored strips of skin or -flexible bark; now gayly colored strips of cloth are used. The word -calumet is a corruption of the French _chalumeau_, and the pipe among -all the Mississippi tribes was a symbol of peace. Captain Carver, in -his Three Years’ Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, -Philadelphia, 1796, which travels began in 1766, after puzzling over -the etymology of the word calumet (that honest “captain of Provincial -troops” obviously not understanding French), reports it as “about 4 -feet long, bowl of red marble, stem of a light wood curiously painted -with hieroglyphics in various colors and adorned with feathers. Every -nation has a different method of decorating these pipes and can -tell at once to what band it belongs. It is used as an introduction -to all treaties, also as a flag of truce is among Europeans.” The -event commemorated in the figure was probably a council of some of -the various tribes of the nation for settlement of all internal -difficulties, so as to act unitedly against the common enemy. J. C. -Beltrami, who visited the Dakotas not long after this date, describes -them in his Pilgrimage, London, 1828, as divided into independent -tribes, managing their separate affairs each by its own council, -and sometimes coming into conflict with each other, but uniting in a -general council on occasions affecting the whole nation. - -No. III. Danced calumet dance before going to war. - -Battiste Good says: “Sung-over-each-other-while-on-the-war-path -winter.” He adds: “The war party while out made a large pipe and sang -each other’s praises.” A memorandum is also added that the pipe here -seems to indicate peace made with some other tribe assisting in the -war. But see pages 118 and 139. - -1805-’06.--No. I. Eight Dakotas killed by Crows. - -No. II. The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the short parallel -black lines, this time eight in number, united by a long stroke. The -interpreter, Fielder, says that this character with black strokes is -only used for grave marks. - -No. III. Eight Minneconjou Dakotas killed by Crow Indians at the mouth -of Powder River. - -Battiste Good says: “They-came-and-killed-eight winter.” The enemy -killed eight Dakotas. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Eight-Dakotas-killed winter.” - -Mato Sapa says: Eight Minneconjous killed by Crows at mouth of Powder -River. - -Major Bush same as last. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XI - -1806-’07. - -1807-’08. - -1808-’09. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1806-’07.--No. I. Many eagles caught. This is done by digging a hole -and baiting the eagles to the hole in which the Indian is concealed, -who then catches the eagle. - -No. II. A Dakota killed an Arikara as he was about to shoot an eagle. -The sign gives the head and shoulders of a man with a red spot of blood -on his neck, an arm being extended, with a line drawn to a golden -eagle. The Arickaras, a branch of the Pawnee (Pani) family, were at the -date given a powerful body, divided into ten large bands. They migrated -in recent times from southeast to northwest along the Missouri River. - -No. III. A Ree Indian hunting eagles from a hole in the ground killed -by the Two Kettle Dakotas. - -Battiste Good says: “Killed-them-while-hunting-eagles winter.” Some -Dakota eagle-hunters were killed by enemies. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-while-hunting-eagles winter.” - -Mato Sapa says: A Ree hunting eagles from a hole in the ground was -killed by Two Kettles. - -Major Bush says the same without the words “hole in the ground.” - -There is no doubt that the drawing represents an Indian in the act -of catching an eagle by the legs, as the Arickaras were accustomed -to catch eagles in their earth-traps. They rarely or never shot war -eagles. The enemies probably shot the Arikara in his trap just as he -put his hand up to grasp the bird. - -1807-’08.--No. I. Red-Shirt killed by Rees. - -No. II. Red-Coat, a chief, was killed. The figure shows the red coat -pierced by two arrows, with blood dropping from the wounds. - -No. III. Uncpapa Dakota, named Red-Shirt, killed by Ree Indians. - -Battiste Good says: “Came-and-killed-man-with-red-shirt-on winter.” - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Red-shirt-killed winter.” - -Mato Sapa says: Red-shirt, an Uncpapa Dakota, was killed by Rees. - -Major Bush same as last. - -1808-’09.--No. I. Broken-Leg (Dakota) killed by Rees. - -No. II. The Dakota who had killed the Ree shown in this record for -1806-’07 was himself killed by the Rees. He is represented running, -and shot with two arrows; blood dripping. These two figures, taken -in connection, afford a good illustration of the method pursued in -the chart, which was not intended to be a continuous history, or even -to record the most important event of each year, but to exhibit some -one of special peculiarity. War then raging between the Dakotas and -several tribes, probably many on both sides were killed in each of the -years; but there was some incident about the one Ree who was shot as -in fancied security he was bringing down an eagle, and whose death was -avenged by his brethren the second year afterward. Hence the selection -of those occurrences. It would, indeed, have been impossible to have -graphically distinguished the many battles, treaties, horse-stealings, -big hunts, etc., so most of them were omitted and other events of -greater individuality and better adapted for portrayal were taken -for the calendar, the criterion being not that they were of national -moment, but that they were of general notoriety, or perhaps of special -interest to the recorders. - -No. III. A Blackfeet Dakota, named Broken-Leg, killed by Ree Indians. - -Mato Sapa says: Broken-Leg, a Blackfeet Dakota, was killed by Rees. - -Major Bush same as last. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XII - -1809-’10. - -1810-’11. - -1811-’12. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1809-’10.--No. I. Little-Beaver, a white trapper, is burnt to death by -accident in his house on the White River. He was liked by Indians. - -No. II. A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trading store, and -was killed. The character is simply his name-totem. The other -interpretations say that he was a white man, but he probably had gained -a new name among the Indians. - -No. III. White French trader, called Little-Beaver, was blown up by -powder on the Little Missouri River. - -Battiste Good says: “Little-Beaver’s-house-burned winter.” -Little-Beaver was an English trader, and his trading house was a log -one. - -White-Cow-Killer says: Little-Beaver’s house was burned. - -1810-’11.--No. I. Black-Rock, a Minneconjou chief, killed. See page 135. - -No. II. Black-Stone made medicine. The “medicine men” have no -connection with therapeutics, feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, -or, if sometimes they direct the internal or external use of some -secret preparation, it is as a part of superstitious ceremonies, and -with main reliance upon those ceremonies they “put forth the charm, -of woven paces and of waving hands,” utter wild cries, and muddle in -blood and filth until they sometimes work themselves into an epileptic -condition. Their incantations are not only to drive away disease, -but for many other purposes, such as to obtain success in war, avert -calamity, and very frequently to bring within reach the buffalo, on -which the Dakotas depended for food. The rites are those known as -Shamanism, noticeable in the ethnic periods of savagery and barbarism. -In the ceremonial of “making medicine,” a buffalo head, and especially -that of an albino, held a prominent place among the plains tribes. Many -references to this are to be found in the Prince of Wied’s Travels in -the interior of North America; London, 1843; also see _infra_, pages -118, 122 and 195. - -The device in the chart is the man-figure, with the head of an albino -buffalo held over his own. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Little-Tail, first made “medicine” -with white buffalo cow-skin. - -Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou, named Little-Tail, first made medicine -with white buffalo cow-skin. - -Major Bush same as last. - -American-Horse gives for the preceding year, 1809-’10: Black-Rock was -killed by the Crows. - -1811-’12.--No. I. Twenty-seven Mandans surrounded and killed by Dakotas. - -No. II. The Dakotas fought a battle with the Gros Ventres, and killed -a great many. Device, a circle inclosing three round objects with flat -bases, resembling heads severed from trunks, which latter the copy -shows too minute in this device for suggestion of what they probably -represent; but they appear more distinct in the record for 1864-’65 -as the heads of enemies slain in battle. In the sign-language of the -plains, the Dakotas are always denoted by drawing a hand across the -throat, signifying that they cut the throats of their enemies. The -Dakotas count by the fingers, as is common to most peoples, but with -a peculiarity of their own. When they have gone over the fingers and -thumbs of both hands, one finger is temporarily turned down for _one -ten_. At the end of the next ten another finger is turned, and so on -to a hundred. _Opawinge_ [_Opawi^nxe_], one hundred, is derived from -_pawinga_ [_pawi^nxa_], to go around in circles, to make gyrations, -and contains the idea that the round of all the fingers has again been -made for their respective tens. So the circle is never used for less -than one hundred, but sometimes signifies an indefinite number greater -than a hundred. The circle, in this instance, therefore, was at first -believed to express the killing in battle of many enemies. But the -other interpretations remove all symbolic character, leaving the circle -simply as the rude drawing of a dirt lodge, being an instance in which -the present writer, by no means devoted to symbolism, had supposed a -legitimate symbol to be indicated, which supposition full information -on the subject did not support. - -There are two wholly distinct tribes called by the Canadians Gros -Ventres. One, known also as Hidatsa and Minnetari, is classed in the -Siouan family, and numbered, in 1804, according to Lewis and Clarke, -2,500 souls. The other “Big Bellies,” properly called Atsina, are the -northern division of the Arapahos, an Algonkin tribe, from which they -separated in the early part of this century, and, wandering eastward, -met the Dakotas, by whom they were driven off to the north. It is -probable that this is the conflict recorded, though the Dakotas have -also often been at feud with their linguistic cousins, the Minnetari. - -No. III. Twenty of the Gros Ventres killed by Dakotas in a dirt lodge. -They were chased into a deserted Ree dirt lodge and killed there. - -Mato Sapa says: Twenty Gros Ventres were killed by the Dakotas in a -dirt lodge. In this record there is a circle with only one head. - -Major Bush’s interpretation is the same as the last. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIII - -1812-’13. - -1813-’14. - -1814-’15. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1812-’13.--No. I. Many wild horses caught. - -No. II. The wild horses were first run and caught by the Dakotas. -The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing when the -herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals introduced by -the Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by them on the shores of -Texas and at other points, had multiplied so as to extend into the far -northern regions. The Dakotas undoubtedly learned the use of the horse -and perhaps also that of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom -they were in contact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the -tenacity with which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only -two generations since they became familiar with the horse they have -been so revolutionized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both -in war and the chase, when deprived of that animal. - -No. III. Dakotas first used lariat (_sic_) for catching wild horses. - -Battiste Good says for the preceding year, 1811-’12: -“First-hunted-horses winter.” He adds: “The Dakotas caught wild horses -in the sand-hills with braided lariats.” - -American-Horse also, for 1811-’12, says: They caught many wild horses -south of the Platte River. - -White-Cow-Killer calls 1811-’12 “Catching-wild-horses winter.” - -Major Bush says: Dakotas first made use of lariat in catching wild -horses. - -1813-’14--No. I. Many Indians died of cold (consumption). - -No. II. The whooping-cough was very prevalent and fatal. The sign is -ludicrously suggestive of a blast of air coughed out by the man-figure. - -No. III. Dakotas had whooping-cough, very fatal. - -The interruption in the cough is curiously designed. An attempt at the -same thing is made in Chart 1, and a less marked attempt appears in No. -II. - -1814-’15--No. I. Hunchback, a Brulé, killed by Utes. - -No. II. A Dakota killed an Arapaho in his lodge. The device -represents a tomahawk or battle-ax, the red being blood from the -cleft skull. - -The Arapahos long dwelt near the head-waters of the Arkansas and Platte -Rivers, and in 1822 numbered by report 10,000. - -No. III. A Wetapahata (a stranger Indian, whose nationality was not -identified by the interpreter) Indian killed by a Brulé Dakota, while -on a visit to the Dakota. - -Mato Sapa says: a Wetopahata Indian was killed by a Brulé Sioux while -on a visit to the Dakotas. - -Major Bush says the same, but spells the word Watahpahata. - -Riggs gives Wí-ta-pa-ha, the Kiowas, and Ma-qpí-ya-to, the Arapahos, in -the Dakota Dictionary. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV - -1815-’16. - -1816-’17. - -1817-’18. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1815-’16.--No. I. Large dirt lodge made by Sans Arcs. The figure at the -top of the lodge is a bow. - -No. II. The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt lodge. This -was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota Territory. Crow-Feather was their chief, -which fact, in the absence of the other charts, seemed to explain the -fairly-drawn feather of that bird protruding from the lodge top, but -the figure must now be admitted to be a badly drawn bow, in allusion -to the tribe Sans Arc, without, however, any sign of negation. As -the interpreter explained the figure to be a crow feather, and as -Crow-Feather actually was the chief, Lone-Dog’s chart with its -interpretation may be independently correct. - -No. III. Sans Arc Dakotas built dirt lodges at Peoria Bottom. A dirt -lodge is considered a permanent habitation. The mark on top of the -lodge is evidently a strung bow, not a feather. - -Battiste Good says: “The-Sans-Arcs-made-large-house winter.” - -White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Made-a-house winter.” - -Major Bush’s copy also shows a clearly drawn figure of a bow, strung. - -1816-’17.--No. I. Buffalo very plenty. - -No. II. “Buffalo belly was plenty.” The device rudely portrays a side -or perhaps hide of buffalo. - -No. III. Dakotas had unusual quantities of buffalo. - -1817-’18.--No. I. Trading store built at Fort Pierre. - -No. II. La Framboise, a Canadian, built a trading store with dry -timber. The dryness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise was an old -trader among the Dakotas. He once established himself in the Minnesota -Valley. His name is mentioned by various travelers. - -No. III. Trading post built on the Missouri River 10 miles above Fort -Thompson. - -Battiste Good says: “Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs winter.” - -Mato Sapa says: A trading house was built on the Missouri River 10 -miles above Fort Thompson. - -Major Bush says the same as last, but that it was built by Louis La -Conte. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XV - -1818-’19. - -1819-’20. - -1820-’21. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS] - -1818-’19.--No. I. Many Indians died of cholera [_sic_]. - -No. II. The measles broke out and many died. The device in the copy is -the same as that for 1801-’02, relating to the small-pox, except a very -slight difference in the red blotches; and though Lone-Dog’s artistic -skill might not have been sufficient to distinctly vary the appearance -of the two patients, both diseases being eruptive, still it is one of -the few serious defects in the chart that the sign for the two years -is so nearly identical that, separated from the continuous record, -there would be confusion between them. Treating the document as a mere -_aide-de-mémoire_, no inconvenience would arise, it probably being well -known that the small-pox epidemic preceded that of the measles; but -such care is generally taken to make some, however minute, distinction -between the characters, that possibly the figures on Lone-Dog’s robe -show a more marked difference between the spots indicating the two -eruptions than is reproduced in the copy. It is also to be noticed -that the Indian diagnosis makes little distinction between small-pox -and measles, so that no important pictographic variation could be -expected. The head of this figure is clearly distinguished from that in -1801-’02. - -No. III. All the Dakotas had measles, very fatal. - -Battiste Good says: “Small-pox-used-them-up-again winter.” They at this -time lived on the Little White River, about 20 miles above the Rosebud -Agency. The character in Battiste Good’s chart is presented here in -Figure 41, as a variant from those in the plates. - -[Illustration: FIG. 41.--Measles or small-pox.] - -Cloud-Shield says: Many died of the small-pox. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-small-pox winter.” - -In Mato Sapa’s drawing the head of the figure is distinguished from -that of 1801-’02. - -1819-’20.--No. I. Another trading store built. - -No. II. Another trading store was built; this time by Louis La Conte, -at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His timber, as one of the Indians consulted -specially mentioned, was rotten. - -No. III. Trading post built on the Missouri River above Farm Island -(near Fort Pierre). - -Battiste Good says: “Chozé-built-a-house-of-rotten-wood winter.” - -White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Made-a-house-of-old-wood winter.” - -1820-’21.--No. I. Large dirt lodge made by Two-Arrow. The projection at -the top extends downward from the left, giving the impression of red -and black cloth streamers. - -No. II. The trader, La Conte, gave Two-Arrow a war-dress for his -bravery. So translated an interpreter, and the sign shows the two -arrows as the warrior’s totem; likewise the gable of a house, -which brings in the trader; also a long strip of black tipped with -red streaming from the roof, which possibly may be the piece of -parti-colored material out of which the dress was fashioned. This strip -is not intended for sparks and smoke, as at first sight suggested, as -the red would in that case be nearest the roof, instead of farthest -from it. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Two-Arrows, built himself a dirt -medicine-lodge. This the interpreter calls, rather inaccurately, a -headquarters for dispensing medicines, charms, and nostrums to the -different bands of Dakotas. The black and red lines above the roof are -not united and do not touch the roof. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Two-Arrows-made-a-war-bonnet winter.” - -Battiste Good says: They made bands of strips of blankets in the winter. - -Major Bush says: A Minneconjou, named Two-Arrow, made medicine in a -dirt-lodge. - -It will be observed that the interpreters vary in the details. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI - -1821-’22. - -1822-’23. - -1823-’24. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1821-’22.--No. I. Large ball of fire with hissing noise (aërolite). - -No. II. The character represents the falling to earth of a very -brilliant meteor, and though no such appearance is on record, there -were in 1821 few educated observers near the Upper Mississippi and -Missouri who would take the trouble to notify scientific societies of -the phenomenon. - -No. III. Dakota Indians saw an immense meteor passing from southeast to -northwest which exploded with great noise (in Dakota Territory). - -Red-Cloud said he was born in that year. - -Battiste Good says: “Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter.” His device -is shown in Figure 42, showing the meteor, its pathway, and the clouds -from which it came. - -[Illustration: FIG. 42--Meteor.] - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-star-made-a-great-noise winter.” See -also Cloud-Shield’s count, page 136. - -1822-’23.--No. I. Trading store built at Little Missouri, near Fort -Pierre. - -No. II.--Another trading house was built, which was by a white man -called Big-Leggings, and was at the mouth of the Little Missouri or Bad -River. The drawing is distinguishable from that for 1819-’20. - -No. III. Trading post built at the mouth of Little Missouri River. - -1823-’24--No. I. Whites and Dakotas fight Rees. - -No. II. White soldiers made their first appearance in the region. So -said the interpreter, Clément, but from the unanimous interpretation of -others the event portrayed is the attack of the United States forces, -accompanied by Dakotas, upon the Arikara villages, the historic account -of which is as follows, abstracted from the annual report of J. C. -Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823: - -General William H. Ashley, lieutenant-governor of the State of -Missouri, a licensed trader, was treacherously attacked by the Arickara -Indians at their village on the west bank of the Missouri River, about -midway between the present Fort Sully and Fort Rice, on June 2, 1823. -Twenty-three of the trading party were killed and wounded, and the -remainder retreated in boats a considerable distance down the river, -whence they sent appealing for succor to the commanding officer at Fort -Atkinson, the present site of Council Bluffs. This officer was Col. H. -Leavenworth, Sixth United States Infantry, who marched June 22, with -220 men of that regiment, 80 men of trading companies, and two 6-pound -cannon, a 5-1/2-inch brass howitzer, and some small swivels, nearly -700 miles through a country filled with hostile or unreliable Indians -to the Ree villages, which, after much hardship and some losses, he -reached on the 9th of August. The Dakotas were at war with the Arickara -or Rees, and 700 to 800 of their warriors had joined the United States -forces on the way; of these Dakotas 500 are mentioned as Yanktons, but -the tribes of the remainder are not designated in the official reports. -The Rees were in two villages, the lower one containing seventy-one -dirt lodges and the upper seventy, both being inclosed with palisades -and a ditch, and the greater part of the lodges having a ditch -around the bottom on the inside. The enemy, having knowledge of the -expedition, had fortified and made every preparation for resistance. -Their force consisted of over 700 warriors, most of whom were armed -with rifles procured from British traders. On the 9th of August the -Dakotas commenced the attack, and were driven back until the regular -troops advanced, but nothing decisive resulted until the artillery was -employed on the 10th, when a large number of the Rees, including their -chief, Grey-Eyes, were killed, and early in the afternoon they begged -for peace. They were much terrified and humbled by the effect of the -cannon, which, though small, answered the purpose. During the main -engagement the Dakotas occupied themselves in gathering and carrying -off all the corn to be found, and before the treaty was concluded, -which, at the supplication of the Rees, Colonel Leavenworth agreed to, -the Dakotas all left in great disgust at not being allowed to kill and -scalp the surrendered warriors with their squaws and pappooses, take -possession of the villages, horses, etc., and in fact to exterminate -their hereditary foes. However, the Rees, having become panic-stricken -after the treaty and two days of peaceful intercourse with the -soldiers, deserted their homes, and the troops, embarking on the 15th -to descend the river, shortly saw the villages in flames, which was the -work either of the Dakotas or of inimical traders. - -The device is believed to represent an Arickara palisaded village and -attacking soldiers. Not only the remarkable character and triumphant -result of this expedition, but the connection that the Dakotas -themselves had with it, made it a natural subject for the year’s totem. - -All the winter counts refer to this expedition. - -No. III. United States troops fought Ree Indians. - -Battiste Good says: “General----- --first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-him-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees -winter,” also “Much-corn winter.” For his character see Figure 69, page -166. The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that -both whites and Indians fought the Rees. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty winter.” - -Mato Sapa’s chart gives the human figure with a military cap, beard, -and goatee. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII - -1824-’25. - -1825-’26. - -1826-’27. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1824-’25.--No. I. All the horses of Little-Swan’s father are killed by -Indians through spite. - -No. II. Swan, chief of the Two Kettle tribe, had all of his horses -killed. Device, a horse pierced by a lance, blood flowing from the -wound. - -No. III. Swan, a Minneconjou Indian, had twenty horses killed by a -jealous Indian. - -Mato Sapa says: Swan, a Minneconjou chief, lost twenty horses killed by -a jealous Indian. - -Major Bush says the same. - -1825-’26.--No. I. River overflows the Indian camp; several drowned. -The-Flame, the recorder of this count, born. In the original drawing -the five objects above the line are obviously human heads. - -No. II. There was a remarkable flood in the Missouri River, and a -number of Indians were drowned. With some exercise of fancy, the symbol -may suggest heads appearing above a line of water, or it may simply be -the severed heads, several times used, to denote Indians other than -Dakotas, with the uniting black line of death. - -No. III. Thirty lodges of Dakota Indians drowned by a sudden rise of -the Missouri River about Swan Lake Creek, which is in Horsehead Bottom, -15 miles below Fort Rice. The five heads are more clearly drawn than in -No. II. - -Battiste Good says: “Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter;” adding: The river -bottom on a bend of the Missouri River where they were encamped was -suddenly submerged, when the ice broke and many women and children, -were drowned. This device is presented in Figure 43. - -[Illustration: FIG. 43.--River freshet.] - -All the winter counts refer to this flood. - -1826-’27.--No. I. All of the Indians who ate of a buffalo killed on a -hunt died of it, a peculiar substance issuing from the mouth. - -No. II. “An Indian died of the dropsy.” So Basil Clément was -understood, but it is not clear why this circumstance should have been -noted, unless the appearance of the disease was so unusual in 1826 -as to excite remark. Baron de La Hontan, a good authority concerning -the Northwestern Indians before they had been greatly affected by -intercourse with whites, although showing a tendency to imitate another -baron--Munchausen--as to his personal adventures, in his Nouveaux -Voyages dans l’Amérique Septentrionale specially mentions dropsy as one -of the diseases unknown to them. Carver also states that this malady -was extremely rare. Whether or not the dropsy was very uncommon, the -swelling in this special case might have been so enormous as to render -the patient an object of general curiosity and gossip, whose affliction -thereby came within the plan of the count. The device merely shows a -man-figure, not much fatter than several others, but distinguished -by a line extending sidewise from the top of the head and inclining -downward. The other records cast doubt upon the interpretation of -dropsy. - -No. III. Dakota war party killed a buffalo; having eaten of it they all -died. - -Battiste Good says: “Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,” and adds: “Six -Dakotas, on the war-path, had nearly perished with hunger, when they -found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the -wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the -stomach, their abdomens swelled and gas poured from the mouth, and they -died of a whistle, or from eating a whistle.” The sound of gas escaping -from, the mouth is illustrated in his figure which see in Figure 146, -page 221. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Long-whistle-sick winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII - -1827-’28. - -1828-’29. - -1829-’30. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1827-’28.--No. I. A Minneconjou is stabbed by a Gros Ventre, and his -arm shrivels up. - -No. II. Dead-Arm was stabbed with a knife or dirk by a Mandan. The -illustration is quite graphic, showing the long-handled dirk in the -bloody wound and the withered arm. Though the Mandans are also of the -great Siouan family, the Dakotas have pursued them with special hatred. -In 1823, their number, much diminished by wars, still exceeded 2,500. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota wounded with a large knife by a Gros -Ventre. The large knife was a sword, and the Indian who was wounded was -named, afterwards, Lame-Shoulder. This is an instance of a change of -name after a remarkable event in life. - -1828-’29.--No. I. Chardran, a white man, builds a house at forks of -Cheyenne River. This name should probably be spelled Chadron, with whom -Catlin hunted in 1832, in the region mentioned. - -No. II. A white man named Shardran, who lately (as reported in 1877) -was still living in the same neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. The -hatted head appears under the roof. - -III. Trading post opened in a dirt lodge on the Missouri a little below -the mouth of the Little Missouri River. - -1829-’30.--No. I. A Dakota found dead in a canoe. - -No. II. Bad-Spike killed another Indian with an arrow. - -No. III. A Yanktonai Dakota killed by Bad-Arrow Indians. - -The Bad-Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota name for a certain -band of Blackfeet Indians. - -Mato Sapa says: a Yanktonai was killed by the Bad-Arrow Indians. - -Major Bush says the same as Mato Sapa. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX - -1830-’31. - -1831-’32. - -1832-’33. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1830-’31.--No. I. Mandans kill twenty Crows at Bear Butte. - -No. II. Bloody battle with the Crows, of whom it is said -twenty-three were killed. Nothing in the sign denotes number, it -being only a man-figure with red or bloody body and red war bonnet. - -No. III. Twenty Crow and one Cheyenne Indians killed by Dakotas at Bear -Butte. - -Mato Sapa says: One Cheyenne and twenty Crows were killed by Dakotas at -Bear Butte. - -Major Bush says the same as Mato Sapa. - -1831-’32.--No. I. Two white men killed by a white man at Medicine -Creek, below Fort Sully. - -No. II. Le Beau, a white man, killed another named Kermel. Another copy -reads Kennel. Le Beau was still alive at Little Bend, 30 miles above -Fort Sully, in 1877. - -No. III. Trader named Le Beau killed one of his employés on Big -Cheyenne River, below Cherry Creek. - -1832-’33.--No. I. Lone-Horn’s father broke his leg. - -No. II. Lone-Horn had his leg “killed,” as the interpretation gave it. -The single horn is on the figure, and a leg is drawn up as if fractured -or distorted, though not unlike the leg in the character for 1808-’09, -where running is depicted. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, Lone-Horn’s father, had his leg broken -while running buffalo. - -Mato Sapa and Major Bush also say Lone-Horn’s father. - -Battiste Good says: “Stiff-leg-With-war-bonnet-on-died winter.” He was -killed in an engagement with the Pawnees on the Platte River. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-Horn’s-leg-broken winter.” - -In Catlin’s “North American Indians,” New York, 1844, Vol. I, page 211, -the author, writing from the mouth of Teton River, Upper Missouri, site -of Fort Pierre, described Ha-won-je-tah, The One-Horn, head chief of -all the bands of the Dakotas, which were about twenty. He was a bold, -middle-aged man of medium stature, noble countenance, and figure almost -equalling an Apollo. His portrait was painted by Catlin in 1832. He -took the name of One-Horn, or One-Shell, from a simple small shell that -was hanging on his neck, which descended to him from his father, and -which he valued more than anything else which he possessed, and he kept -that name in preference to many others more honorable which he had a -right to have taken, from his many exploits. - -On page 221, the same author states, that after being the accidental -cause of the death of his only son, Lone-Horn became at times partially -insane. One day he mounted his war-horse, vowing to kill the first -living thing he should meet, and rode to the prairies. The horse came -back in two hours afterwards, with two arrows in him covered with -blood. His tracks were followed back, and the chief was found mangled -and gored by a buffalo bull, the carcass of which was stretched beside -him. He had driven away the horse with his arrows and killed the bull -with his knife. - -Another account in the catalogue of Catlin’s cartoons gives the -portrait of The One-Horn as number 354, with the statement that having -killed his only son accidentally, he became deranged, wandered into the -prairies, and got himself killed by an infuriated buffalo bull’s horns. -This was at the mouth of Little Missouri River, in 1834. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX - -1833-’34. - -1834-’35. - -1835-’36. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1833-’34.--No. I. Many stars fell (meteors). The character shows six -black stars above the concavity of the moon. - -No. II. “The stars fell,” as the Indians all agreed. This was the great -meteoric shower observed all over the United States on the night of -November 12th of that year. In this chart the moon is black and the -stars are red. - -No. III. Dakotas witnessed magnificent meteoric-showers; much terrified. - -Battiste Good calls it “Storm-of-stars winter,” and gives as the device -a tipi, with stars falling around it. This is presented in Figure 44. -The tipi is colored yellow in the original, and so represented in the -figure according to the heraldic scheme. - -[Illustration: FIG. 44.--Meteoric shower.] - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.” - -All the winter counts refer to this meteoric display. See page 138. - -1834-’35.--No. I. A Ree killed by a Dakota. - -No. II. The chief, Medicine-Hide, was killed. The device shows the body -as bloody, but not the war bonnet, by which it is distinguished from -the character for 1830-’31. - -No. III. An Uncpapa Dakota Medicine-man killed by the Ree Indians. - -Mato Sapa says: An Uncpapa medicine-man was killed by Rees. There is no -red on the figure. - -1835-’36.--No. I. Lame-Deer killed by a Dakota. The Dakota had only one -arrow. He pulled it out and shot Lame-Deer many times. - -No. II. Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; drew it out and -shot him again with the same arrow. The hand is drawing the arrow from -the first wound. This is another instance of the principle on which -events were selected. Many fights occurred of greater moment, but with -no incident precisely like this. - -No. III. Minneconjou chief named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboine three -times with the same arrow. He kept so close to his enemy that he never -let the arrow slip away from the bow, but pulled it out and shot it in -again. - -Mato Sapa says a Minneconjou named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboine three -times running with the same arrow. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI - -1836-’37. - -1837-’38. - -1838-’39. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -Lame-Deer was a distinguished chief among the hostiles in 1876. His -camp of five hundred and ten lodges was surprised and destroyed -by General Miles, and four hundred and fifty horses, mules, and ponies -were captured. - -1836-’37.--No. I. Father-of-the-Mandans died. - -No. II. Band’s-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died. The device is -nearly the same as that for 1816-’17, denoting plenty of buffalo belly; -and the question might be raised, what the buffalo belly had to do with -the demise of the lamented chieftain, unless he suffered from a fatal -indigestion after eating too much of that delicacy. - -Interpreter Fielder, however, throws light on the subject by saying -that this character was used to designate the year when The-Breast, -father of The-Band, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band himself died in 1875, -on Powder River. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The character was therefore -the buffalo breast, a name-totem. - -No. III. Two Kettle, Dakota, named The-Breast, died. - -Mato Sapa says: A Two Kettle, named The-Breast, died. - -Major Bush same as Mato Sapa. - -1837-’38.--No. I. Many elk and deer killed. The figure does not show -the split hoof. - -No. II. Commemorates a remarkably successful hunt, in which it is said -one hundred elk were killed. The drawing of the elk is good enough to -distinguish it from the other quadrupeds in this chart. - -No. III. The Dakotas killed one hundred elk at the Black Hills. - -Mato Sapa says: The Dakotas killed one hundred elk at the Black Hills. -His figure does not show the split hoof. - -1838-’39.--No. I. Indians built a lodge on White Wood Creek, in the -Black Hills, and wintered there. - -No. II. A dirt lodge was built for Iron-Horn. The other dirt lodge -(1815-’16) has a mark of ownership, which this has not. Perhaps it was -not so easy to draw an iron horn as a crow feather, and the distinction -was accomplished by omission. A chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned -in General Harney’s report in 1856, under the name of The-One-Iron-Horn. - -No. III. A Minneconjou chief, named Iron-Horn, built dirt lodge -(medicine lodge) on Moreau River (same as Owl River). - -This Minneconjou chief, Iron-Horn, died a few years ago and was buried -near Fort Sully. He was father-in-law of Dupuis, a French Canadian. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII - -1839-’40. - -1840-’41. - -1841-’42. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1839-’40.--No. I. Dakotas killed twenty lodges of Arapahos. - -No. II. The Dakotas killed an entire village of Snake Indians. -The character is the ordinary tipi pierced by arrows. The Snakes, -or Shoshoni, were a numerous and wide-spread people, inhabiting -Southeastern Oregon, Idaho, Western Montana, and portions of Utah and -Nevada, extending into Arizona and California. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named The-Hard (with band), killed seven -lodges of the Blue Cloud Indians. - -The Blue Clouds are the Arapahos, so styled by the Dakotas, original -_Maqpíyato_. - -Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou Dakota named The-Hard killed seven lodges -of the Blue Cloud Indians. - -Major Bush same as Mato Sapa. - -1840-’41.--No. I. Red-Arm, a Cheyenne, and Lone-Horn, a Dakota, make -peace. - -No. II. The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyennes, a well-known tribe -belonging to the Algonkin family. The symbol of peace is the common one -of the approaching palms of two persons. The different coloration of -the two arms distinguishes them from the approximation of the palms of -one person. - -No. III. Dakotas made peace with Cheyenne Indians. - -1841-’42.--No. I. Feather-in-the-Ear steals horses from the Crows. - -No. II. Feather-in-the-Ear stole thirty spotted ponies. The spots are -shown red, distinguishing them from those of the curly horse in the -character for 1803-’04. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Feather-in-his-Ear, stole nineteen -spotted horses from the Crow Indians. - -Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou named Feather-in-the-Ear stole nineteen -spotted horses from the Crows. - -Major Bush, says the same, except that he gives the number as nine -instead of nineteen. - -A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, patience, and daring, -is generally considered by the plains Indians to be of equal merit -with the taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse-thief is more -popular than a mere warrior on account of the riches gained by the -tribe, wealth until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the -unit of value. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII - -1842-’43. - -1842-’44. - -1844-’45. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1842-’43.--No. I. A Minneconjou chief tries to make war. The tip of the -feather is black. No red in it. - -No. II. One-Feather raised a large war party against the Crows. This -chief is designated by his long solitary red eagle feather, and holds -a pipe with black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual ceremonies -before starting on the war path. For further information on this -subject see page 139. The Red-War-Eagle-Feather was at this time a -chief of the Sans Arcs. - -No. III. Feather-in-the-Ear made a feast, to which he invited all the -young Dakota braves, wanting them to go with him. A memorandum is added -that he failed to persuade them. See Corbusier Winter Counts for same -year, page 141. - -Mato Sapa says: The same man (referring to last year), -Feather-in-the-Ear, made a feast inviting all Dakota young men to go to -war. - -Major Bush says same as Mato Sapa. - -1843-’44.--No. I. Buffalo is scarce; an Indian makes medicine and -brings them to the suffering. - -No. II. The Sans Arcs made medicine to bring the buffalo. The medicine -tent is denoted by a buffalo’s head drawn on it. - -No. III. No buffalo; Indians made medicine to the Great Spirit by -painting a buffalo’s head on lodge; plenty came. - -Mato Sapa says: Dakotas were starving; made medicine to Great Spirit by -painting buffalo head on their lodges; plenty came. - -Major Bush substantially same as Mato Sapa. - -1844-’45.--No. I. Mandans wintered in Black Hills. - -No. II. The Minneconjous built a pine fort. Device: A pine tree -connected with a tipi. - -No. III. Unusually heavy snow; had to build corrals for ponies. - -Major Bush says: Heavy snow, in which many of their ponies perished. - -Probably the Indians went into the woods and erected their tipis there -as protection from the snow, thus accounting for the figure of the tree. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV - -1845-’46. - -1846-’47. - -1847-’48. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1845-’46--No. I. Dakotas have much feasting at Ash Point, 20 miles -above Fort Sully. - -No. II. Plenty of buffalo meat, which is represented as hung upon -poles and trees to dry. - -No. III. Immense quantities of buffalo meat. - -1846-’47.--No. I. Broken-Leg dies. - -No. II. Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. Williamson says he knew him. He was -a Brulé. There is enough difference between this device and those for -1808-’09 and 1832-’33 to distinguish each. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. - -Battiste Good calls this: “The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter.” The arm in -his character, given in Figure 45, is lengthened so as nearly to touch -the broken leg, which is shown distorted, instead of indicating the -injury by the mere distortion of the leg itself as in the charts on -Plate XXIV. The bird over the head and connected by a line with it, -probably represents the teal as a name-totem. He was perhaps called -Broken-Leg after the injury, or perhaps the other interpreters did not -remember his name, only the circumstance. - -[Illustration: FIG. 45.--The-Teal-broke-his-leg.] - -Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou named Broken-Leg died. - -The Corbusier records for 1847-’48 refer to a number of accidents by -which legs were broken. See page 142. - -1847-’48--No. I. Mandans kill two Minneconjous. - -No. II. Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn--two small man-figures -side by side. - -No. III. Two Minneconjou Dakotas killed by the Assiniboine Indians. - -Major Bush says: the wife of an Assiniboine chief named Big-Thunder had -twins. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV - -1848-’49. - -1849-’50. - -1850-’51. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1848-’49.--No. I. Humpback, a Minneconjou, killed. - -No. II. Humpback was killed. An ornamented lance pierces the distorted -back. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Back was killed by the Crow -Indians at Black Hills. - -Major Bush says: A Minneconjou, Broken-Back, was killed by Crows. - -1849-’50.--No. I. Crows steal all the Dakotas’ horses. - -No. II. The Crows stole a large drove of horses (it is said eight -hundred) from the Brulés. The circle may denote multitude, at least -one hundred, but probably is a simple design for a camp or corral from -which a number of horse-tracks are departing. - -No. III. Crow Indians stole two hundred horses from the Minneconjou -Dakotas near Black Hills. - -Interpreter A. Lavary says: Brulés were at the headwaters of White -River, about 75 miles from Fort Laramie, Wyoming. The Dakotas surprised -the Crows in 1849, killed ten, and took one prisoner, because he was -a man dressed in woman’s clothes, and next winter the Crows stole six -hundred horses from the Brulés. See page 142. - -1850-’51.--No. I. Cow with old woman in her belly. Cloven hoof not -shown. - -No. II. The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo containing -a human figure. Clément translated that “a buffalo cow was killed in -that year, and an old woman found in her belly”; also that all the -Indians believed this. Good-Wood, examined through another interpreter, -could or would give no explanation, except that it was “about their -religion.” At first the writer suspected that the medicine men -had manufactured some pretended portent out of a fœtus taken from -a real cow, but the Dakotas have long believed in the appearance -from time to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human beings. -This superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mastodons, -often found in the territory of those Indians; and the buffalo being -the largest living animal known to them, its name was given to the -legendary monster, in which nomenclature they were not wholly wrong, -as the horns of the fossil _Bison latifrons_ are 10 feet in length. -The medicine men, perhaps, announced, in 1850, that a squaw who had -disappeared was swallowed by the mammoth, which was then on its -periodical visit, and must be propitiated. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, having killed a buffalo cow, found an -old woman inside of her. - -Memorandum from interpreter: A small party of Dakotas, two or three -young men, returning unsuccessful from a buffalo hunt, told this story, -and it is implicitly believed by the Dakotas. - -Major Bush suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought the -carcass of a buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known that to -occur. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI - -1851-’52. - -1852-’53. - -1853-’54. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1851-’52.--No. I. Peace made with the Crows. - -No. II. Peace with the Crows. Two Indians, with differing arrangement -of hair, showing two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a peace-smoke. - -No. III. Dakotas made peace with the Crow Indians. It was, as usual, -broken immediately. - -The treaty of Fort Laramie was in 1851. - -1852-’53.--No. I. A Crow chief, Flat-Head, comes into the tipi of a -Dakota chief, where a council was assembled, and forces them to smoke -the pipe of peace. This was a daring act, for he was in danger of -immediate death if he failed. - -No. II. The Nez Percés came to Lone-Horn’s lodge at midnight. The -device shows an Indian touching with a pipe a tipi, the top of which is -black or opaque, signifying night. The Nez Percés are so styled by a -blunder of the early travelers, as they never have been known to pierce -their noses, although others of their family, the Sahaptin, do so. The -tribe was large, dwelling chiefly in Idaho. - -No. III. An enemy came into Lone-Horn’s lodge during a medicine feast -and was not killed. (The enemy numbered about fourteen and had lost -their way in a snow-storm.) The pipe is not in the man’s hand, and the -head only is drawn with the pipe between it and the tipi. - -Mato Sapa says: Several strange Indians came into the Dakota camp, were -saved from being killed by running into Lone-Horn’s lodge. - -Major Bush says: An enemy came into Lone-Horn’s lodge during a feast -and was not killed. - -Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou, son of Lone-Horn, on being shown -Chart No. II by the present writer, designated this character as being -particularly known to him from the fact of its being his father’s -lodge. He remembers all about it from talk in his family, and said it -was the Nez Percés who came. - -1853-’54.--No. I. Spanish blankets introduced by traders. The blanket -is represented without the human figure. - -No. II. Spanish blankets were first brought to the country. A fair -drawing of one of those striped blankets, held out by a white trader. - -No. III. Dakotas first saw the Spanish blankets. - -See Corbusier records for 1851-’52, page 142. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII - -1854-’55. - -1855-’56. - -1856-’57. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1854-’55.--No. I. Brave-Bear killed by Blackfeet. - -No. II. Brave-Bear was killed. It does not appear certain whether -he had already invested in the new style of blanket or whether the -extended arms are ornamented with pendent stripes. The latter is more -probable. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Brave-Bear was killed by the Upper -Blackfeet. [Satsika?] - -See Corbusier winter-counts for the same year, page 143. - -1855-’56.--No. I. General Harney (Putin ska) makes a treaty. - -No. II. General Harney made peace with a number of the tribes or bands -of the Dakotas. This was at Fort Pierre, Dakota. The figure shows an -officer in uniform shaking hands with an Indian. - -Executive document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, -Senate, contains the “minutes of a council held at Fort Pierre, -Nebraska, on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig.-Gen. William -S. Harney, U. S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, with the -delegations from nine of the bands of the Sioux, viz., the Two-Kettle -band, Lower Yankton, Oncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minneconjous, Sans -Arcs, Yanctonnais (two bands), Brulés of the Platte.” - -No. III. Dakotas made peace with General Harney (called by them -Putinska, white beard or moustache) at Fort Pierre, Dakota. - -1856-’57.--No. I. Four-Horns, a great warrior. - -No. II. Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine-man. This was probably -the result of an important political struggle, as there is much rivalry -and electioneering for the office, which, with its triple character -of doctor, priest, and magician, is one of far greater power than -the chieftainship. A man with four horns holds out the same kind of -ornamented pipe-stem shown in the character for 1804-’05, it being his -badge of office. Four-Horn was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, -and was introduced to General Harney at the council of 1856 by -Bear-Rib, head chief of that tribe. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish’s-Son, danced calumet -dance. - -Mato Sapa says the same as last. - -Major Bush says, “A Minneconjou, Red-Fish’s-Son, The-Ass, danced the -Four-Horn calumet.” - -Interpreter Clément, in the spring of 1874, said that Four-Horn and -Sitting-Bull were the same person, the name Sitting-Bull being given -him after he was made a calumet man. No other authority tells this. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII - -1857-’58. - -1858-’59. - -1859-’60. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1857-’58.--No. I. White-Robe kills a Crow woman. There is but one arrow -and one blood spot in the character. - -No. II. The Dakotas killed a Crow squaw. The stripes on the blanket are -shown horizontally, Brave-Bear’s, 1854-’55, and Swan’s, 1866-’67, being -vertical. She is pierced by four arrows, and the peace made with the -Crows in 1851-’52 seems to have been short lived. - -No. III. A party of Crow Indians, while on a visit to the Dakotas, had -one of their number killed by a young Dakota. The figure has blood from -the four arrows running down each side of the body. - -Mato-Sapa says: A Crow was killed by a Dakota while on a visit to the -latter. - -Major Bush says substantially the same as Mato Sapa. - -1858-’59.--No. I. Lone-Horn makes medicine. “At such times Indians -sacrifice ponies, etc., and fast.” In this character the buffalo-head -is black. - -No. II. Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn appears, made buffalo medicine, -probably on account of the scarcity of that animal. Again the -head of an albino bison. One-Horn, doubtless the same individual, is -recorded as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this date. - -No. III. A Minneconjou chief, named Lone-Horn, made medicine with white -buffalo-cow skin. - -Lone-Horn, chief of Minneconjous, died in 1874, in his camp on the Big -Cheyenne. - -1859-’60.--No. I. Big-Crow killed. - -No. II. Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was killed by the Crows. The crow, -transfixed by an arrow, is drawn so as to give quite the appearance of -an heraldic crest. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big-Crow, was killed by the Crow -Indians. He had received his name from killing a Crow Indian of unusual -size. - -Mato Sapa says: Big-Crow, a Minneconjou, was killed by Crows. - -Major Bush says same as Mato Sapa. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX - -1860-’61. - -1861-’62. - -1862-’63. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1860-’61.--No. I. The-Elk-who-shows himself-when-he-walks makes -medicine. - -No. II. Device, the head and neck of an elk, like that part of the -animal in 1837-’38, with a line extending from its mouth, at the -extremity of which is the albino buffalo-head. “The elk made you -understand his voice while he was walking.” The interpreter persisted -in this oracular rendering, probably not being able to fully catch the -Indian explanation from want of thorough knowledge of the language. -The ignorance of professed interpreters, who easily get beyond their -philological depth, but are ashamed to acknowledge it, has occasioned -many official blunders. This device and its interpretation were -unintelligible to the writer until examination of General Harney’s -report above referred to showed the name of a prominent chief of the -Minneconjous, set forth as “The-Elk-that-Hollows-Walking.” It then -became probable that the device simply meant that the aforesaid chief -made buffalo medicine, which conjecture, published in 1877, the other -records subsequently discovered verified. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish’s-Son, made medicine with -white buffalo-cow skin. - -Mato Sapa’s record agrees with No. III. - -Major Bush says the same, adding, after the words “Red-Fish’s-Son,” -“The-Ass.” - -Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Hollows-Walking, -then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His -father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name -is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk’s-Voice-Walking, -compounded of He-ha-ka, elk, and Omani, walk--this according to -Lavary’s literation. The correct literation of the Dakota word meaning -elk is _heqaka_; voice _ho_; and to walk, walking, _mani_. Their -compound would be _Heqaka ho mani_, the translation being the same as -above given. - -1861-’62.--No. I. Buffalo very plenty. - -No. II. Buffalo were so plenty that their tracks came close to the -tipis. The cloven hoof-mark is cleverly distinguished from the tracks -of horses in the character for 1849-’50. - -No. III. Dakotas had unusual abundance of buffalo. - -1862-’63.--No. I. Red-Plume kills an enemy. - -No. II. Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed. His feather is shown -entirely red, while the “one-feather” in 1842-’43 has a black tip. - -No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota killed an Assiniboine named Red-Feather. - -Mato Sapa says: Minneconjous kill an Assiniboine named Red-Feather. - -Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. - -It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minnesota -massacre, which commenced in August, 1862, and in which many of -the Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these charts, -were engaged. Little-Crow was the leader. He escaped to the British -possessions, but was killed in July, 1863. Perhaps the reason of the -omission of any character to designate the massacre, was the terrible -retribution that followed it, beginning with the rout by Colonel -Sibley, on September 23, 1862. The Indian captives amounted in all -to about eighteen hundred. A military commission sentenced three -hundred and three to be hanged and eighteen to imprisonment for life. -Thirty-eight were actually hanged, December 26, 1862, at Camp Lincoln. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXX - -1863-’64. - -1864-’65. - -1865-’66. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1863-’64.--No. I. Crows kill eight Dakotas on the Yellowstone. - -No. II. Eight Dakotas were killed. Again the short parallel black lines -united by a long stroke. In this year Sitting Bull fought General Sully -in the Black Hills. - -Interpreter Lavary says General Sully killed seven or eight Crows at -The-Place-They-Shot-The-Deer, Ta-cha-con-té, about 90 miles southwest -of Fort Rice, Dakota. Mulligan says that General Sully fought the -Yanktonnais and the Santees at that place. - -No. III. Eight Minneconjou Dakotas killed by Crow Indians. - -See Corbusier Winter Counts for same year, page 144. - -1864-’65.--No. I. Four Crows caught stealing horses from the Dakotas -were tortured to death. Shoulders shown. - -No. II. The Dakotas killed four Crows. Four of the same rounded -objects, like several heads, shown in 1825-’26, but these are bloody, -thus distinguishing them from the cases of drowning. - -No. III. Four Crow Indians killed by the Minneconjou Dakotas. Necks -shown. - -1865-’66.--No. I. Many horses died. - -No. II. Many horses died for want of grass. The horse here drawn is -sufficiently distinct from all others in the chart. - -No. III. Dakotas lost many horses in the snow. - -See Corbusier’s Winter Counts, No. II for same year, page 144. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI - -1866-’67. - -1867-’68. - -1868-’69. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1866-’67.--No. I. Little Swan, a great warrior. - -No. II. Swan, father of Swan, chief of the Minneconjous in 1877, -died. With the assistance of the name the object intended for his -totem may be recognized as a swan swimming on the water. - -No. III. Minneconjou Dakota chief, named Swan, died. - -Mato Sapa’s record has a better representation of a swan. - -Interpreter Lavary says: Little-Swan died in this year on Cherry Creek, -75 miles northwest of Fort Sully. - -Major Bush says this is historically correct. - -1867-’68.--No. I. Much medicine made. - -No. II. Many flags were given them by the Peace Commission. The flag -refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, among whom were -Generals Sherman, Terry, and other prominent military and civil -officers. Their report appears in the Annual Report of the Commissioner -of Indian Affairs for 1868. They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13, -1867, and between August 30 and September 13 held councils with the -various bands of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and -also at the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee Reservations. These resulted in -the great Dakota treaty of 1868. - -No. III. Made peace with General Sherman and others at Fort Laramie. - -Mato Sapa says: Made peace with General Sherman and others at Fort -Laramie. - -Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. - -See Corbusier’s Winter Counts, No. II, page 144. - -1868-’69.--No. I. First issue of beef by Government to Indians. - -No. II. Texas cattle were brought into the country. This was done by -Mr. William A. Paxton, a well-known business man, resident in Dakota in -1877. - -No. III. Dakotas had plenty of white men’s cattle (the result of the -peace). - -Mato Sapa agrees with No. III. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII - -1869-’70. - -1870-’71. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1869-’70.--No. I. Eclipse of the moon. - -No. II. An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar eclipse of August 7, -1869, which was central and total on a line drawn through the Dakota -country. This device has been criticised because the Indians believe an -eclipse to be occasioned by a dragon or aerial monster swallowing the -sun, and it is contended that they would so represent it. An answer is -that the design is objectively good, the sun being painted black, as -concealed, while the stars come out red, _i. e._, bright, and graphic -illustration prevails throughout the charts where it is possible to -employ it. In addition, it is learned that Prof. Cleveland Abbé, who -was famed as an astronomer before he became so as a meteorologist, -was at Sioux Falls, with a corps of assistants, to observe this very -eclipse, and explained the subject to a large number of Indians there -at that time, so that their attention was not only directed specially -to that eclipse, but also to the white men as interested in it, and to -its real appearance as apart from their old superstition. - -In addition to this fact, Dr. Washington Matthews, assistant surgeon -United States Army, communicates the statement that the Indians had -numberless other opportunities all over their country of receiving the -same information. He was at Fort Rice during the eclipse and remembers -that long before the eclipse occurred the officers, men, and citizens -around the post told the Indians of the coming event and discussed it -with them so much that they were on the tip-toe of expectancy when -the day came. Two-Bears and his band were then encamped at Fort Rice, -and he and several of his leading men watched the eclipse along with -the whites and through their smoked glass, and then and there the -phenomenon was thoroughly explained to them over and over again. There -is no doubt that similar explanations were made at all the numerous -posts and agencies along the river that day. The path of the eclipse -coincided nearly with the course of the Missouri for over a thousand -miles. The duration of totality at Fort Rice was nearly two minutes -(1^m 48^{s}.) - -No. III. Dakotas witnessed eclipse of the sun; frightened terribly. - -It is remarkable that the Corbusier Winter Counts do not mention this -eclipse. - -1870-’71.--No. I. The-Flame’s son killed by Rees. The recorder, -The-Flame, evidently considered his family misfortune to be of more -importance than the battle referred to by the other recorders. - -No. II. The Uncpapas had a battle with the Crows, the former losing, -it is said, 14 and killing 29 out of 30 of the latter, though nothing -appears to show those numbers. The central object in the symbol is not -a circle denoting multitude, but an irregularly rounded object, clearly -intended for one of the wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected -by the Indians, and especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as -nearly surrounded, and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This -is the first instance in which any combat or killing is portrayed where -guns explicitly appear to be used by Indians, though nothing in the -chart is at variance with the fact that the Dakotas had for a number of -years been familiar with fire arms. The most recent indications of any -weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow squaw in 1857-’58 and -Brave-Bear in 1854-’55, while the last one before them was the lance -used in 1848-’49, and those arms might well have been employed in all -the cases selected for the calendar, although rifles and muskets were -common. There is also an obvious practical difficulty in picturing by -a single character killing with a bullet, not arising as to arrows, -lances, dirks, and hatchets, all of which can be and are in the chart -shown projecting from the wounds made by them. Pictographs in the -possession of the Bureau of Ethnology show battles in which bullets -are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the spots at which they take -effect being sometimes indicated. It is, however, to be noted that the -bloody wound on the Ree’s shoulder (1806-’07) is without any protruding -weapon, as if made by a bullet. - -No. III. A Crow war party of 30 were surprised and surrounded in the -Black Hills by the Dakotas and killed. Fourteen of the Dakotas were -killed in the engagement. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII - -1871-’72. - -1872-’73. - -1873-’74. - -1874-’75. - -1875-’76. - -1876-’77. - -THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.] - -1871-’72.--No. I. The-Flame’s second son killed by Rees. - -1872-’73.--No. I. Sans-Arc-John killed by Rees. - -1873-’74.--No. I. Brulés kill a number of Pawnees. - -Cloud-Shield says they killed many Pawnees on the Republican River. - -1874-’75.--No. I. A Dakota kills one Ree. - -1875-’76.--No. I. Council at Spotted Tail Agency. - -1876-’77.--No. I. Horses taken by United States Government. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it -“General-Mackenzie-took-the-Red-Cloud-Indians’-horses-away-from-them -winter.” - -In the account of Lone-Dog’s chart, published in 1877, as above -mentioned, the present writer, on the subject of the recorder’s -selection of events, remarked as follows: - -“The year 1876 has furnished good store of events for his choice, -and it will be interesting to learn whether he has selected as the -distinguishing event the victory over Custer, or, as of still greater -interest, the general seizure of ponies, whereat the tribes, imitating -Rachel, weep and will not be comforted, because they are not.” - -It now appears that two of the counts have selected the event of the -seizure of the ponies, and none of them yet seen make any allusion to -the defeat of Custer. - -After examination of the three charts it will be conceded that, as -above stated, the design is not narrative, the noting of events being -subordinated to the marking of the years by them, and the pictographic -serial arrangements of sometimes trivial, though generally notorious, -incidents, being with special adaptation for use as a calendar. That in -a few instances small personal events, such as the birth or death of -the recorder or members of his family, are set forth, may be regarded -as in the line of interpolations in or unauthorized additions to the -charts. If they had exhibited a complete national or tribal history -for the years embraced in them, their discovery would have been, in -some respects, more valuable, but they are the more interesting to -ethnologists because they show an attempt, before unsuspected among the -tribes of American Indians, to form a system of chronology. - - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. - -While the present paper was in preparation, a valuable and elaborate -communication was received from Dr. William H. Corbusier, assistant -surgeon, United State Army, styled by him the Dakota Winter Counts, -which title was adopted for the whole subject-matter, including the -charts with their interpretations which had before been known to -the present writer, and those from Dr. Corbusier, which furnish a -different system, are distinguished by his name. It is necessary to -explain that all references in the text to colors, other than black, -must be understood as applicable to the originals. Other colors could -not be reproduced in the plates without an expense disproportionate to -the importance of the colors for significance and comprehension. - -A more important explanation is due on account of the necessity to -omit from Dr. Corbusier’s contribution the figures of Battiste Good’s -count and their interpretation. This count is in some respects the most -important of all those yet made known. As set down by Battiste Good, it -begins in a peculiar cyclic computation with the year A. D. 900, and -in thirteen figures includes the time to A.D. 1700, all these figures -being connected with legends and myths, some of which indicate European -influence. From 1700-’01 to 1879-’80 a separate character for each -year is given, with its interpretation, in a manner generally similar -to those in the other charts. Unfortunately all of these figures are -colored, either in whole or in large part, five colors being used -besides black, and the drawing is so rude that without the colors it is -in many cases unintelligible. The presentation at this time of so large -a number of colored figures--in all one hundred and ninety-three--in -addition to the other illustrations of the present paper, involved -too great expense. It is hoped that this count can be so far revised, -with the elimination of unessential coloration and with more precision -in the outlines, as to allow of its publication. Several of its -characters, with references also to its interpretation when compared -with that of other counts, are given in various parts of the present -paper. Where it was important to specify their coloration the heraldic -scheme has been used. - -The pages immediately following contain the contribution of Dr. -Corbusier, diminished by the extraction of the parts comprising -Battiste Good’s count. Its necessary omission, as above explained, -is much regretted, not only on account of its intrinsic value, but -because without it the work of Dr. Corbusier does not appear to all the -advantage merited by his zeal and industry. - - * * * * * - -The Dakotas reckon time by winters, and apply names to them instead of -numbering them from an era. Each name refers to some notable occurrence -of the winter or year to which it belongs, and has been agreed upon -in council on the expiration of the winter. Separate bands have often -fixed upon different events, and it thus happens that the names are -not uniform throughout the nation. Ideographic records of these -occurrences have been kept in several bands for many years, and they -constitute the Dakota Winter-Counts (waníyetu wówapi) or Counts Back -(hékta yawapi). They are used in computing time, and to aid the memory -in recalling the names and events of the different years, their places -in the count, and their order of succession. The enumeration of the -winters is begun at the one last recorded and carried backward. Notches -on sticks, war-shirts, pipes, arrows, and other devices also serve a -mnemonic purpose. The Counts were formerly executed in colors on the -hides of animals, but the present recorders make use of paper, books, -pens, pencils, and paints obtained from the whites. The alignment of -the ideographs depends to some extent upon the material on which they -are depicted. On robes it is spiral from right to left and from the -center outward, each year being added to the coil as the snail adds to -its whorl. The spiral line, frequently seen in etchings on rocks, has -been explained to me as indicating a snail shell. On paper they are -sometimes carried from right to left, sometimes from left to right, and -again the two methods are combined as in Battiste Good’s winter-count, -which begins at the back of the book and is carried forward, _i. e._, -from right to left, but in which the alignment on each page is from -left to right. The direction from right to left is that followed in -many of their ceremonies, as when tobacco is smoked as incense to the -sun and the pipe is passed around, and when the devotees in the dance -to the sun enter and leave the consecrated lodge in which they fulfill -their vows. - -Among the Oglálas and the Brulés there are at least five of these -counts kept by as many different men, each man seeming to be the -recorder for his branch of the tribe. I obtained copies of three of -them in 1879 and 1880, while stationed at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near -the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. One winter count was made for me by -Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, at the Rosebud Agency, Dakota, being a -copy of the one of which he is the recorder. He explained the meaning -of the pictographs to the Rev. William J. Cleveland, of the Rosebud -Agency, to whom I am indebted for rendering his explanations into -English. Several Indians and half-breeds had informed me that his count -formerly embraced about the same number of years as the other two, but -that Battiste Good gathered the names of many years from the old people -and placed them in chronological order as far back as he was able to -learn them. - -Another winter count is a copy of the one in the possession of -American-Horse, an Oglála Dakota, at the Pine Ridge Agency, who asserts -that his grandfather began it, and that it is the production of his -grandfather, his father, and himself. I received the explanations from -American-Horse through an interpreter. - -A third winter count is a copy of one kept by Cloud-Shield. He is -also an Oglála Dakota at the Pine Ridge Agency, but of a different -band from American-Horse. I also received his explanations through an -interpreter. The last two counts embrace nearly the same number of -years. I have added the dates to both of them, beginning at the last -year, the date of which was known, and carrying them back. Two dates -belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a portion of two of our -calendar years. - -I have seen copies of a fourth winter count which is kept by -White-Cow-Killer at the Pine Ridge Agency. I did not obtain a copy of -it, but learned most of the names given to the winters. - -On comparing the winter counts, it is found that they often correspond, -but more frequently differ. In a few instances the differences are in -the succession of the events, but in most instances they are due to -an omission or to the selection of another event. When a year has the -same name in all of them, the bands were probably encamped together or -else the event fixed upon was of general interest; and, when the name -is different, the bands were scattered or nothing of general interest -occurred. Differences in the succession may be due to the loss of -a record and the depiction of another from memory, or to errors in -copying an old one. - -The explanations of the counts are far from complete, as the recorders -who furnished them could in many instances recall nothing except the -name of the year, and in others were loth to speak of the events or -else their explanations were vague and unsatisfactory, and, again, -the interpreters were sometimes at fault. Many of the recent events -are fresh in the memory of the people, as the warriors who strive to -make their exploits a part of the tribal traditions proclaim them -on all occasions of ceremony--count their _coups_, as it is called. -Declarations of this kind partake of the nature of affirmations made in -the presence of God. War-shirts on which scores of the enemies killed -are kept, and which are carefully transmitted from one generation -to another, help to refresh their memories in regard to some of the -events. By testing many Indians I learned that but few could interpret -the significance of the figures; some of them could point out the year -of their birth and that of some members of their families; others could -not do so, or pretended that they could not, but named the year and -asked me to point it out and tell their age. - -In the following explanation of the winter counts, [figured on Plates -XXXIV-LI,] No. I refers to that of American-Horse and No. II to that of -Cloud-Shield. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV - -1775-’76. - -1776-’77. - -1777-’78. - -1778-’79. - -1779-’80. - -1780-’81. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1775-’76.--No. I. Standing-Bull, the great-grandfather of the present -Standing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. He carried home with him a -pine tree of a species he had never seen before. (In this count the -Dakotas are usually distinguished by the braided scalp-lock and the -feather they wear at the crown of the head, or by the manner in which -they brush back and tie the hair. It will be noticed that the profile -of most of the faces is given, whereas Battiste Good gives the full -face. The Dakotas have of late years claimed the Black Hills, probably -by right of discovery in 1775-’76; but the Crows were the former -possessors.) - -This is also the first winter of White-Cow-Killer’s count and is called -“Two-warriors-killed winter.” - -1776-’77.--No. I. Many of their horses were killed by some of their own -people, who were jealous because they were fatter than their own. - -1777-’78.--No. I. It was an intensely cold winter, and the -Man-who-has-no-skin-on-his-penis froze to death. The sign for snow or -winter, i. e., a cloud with snow falling from it, is above his head. -A haka-stick, which, in playing that game, they cast after a ring, is -represented in front of him. - -Battiste Good’s record is that a Dakota named Skinned-Penis was killed -in a fight with the Pawnees, and his companions left his body where -they supposed it would not be found, but the Pawnees found it, and as -it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into their camp and played haka -with it. - -No. II. A war party brought in the lone pine tree from the enemy’s -country. They met no enemies while out. This event is also the first in -No. I, in which it marks the winter of 1775-’76. - -1778-’79.--No. I. The Ponkas came and attacked a village, -notwithstanding peace had just been made with them. The people repulsed -and followed them, killing sixty. Some elk-hair and a feather represent -Ponka. Horse tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated by signs -which were said to represent bullet marks, and which convey the -idea that the bullet struck. The sign seems to be derived from the -gesture-sign for “it struck.” - -No. II. Many of their horses were killed, but by whom is not known. The -same event is recorded in No. I, 1776-’77. - -1779-’80.--No. I. Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows. The -absence of his scalp denotes that he was killed by an enemy. The wound -was made with the bow and arrow. - -No. II. Skinned-his-penis was used in the ring-and-pole game. - -1780-’81.--No. I. Many died of small-pox. - -No. II. “The policeman” was killed by the enemy. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV - -1781-’82. - -1782-’83. - -1783-’84. - -1784-’85. - -1785-’86. - -1786-’87. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1781-’82--No. I. Many died of small-pox. - -No. II. Many people died of small-pox. They all record two successive -winters of small-pox, but No. I makes the first year of the epidemic -one year later than that of Battiste Good, and No. II makes it two -years later. - -1782-’83.--No. I. A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. The sign for -winter is the same as before. - -No. II. Many people died of small-pox again. - -1783-’84--No. I. The Mandans and Rees made a charge on a Dakota -village. The Dakotas drove them back, killed twenty five of them, and -captured a boy. An eagle’s tail, which is worn on the head, stands for -Mandan and Ree. - -No. II. The-Stabber froze to death. The man’s name is suggested by the -spear in the body over his head, which is connected with his mouth by -a line. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Big-fire winter,” possibly because big fires -were required to keep them warm. - -1784-’85.--No. I. A young man who was afflicted with the small-pox, -and was in his tipi, off by himself, sang his death-song and shot -himself. Suicide is more common among Indians than is generally -suspected, and even boys sometimes take their own lives. A Dakota boy -at one of the agencies shot himself rather than face his companions -after his mother had whipped him, and a Pai-Ute boy at Camp McDermit, -Nevada, tried to poison himself with the wild parsnip because he was -not well and strong like the other boys. The Pai-Utes usually eat the -wild parsnip when bent on suicide. - -No. II. An Omaha woman who was living with the Oglálas attempted to run -away from them, and they killed her. A war between the two tribes was -the result. - -1785-’86.--No. I. Bear’s-Ears, a Brulé, was killed in an Oglála village -by the Crows. - -No. II. The Oglálas killed three lodges of Omahas. - -1786-’87.--No. I. Broken-Leg-Duck, an Oglála, went to a Crow village to -steal horses and was killed. A line connects the name with the mouth. - -No. II. Long-Hair was killed. To what tribe he belonged is not known. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVI - -1787-’88. - -1788-’89. - -1789-’90. - -1790-’91. - -1791-’92. - -1792-’93. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1787-’88.--No. I. They went out in search of the Crows in order to -avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They did not find any Crows, but, -chancing on a Mandan village, captured it and killed all the people in -it. - -No. II. A year of famine. They lived on roots, which are represented in -front of the tipi. - -1788-’89.--No. I. Last-Badger, an Oglála, was killed by the Rees. - -No. II. The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. - -White-Cow-Killer calls 1787-’88 “Many-black-crows-died winter.” - -1789-’90.--No. I. The cold was so intense that crows froze in the air -and dropped dead near the lodges. - -No. II. White-Goose was killed in an attack made by some enemies. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Goose-Feather-killed winter.” - -1790-’91.--No. I. They could not hunt on account of the deep snow, and -were compelled to subsist on anything they could get, as herbs (pézi) -and roots. - -No. II. Picket-Pin went against the Cheyennes. A picket-pin is -represented in front of him and is connected with his mouth by the -usual line. The black band across his face denotes that he was brave -and had killed enemies. The cross is the symbol for Cheyenne. The -mark used for Cheyenne stands for the scars on their arms, or stripes -on their sleeves, which also gave rise to the gesture sign for this -tribe, given in Sign Language among the North American Indians, etc., -First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 465, viz.: Draw the -extended right index, or the inner edge of the open right hand, several -times across the base of the extended left index or across the left -forearm at different heights. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “All-the-Indians-see-the-flag winter.” - -1791-’92.--No. I. Glue, an Oglála, froze to death on his way to a Brulé -village. A glue-stick is represented back of his head. Glue, made from -the hoofs of buffalo, is used to fasten arrow-heads on, and is carried -about on sticks. - -No. II. The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. - -1792-’93.--No. I. Many women died in child-birth. - -No. II. The Dakotas camped on the Missouri River near the Gros Ventres -and fought with them a long time. The Dakota tipi and the Gros Ventre -lodge are shown in the figure. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Rees-house-winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII - -1793-’94. - -1794-’95. - -1795-’96. - -1796-’97. - -1797-’98. - -1798-’99. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1793-’94.--No. I. A Ponka who was captured when a boy by the Oglálas -was killed while outside the village by a war party of Ponkas. - -No. II. Bear’s-Ears was killed in a fight with the Rees. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-Face-killed winter.” - -1794-’95.--No. I. The-Good-White-Man came with two other white men. He -promised that if they would let him and his companions go undisturbed -he would return and bring with him weapons with which they could kill -game with but little labor. They gave them buffalo robes and dogs to -pack them on and sent the party off. The sign for white man is a hat, -either by itself or on a head, and the gesture-sign indicates one who -wears a hat. Draw the open right hand horizontally from left to right -across the forehead a little above the eyebrows, the back of the hand -to be upward and the fingers pointing toward the left, or draw the -index across the forehead in the same manner. - -No. II. Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Long-Hair-killed winter.” - -1795-’96.--No. I. The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute was killed by the -Cheyennes. His flute is represented in front of him with sounds coming -from it. A bullet mark is on his neck. - -No. II. The Dakotas camped near the Rees and fought with them. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Water-Stomach-killed winter.” - -1796-’97.--No. I. They killed the long-haired man in a fight -with the Cheyennes while on an expedition to avenge the death of -The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute, who was killed by the Cheyennes the year -before. - -No. II. Badger, a Dakota, was killed by enemies, as shown by the -absence of his scalp. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “War-Bonnet-killed winter.” - -1797-’98.--No. I. Little-Beaver and three other white men came to -trade, having been sent by the Good-White-Man. Their goods were loaded -on three sleds, each drawn by six dogs. - -No. II. The-Wise-Man was killed by enemies. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Caught-the-medicine-god-woman winter.” - -1798-’99.--No. I. Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an Oglála war party, -brought home many Cheyenne scalps. The cross stands for Cheyenne. - -No. II. Many women died in child-birth. - -White-Cow-Killer says, “Many-squaws-died winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVIII - -1799-1800. - -1800-’01. - -1801-’02. - -1802-’03. - -1803-’04. - -1804-’05. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1799-1800.--No. I. The-Good-White-Man returned and gave guns to the -Dakotas. The circle of marks represents the people sitting around him, -the flint-lock musket the guns. - -No. II. A woman who had been given to a white man by the Dakotas was -killed because she ran away from him. [See No. I, 1804-’05.] - -White-Cow-Killer says, “The-Good-White-Man-came winter.” - -1800-’01.--No. I. Nine white men came to trade with them. The covered -head with short hair stands for a white man and also intimates that the -eight dots over it are for white men. According to this count the first -whites came in 1794-’95. - -No. II. The Good-White-Man came. He was the first white man to trade -and live with the Dakotas. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Don’t-Eat-Heart-makes-a-god-house winter.” - -1801-’02.--No. I. The Oglálas, Brulés, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, and -Cheyennes united in an expedition against the Crows. They surprised and -captured a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men, and took the -women and children prisoners. The three tipis stand for thirty; the red -spots are for blood. - -No. II. A trader brought them their first guns. - -White-Cow-Killer says, “All-sick-winter.” - -1802-’03.--No. I. The Ponkas attacked two lodges of Oglálas, killed -some of the people, and made the rest prisoners. The Oglálas went to -the Ponka village a short time afterward and took their people from the -Ponkas. In the figure an Oglála has a prisoner by the arm leading him -away. The arrow indicates that they were ready to fight. - -No. II. The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village. Arrows and -bullets are flying back and forth. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Brought-in-horse-shoes winter.” - -1803-’04--No. I. They made peace with the Gros Ventres. - -No. II. Little-Beaver, a white trader, came. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-of-woolly-horses winter.” - -1804-’05.--No. I. An Indian woman who had been unfaithful to a white -man to whom she was married was killed by an Indian named Ponka. The -symbol for Ponka indicates the name. - -No. II. The Omahas came and made peace to get their people, whom the -Dakotas held as prisoners. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX - -1805-’06. - -1806-’07. - -1807-’08. - -1808-’09. - -1809-’10. - -1810-’11. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1805-’06.--No. I. The Dakotas had a council with the whites on the -Missouri River, below the Cheyenne Agency, near the mouth of Bad Creek -(the Lewis and Clarke Expedition?). They had many flags, which the -Good-White-Man gave them with their guns, and they erected them on -poles to show their friendly feelings. The curved line is to represent -the council lodge, which they made by opening several tipis and uniting -them at their sides to form a semicircle. The marks are for the people. -American-Horse’s father was born this year. - -No. II. Nine white men came to trade. The three covered heads represent -the white men. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Eight-Dakotas-killed winter.” - -1806-’07.--No. I. Black-Rock, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows. A rock -is represented above his head. He was killed with a bow and arrow and -was scalped. - -No. II. The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the night. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-while-hunting-eagles winter.” - -1807-’08.--No. I. Broken-Leg was killed by the Pawnees. His leg had -been broken by a bullet in a previous fight with the Pawnees. - -No. II. Many people camped together and had many flags flying. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Red-shirt-killed Winter.” - -1808-’09.--No. I. Little-Beaver’s trading house was burned down. - -No. II. A Brulé was found dead under a tree which had fallen on him. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Blue-Blanket’s-father-dead winter.” - -1809-’10.--No. I. Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. His brother, -whose name he had taken, was killed by the Crows three years before. - -No. II. Little-Beaver’s house was burned. - -White-Cow-Killer says, “Little-Beaver’s (the white man) -house-burned-down winter.” - -1810-’11.--No. I. Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows while -looking for his ponies near Old Woman’s Fork. - -No. II. They brought in a fine horse with feathers tied to his tail. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Came-with-medicine-on-horse’s-tail winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL - -1811-’12. - -1812-’13. - -1813-’14. - -1814-’15. - -1815-’16. - -1816-’17. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1811-’12.--No. I. They caught many wild horses south of the Platte -River. - -No. II. They had very little buffalo meat, as the empty drying pole -indicates, but plenty of ducks in the fall. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Catching-wild-horses winter.” - -1812-’13.--No. I. Big-Waist’s father killed. - -No. II. Big-Owl killed. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Big-Belly’s-father-killed winter.” - -1813-’14.--No. I. Many had the whooping-cough. The cough is represented -by the lines issuing from the man’s mouth. - -No. II. Food was very scarce and they had to live on acorns. The tree -is intended for an oak and the marks beneath it for acorns. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Six-Rees-killed winter.” - -1814-’15.--No. I. The Dakotas went to a Kaiowa village, about 6 miles -from Scott’s Bluff, and near the mouth of Horse Creek, to treat for -peace; but their intentions were frustrated by one of their number, who -drove his hatchet into a Kaiowa’s head. - -No. II. They made peace with the Pawnees. The man with the blue -forehead is a Pawnee, the other is a Dakota, whose body is smeared with -clay. The four arrows show that they had been at war, and the clasped -hands denote peace. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Kaiowa-hit-on-head-with-axe winter.” - -Young-Man’s-Horses-Afraid, _i. e._, whose horses are afraid, was -born this year. He is now called “Old-Man-afraid-of-his-Horses” by -the whites, and his son, the present chief of the Oglálas, is known -as “Young-Man-afraid-of-his-Horses.” [The present writer has heard -another interpretation about “afraid-of-his-horses,” _i. e._, that the -man valued his horses so much that he was afraid of losing them. The -present representative of the name, however, stated to the writer that -the true meaning was “The-young-man-whose-horses-they-fear.”] - -1815-’16.--No. I. The figure is intended to represent a white man’s -house. - -No. II. Some of the Dakotas built a large house and lived in it during -the winter. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house winter.” - -1816-’17.--No. I. They made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff. The -arrow shows they had been at war. - -No. II. They lived in the same house that they did last winter. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI - -1817-’18. - -1818-’19. - -1819-’20. - -1820-’21. - -1821-’22. - -1822-’23. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1817-’18.--No. I. The Oglálas had an abundance of buffalo meat and -shared it with the Brulés, who were short of food. The buffalo hide -hung on the drying pole, with the buffalo head above it, indicates an -abundance of meat. - -No. II. The-Brave-Man was killed in a great fight. The fight is shown -by the arrows flying to and from him. Having been killed by an enemy, -he is scalped. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-of-meat winter.” - -1818-’19.--No. I. A large house was built. - -No. II. Many died of the small-pox. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-small-pox winter.” - -1819-’20.--No. I. Another house was built. The Dakotas made medicine in -it. - -No. II. In an engagement with the Crows, both sides expended all of -their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A Crow is represented -on the right, and is distinguished by the manner in which the hair is -worn. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house-of-old-wood winter.” - -1820-’21.--No. I. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village of a -hundred lodges. They killed many and took many prisoners. - -No. II. A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Two-arrows-made-a-war-bonnet winter.” - -1821-’22.--No. I. They had all the _mini wakan_ (spirit water or -whisky) they could drink. They never had any before. A barrel with a -waved or spiral line running from it represents the whisky, the waved -line signifying spirit. - -No. II. A large roaring star fell. It came from the east, and shot out -sparks of fire along its course. Its track and the sparks are shown in -the figure. See also page 111. - -White-Cow-Killer says, “One-star-made-a-great-noise winter.” - -Battiste Good, alias Wa-po-ctan-qi (Brown-Hat), historian and chief, -designated this year as that of his birth. Omaha bullets were whizzing -through the village and striking and piercing his mother’s lodge as she -brought him forth. Red-Cloud also was born. - -1822-’23.--No. I. Dog, an Oglála, stole seventy horses from the Crows. -Each of the seven tracks stands for ten horses. A lariat, which serves -the purpose of a long whip, and is usually allowed to trail on the -ground, is shown in the man’s hand. - -No. II. A Brulé, who had left the village the night before, was found -dead in the morning outside the village, and the dogs were eating his -body. The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows he was a -Brulé. - -White-Cow-Killer says, -“White-man-peels-the-stick-in-his-hand-broke-his-leg winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII - -1823-’24. - -1824-’25. - -1825-’26. - -1826-’27. - -1827-’28. - -1828-’29. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1823-’24.--No. I. They had an abundance of corn, which they got at the -Ree villages. - -No. II. They joined the whites in an expedition up the Missouri River -against the Rees. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty winter.” For further -explanation of the record of this year, see page 111. - -1824-’25.--No. I. Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed a Dakota, who was a long -distance off, by throwing a bullet from his hand and striking him in -the heart. The spiral line is again used for _wakan_. The gesture-sign -for _wakan_ (holy, supernatural) is: With its index-finger extended and -pointing upward, or all the fingers extended, back of hand outward, -move the right hand from just in front of the forehead spirally upward -nearly to arm’s length from left to right. [See “Sign Language N. A. -Indians,” p. 380, by the present writer, in the First Annual Report of -the Bureau of Ethnology.] - -No. II. Cat-Owner was killed with a spider-web thrown at him by a -Dakota. The spider-web is shown reaching to his heart from the hand -of the man who threw it. The blood issuing from his mouth and nose -indicates that he bled to death. It is a common belief among them that -certain medicine men possess the power of taking life by shooting -needles, straws, spider-webs, bullets, and other objects, however -distant the person may be against whom they are directed. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-the-women-picking-cherries winter.” - -1825-’26.--No. I. Some of the Dakotas were living on the bottom-lands -of the Missouri River, below the Whetstone, when the river, which was -filled with broken ice, unexpectedly rose and flooded their village. -Many were drowned or else killed by the floating ice. Many of those -that escaped climbed on cakes of ice or into trees. - -No. II. Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by a rise of -the Missouri River, in a bend of which they were camped. The curved -line is the bend in the river; the waved line is the water, above which -the tops of the tipis are shown. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Great-flood-and-many-Indians-drowned -winter.” [See page 113.] - -1826-’27.--No. I. The brother of the Good-White-Man came. - -No. II. Held a commemoration of the dead. The pipe-stem and the skull -indicate this. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Long-Whistle-sick winter.” - -1827-’28.--No. I. The snow was very deep. - -No. II. In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with a -gun. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Snow-shoe-making winter.” - -1828-’29.--No. I. They provided themselves with a large supply of -antelope meat by driving antelope into a corral, in which they were -easily killed. - -No. II. They drove many antelope into a corral and then killed them. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Many-Rees-killed winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII - -1829-’30. - -1830-’31. - -1831-’32. - -1832-’33. - -1833-’34. - -1834-’35. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1829-’30.--No. I. Striped-Face stabbed and killed his son-in-law for -whipping his wife. - -No. II. Spotted-Face stabs his son-in-law for whipping his wife. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Spotted-Face-held-on-long winter.” - -1830-’31.--No. I. They saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white -trader, brought his goods in them. - -No. II. The Crows were approaching a village at a time when there was a -great deal of snow on the ground and intended to surprise it, but some -herders discovering them the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for the -Crows, surprised them, and killed many. A Crow’s head is represented in -the figure. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-many-white-buffalo winter.” - -1831-’32.--No. I. Red-Lake’s house, which he had recently built, was -destroyed by fire, and he was killed by the accidental explosion of -some powder. - -No. II. A white man, whom they called Gray-Eyes, shot and killed a man -who was working for him. - -1832-’33.--No. I. They killed many Gros Ventres in a village which they -assaulted. - -No. II. All of Standing-Bull’s horses were killed, but by whom is -unknown. Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are shown under the -horse. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-Horn’s-leg-broken winter.” - -1833-’34.--No. I. The stars moved around. - -No. II. It rained stars. - -White Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.” - -The records [see page 116] all undoubtedly refer to the magnificent -meteoric display of the morning of November 13th, 1833, which was -witnessed throughout North America, and which they have correctly -assigned to the winter corresponding with that of 1833-’34. All of -them represent stars as having four points. - -1834-’35.--No. I. They were at war with the Cheyennes. The Cheyenne is -the one with the stripes on his arm. - -No. II. They fought with the Cheyennes. The stripes on the arm are for -Cheyenne as before. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Cheyennes-came-and-one-killed winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV - -1835-’36. - -1836-’37. - -1837-’38. - -1838-’39. - -1839-’40. - -1840-’41. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1835-’36.--No. I. They killed a very fat buffalo bull. - -No. II. They killed a very fat buffalo bull. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Two warriors-killed winter.” - -1836-’37.--No. I. The Dakotas and the Pawnees fought on the ice on the -North Platte River. The former were on the north side, the right-hand -side in the figure, the latter on the south side, the left in the -figure. Horsemen and footmen on the right are opposed to footmen on the -left. Both sides have guns and bows, as shown by the bullet-marks and -the arrows. The red marks are for blood-stains on the ice. - -No. II. They fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North Platte. The -man on the left is a Pawnee. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Fight-on-ice winter.” - -1837-’38.--No. I. Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his family, who were -camping by themselves, were killed by Pawnees. - -No. II. Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the -Pawnees. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Five-Fingers-died winter.” - -1838-’39.--No. I. Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and took -the war path against the Pawnees, to avenge the death of his uncle, -Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. - -No. II. Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe around and took the war -path. The waved or spiral lines denote crazy. - -White-Cow-Killer says, “Paints-his-Chin’s-lodge-all-killed winter.” - -When a warrior desires to make up a war party he visits his friends and -offers them a filled pipe, as an invitation to follow him, and those -who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking -it. Any man whose courage has been proved may become the leader of a -war party. Among the Arapahos the would-be leader does not invite any -one to accompany him, but publicly announces his intention of going to -war. He fixes the day for his departure and states where he will camp -the first night, naming some place not far off. The morning on which -he starts, and before leaving the village, he invokes the aid of the -sun, his guardian by day, and often, to propitiate him, secretly vows -to undergo penance, or offer a sacrifice on his return. He rides off -alone, carrying his bare pipe in his hand, with the bowl carefully tied -to the stem to prevent it from slipping off. If the bowl should at any -time accidentally fall to the ground, he considers it an evil omen, -and immediately returns to the village, and nothing could induce him -to proceed, as he thinks that only misfortune would attend him if he -did. Sometimes he ties eagle or hawk plumes to the stem of his pipe, -and, after quitting the village, repairs to the top of some hill and -makes an offering of them to the sun, taking them from his pipe and -tying them to a pole, which he erects in a pile of stones. (Some of the -stone-heaps seen on the hills in the Arapaho country originated in this -way, but most of them were made by dreamers, who withdraw from their -people to devote themselves in solitude to contemplation, fasting, and -prayer, in order to work themselves into a state of rapture, hoping -to have visions and receive messages from spirits.) Those who intend -to follow him usually join him at the first camp, equipped for the -expedition; but often there are some who do not join him until he has -gone further on. He eats nothing before leaving the village, nor as -long as the sun is up; but breaks his fast at his first camp, after -the sun sets. The next morning he begins another fast, to be continued -until sunset. He counts his party, saddles his horse, names some place -six or seven miles ahead, where he says he will halt for awhile, and -again rides off alone with his pipe in his hand. After awhile the party -follow him in single file. When they have reached his halting place -he tells them to dismount and let their horses graze. They all then -seat themselves on the ground on the left of the leader, forming a -semicircle, facing the sun. The leader fills his pipe, all bow their -heads, and, pointing the stem of the pipe upward, he prays to the sun, -asking that they may find an abundance of game, that dead-shots may be -made, so that their ammunition will not be wasted, but reserved for -their enemies; that they may easily find their enemies and kill them; -that they may be preserved from wounds and death. He makes his petition -four times, then lights his pipe, and after sending a few whiffs of -smoke skyward as incense to the sun, hands the pipe to his neighbor, -who smokes and passes it on to the next. It is passed from one to -another, toward the left, until all have smoked, the leader refilling -it as often as necessary. They then proceed to their next camp, where -probably others join them. The same programme is carried out for three -or four days before the party is prepared for action. - -1839-’40.--No. I. Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the Shoshoni. His -left arm is represented extended, and his nose is very conspicuous. -American-Horse was born in the spring of 1840. - -No. II. They killed a Crow and his squaw, who were found on a trail. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Large-war-party-hungry-eat-Pawnee-horses -winter.” - -1840-’41.--No. I. Sitting-Bear, American-Horse’s father, and others, -stole two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. A trailing lariat is in -the man’s hand. - -No. II. They stole one hundred (many) horses from the Snakes. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-Thunder’s-brothers-killed winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV - -1841-’42. - -1842-’43. - -1843-’44. - -1844-’45. - -1845-’46. - -1846-’47. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1841-’42.--No. I. The Oglálas engaged in a drunken brawl, which -resulted in a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) -separating from the others. - -No. II. The Oglálas got drunk on Chug Creek, and engaged in a quarrel -among themselves, in which Red-Cloud’s brother was killed, and -Red-Cloud killed three men. Cloud-Shield (Mahpiya-Wahacanka) was born. - -1842-’43.--No. I. Feather-Ear-Rings was killed by the Shoshoni. The -four lodges and the many blood-stains intimate that he was killed at -the time the four lodges of Shoshoni were killed. - -No. II. Lone-Feather said his prayers, and took the war path to avenge -the death of some relatives. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Crane’s-son-killed winter.” - -1843-’44.--No. I. The great medicine arrow was taken from the Pawnees -by the Oglálas and Brulés, and returned to the Cheyennes, to whom it -rightly belonged. - -No. II. In a great fight with the Pawnees they captured the great -medicine arrow which had been taken from the Cheyennes, who made it, by -the Pawnees. The head of the arrow projects from the bag which contains -it. The delicate waved lines (intended probably for spiral lines) show -that it is sacred. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “The Great-medicine-arrow-comes-in winter.” - -Battiste Good’s record gives the following for the same year: - -“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter. This arrow originally belonged -to the Cheyennes, from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas captured -it this winter from the Pawnees, and the Cheyennes then redeemed it -for one hundred horses.” His sign for the year is somewhat different, -as shown in Figure 46. As before mentioned, an attempt is made to -distinguish colors by the heraldic scheme, which in this instance may -require explanation. The upper part of the body is sable or black, the -feathers on the arrow are azure or blue, and the shaft, gules or red. -The remainder of the figure is of an undecided color not requiring -specification. - -[Illustration: FIG. 46.--Magic arrow.] - -1844-’45.--No. I. Male-Crow, an Oglála, was killed by the Shoshoni. - -No. II. Crazy-Horse says his prayers and goes on the war path. The -waved lines are used again for crazy. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “White-Buffalo-Bull-killed by-the-Crows -winter.” - -1845-’46.--No. I. White-Bull and thirty other Oglálas were killed by -the Crows and Shoshoni. - -No. II. White-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with the -Shoshoni. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Many-sick winter.” - -1846-’47.--No. I. Big-Crow and Conquering-Bear had a great feast and -gave many presents. - -No. II. Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas. He was not killed -by an enemy, as he has not lost his scalp. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Diver’s-neck-broken winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI - -1847-’48. - -1848-’49. - -1849-’50. - -1850-’51. - -1851-’52. - -1852-’53. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1847-’48.--No. I. There were a great many accidents and some legs were -broken, the ground being covered with ice. - -No. II. Many were thrown from their horses while surrounding buffalo in -the deep snow, and some had their legs-broken. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Many-legs-broken winter.” - -1848-’49.--No. I. American-Horse’s father captured a Crow who was -dressed as a woman, but who was found to be an hermaphrodite and was -killed. - -No. II. American-Horse’s father captured a Crow woman and gave her to -the young men, who discovered that she was an hermaphrodite and killed -her. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Half-man-and-half-woman-killed winter.” - -It is probable that this was one of those men, not uncommon among the -Indian tribes, who adopt the dress and occupation of women. [This is -sometimes compulsory, _e. g._, on account of failure to pass an ordeal.] - -1849-’50.--No. I. Many died of the cramps. The cramps were those of -Asiatic cholera, which was epidemic in the United States at that time, -and was carried to the plains by the California and Oregon emigrants. -The position of the man is very suggestive of cholera. - -No. II. Making-the-Hole stole many horses from a Crow tipi. The index -points to the hole, which is suggestive of the man’s name. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “The-people-had-the-cramps winter.” - -1850-’51.--No. I. Wolf-Robe was killed by the Pawnees. - -No. II. Many died of the small-pox. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “All-the-time-sick-with-the-big-small-pox -winter.” - -1851-’52.--No. I. They received their first annuities at the mouth of -Horse Creek. A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry-goods. It -is surrounded by a circle of marks which represent the people. - -No. II. Many goods were issued to them at Fort Laramie. They were the -first they received. The blanket which is represented stands for the -goods. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-River -winter.” - -1852-’53.--No. I. The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all the -tribes to unite with them in a war against the Pawnees. - -No. II. A white man made medicine over the skull of Crazy-Horse’s -brother. He holds a pipe-stem in his hand. This probably refers to the -custom of gathering the bones of the dead that have been placed on -scaffolds and burying them. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Great-snow winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII - -1853-’54. - -1854-’55. - -1855-’56. - -1856-’57. - -1857-’58. - -1858-’59. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1853-’54.--No. I. Antelope-Dung broke his neck while surrounding -buffalo. - -No. II. Antelope-Dung broke his neck while running antelope. His -severed head is the only part of his body that is shown. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Oak-wood-house winter.” - -1854-’55.--No. I. Conquering-Bear was killed by white soldiers, and -thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas 9 miles below Fort -Laramie. The thirty black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, -and the red stains for killed. The head covered with a fatigue-cap -further shows they were white soldiers. Indian soldiers are usually -represented in a circle or semicircle. The gesture-sign for soldier -means all in line, and is made by placing the nearly closed hands with -palms forward, and thumbs near together, in front of the body and then -separating them laterally about two feet. - -No. II. Brave-Bear was killed in a quarrel over a calf. He was killed -by enemies; hence his scalp is gone. - -White-Cow-Killer says, “Mato-wayuhi (or Conquering-Bear) -killed-by-white-soldiers winter.” - -1855-’56.--No. I. A war party of Oglálas killed one Pawnee--his scalp -is on the pole--and on their way home froze their feet. - -No. II. Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own people -in a quarrel. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “A-medicine-man-made-buffalo-medicine winter.” - -1856-’57.--No. I. They received annuities at Raw-Hide Butte. The house -and the blanket represent the agency and the goods. - -No. II. They have an abundance of buffalo meat. This is shown by the -full drying pole. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “White-hill-house winter.” - -1857-’58.--No. I. Little-Gay, a white trader, was killed by the -explosion of a can of gunpowder. He was measuring out powder from the -can in his wagon while smoking his pipe. - -No. II. They surrounded and killed ten Crows. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Bull-hunting winter.” - -1858-’59.--No. I. They made peace with the Pawnees. The one on the left -is a Pawnee. - -No. II. They bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who bought many -wagon-loads of the Mexicans. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Yellow-blanket-killed winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII - -1859-’60. - -1860-’61. - -1861-’62. - -1862-’63. - -1863-’64. - -1864-’65. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1859-’60.--No. I. Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while running -buffalo and broke his neck. - -No. II. Black-Shield says prayers and takes the war path to avenge the -death of two of his sons who had been killed by the Crows. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Black-Shield’s-two -boys-go-hunting-and-are-killed-by-the-Crows winter.” - -1860-’61.--No. I. Two-Face, an Oglála, was badly burnt by the explosion -of his powder-horn. - -No. II. They capture a great many antelope by driving them into a pen. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Babies-all-sick-and-many-die winter.” - -1861-’62.--No. I. Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight with the -Pawnees. - -No. II. Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it -“Crow-Indian-Spotted-Horse-stole-many-horses-and-was-killed winter.” - -1862-’63.--No. I. The Crows scalped an Oglála boy alive. - -No. II. Some Crows came to their camp and scalped a boy. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Crows-scalp-boy winter.” - -1863-’64.--No. I. The Oglálas and Minneconjous took the war path -against the Crows and stole three hundred Crow horses. The Crows -followed them and killed eight of the party. - -No. II. Eight Dakotas were killed by the Crows. Here eight long marks -represent the number killed. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it -“Dakotas-and-Crows-have-a-big-fight-eight-Dakotas-killed winter.” - -1864-’65.--No. I. Bird, a white trader, went to Powder River to trade -with the Cheyennes. They killed him and appropriated his goods. - -No. II. Bird, a white trader, was burned to death by the Cheyennes. He -is surrounded by flames in the picture. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Big-Lips-died-suddenly winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX - -1865-’66. - -1866-’67. - -1867-’68. - -1868-’69. - -1869-’70. - -1870-’71. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1865-’66.--No. I. General Maynadier made peace with the Oglálas and -Brulés. His name, the sound of which resembles the words “many deer,” -is indicated by the two deers’ heads connected with his mouth by the -lines. - -No. II. Many horses were lost by starvation, as the snow was so deep -they couldn’t get at the grass. - -1866-’67.--No. I. They killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil. -Kearny. The hats and the cap-covered head represent the whites; the -red spots, the killed; the circle of characters around them, rifle or -arrow shots; the black strokes, Dakota footmen; and the hoof-prints, -Dakota horsemen. The Phil. Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 1866, -and eighty-two whites were killed, including officers, citizens, and -enlisted men. Capt. W. J. Fetterman was in command of the party. - -No. II. Lone-Bear was killed in battle. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-hundred-white-men-killed winter.” - -1867-’68.--No. I. They captured a train of wagons near Tongue River. -The men who were with it got away. The blanket represents the goods -found in the wagons. - -No. II. Blankets were issued to them at Fort Laramie. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Seven-Pawnees-killed winter.” - -1868-’69.--No. I. They were compelled to sell many mules and -horses to enable them to procure food, as they were in a starving -condition. They willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. The mule’s -halter is attached to two sacks of flour. - -No. II. They had to sell many mules and horses to get food, as they -were starving. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Mules-sold-by-hungry-Sioux winter.” - -1869-’70.--No. I. Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees on -the south side of the South Platte River. - -No. II. John Richard shot a white soldier at Fort Fetterman, Wyoming, -and fled north, joining Red-Cloud. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it -“Tree-fell-on-woman-who-was-cutting-wood-and-killed-her winter.” - -1870-’71.--No. I. High-Back-Bone, a very brave Oglála, was killed by -the Shoshoni. They also shot another man, who died after he reached -home. - -No. II. High-Back-Bone was killed in a fight with the Snakes (Shoshoni). - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “High-Back-Bone-killed-by-Snake-Indians -winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L - -1871-’72. - -1872-’73. - -1873-’74. - -1874-’75. - -1875-’76. - -1876-’77. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1871-’72.--No. I. John Richard shot and killed an Oglála named -Yellow-Bear, and the Oglálas killed Richard before he could get out of -the lodge. This occurred in the spring of 1872. As the white man was -killed after the Indian, he is placed behind him in the figure. - -No. II. Adobe houses were built by Maj. J. W. Wham, Indian agent (now -paymaster, United States Army), on the Platte River, about 30 miles -below Fort Laramie. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Major-Wham’s-house-built-on-Platte-River -winter.” - -1872-’73.--No. I. Whistler, also named Little-Bull, and two other -Oglálas, were killed by white hunters on the Republican River. - -No. II. Antoine Janis’s two boys were killed by Joe (John?) Richard. - -White Cow-Killer calls it “Stay-at-plenty-ash-wood winter.” - -1873-’74.--No. I. The Oglálas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) -clerk inside the stockade of the Red Cloud Agency, at Fort Robinson, -Nebraska. - -No. II. They killed many Pawnees on the Republican River. - -1874-’75.--No. I. The Oglálas at the Red Cloud Agency, near Fort -Robinson, Nebraska, cut to pieces the flag staff which their agent had -had cut and hauled, but which they would not allow him to erect, as -they did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency. This was in -1874. The flag which the agent intended to hoist is now at the Pine -Ridge Agency, Dakota. - -No. II. The Utes stole all of the Brulé horses. - -1875-’76.--No. I. The first stock cattle were issued to them. The -figure represents a cow or spotted buffalo, surrounded by people. The -gesture-sign also signifies spotted buffalo. - -No. II. Seven of Red-Cloud’s band were killed by the Crows. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Five-Dakotas-killed winter.” - -1876-’77.--No. I. The Oglálas helped General Mackenzie to whip the -Cheyennes. The Indian’s head represents the man who was the first to -enter the Cheyenne village. The white man holding up three fingers -is General Mackenzie, who is placed upon the head of the Dakota to -indicate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him. The other white man -is General Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above -him. - -[This designation might be suggested from the uniform, but General -Crook did not probably wear during the year mentioned or for a long -time before it the uniform either of his rank as major-general of -volunteers or as brevet major-general in the Army, and by either of -those ranks he was entitled to but two stars on his shoulder-straps.] - -No. II. Three-Stars (General Crook) took Red-Cloud’s young men to help -him fight the Cheyennes. A red cloud, indicating the chief’s name, is -represented above his head. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it -“General-Mackenzie-took-the-Red-Cloud-Indians’-horses-away-from-them -winter.” - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI - -1877-’78. - -1878-’79. - -THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.] - -1877-’78.--No. I. A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse, and killed -him in the guard-house, at Fort Robinson, Nebraska (September 5, 1877). - -No. II. Crazy-Horse’s band left the Spotted Tail Agency (at Camp -Sheridan, Nebraska), and went north, after Crazy-Horse was killed -at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. Hoof-prints and lodge-pole tracks run -northward from the house, which represents the Agency. That the horse -is crazy is shown by the waved or spiral lines on his body, running -from his nose, foot, and forehead. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Crazy-Horse-killed winter.” - -1878-’79.--No. I. Wagons were given to them. - -No. II. The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow proof -was killed by white soldiers, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, in the -intrenchments behind which the Cheyennes were defending themselves -after they had escaped from the fort. - -White-Cow-Killer calls it “Wagons-given-to-the-Dakota-Indians -winter.” - - - - -NOTIFICATION. - - -This is an important division of the purposes for which pictographs -are used. The pictographs and the objective devices antecedent to -pictographs under this head that have come immediately to the writer’s -attention, may be grouped as follows: 1st. Notice of departure, -direction, etc. 2d. Notice of condition, suffering, etc. 3d. Warning -and guidance. 4th. Charts of geographic features. 5th. Claim or demand. -6th. Messages or communications. 7th. Record of expedition. - - -NOTICE OF DEPARTURE AND DIRECTION. - -[Illustration: FIG. 47.--Alaskan notice of hunt.] - -Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying drawing, -Fig. 47, from Naumoff an Alaskan native, in San Francisco, California, -in 1882, also the interpretation, with text in the Kiatexamut dialect -of the Innuit language. - -The drawing was in imitation of similar ones made by the natives, to -inform their visitors or friends of their departure for a certain -purpose. They are depicted upon strips of wood which are placed in -conspicuous places near the doors of the habitations. - -Dr. Hoffman has published a brief account of this drawing as well as -the succeeding one, in the Trans. Anthrop. Soc. Washington, II, 1883, -p. 134, Fig. 3, and p. 132, Fig 2. - -The spelling adopted in the Innuit text, following in each case the -explanation of characters, is in accordance with the system now used by -the Bureau of Ethnology. - -The following is the explanation of the characters: - -1. The speaker, with the right hand indicating himself, and with the -left pointing in the direction to be taken. - -2. Holding a boat paddle--going by boat. - -3. The right hand to the side of the head, to denote _sleep_, and the -left elevated with one finger elevated to signify _one_--one night. - -4. A circle with two marks in the middle, signifying an island with -huts upon it. - -5. Same as No. 1. - -6. A circle to denote another island. - -7. Same as No. 3, with an additional finger elevated, signifying -_two_--two nights. - -8. The speaker with his harpoon, making the sign of a sea lion with the -left hand. The flat hand is held edgewise with the thumb elevated, then -pushed outward from the body in a slightly downward curve. - -9. A sea lion. - -10. Shooting with bow and arrow. - -11. The boat with two persons in it, the paddles projecting downward. - -12. The winter, or permanent habitation of the speaker. - -The following is the text in the Aigaluxamut dialect, with an -interlinear translation: - - Hui ta-wá-ut ai-wí-xa-na kui-gí-qta-mŭn a-xi-lú-mŭk ka-wá-xa-lú-a, - I there go (with boat) that island one sleep there, - (to that place) - - tca-lí hui ai-wí-lu-a a-xá-mŭn kui-gí-qta-mŭn, ta-wá-ni ma-lú-qnŭk - then I go another that island, there two - (indicated) - - ka-wá-xa-lú-a, hui pĭ-qlú-a a-xĭ-lú-mŭk’ wi-na-mŭk tca-lí a-ni-xlú-a - sleeps I catch one sea lion then return - (nights) - - nú-nan m’nun. - (to) place mine. - -The following is of a similar nature, and was obtained under -circumstances similar to the preceding. - -[Illustration: FIG. 48.--Alaskan notice of departure.] - -The explanation of the above characters is as follows: - -1, 3, 5, 7, represent the person spoken to. - -2. Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast, -indicating _self_, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he -is going. - -4. Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many, -according to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in -sign-language, it signifies _ten_, but when they are brought toward and -backward from one another, _many_. - -6. The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep--_many sleeps_, -or, in other words, _many nights and days_; the left hand points -downward, _at that place_. - -8. The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the left -is brought upward toward the head--_to go home, or whence he came_. - -The following is the text in the same dialect last mentioned, with, -translation: - - Hui a-qtcí-kua a-xlá mŭn nu-ná-mŭn, am-lić-ka-mŭ´-ik ha-wá-xa-lu-a, - I go (to) another place, many sleeps - (settlement) (nights) - - ta-wá-nĭ, tca-lĭ´ hui a-ni-qlú-a. - there, then I return. - -The drawing presented in Figure 49 was made by a native Alaskan, and -represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates -making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow strip -of wood, and placed somewhere about the door of the house, where -visitors will readily perceive it. - -[Illustration: FIG. 49.--Alaskan notice of hunt.] - -1. Represents the contour lines of the country and mountain peaks. - -2. Native going away from home. - -3. Stick placed on hill-top, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in -the direction he has taken. - -4. Native of another settlement, with whom the traveler remained over -night. - -5. Lodge. - -6. Line representing the end of the first day, _i. e._, the time -between two days; rest. - -7. Traveler again on the way. - -8. Making signal that on second day (right hand raised with two -extended fingers) he saw game (deer, 9) on a hill-top, which he -secured, so terminating his journey. - -9. Deer. - -Figures 50, 51, and 52 were drawn by Naumoff, under the circumstances -above mentioned, and signify “Have gone home.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 50.--Alaskan notice of direction.] - -His explanation of Figure 50 is as follows: - -When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to -inform his companions that he has set out on such return, he ascends -the hill-top nearest to which they became separated, where he ties a -bunch of grass or other light colored material to the top of a long -stick or pole. The lower end of the stick is placed firmly in the -ground, leaning in the direction taken. When another hill is ascended, -another stick with similar attachment is erected, again leaning in -the direction to be taken. These sticks are placed at proper intervals -until the village is sighted. This device is employed by Southern -Alaskan Indians. - -[Illustration: FIG. 51.--Alaskan notice of direction.] - -He also explained Figure 51 as follows: - -Seal hunters adopt the following method of informing their comrades -that they have returned to the settlement. The first to return to -the regular landing place sometimes sticks a piece of wood into the -ground, leaning toward the village, upon which is drawn or scratched -the out-line of a baidarka, or skin canoe, heading toward one or more -outlines of lodges, signifying that the occupants of the boat have gone -toward their homes. This is resorted to when the voyage has been a -dangerous one, and is intended to inform their companions of the safe -arrival of some of the party. - -This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak. - -[Illustration: FIG. 52.--Alaskan notice of direction.] - -He also explained Figure 52 as follows: - -When hunters become separated, the one first returning to the forks -of the trail puts a piece of wood in the ground, on the top of which -he makes an incision, into which a short piece of wood is secured -horizontally, so as to point in the direction taken by the individual. - -The following instance is taken from the Narrative of an Expedition -to the Source of St. Peter’s River, * * under the command of Stephen -H. Long, major U. S. Top. Eng. [commonly known as Keating’s Long’s -Expedition]. Philadelphia, 1824. Vol. I, p. 217. - - When we stopped, says Major Long, to dine, White Thunder, (the - Winnebago chief that accompanied me,) suspecting that the rest of his - party were in the neighborhood, requested a piece of paper, pen and - ink, to communicate to them the intelligence of his having come up - with me. He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which - at my request he explained to me. The first represented my boat with - a mast and flag, with three benches of oars and a helmsman; to show - that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a rude cross, - indicating that we wore hats. - - The representation of himself was a rude figure of a bear over a - kind of cypher representing a hunting ground. The second figure was - designed to show that his wife was with him; the device was a boat - with a squaw seated in it; over her head lines were drawn in a zigzag - direction, indicating that she was the wife of White Thunder. The - third was a boat with a bear sitting at the helm, showing that an - Indian of that name had been seen on his way up the river, and had - given intelligence where the party were. This paper he set up at the - mouth of Kickapoo Creek, up which the party had gone on a hunting - trip. - -The following is extracted from an Account of an Expedition from -Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, * * under the command of Major -Stephen H. Long [commonly known as James’ Long’s Expedition]. -Philadelphia, 1823. Vol. I, p. 478. - - At a little distance [on the bank of the Platte River], in front of - the entrance of this breastwork, was a semicircular row of sixteen - bison skulls, with their noses pointing down the river. Near the - center of the circle which this row would describe, if continued, was - another skull marked with a number of red lines. - - Our interpreter informed us that this arrangement of skulls and other - marks here discovered, were designed to communicate the following - information, namely, that the camp had been occupied by a war party - of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who had lately come from an - excursion against the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of the western - tribes. The number of red lines traced on the painted skull indicated - the number of the party to have been thirty-six; the position in - which the skulls were placed, that they were on their return to their - own country. Two small rods stuck in the ground, with a few hairs - tied in two parcels to the end of each, signified that four scalps - had been taken. - -When a hunting party of the Hidatsa has arrived at any temporary -camping ground, from which point a portion of the members might leave -on a short reconnoitering expedition, the remainder, upon leaving for -a time, will erect a pole and cause it to lean in the direction taken. -At the foot of this pole a buffalo shoulder-blade or other flat bone -is placed, upon which is depicted the object causing departure. For -instance, should buffalo or antelope be discovered, an animal of the -character sighted is rudely drawn with a piece of charred wood or red -lead, the latter being a substance in the possession of nearly every -warrior to use in facial decoration, etc. - -When a Hidatsa party has gone on the war path, and a certain number is -detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is taken as -the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the rendezvous, -should the second not come up in a reasonable length of time, they -will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be taken, -and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to represent the -number of nights spent there by the waiting party. - -A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose whatever -often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to their -respective lodges. Should an individual return to the rendezvous before -any others and wish to make a special trip for game or plunder, he -will, for the information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 -feet in length in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is -cut, or perhaps split, for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or -branch having a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is -inserted at one end, so that the whole may point in the direction to -be taken. Should the person wish to say that the trail would turn at -a right angle, to either side, at about one-half the distance of the -whole journey in prospect, the horizontal branch is either bent in that -direction or a naturally-curved branch is selected having the turn at -the middle of its entire length, thus corresponding to the turn in the -trail. Any direction can be indicated by curves in the top branch. - - -NOTICE OF CONDITION. - -According to Masta, chief of the Abnaki, members of that tribe remove -the bark of trees in prominent places to denote that the inhabitants of -the nearest lodge are in a starving condition. - -The Ottawa and the Potawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starvation by -drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure of a -man. (See Fig. 145, page 221.) This drawing is placed upon a piece of -wood, either incised or with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue -water, or red ocher. This is then attached to a tree or fastened to a -piece of wood, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will be -observed by passers by, who are expected to alleviate the sufferings of -the native who erected the notice. - -Figure 53 illustrates information with regard to distress in another -village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the -notification. The drawing was made for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, in 1882, -by Naumoff, in imitation of drawings prepared by Alaska natives. The -designs are traced upon a strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the -roof of the house belonging to the recorder. - -[Illustration: FIG. 53.--Alaskan notice of distress.] - -1. The summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to -be taken. - -2. The baidarka, containing the residents of the house. The first -person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they “go by boat -to the other settlement.” - -3. A grave stick, indicating a death in the settlement. - -4, 5. Summer and winter habitations, denoting a village. - -The drawing, Figure 54, made for Dr. Hoffman in 1882, by a native, -in imitation of originals in Alaska, is intended to be placed in a -conspicuous portion of a settlement which has been attacked by a -hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares the -drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the -survivors. - -[Illustration: FIG. 54.--Alaskan notice of departure and refuge.] - -1. Represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken -would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains. - -2. The recorder, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing -to the ground, _one_ hill, and the right hand indicating the number -_two_, the number still to be crossed. - -3. A circular piece of wood or leather, with the representation of a -face, placed upon a pole and facing the direction to be taken from the -settlement. In this instance the drawing of the character denotes a -hostile attack upon the town, for which misfortune such devices are -sometimes erected. - -4, 5. Winter and summer habitations. - -6. Store-house, erected upon upright poles. - -This device is used by Alaska coast natives generally. - -In connection with these figures reference may be made to a paper -by the present writer in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of -Ethnology, p. 369, showing the devices of the Abnaki. - -Dr. George Gibbs (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. I, p. 222) -says of “symbolic writing” of the northwest tribes: - - I am not aware how far this may be carried among the Sound tribes. - Probably there is no great essential difference between them and - their neighbors of the plains in this art. It may perhaps be best - explained by an example given me by a veteran mountaineer, Dr. Robert - Newell, of Champoeg. A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed - horses. A figure of a man, with a long queue, or scalp lock, reaching - to his heels, denoted Shoshonee; that tribe being in the habit of - braiding horse- or other hair into their own in that manner. A number - of marks follow, signifying the strength of the party. A foot-print, - pointed in the direction they take, shows their course, and a - hoof-mark turned backward, that they expect to return with animals. - If well armed, and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed - with sand tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about the - figures indicates that they have fortified. - -The design shown in Figure 55 is in imitation of etchings made by -natives of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information -that the recorder had gone away to another settlement the inhabitants -of which were in distress. The drawings were put on a strip of wood and -placed at the door of the house where it might be seen by visitors or -inquirers. - -[Illustration: FIG. 55.--Notice of departure to relieve distress. -Alaska.] - -Naumoff gave the following explanation: - -1. A native making the gesture of indicating _self_ with the right -hand, and with the left indicating direction and _going_. - -2. The native’s habitation. - -3. Scaffold used for drying fish. Upon the top of the pole is placed a -piece of wood tied so that the longest end points in the direction to -be taken by the recorder. - -4. The baidarka conveying the recorder. - -5. A native of the settlement to be visited. - -6. Summer habitation. - -7. “Shaman stick” or grave stick, erected to the memory of a recently -deceased person, the cause of which has necessitated the journey of the -recorder. - -8. Winter habitation. This, together with No. 6, indicates a settlement. - -Fig. 56, also drawn by Naumoff, means “ammunition wanted.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 56.--Ammunition wanted. Alaska.] - -When a hunter is tracking game, and exhausts his ammunition, he returns -to the nearest and most conspicuous part of the trail and sticks his -ihú^nŭk in the ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The -ihú^nŭk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter A, used as a -gun-rest. This method of transmitting the request to the first passer -is resorted to by the greater number of coast natives of Southern -Alaska. - -Fig. 57, also drawn by Naumoff, means “discovery of bear; assistance -wanted.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 57.--Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska.] - -When a hunter discovers a bear, and requires assistance, he ties -together a bunch of grass, or other fibrous matter, in the form of an -animal with legs, and places it upon a long stick or pole which is -erected at a conspicuous point to attract attention. The head of the -effigy is directed toward the locality where the animal was last seen. - -This device is also used at times by most of the Southern Alaskan -Indians. - -Figure 58 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies “starving hunters.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 58.--Starving hunters. Alaska.] - -Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger, -scratch or draw upon a piece of wood characters similar to those -figured, and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the -trail where the greatest chance of its discovery occurs. The stick -is inclined toward the locality of the habitation. The accompanying -explanation will serve to illustrate more fully the information -contained in the drawing. - -1. A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be -fishermen. - -2. An individual with both arms extended signifying _nothing_, -corresponding with the gesture for negation. - -3. A person with the right hand to the mouth, signifying _to eat_, the -left hand pointing to the house occupied by the hunters. - -4. The habitation. - -The whole signifies that there is _nothing to eat_ in the _house_. This -is used by natives of Southern Alaska. - -[Illustration: FIG. 59.--Starving hunters. Alaska.] - -Figure 59, with the same signification, and from the same hand, is -similar to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the -ground near the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points -toward the lodge. - -The following is the explanation of the characters: - -1. Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two -individuals, owners, in the boat. - -2. A man making the gesture for _nothing_. (See in this connection -Figure 155, page 235.) - -3. Gesture drawn, denoting _to eat_, with the right hand, while the -left points to the lodge. - -4. A winter habitation. - -This is used by the Alaskan coast natives. - - -WARNING AND GUIDANCE. - -An amusing instance of the notice or warning of “No thoroughfare” is -given on page 383 of the present writer’s paper, Sign Language among -North American Indians, in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of -Ethnology. It was taken from a rock-etching in Cañon de Chelly, New -Mexico. A graphic warning against trespass appears in Schoolcraft, Vol. -I, Plate 48, Figure B, op. page 338. - -During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one -hundredth meridian under the direction of Capt. G. M. Wheeler, U. -S. Army, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice which prevailed among the -Tivátikai Shoshoni, of Nevada, in which heaps of stones were erected -along or near trails to indicate the direction to be taken and followed -to reach springs of water. - -Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail branched -into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two trails, a -heap of stones would be placed, varying from 1 to 2 or more feet in -height, according to the necessity of the case, to attract attention. -Upon the top of this would be fixed an elongated piece of rock so -placed that the most conspicuous point projected and pointed in the -course to be followed. This was continued sometimes at intervals of -several miles unless indistinct portions of a trail or intersections -demanded a repetition at shorter distances. - -A knowledge of the prevalence of this custom proved very beneficial to -the early prospectors and pioneers. - -Stone circles and stone heaps of irregular form were also met with, -which to a casual observer might be misleading. These resulted from -previous deposits of edible pine nuts, which had been heaped upon the -ground and covered over with stones, grass, and earth to prevent their -destruction by birds and rodents. These deposits were placed along the -trails in the timbered regions to afford sustenance to Indians who had -failed in the hunt, or who might not reach camp in time to prevent -suffering from hunger. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXX - -ROCK PAINTINGS IN AZUZA CAÑON, CALIFORNIA.] - -Plate LXXX (A, B, C) represents colored pictographs found by Dr. -Hoffman in 1884 on the North Fork of the San Gabriel River, also known -as the Azuza Cañon, Los Angeles County, California. Its description is -as follows: - -A and B are copies, one-sixteenth natural size, of rock painting found -in the Azuza Cañon, 30 miles northeast of Los Angeles, California. - -The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, about -4 feet high, and the same in width. The figures occur on the eastern -side of the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the right -points toward the north. - -The map (C) at the bottom of the plate presents the topography of the -immediate vicinity and the relative positions of the rocks bearing the -two illustrations. The map is drawn on a scale of 1,000 yards to the -inch. - -The stream is the North Fork of the San Gabriel River, and is hemmed in -by precipitous mountains, with the exception of two points marked _c_, -_c_, over which the old Indian trail passed in going from the Mojave -Desert on the north to the San Gabriel Valley below, this course being -the nearest for reaching the mission settlements at San Gabriel and Los -Angeles. In attempting to follow the water-course the distance would -be greatly increased and a rougher trail encountered. The pictograph -A, painted on the rock marked _b_ on the map C, shows characters in -pale yellow, upon a bowlder of almost white granite, which are partly -obliterated by weathering and annual floods, though still enough -remains to indicate that the right-hand figure is directing the -observer to the northeast, although upon taking that course it would -be necessary to round the point a short distance to the west. It may -have been placed as a notification of direction to those Indians who -might have come up the cañon instead of on the regular trail. Farther -west, at the spot marked _a_ on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a -large number of paintings part of which have become almost obliterated. -These were drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these -is shown in B on the plate. This is on the western face of the rock, -almost vertical. This also appears to refer to the course of the trail, -which might readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges -and spurs. The left-hand figure appears to place the left hand upon a -series of ridges, as if showing pantomimically the rough and ridged -country over the mountains. - -The middle figure represents gesture, which in its present connection -may indicate direction, of the trail, _i. e._, toward the left, or -northward in an up-hill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and -southward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the -leg, and lower forearm and hand on the right of the illustration. - -The right-hand figure, although similar in manner of delineating -gesture and general resemblance to the Shoshonian method, is not yet -determined in that connection. - -These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, not -at present submitted, bear remarkable resemblance to the general type -of Shoshonian drawing, and from such evidence as is now attainable it -appears more than probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that -tribe at one time ranged thus far west, though north of the mountains, -and also visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles at stated -intervals to trade. It is also known that the Mojaves came at stated -periods to Los Angeles as late as 1845, and the trail indicated at -point _a_ of the map would appear to have been their most practicable -and convenient route. There is strong evidence that the Mokis sometimes -visited the Pacific coast and might readily have taken this same -course, marking the important portion of the route by drawings in the -nature of guide boards. - - -CHARTS OF GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. - -Dr. W. J. Hoffman states that when at Grapevine Springs, Nevada, in -1871, the Pai-Uta living at that locality informed the party of the -exact location of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon -the sand, and with the palms of his hands formed an oblong ridge to -represent Spring Mountain, and southeast of this ridge another gradual -slope, terminating on the eastern side more abruptly; over the latter -he passed his fingers to represent the side valleys running eastward. -He then took a stick and showed the direction of the old Spanish trail -running east and west over the lower portion of the last-named ridge. - -When this was completed the Indian looked at the members of the -party, and with a mixture of English, Spanish, Pai-Uta, and gesture -signs, told them that from where they were now they would have to go -southward, east of Spring Mountain, to the camp of Pai-Uta Charlie, -where they would have to sleep; then indicating a line southeastward -to another spring (Stump’s) to complete the second day; then he -followed the line representing the Spanish trail to the east of the -divide of the second ridge above named, where he left it, and passing -northward to the first valley, he thrust the short stick into the -ground and said, “Las Vegas.” - -It is needless to say that the information was found to be correct and -of considerable value to the party. - -Schoolcraft (Vol. I, p. 334, Pl. 47, Fig. B) mentions that the -discovery, on one of the tributaries of the Susquehanna River, “of an -Indian map drawn on stone, with intermixed devices, a copy of which -appears in the first volume of the collections of the Historical -Committee of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, proves, -although it is thus far isolated, that stone was also employed in that -branch of inscription. This discovery was in the area occupied by the -Lenapees, who are known to have practiced the art, which they called -Ola Walum.” - -The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, “traced upon the ground a sketch of -their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos occupied in -New Mexico,” a copy of which, “somewhat improved,” is given in Vol. -III, Pacific R. R. Explorations, 1856, Part III, pp. 9, 10. - -A Yuma map of the Colorado River, with the names and locations of -tribes within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, -page 19. The map was originally traced upon the ground. - -A Pai-Uta map of the Colorado River is also figured in the same -connection, which was obtained by Lieutenant Whipple and party. - -[Illustration: FIG. 60.--Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa.] - -Lean-Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Figure 60 -is a fac-simile, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort -Buford, Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The -returning horse tracks show that he attained the object in view, and -that he rode home. The following explanation of characters was made to -Dr. Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, in 1881: - -1. Lean-Wolf, the head only of a man to which is attached the outline -of a wolf. - -2. Hidatsa earth lodges, circular in form, the spots representing the -pillars supporting the roof. Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota. - -3. Human footprints; the course taken by the recorder. - -4. The Government buildings at Fort Buford (square). - -5. Several Hidatsa lodges (round), the occupants of which had -inter-married with the Dakotas. - -6. Dakota lodges. - -7. A small square--a white man’s house--with a cross marked upon it, to -represent a Dakota lodge. This denotes that the owner, a white man, had -married a Dakota woman who dwelt there. - -8. Horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold. - -9. The Missouri River. - -10. Tule Creek. - -11. Little Knife River. - -12. White Earth River. - -13. Muddy Creek. - -14. Yellowstone River. - -15. Little Missouri River. - -16. Dancing Beard Creek. - - -CLAIM OR DEMAND. - -Stephen Powers states that the Nishinam of California have a curious -way of collecting debts. “When an Indian owes another, it is held to be -in bad taste, if not positively insulting, for the creditor to dun the -debtor, as the brutal Saxon does; so he devises a more subtle method. -He prepares a certain number of little sticks, according to the amount -of the debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries -and tosses into the delinquent’s wigwam without a word and goes his -way; whereupon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and -destroys the sticks.” See Contrib. to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. III, 321. - -Dr. W. J. Hoffman says, “When a patient has neglected to remunerate -the Shaman [Wĭktcŏm´nĭ´ of the Yokŏtsan linguistic division] for his -services, the latter prepares short sticks of wood, with bands of -colored porcupine quills wrapped around them, at one end only, and -every time he passes the delinquent’s lodge a certain number of them -are thrown in as a reminder of the indebtedness.” See San Francisco -(Cal.) Western Lancet, XI, 1882, p. 443. - - -MESSAGES AND COMMUNICATIONS. - -[Illustration: FIG. 61.--Letter to Little-Man from his father. -Cheyenne.] - -Figure 61 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named -Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian -Territory, to his son, Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota -Territory. It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writing paper, -without a word written. It was inclosed in an envelope, which was -addressed to “Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency,” in the ordinary -manner, written by some one at the first-named agency. The letter -was evidently understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called -upon Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and -was aware that the sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the -purpose of enabling him to pay his expenses in going the long journey -to his father’s home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by -the same mail, received a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and -explaining the reason for its being sent, which enabled him also to -understand the pictographic letter. With the above explanation it very -clearly shows, over the head of the figure to the left, the turtle -following the turtle’s wife united with the head of the figure by a -line, and over the head of the other figure, also united by a line to -it, is a little man. Also over the right arm of the last-mentioned -figure is another little man in the act of springing or advancing -toward Turtle-following-his-Wife, from whose mouth proceed two lines, -curved or hooked at the end, as if drawing the little figure towards -him. It is suggested that the last-mentioned part of the pictograph -is the substance of the communication, _i. e._, “come to me,” the -larger figures with their name totems being the persons addressed and -addressing. Between and above the two large figures are fifty-three -round objects intended for dollars. Both the Indian figures have on -breech-cloths, corresponding with the information given concerning -them, which is that they are Cheyennes who are not all civilized or -educated. - -The illustration, Figure 62, was made by a native Alaskan, and -represents a native of the Teninahs making a smoke signal to the people -of the village on the opposite shore of a lake, so that a boat may be -sent to carry the signalist across. The K’niqamūt band of the Tenina -have no boats, as they live inland, and therefore resort to signaling -with smoke when desiring transportation. On account of this custom they -are termed “Signal People.” If the pictograph could be transmitted in -advance of the necessity, the actual use of the smoke signal, with -consequent delay in obtaining the boat, would be avoided. - -[Illustration: FIG. 62.--Drawing of smoke signal. Alaska.] - -1. Represents the mountain contour of the country. - -2. A Tenina Indian. - -3. Column of smoke. - -4. Bird’s-eye view of the lake. - -5. The settlement on opposite shore of lake. - -6. Boat crossing for the signalist. - -Under this head of messages and communications may be included -the material objects sent as messages, many accounts of which are -published. It is to be expected that graphic representations of the -same or similar objects, with corresponding arrangement, should have -similar significance. Among the Indians painted arrows, bearing -messages when discharged, are familiar. The Turkish Selam, or flower -letters, are in the same category. - -The following account of a “diplomatic packet” is extracted from -Schoolcraft, Vol. III, p. 306, _et seq._: - - In the month of August, 1852, a message reached the President of - the United States, by a delegation of the Pueblos of Tesuque in New - Mexico, offering him friendship and intercommunication; and opening, - symbolically, a road from the Moqui country to Washington. * * * - - This unique diplomatic packet consists of several articles of - symbolic import. The first is the official and ceremonial offer of - the peace-pipe. This is symbolized by a joint of the maize, five and - a half inches long, and half an inch in diameter. The hollow of the - tube is filled by leaves of a plant which represents tobacco. It is - stopped to secure the weed from falling out, by the downy yellow - under plumage of some small bird. Externally, around the center of - the stalk, is a tie of white cotton twisted string of four strands, - (not twisted by the distaff,) holding, at its end, a small tuft of - the before-mentioned downy yellow feathers, and a small wiry feather - of the same species. The interpreter has written on this, “The pipe - to be smoked by the President.” * * The object is represented in the - cut, A, [represented in Figure 63.] - - [Illustration: FIG. 63.--Part of diplomatic packet.] - - The second symbol consists of two small columnar round pieces of - wood, four and a half inches long, and four-tenths in diameter, - terminating in a cone. The cone is one and a half inches long, and - is colored black; the rest of the pieces are blue; a peace color - among the Indians south, it seems, as well as north. This color has - the appearance of being produced by the carbonate of copper mixed - with aluminous earth; and reminds one strongly of the blue clays - of the Dacotahs. The wood, when cut, is white, compact, and of a - peculiar species. A notch is cut at one end of one of the pieces, - and colored yellow. A shuck of the maize, one end of which, rolled - in the shape of a cone, is bound up by cotton strings, with a small - bird’s feather, in the manner of the symbolic pipe. There is also - tied up with the symbolic sticks, one of the secondary feathers and - bits of down of a bird of dingy color. The feather is naturally - tipped with white. Together with this, the tie holds a couple of - sticks of a native plant or small seed of the prairie grass, perhaps. - It may, together with the husk of the maize, be emblematic of - their cultivation. The whole of the tie represents the Moquis. The - following cut, B, [reproduced in Figure 64,] represents this symbol: - - [Illustration: FIG. 64.--Part of diplomatic packet.] - - [Illustration: FIG. 65.--Part of diplomatic packet.] - - The third object is, in every respect, like B, [reproduced in Figure - 64,] and symbolizes the President of the United States. A colored - cotton cord, four feet long, unites these symbols. Six inches of - this cord is small and white. At the point of its being tied to the - long colored cord there is a bunch of small bird’s feathers. This - bunch, which symbolizes the geographical position of the Navajoes, - with respect to Washington, consists of the feathers of six species, - the colors which are pure white, blue, brown, mottled, yellow, and - dark, like the pigeon-hawk, and white, tipped with brown. (See the - preceding cut, C.) - - The interpreter appends to these material effigies or devices [which - are arranged as in D, reproduced in Figure 66] the following remarks. - - [Illustration: FIG. 66.--Part of diplomatic packet.] - - “These two figures represent the Moqui people and the President; - the cord is the road which separates them; the feather tied to the - cord is the meeting point; that part of the cord which is white is - intended to signify the distance between the President and the place - of meeting; and that part which is stained is the distance between - the Moqui and the same point. Your Excellency will perceive that the - distance between the Moqui and place of meeting is short, while the - other is very long. - - “The last object of this communication from the high plains of New - Mexico, is the most curious, and the most strongly indicative of the - wild, superstitious notions of the Moqui mind. It consists of a - small quantity of wild honey, wrapped up in a wrapper or inner fold - of the husk of the maize, as represented in E, [reproduced in Figure - 67.] It is accompanied by these remarks: - - “A charm to call down rain from heaven.--To produce the effect - desired, the President must take a piece of the shuck which contains - the wild honey, chew it, and spit it upon the ground which needs - rain; and the Moquis assure him that it will come.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 67.--Part of diplomatic packet.] - -The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of -communication; a chief inviting another to join in a war party sent -a tattooed potato and a fig of tobacco bound up together, which was -interpreted to mean that the enemy was a Maori and not European by the -tattoo, and by the tobacco that it represented smoke; he therefore -roasted the one and eat it, and smoked the other, to show he accepted -the invitation, and would join him with his guns and powder. Another -sent a water-proof coat with the sleeves made of patchwork, red, blue, -yellow, and green, intimating that they must wait until all the tribes -were united before their force would be water-proof, _i. e._, able to -encounter the European. Another chief sent a large pipe, which would -hold a pound of tobacco, which was lighted in a large assembly, the -emissary taking the first whiff, and then passing it round; whoever -smoked it showed that he joined in the war. See Te Ika a Maui, by Rev. -Richard Taylor, London, 1870. - - -RECORD OF EXPEDITION. - -Under this head, many illustrations of which might be given besides -several in this paper, see account of colored pictographs in Santa -Barbara County, California, page 34 _et seq._, Plates I and II, also -Lean-Wolf’s trip, Figure 60, page 158. Also, Figures 135 and 136, pages -214 and 215. - - - - -TOTEMIC. - - -This is one of the most striking of the special uses to which -pictography has been applied by the North American Indians. For -convenience, the characters may be divided into: First, tribal; Second, -gentile; and Third, personal designations. - - -TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. - -A large number of these graphic distinctions are to be found in the -Dakota Winter Counts. - -Rev. J. Owen Dorsey reports that the Tsi[c]u side of the Osage tribe, -when on a war party, have the face painted red, with mud upon the -cheek, below the left eye, as wide as two or more fingers. - -The Hañka side of the tribe paint the face red, with a spot of mud upon -the right cheek, below the eye, as wide as two or more fingers. - -For an ingenious method of indicating by variation of incisions on -trees, the tribal use of paint by the Absaroka and Dakota respectively, -see page 62. - -Figure 68 shows the tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, -taken from the winter count of Battiste Good, 1814-’15. He calls the -winter “Smashed-a-Kaiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk with which it -was done is in contact with the Kaiowa’s head. - -[Illustration: FIG. 68.--Kaiowa.] - -The sign for Kaiowa is made by passing the hands--naturally -extended--in short horizontal circles on either side of the head, and -the picture is probably drawn to represent the man in the attitude of -making this gesture, and not the involuntary raising of the hands upon -receiving the blow, such attitudes not appearing in Battiste Good’s -system. - -Figure 69 is the tribal sign of the Arikara made by the -Dakotas, taken from the winter count of Battiste Good -for the year 1823-’24, which he calls “General- ---- --first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter”; -also “Much-corn winter.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 69.--Arikara.] - -The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both -whites and Indians fought the Rees. - -The ear of corn signifies “Ree” or Arikara Indians, who are designated -in gesture language as “Corn Shellers.” - -Figure 70 is the tribal designation of the Omahas by the Dakotas, taken -from the winter count of Battiste Good. - -[Illustration: FIG. 70. Omaha.] - -A human head with cropped hair and red cheeks signifies Omaha. This -tribe cuts the hair short and uses red paint upon the cheeks very -extensively. This character is of frequent occurrence in Battiste -Good’s count. - -Figure 71 is the tribal designation of the Pani by the Dakotas, taken -from Battiste Good’s winter count for the year 1704-’05. - -[Illustration: FIG. 71.--Pani.] - -He says: The lower legs are ornamented with slight projections -resembling the marks on the bottom of an ear of corn [husks], and -signifies Pani. - -A pictograph for Cheyenne is given in Figure 78, page 173, with some -remarks. - -Figure 72 is the tribal designation for Assiniboine by the Dakotas from -winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1709-’10. - -[Illustration: FIG. 72.--Assiniboine.] - -The Dakota pictorial sign for Assiniboine or Hohe, which means the -voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk-ox, is the outline of the -vocal organs, as they conceive them, and represents the upper lip and -roof of the mouth, the tongue, the lower lip, and chin and neck. The -view is lateral, and resembles the sectional aspect of the mouth and -tongue. - -Figure 73 is the tribal designation of the Gros Ventres, by the same -tribe and on the same authority. - -[Illustration: FIG. 73.--Gros Ventre.] - -Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the Dakotas in 1789-’90. -The two are designated by two spots of blood on the ice, and _killed_ -is expressed by the blood-tipped arrow against the figure of the man -above. The long hair, with the red forehead, denotes the Gros Ventre. -The red forehead illustrates the manner of applying war paint, and -applies, also, to the Arikara and Absaroka Indians, in other Dakota -records. The horizontal blue band signifies ice. - -Stephen Powers says (Contrib. to N. A. Ethnology, III, p. 109) the -Mattoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that the men -tattoo. “Their distinctive mark is a round blue spot in the center of -the forehead.” - -He adds: Among the Mattoal-- - - The women tattoo pretty much, all over their faces. - - In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory entertained - by some old pioneers which may be worth the mention. They hold that - the reason why the women alone tattoo in all other tribes is that - in case they are taken captives their own people may be able to - recognize them when there comes an opportunity of ransom. There are - two facts which give some color of probability to this reasoning. - One is that the California Indians are rent into such infinitesimal - divisions, any one of which may be arrayed in deadly feud against - another at any moment, that the slight differences in their dialects - would not suffice to distinguish the captive squaws. A second is that - the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental tattooing, but adhere - closely to the plain regulation mark of the tribe. - -Paul Marcoy, in Travels in South America, N. Y., 1875, Vol. II, page -353, says of the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas, of Brazil, that -they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem or emblem of the -nation to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps distant to -distinguish one nation from another. - - -GENTILE OR CLAN DESIGNATIONS. - -Rev. J. Owen Dorsey reports of the Osages that all the old men who have -been distinguished in war are painted with the decorations of their -respective gentes. That of the Tsi[c]u wactake is as follows: The face -is first whitened all over with white clay; then a red spot is made on -the forehead, and the lower part of the face is reddened; then with the -fingers the man scrapes off the white clay, forming the dark figures, -by letting the natural color of the face show through. - -In Schoolcraft, V, 73, 74, it is stated that by totemic marks the -various families of the Ojibwa denote their affiliation. A guardian -spirit has been selected by the progenitor of a family from some object -in the zoological chain. The representative device of this is called -the totem. A warrior’s totem never wants honors in their reminiscences, -and the mark is put on his grave-post, or _adjedatig_, when he is dead. -In his funeral pictograph he invariably sinks his personal name in that -of his totem or family name. These marks are, in one sense, the surname -of the clan. The personal name is not indicative of an Indian’s totem. - -The same custom, according to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, prevails among the -Omahas; and with the exception of that portion which relates to the -drawing of the totemic mark upon the grave post the above remarks -apply also to the Dakotas, of Northern Dakota, according to the -observations of Dr. Hoffman. The Pueblos, remarked Mr. James Stevenson -in a conversation with the writer, depict the gens totems upon their -various forms and styles of ceramic manufacture. The peculiar forms -of secondary decoration also permit the article to be traced to any -particular family by which it may have been produced. - - -PERSONAL DESIGNATIONS. - -This head may be divided into (1) Insignia, or tokens of authority. (2) -Connected with personal name. (3) Property marks. (4) Status of the -individual. (5) Signs of particular achievement. - - -INSIGNIA OR TOKENS OF AUTHORITY. - -A large number of examples are presented in connection with other -divisions of this paper. Many more are noted in Schoolcraft, especially -in Vol. I, plates 58 and 59, following page 408. In addition the -following may be mentioned: - -Figure 74 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of -the Hidatsa, to represent himself. The horns on his head-dress show -that he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war-bonnet, arranged in -the special manner portrayed, also show high distinction as a warrior. -His authority as “partisan,” or leader of a war party is represented -by the elevated pipe. His name is also added with the usual line drawn -from the head. He explained the outline character of the wolf, having -a white body with the mouth unfinished, to show that it was hollow, -nothing there, _i. e._, lean. The animal’s tail is drawn in detail and -dark to distinguish it from the body. - -[Illustration: FIG. 74.--Lean-Wolf. Partisan.] - -The character for “partisan” is also shown in the Dakota winter counts -for the year 1842-’43. See Plate XXIII. - -Figure 75 (extracted from the First Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, -Fig. 227), drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, exhibits four erect -pipes to show that he had led four war parties. - -[Illustration: FIG. 75.--Two-Strike as Partisan.] - - -PERSONAL NAME. - -The names of Indians as formerly adopted or bestowed among themselves -were and still remain connotive, when not subjected to white influence. -They very often refer to some animal, predicating an attribute or -position of that animal. On account of their objective, or at least -ideographic, character, they almost invariably admit of being expressed -in sign-language; and for the same reason they can with the same ease -be portrayed in pictographs. Abundant proof of this is given in two -collections _infra_, viz., the Ogalala Roster and the Red-Cloud Census. -The device generally adopted by the Dakotas to signify that an object -drawn in connection with a human head or figure was a name totem or a -personal name of the individual, is to connect that object with the -figure by a line drawn to the head or more frequently to the mouth of -the latter. The same tribes make a distinction in manifesting that the -gesture-sign for the object gestured is intended to be the name of an -individual, by passing the index forward from the mouth in a direct -line after the conclusion of the sign for the object. This signifies, -“that is his name,”--the name of the person referred to. - -A similar designation of an object as a name by means of a connected -line is mentioned in Kingsborough’s Mexico, Vol. I, Plate 33, part 4, -and text, Vol. VI, page 150. Pedro de Alvarado, one of the companions -of Cortez, was red-headed. Because of this the Mexicans called him -_Tonatihu_, the “Sun,” and in their picture-writing his name was -represented by a picture of that luminary attached to his person by a -line. - -As a general rule Indians are named at first according to a clan or -gentile system, but in later life one generally acquires a new name, -or perhaps several names in succession, from some special exploits or -adventures. Frequently a sobriquet is given which is not complimentary. -All of the names subsequently acquired as well as the original names -are so connected with material objects or with substantive actions as -to be expressible in a graphic picture, and also in a pictorial sign. -The determination to use names of this connotive character is shown -by the objective translation, whenever possible, of such European -names as it became necessary for them to introduce frequently into -their speech. William Penn was called _Onas_, that being the word for -feather-quill in the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French -governor of Canada was Montmagny, erroneously translated to be “great -mountain,” which words were correctly translated by the Iroquois into -_Onontio_, and this expression becoming associated with the title -has been applied to all successive Canadian governors, though the -origin having been generally forgotten, it has been considered to be a -metaphorical compliment. Governor Fletcher was named by the Iroquois -_Cajenquiragoe_, “the great swift arrow,” not because of his speedy -arrival at a critical time, as has been supposed, but because they had -somehow been informed of the etymology of his name, “arrow-maker” (_Fr. -fléchier_). A notable example of the adoption of a graphic illustration -from a similarity in the sound of the name to known English words is -given in the present paper in the Winter Count of American-Horse for -the year 1865-’66, page 144, where General Maynadier is made to figure -as “many deer.” - -While, as before said, some tribes give names to children from -considerations of birth and kinship according to a fixed rule, others -confer them after solemn deliberation. They are not necessarily -permanent. A diminutive form is frequently bestowed by the affection -of the parent. On initiation a warrior always assumes or receives a -name. Until this is established he is liable to change his name after -every fight or hunt. He will generally only acknowledge the name he -has himself assumed, perhaps from a dream or vision, though he may be -habitually called by an entirely different name. From that reason the -same man is sometimes known under several different epithets. Personal -peculiarity, deformity, or accident is sure to fix a name, against -which it is vain to struggle. Girls do not habitually change names -bestowed in their childhood. It may also be remarked that the same -precise name is often given to different individuals in the same tribe, -but not so frequently in the same band, whereby the inconvenience would -be increased. For this reason it is often necessary to specify the -band, sometimes also the father. For instance, when the writer asked an -Indian who Black-Stone, a chief mentioned in the Dakota winter counts, -was, the Indian asked, first, what tribe was he; then, what band; then, -who was his father; and, except in the case of very noted persons, -the identity is not proved without an answer to these questions. A -striking instance of this plurality of names among the Dakotas was -connected with the name Sitting-Bull, belonging to the leader of the -hostile band, while one of that name was almost equally noted as being -the head soldier of the friendly Dakotas at Red-Cloud Agency. The -present writer also found a number of Dakotas named Lone-Dog when in -search of the recorder of the winter count above explained. The case -may be illustrated by christian names among civilized people. At the -time when a former President of the United States was the leading -topic of conversation, nearly any one being asked who bore the name -of Ulysses would be able to refer to General Grant, but few other -christian names would convey any recognized identity. Indeed, the -surname may be added and multiplicity with confusion still remain. -Very few men have names so peculiar as not to find them with exact -literation in the directories of the large cities. - -Among the many peculiarities connected with Indian personal names, far -too many for discussion here, is their avoidance of them in direct -address, terms of kinship or relative age taking their place. Major -J. W. Powell, in some remarks before the Anthropological Society of -Washington, on the functions performed by kinship terms among Indian -tribes, stated that at one time he had the Kaibab Indians, a small -tribe of northern Arizona, traveling with him. The young chief was -called by white men “Frank.” For several weeks he refused to give his -Indian name, and Major Powell endeavored to discover it by noticing the -term by which he was addressed by the other Indians; but invariably -some kinship term was employed. One day in a quarrel his wife called -him “Chuarumpik (Yucca-heart.)” Subsequently Major Powell questioned -the young chief about the matter, who explained and apologized for -the great insult which his wife had given him by stating that she was -excused by great provocation. The insult consisted in calling the man -by his real name. - -The following is quoted for comparison with the name-system of the -Indians of Guiana, from Everard F. im Thurn, _op. cit._, p. 219, _et -seq._: - - The system under which the Indians have their personal names is - intricate, and difficult to explain. In the first place, a name, - which may be called the proper name, is always given to a young - child soon after birth. It is said to be proper that the peaiman, - or medicine-man, should choose and give this name; but, at any rate - now, the naming seems more often left to the parents. The word - selected is generally the name of some plant, bird, or other natural - object. Among Arawak proper names may be mentioned _Yambenassi_ - (night-monkey) and _Yuri-tokoro_ (tobacco-flower), and among Macusi - names _Ti-ti_ (owl), _Cheripung_ (star?), and _Simiri_ (locust-tree). - But these names seem of little use, in that owners have a very strong - objection to telling or using them, apparently on the ground that the - name is part of the man, and that he who knows the name has part of - the owner of that name in his power. - - To avoid any danger of spreading knowledge of their names, one - Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to - the relationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister, - father, mother, and so on; or, when there is no relationship, as - boy, girl, companion, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically - form the names actually used by Indians amongst themselves. But an - Indian is just as unwilling to tell his proper name to a white man - as to an Indian; and, of course, between the Indian and the white man - there is no relationship the term for which can serve as a proper - name. An Indian, therefore, when he has to do with a European, asks - the latter to give him a name, and if one is given to him, always - afterwards uses this. The names given in this way are generally - simple enough--John, Peter, Thomas, and so on. But sometimes they are - not sufficiently simple to be comprehended and remembered by their - Indian owners, who therefore, having induced the donor to write the - name on a piece of paper, preserve this ever after most carefully, - and whenever asked for their name by another European, exhibit the - document as the only way of answering. Sometimes, however, an Indian, - though he cannot pronounce his English names, makes it possible by - corruption. For instance, a certain Macusi Indian was known to me for - a long time as Shassapoon, which I thought was his proper name, until - it accidentally appeared that it was his ‘English name,’ he having - been named by and after one Charles Appun, a German traveler. - -The original of Figure 76 was made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the -Hidatsa, for Dr. W. J. Hoffman in 1881, and represents the method -which this Indian has employed to designate himself for many years -past. During his boyhood he had another name. This is a current, or -perhaps it may be called cursive, form of the name, which is given more -elaborately in Figure 74. - -[Illustration: FIG. 76.--Lean-wolf.] - -Figure 77 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year -1841-’42. He calls the year “Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead -winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 77.--Pointer.] - -The extended index denotes the man’s name, “Pointer,” the ring and -spots, deep snow. - -The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions of this count, -and the circle, denoting _quantity_, is also attached in Figure 141, -p. 219, to a forked stick and incloses a buffalo head to signify _much -meat_. That the circle is intended to signify quantity is probable, -as the gesture for “much” or “quantity” is made by passing the hands -upward from both sides and together before the body, describing the -upper half of a circle, _i. e._, showing a heap. - -Figure 78 is also from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year -1785-’86. This year he calls “The-Cheyennes-killed-Shadow’s-father -winter.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 78.--Shadow.] - -The umbrella signifies Shadow; the three marks under the arrow, -Cheyenne; the blood-stained arrow in the man’s body, killed; Shadow’s -name and the umbrella in the figure intimates that he was the first -Dakota to carry an umbrella. The advantages of the umbrella were soon -recognized by the Dakotas, and the first they obtained from the whites -were highly prized. - -In the record prepared by Battiste Good this is the only instance -where the short vertical lines below the arrow signify Cheyenne. In -all others these marks are numerical, and denote the number of persons -killed. That these short lines signify Cheyenne may be attributable to -a practice of that tribe, to make transverse cuts in the forearm after -or before going into a conflict, as an offering or vow to the Great -Spirit for success. Cheyennes are thus represented in the winter count -of Cloud-Shield for 1834-’35 (see page 139) and 1878-’79 (see page 146.) - -Mr. P. W. Norris has presented a buffalo robe containing a record of -exploits, which was drawn by Black-Crow, a Dakota warrior, several -years ago. The peculiarity of the drawings is, that the warrior is -represented in each instance in an upright position, the accompanying -figure being always in a recumbent posture, representing the enemy who -was slain. Instead of depicting the personal name above the fallen -personage with a line connecting the two, the name of the enemy is -placed above the head of the victor in each instance, a line extending -between the character and the speaker or warrior whose exploits the -characters represent. The latter seems to proclaim the name of his -victim. A pipe is also figured between the victor and the vanquished, -showing that he is entitled to smoke a pipe of celebration. - -A copy of the whole record was shown to the Mdewakantawan Dakotas, -near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, in 1883, and the character reproduced -in Figure 79, about which there was the most doubt, was explained as -signifying “many tongues,” _i. e._, Loud-Talker, being the name of the -person killed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 79.--Loud-Talker.] - -The circle at the end of the line running from the mouth contains a -number of lanceolate forms, the half of each of which is black, the -other white. They have the appearance of feathers. These figures -signify voice, the sounds as issuing from the mouth, and correspond in -some respect to those drawn by the Mexicans with that significance. The -considerable number of these figures, signifying intensity, denotes -loud voice, or, as given literally, “loud talker,” that being the name -of the victim. - -It is however to be noted that “Shield,” an Oglala Dakota, says the -character signifies Feather-Shield, the name of a warrior formerly -living at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. - - -AN OGALALA ROSTER. - -Plates LII to LVIII represent a pictorial roster of the heads of -families, eighty-four in number, in the band or perhaps clan of Chief -Big-Road, and were obtained by Rev. S. D. Hinman at Standing Rock -Agency, Dakota, in 1883, from the United States Indian agent, Major -McLaughlin, to whom the original was submitted by Chief Big-Road when -brought to that agency and required to give an account of his followers. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII - -AN OGALALA ROSTER--“BIG-ROAD” AND BAND] - -Chief Big-Road and his people belong to the Northern Ogalala -(accurately Oglala), and were lately hostile, having been associated -with Sitting-Bull in various depredations and hostilities against both -settlers and the United States authorities. Mr. Hinman states that the -translations of the names were made by the agency interpreter, and -although not as complete as might be, are, in the whole, satisfactory. -Chief Big-Road “is a man of fifty years and upwards, and is as ignorant -and uncompromising a savage, in mind and appearance, as one could well -find at this late date.” - -The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper, -made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in yellow -ocher--water-color paint. On each of the seven plates, into which -the original is here divided from the requirements of the mode of -publication, the first figure in the upper left-hand corner represents, -as stated, the chief of the sub-band, or perhaps, “family” in the -Indian sense. - -On five of the plates the chief has before him a decorated pipe and -pouch, the design of each being distinct from the others. On Plates LIV -and LV the upper left hand figure does not have a pipe, which leads to -the suspicion that, contrary to the information so far received, the -whole of the figures from Nos. 11 to 45 inclusive, on Plates LIII, LIV, -and LV, constitute one band under the same chief, viz., No. 11. In that -case Nos. 23 and 36 would appear to be leaders of subordinate divisions -of that band. Each of the five chiefs has at least three transverse -bands on the cheek, with differentiation of the pattern. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIII - -AN OGALALA ROSTER--“LOW-DOG” AND BAND] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV - -AN OGALALA ROSTER--“THE-BEAR-SPARES-HIM” AND BAND] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LV - -AN OGALALA ROSTER--“HAS-A-WAR-CLUB” AND BAND] - -It will be noticed that each figure throughout the plates, which -carries before it a war club, is decorated with three red transverse -bands, but that of No. 30, on Plate LIV, and No. 48 on Plate LVI, have -the three bands without a war club. - -The other male figures seem in some instances to have each but a single -red band; in others two bands, red and blue, but the drawing is so -indistinct as to render this uncertain. - -It will be observed, also, that in four instances (Nos. 14, 44, 45, -and 72) women are depicted as the surviving heads of families. Their -figures do not have the transverse bands on the cheek. - -Also that the five chiefs do not have the war club, their rank being -shown by pipe and pouch. Those men who are armed with war clubs, which -are held vertically before the person, indicate (in accordance with a -similar custom among other branches of the Dakota Nation, in which, -however, the pipe is held instead of the club) that the man has at some -time led war parties on his own account. See pages 118 and 139. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI - -AN OGALALA ROSTER--“WALL-DOG” AND BAND] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVII - -AN OGALALA ROSTER--“IRON-CROW” AND BAND] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVIII - -AN OGALALA ROSTER--“LITTLE-HAWK” AND BAND] - -_English names of the figures in the Ogalala Roster._ - - No. 1. Big-road. - 2. Bear-looking-behind. - 3. Brings-back-plenty. - 4. White buffalo. - 5. The-real-hawk. - 6. Shield-boy. - 7. The-bear-stops. - 8. Wears-the-feather. - 9. Dog-eagle. - 10. Red-horn-bull. - 11. Low-dog. - 12. Charging-hawk. - 13. White-tail. - 14. Blue-cloud (woman). - 15. Shield. - 16. Little-eagle. - 17. Spotted-skunk. - 18. White-bear. - 19. White-hair. - 20. His-fight. - 21. Center-feather. - 22. Kills-Crows (Indians). - 23. The-bear-spares-him. - 24. White-plume. - 25. Fears-nothing. - 26. Red-crow. - 27. The-last-bear. - 28. Bird-man. - 29. Horse-with-horns. - 30. Fast-elk. - 31. Chief-boy. - 32. Spotted-elk. - 33. Carries-the-badger. - 34. Red-earth-woman. - 35. Eagle-clothing. - 36. Has-a-war-club. - 37. Little-buffalo. - 38. Has-a-point (weapon.) - 39. Returning-scout. - 40. Little-killer. - 41. Whistler. - 42. Tongue. - 43. Black-elk. - 44. Lone-woman. - 45. Deaf-woman. - 46. Long-dog. Erroneously printed Wall dog on Plate LVI. - 47. Iron-hawk. - 48. Pretty-weasel. - 49. Short-buffalo. - 50. Bull-with-bad-heart. - 51. Four-crows. - 52. Tall-white-man. - 53. Eagle-hawk. - 54. Lone-man. - 55. Causes-trouble-ahead. - 56. Makes-dirt (“foul”). - 57. Black-road. - 58. Shot-close. - 59. Iron-crow. - 60. Running-horse. - 61. Owns-an-animal-with-horns. - 62. Blue-cloud-man. - 63. Fingers. - 64. Sacred-teeth. - 65. Searching-cloud. - 66. Female-elk-boy. - 67. Little-owl. - 68. Pretty-horse. - 69. Running-eagle. - 70. Makes-enemy. - 71. Prairie-chicken. - 72. Red-flute-woman. - 73. Little-hawk. - 74. Standing-buffalo. - 75. Standing-bear. - 76. Iron-white-man. - 77. Bear-whirlwind. - 78. Sacred-crow. - 79. Blue-hawk. - 80. Hard-to-kill. - 81. Iron-boy. - 82. Painted-rock. - 83. Yellow-wolf. - 84. Made-an-enemy. - -The information yet obtained from the author of the pictograph -concerning its details is meager, and as it will probably be procured -no unimportant conjectures are now hazarded. It is presented for the -ideography shown, which may in most cases be understood from the -translation of the several names into English as given in the preceding -list. A few remarks of explanation, occurring to the writer, may be -added: - -No. 34, on plate LIV, with the translation Red-earth-woman, appears -from the scalp-lock and the warrior’s necklace to be a man, and -Red-earth-woman to be his name. - -No. 62 on Plate LVII, probably refers to an Ogalala who was called -Arapaho, the interpretation, as well as the blue cloud, being in the -Dakota language “Blue cloud,” a term by which the Arapaho Indians are -known to the Dakotas, as several times mentioned in this paper. In -No. 65, Plate LVII, the cloud is drawn in blue, the _searching_ being -derived from the expression of that idea in gesture by passing the -extended index of one hand (or both) forward from the eye, then from -right to left, as if indicating various uncertain localities before the -person, _i. e._, searching for something. The lines from the eyes are -in imitation of this gesture. - -In No. 77, Plate LVIII, is a reproduction of the character given in -Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 133. See Plate LXVII. The figure appears, -according to the explanation given by several Ogalala Dakota Indians, -to signify the course of a whirlwind, with the transverse lines in -imitation of the circular movement of the air, dirt, leaves, etc., -observed during such aërial disturbances. - -In No. 78 of the same plate the lines above the bird’s head again -appear to signify _sacred_, _mystic_, usually termed “medicine” in -other records. Similar lines are in No. 64, Plate LVII. - - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS. - -The pictorial census, shown in Plates LIX to LXXIX, was prepared under -the direction of Red-Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge Agency, -Dakota Territory, about two years ago. The individuals referred to -and enumerated are the adherents of Red-Cloud, and do not represent -all the Indians at that Agency. Owing to some disagreement the agent -refused to acknowledge that chief as head of the Indians at the agency, -and named another as the official chief. The Indians under Red-Cloud -exhibited their allegiance to him by attaching, or having their names -attached, to seven sheets of ordinary manilla paper, which were sent to -Washington and, while in the custody of Dr. T. A. Bland, of that city, -were kindly loaned by him to the Bureau of Ethnology to be copied by -photography. The different sheets were apparently drawn by different -persons, as the drawings of human heads vary enough to indicate -individuality. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIX - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIV - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVI - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-SHIRT’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVIII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-SHIRT’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIX - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-SHIRT’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--BLACK-DEER’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXI - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--BLACK-DEER’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--BLACK-DEER’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-HAWK’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-HAWK’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXV - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--HIGH-WOLF’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--HIGH-WOLF’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--GUN’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIII - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--GUN’S BAND.] - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIX - -RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--SECOND BLACK-DEER’S BAND.] - -The first sheet of the original series contains in the present series -of plates Nos. 1-130; the second sheet, Nos. 131-174; third sheet, Nos. -175-210; fourth sheet, Nos. -211-235; fifth sheet, Nos. 236-253; sixth sheet, Nos. 254-277; seventh -sheet, Nos. 278-289. This arrangement seems to imply seven bands or, -perhaps, gentes. - -Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota, in -correspondence, gives the impression that the several pictographs, -representing names, were attached as signatures by the several -individuals to a subscription list for Dr. T. A. Bland, before -mentioned, the editor of The Council Fire, in support of that -publication, and with an agreement that each should give twenty-five -cents. The subscribers were, in fact, the adherents of Red-Cloud. The -motive for the collection of pictured names is of little consequence, -its interest, as that of the foregoing Ogalala Roster, being in the -mode of their portrayal, together with the assurance that they were the -spontaneous and genuine work of the Indians concerned. - -Many suggestions regarding the origin of heraldry and that of proper -names can be obtained from this and the preceding series of plates. - -The translation of the names corresponding with the figures is as -follows: - - _English names of the figures in Red-Cloud’s census._ - - No. 1. Chief Red-Cloud. - 2. Top-Man. - 3. Slow-Bear. - 4. He-Dog. - 5. Little Chief. - 6. Red-Shirt. - 7. White-Hawk. - 8. Cloud Shield. - 9. Good-Weasel. - 10. Afraid-Eagle. - 11. Bear-Brains. - 12. War-Bonnet. - 13. Little-Soldier. - 14. Little-Dog. - 15. Call-for. - 16. Short-Bull. - 17. White-Bird. - 18. Painted-Face. - 19. Iron-Beaver. - 20. Big-Leggings. - 21. Only-Man. - 22. Mad-Hearted-Bull. - 23. Running-Eagle. - 24. Ring-Cloud. - 25. White-Bird. - 26. Arapaho. - 27. Steals-Horses. - 28. Kills-by-the-Camp. - 29. Iron-Hawk. - 30. Knock-a-hole-in-the-head. - 31. Runs-around. - 32. Kills-in-tight-place. - 33. Scratch-the-Belly. - 34. Singer. - 35. Walking-Bull-Track. - 36. War-Eagle. - 37. Tree-in-the-Face. - 38. Kills-the-Enemy-at-Night. - 39. Wears-the-Bonnet. - 40. War-Bonnet. - 41. Shot-in-front-the-Lodge. - 42. Kills-in-Lodge. - 43. Kills-at-Night. - 44. Tall-White-Man. - 45. Strike-First. - 46. Smoking-Bear. - 47. Hump. - 48. Shot-Close. - 49. Blue-Horse. - 50. Red-Elk. - 51. Only-Man. - 52. Bear-comes-out. - 53. Poor-Elk. - 54. Blue-Handle. - 55. Bad-Yellow-Hair. - 56. Runs-by-the-Enemy. - 57. Torn-Belly. - 58. Roman-Nose. - 59. Old-Cloud. - 60. High-Cloud. - 61. Bear-Looks-Back. - 62. Shield-Bear. - 63. Sees-the-Enemy. - 64. Biting-Bear. - 65. Cut-Through. - 66. Red-Owl. - 67. Good-Bird. - 68. Red-Fly. - 69. Kills-Enemy-at-Night. - 70. Flat-Iron. - 71. White-Horse. - 72. Cheyenne-Butcher. - 73. Red-Eagle. - 74. Kills-Back. - 75. Red-Bear. - 76. Poor-Bear. - 77. Runs-off-the-Horse. - 78. Bald-Eagle. - 79. Shot-at. - 80. Little-Ring. - 81. Runs-off-the-Horses. - 82. Hard-Ground. - 83. Shot-at-his-horse. - 84. Red-Deer. - 85. Yellow-Fox. - 86. Feather-on-his-head. - 87. Little-Bear. - 88. Spotted-Horse. - 89. Takes-the-Gun. - 90. Spotted-Face. - 91. Got-there-first. - 92. Leaves. - 93. Big-Voice. - 94. Poor-Dog. - 95. Goes-through-the-Camp. - 96. Big-Road. - 97. Brings-lots-of-horses. - 98. Little-Shell. - 99. Gap. - 100. Fills-the-Pipe. - 101. Lodge-Roll. - 102. Red-Bull. - 103. Runs-his-Horse. - 104. Licks-with-his-tongue. - 105. Old-Horse. - 106. Tracks. - 107. Bob-tail-Horse. - 108. White-Elk. - 109. Little-Sun. - 110. Keeps-the-Battle. - 111. High-Cloud. - 112. Bone-Necklace. - 113. Goes-Walking. - 114. Iron-Horse. - 115. Blue-Hatchet. - 116. Eagle-Bird. - 117. Iron-Bird. - 118. Long-Panther. - 119. Bull-Lance. - 120. Black-Horse. - 121. Pook-Skunk. - 122. Own-the-Arrows. - 123. Shot. - 124. Red-Boy. - 125. Bear-Head. - 126. Hard. - 127. Eagle-Horse. - 128. Blue-Bird. - 129. Good-Bird. - 130. Caught-the-Enemy. - 131. Leafing. - 132. Horned-Horse. - 133. White-Whirlwind. - 134. Wolf-Ear. - 135. Afraid-of-Elk. - 136. Feathers. - 137. Tall-Man. - 138. Elk-Head. - 139. Ring-Owl. - 140. Standing-Bear. - 141. Small-Ring. - 142. Charging-Hawk. - 143. Afraid-of-Bull. - 144. Medicine-Horse. - 145. Two-Eagles. - 146. Red-Shirt. - 147. Bear-Nostrils. - 148. Spotted-Horse. - 149. Afraid-of-Bear. - 150. Little-Bull. - 151. Red-Hawk. - 152. Bear-Paw. - 153. Eagle-Horse. - 154. Red-Beaver. - 155. Spotted-Eagle. - 156. Little-Crow. - 157. Black-Horse. - 158. Mouse. - 159. Count-the-Nights. - 160. White-Eagle. - 161. Five-Thunders. - 162. White-Horse. - 163. Killed-First. - 164. Scout. - 165. Yellow-Horse. - 166. Charge-After. - 167. Black-Bear. - 168. Kills-the-Enemy. - 169. Wolf-stands on-a-Hill. - 170. Eagle-Bear. - 171. Little-Wolf. - 172. Spotted-Elk. - 173. Elk-walking-with-his-Voice. - 174. Weasel-Bear. - 175. Black-Elk. - 176. Takes-Enemy. - 177. Poor-Bull. - 178. Eagle-Elk. - 179. Thunder-Pipe. - 180. Horse-comes-out. - 181. Old-Mexican. - 182. Shield. - 183. Keeps-the-Battle. - 184. Wolf-stands on-Hill. - 185. Bear-Comes-Out. - 186. Good-Bull. - 187. Fog. - 188. Bear-that-growls. - 189. Drags-the-rope. - 190. White-tail. - 191. Feathers. - 192. Fighting-Cuss. - 193. Horned-Horse. - 194. Enemies-hit-him. - 195. Black-Bear. - 196. Red-War-Bonnet. - 197. Black-Weasel. - 198. Smokes-at-Night. - 199. Little-Cloud. - 200. Good-Bull. - 201. Medicine. - 202. Stone-Necklace. - 203. Bad-Horn. - 204. High-Eagle. - 205. Black-Bull. - 206. Man-with-heart. - 207. Little-Ring. - 208. Goes-in-Front. - 209. Little-Fighter. - 210. Mean-Boy. - 211. Red-Hawk. - 212. White-Bear. - 213. Many-Shells. - 214. Yellow-Knife. - 215. Crazy-Head. - 216. Shoots-the-Animal. - 217. Kills-two. - 218. Fast-Horse. - 219. Big-Turnip. - 220. Yellow-Owl. - 221. Red-Bull. - 222. Garter. - 223. Black-Fox. - 224. Kills-two. - 225. Grasp. - 226. Medicine. - 227. Leaves. - 228. Big-Hand. - 229. Gun. - 230. Bad-Boy. - 231. Warrior. - 232. Afraid-of-Him. - 233. Cloud-Ring. - 234. Kills-the-Bear. - 235. Comes-in-Sight. - 236. Sits-like-a-Woman. - 237. Surrounds-them. - 238. High-Bear. - 239. Don’t-turn. - 240. Black-Bird. - 241. Swallow. - 242. Little-Elk. - 243. Little-Bird. - 244. Bear-Back. - 245. Little-Back. - 246. Buffalo-Horn. - 247. Iron-Bird. - 248. Bull. - 249. Eagle-Track. - 250. Medicine-Bird. - 251. Fox. - 252. White-Bear. - 253. Tall-Panther. - 254. Gun. - 255. Ring. - 256. Beads. - 257. Wolf. - 258. Black-Horse. - 259. White-Horse. - 260. Spotted-Owl. - 261. Don’t-turn. - 262. Red-Star. - 263. Big-Voiced-Eagle. - 264. White-Elk. - 265. Porcupine. - 266. Noon. - 267. Warrior. - 268. Eagle-Feather. - 269. Round. - 270. Big-Thunder. - 271. Shot-His-Horse. - 272. Red-Bear. - 273. Little-Moon. - 274. Feather-Necklace. - 275. Fast-Elk. - 276. Black-Bull. - 277. Light. - 278. Black-Deer. - 279. White-Cow-Man. - 280. Horse----the-Clothing. - 281. Stabber. - 282. Eagle-Swallow. - 283. Afraid-of-him. - 284. Red-Boy. - 285. Dog-with-good-voice. - 286. Tall-Pine. - 287. Pipe. - 288. Few-Tails. - 289. Medicine-man. - -The remark made above (page 176) in connection with the Ogalala -Roster, acknowledging the paucity of direct information as to details -while presenting the pictographs as sufficiently interpreted for the -present purposes by the translation of the personal names, may be -here repeated. The following notes are, however, subjoined as of some -assistance to the reader: - -No. 2. Top-man, or more properly “man above,” is drawn a short distance -above a curved line, which represents the character for sky inverted. -The gesture for sky is sometimes made by passing the hand from east to -west describing an arc. The Ojibwa pictograph for the same occurs in -Plate IV, No. 1, beneath which a bird appears. - -No. 9. The character is represented with two waving lines passing -upward from the mouth, in imitation of the gesture-sign _good talk_, -_spiritual talk_, as made by passing two extended and separated fingers -(or all fingers separated) upward and forward from the mouth. This -gesture is made when referring either to a shaman or to a christian -clergyman, or to a house of worship, and the name seems to have been -translated here as “good,” without sufficient emphasis, being probably -more with the idea of “mystic.” - -No. 15. The gesture for _come_ or _to call to one’s self_ is shown in -this figure. - -No. 24. The semicircle for cloud is the reverse in conception to that -shown above in No. 2. - -No. 26. Arapaho, in Dakota, magpiyato--_blue cloud_--is here shown by -a circular cloud, drawn in blue in the original, inclosing the head of -a man. - -No. 38. Night appears to be indicated by the black circle around the -head, suggested by the _covering over with darkness_, as shown in the -gesture for night by passing both flat hands from their respective -sides inwards and downwards before the body. The sign for _kill_ is -denoted here by the bow in contact with the head, a custom in practice -among the Dakota of striking the dead enemy with the bow or _coup_ -stick. See also Figure 130, page 211. - -No. 43. Night is here shown by the curve for _sky_, and the suspension, -beneath it, of a star, or more properly in Dakota signification, a -_night sun_--the moon. - -No. 59. Cloud is drawn in blue in the original; _old_ is signified by -drawing a staff in the hand of the man. The gesture for old is made in -imitation of walking with a staff. - -No. 69. This drawing is similar to No. 38. The differentiation is -sufficient to allow of a distinction between the two characters, each -representing the same name, though two different men. - -No. 131. The uppermost character is said to be drawn in imitation of a -number of fallen leaves lying against one another, and has reference to -the season when leaves fall--autumn. - -No. 161. The thunder-bird is here drawn with five -lines--voices--issuing from the mouth. - -No. 201. The waving lines above the head signify _sacred_, and are made -in gesture in a similar manner as that for _prayer_ and _voice_ in No. -9. - -No. 236. This person is also portrayed in a recent Dakota record, where -the character is represented by the “woman seated” only. The name of -this man is not “Sits-like-a-Woman,” but High-Wolf--Shúnka mánita -wa^ngátia. This is an instance of giving one name in a pictograph and -retaining another by which the man is known in camp to his companions. - -No. 250. The word medicine is in the Indian sense, before explained, -and would be more correctly expressed by the word _sacred_, or -_mystic_, as is also indicated by the waving lines issuing from the -mouth. - -No. 289. The character for _sacred_ again appears, attached to the end -of the line issuing from the mouth. - - -PROPERTY MARKS. - -The Serrano Indians in the vicinity of Los Angeles, California, -formerly practiced a method of marking trees to indicate the corner -boundaries of patches of land. According to Hon. A. F. Coronel, of the -above-named city, the Indians owning areas of territory of whatever -size would cut lines upon the bark of the tree corresponding to certain -cheek lines drawn on their own faces, _i. e._, lines running outward -and downward over the cheeks or perhaps over the chin only, tattooed -in color. These lines were made on the trees on the side facing the -property, and were understandingly recognized by all. The marks were -personal and distinctive, and when adopted by land owners could not be -used by any other person. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel -first located in Southern California, about the year 1843. So is the -account, but it may be remarked that the land was probably owned or -claimed by a gens rather than by individuals, the individual ownership -of land not belonging to the stage of culture of any North American -Indians. Perhaps some of the leading members of the gens were noted in -connection with the occupancy of the land, and their tattoo marks were -the same as those on the trees. The correspondence of these marks is of -special importance. It is also noteworthy that the designations common -to the men and the trees were understood and respected. - -[Illustration: FIG. 80.--Boat paddle. Arikara.] - -Among the Arikara Indians a custom prevails of drawing upon the blade -of a canoe or bull-boat paddle such designs as are worn by the chief -and owner to suggest his personal exploits. This has to great extent -been adopted by the Hidatsa and the Mandans. The marks are chiefly -horseshoes and crosses (see Figure 80), referring to the capture of the -enemy’s ponies and to _coups_ in warfare or defense against enemies. - -The squaws being the persons who generally use the boats during the -course of their labors in collecting wood along the river banks, -or in ferrying their warriors across the water, have need of this -illustration of their husbands’ prowess as a matter of social status, -it being also a matter of pride. The entire tribe being intimately -acquainted with the courage and bravery of any individual, imposition -and fraud in the delineation of any character are not attempted, as -such would surely be detected and the impostor would be ridiculed if -not ostracised. See in connection with the design last figured, others -under the heading of Signs of Particular Achievements, page 186. - -The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the United States -where ranches are common, illustrate the modern use of property marks. -A collection of these brands made by the writer compares unfavorably -for individuality and ideography with the marks of Indians for similar -purposes. - -The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger (Art and -Ingenuity of the Negro) is inserted for the purpose of comparison -between Africa and America. The article was published at Munich, -Bavaria, in Das Ausland, 1884, No. 1, p. 12. - -“Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly fine appearance is growing, which -promises to furnish a desirable water-vase, the proprietor hurries to -distinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with his knife, -and probably superstitious feelings may co-operate in this act. I have -reproduced herewith the best types of such property marks which I have -been able to discover.” - -These property marks are reproduced in Figure 81. - -[Illustration: FIG. 81.--African property mark.] - - -STATUS OF THE INDIVIDUAL. - -Several notices of pictographs under this head appear in other parts -of this paper; among others, designations of chiefs, sub-chiefs, -partisans, medicine men or shamans, horse thieves, and squaw men, -are shown in the Winter Counts and in the Ogalala Roster. See also -Figure 120, page 204. Captives are drawn in Figure 180, page 242. With -reference to the status of women as married or single see pages 64 and -232. For widow, see page 197. Marks for higher and lower classes are -mentioned on page 64. - -To these may be added the following, contributed by Mr. Gatschet: -Half-breed girls among the Klamaths of Oregon appear to have but one -perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin, while the full-blood -women have four perpendicular lines on the chin. Tattooing, when -practiced at this day, is performed with needles, the color being -prepared from charcoal. - - -SIGNS OF PARTICULAR ACHIEVEMENTS. - -Eagle feathers are worn by the Hidatsa Indians to denote acts of -courage or success in war. The various markings have different -significations, as is shown in the following account, which, with -sketches of the features made from the original objects, were obtained -by Dr. Hoffman from the Hidatsa at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during 1881. - -[Illustration: FIG. 82.--First to strike enemy. Hidatsa.] - -A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several -strands of horse-hair, dyed red, denotes that the wearer has killed an -enemy and that he was the first to touch or strike him with the coup -stick. Figure 82. - -[Illustration: FIG. 83.--Second to strike enemy. Hidatsa.] - -A feather bearing one red bar, made with vermilion, signifies the -wearer to have been the second person to strike the fallen enemy with -the coup stick. Figure 83. - -[Illustration: FIG. 84.--Third to strike enemy. Hidatsa.] - -A feather bearing two red bars signifies that the wearer was the third -person to strike the body. Figure 84. - -[Illustration: FIG. 85.--Fourth to strike enemy. Hidatsa.] - -A feather with three bars signifies that the wearer was the fourth to -strike the fallen enemy. Figure 85. Beyond this number honors are not -counted. - -[Illustration: FIG. 86.--Wounded by an enemy. Hidatsa.] - -A red feather denotes that the wearer was wounded in an encounter with -an enemy. Figure 86. - -[Illustration: FIG. 87.--Killed a woman. Hidatsa.] - -A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end with -porcupine quills dyed red, though sometimes a few white ones are -inserted to break the monotony of color; this strip is attached to -the inner surface of the rib or shaft of the quill by means of very -thin fibers of sinew. This signifies that the wearer killed a woman -belonging to a hostile tribe. The figure so decorated is shown in -Figure 87. In very fine specimens it will be found that the quills are -directly applied to the shaft without resorting to the strap of leather. - -[Illustration: FIG. 88.--Killed an enemy. Dakota.] - -The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Dahcotah, -or Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling, by Mrs. Mary -Eastman. New York, 1849. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly -predominates, as is known from personal observation. - -A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy. -Figure 88. - -[Illustration: FIG. 89.--Cut throat and scalped. Dakota.] - -Figure 89 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy, and -taken his scalp. - -[Illustration: FIG. 90.--Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota.] - -Figure 90 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy. - -[Illustration: FIG. 91.--Third to strike. Dakota.] - -Figure 91 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the body -of his enemy after he was killed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 92.--Fourth to strike. Dakota.] - -Figure 92 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the body -of his enemy after he was killed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 93.--Fifth to strike. Dakota.] - -Figure 93 denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the body -of his enemy after he was killed. - -Figure 94 denotes the wearer has been wounded in many places by his -enemy. - -[Illustration: FIG. 94.--Many wounds. Dakota.] - -The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among the -Mdewakantawan Dakotas near Fort Snelling, Minnesota. - -In personal ornamentation, and for marks of distinction in war, -feathers of the eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas. - -A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an enemy, -without regard to the manner in which he was slain. - -When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it -signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut. - -A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies -are considered as Ojibwas, the latter being the tribe with whom the -Mdewakantawan Dakotas have had most to do. - -When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the broad -side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, or -legs, a similar spot, in red, is painted upon his clothing or blanket, -immediately over the locality. These red spots are sometimes worked in -porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber as obtained from the traders. - -Marks denoting similar exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, and -Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators of the -devices, which were subsequently adopted by the Arikara with slight -variation. All of the information with reference to the following -figures, 95 to 103, was obtained by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, from chiefs of -the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during the summer of 1881. - -The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually -in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently an -Indian may be seen who has them even painted upon his thighs, though -this is generally resorted to only on festal occasions, or for dancing: - -[Illustration: FIG. 95.--Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc.] - -Figure 95 denotes that the wearer successfully defended himself against -the enemy by throwing up a ridge of earth or sand to protect the body. - -[Illustration: FIG. 96.--Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, etc.] - -Figure 96 signifies that the wearer has upon two different occasions -defended himself by hiding his body within low earthworks. The -character is merely a compound of two of the preceding marks placed -together. - -Figure 97 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon his -blanket, leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, or his person, -has distinguished himself by capturing a horse belonging to a hostile -tribe. - -[Illustration: FIG. 97.--Captured a horse. Hidatsa, etc.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 98.--First to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.] - -Figure 98 signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the wearer -was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with a coup stick. It -signifies among the Arikara simply that the wearer killed an enemy. - -[Illustration: FIG. 99.--Second to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.] - -Figure 99 represents among the Hidatsa and Mandans the second person to -strike a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first person -to strike the fallen enemy. - -[Illustration: FIG. 100.--Third to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.] - -Figure 100 denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to -the Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him, according to -the Arikara. - -[Illustration: FIG. 101.--Fourth to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.] - -Figure 101 shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person to -strike the fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number; the fifth -person to risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so near the -ground held by the enemy, but has no right to wear the mark. - -The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the third -to strike the enemy. - -[Illustration: FIG. 102.--Fifth to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.] - -Figure 102, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person to -strike the enemy. - -[Illustration: FIG. 103.--Struck four enemies. Hidatsa.] - -According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the accompanying mark, Figure -103, would have figured in four encounters; in the two lateral ones, -each, he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and in the upper -and lower spaces it would signify that he was the third person upon two -occasions. - -The mark of a black hand, sometimes made by the impress of an actually -blackened palm, or drawn natural size or less, was found upon articles -of Ojibwa manufacture in the possession of Hidatsa and Arikara Indians -at Fort Berthold, Dakota, in 1881. These Indians say it is an old -custom, and signifies that the person authorized to wear the mark has -killed an enemy. The articles upon which the designs occurred came from -Red Lake Reservation, Minnesota, the Indians of the latter locality -frequently going west to Fort Berthold to trade bead and other work for -horses. - -Further signs of particular achievements are given in Figures 174, 175, -176, 177, and 179, and others may be noticed frequently in the Dakota -Winter Counts. - - - - -RELIGIOUS. - - -Under this head pictographs already known may be divided into those -relating to-- - -1. Mythic personages. - -2. Shamanism. - -3. Dances and ceremonies. - -4. Mortuary practices. - -5. Charms and fetiches. - - -MYTHIC PERSONAGES. - -Reference may be made to the considerable number of pictographs of -this character in Schoolcraft, more particularly in his first volume; -also to the Walum-Olum or Bark-Record of the Lenni-Lenape, which was -published in Beach’s “Indian Miscellany,” Albany, 1877; and since in -The Lenâpé and their Legends: By Dr. D. G. Brinton. Several examples -are also to be found in other parts of the present paper. - -Some forms of the Thunder-Bird are here presented, as follows: - -[Illustration: FIG. 104.--Thunder-Bird. Dakota.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 105.--Thunder-bird. Dakota.] - -Figures 104 and 105 are forms of the thunder-bird found in 1883 among -the Dakotas near Fort Snelling, drawn and interpreted by themselves. -They are both winged and have waving lines extending from the mouth -downward, signifying lightning. It is noticeable that Figure 105 -placed vertically, then appearing roughly as an upright human figure, -is almost identically the same as some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit -figures represented in Schoolcraft, and also on a bark Ojibwa record in -the possession of the writer. - -Figure 106 is another and more cursive form of the thunder-bird -obtained at the same place and time as those immediately preceding. It -is wingless, and, with changed position or point of view, would suggest -a headless human figure. - -[Illustration: FIG. 106.--Thunder-Bird. Wingless. Dakota.] - -The blue thunder-bird, Figure 107, with red breast and tail, is a copy -of one worked in beads, found at Mendota, Minnesota. At that place -stories were told of several Indians who had presentiments that the -thunder-bird was coming to kill them, when they would so state the case -to their friends that they might retire to a place of safety, while the -victim of superstition would go out to an elevated point of land or -upon the prairie to await his expected doom. - -[Illustration: FIG. 107.--Thunder-bird. Dakota.] - -Frequently, no doubt on account of the isolated and elevated position -of the person in a thunder storm, accidents of this kind do occur, thus -giving notoriety to the presentiment above mentioned. - -A still different form of the Dakota thunder-bird is reproduced in Mrs. -Eastman’s Dahcotah, _op. cit._, page 262. See also page 181 _supra_. - -Figure 108 is “Skam-son,” the thunder-bird, a tattoo mark copied from -the back of an Indian belonging to the Laskeek village of the Haida -tribe, Queen Charlotte’s Island, by Mr. James G. Swan. - -[Illustration: FIG. 108.--Thunder-bird. Haida.] - -Figure 109 is a Twana thunder-bird, as reported by Rev. M. Eells in -Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112. - -[Illustration: FIG. 109.--Thunder-bird. Twana.] - - There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an - irregular basaltic rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a - foot and a half high. On one side there has been hammered a face, - said to be the representation of the face of the thunder bird, which - could also cause storms. - - The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart and - the nose about 9 inches long. It is said to have been made by some - man a long time ago, who felt very badly, and went and sat on the - rock, and with another stone hammered out the eyes and nose. For a - long time they believed that if the rock was shaken it would cause - rain, probably because the thunder bird was angry. - - Graphic representations of Atotarko and of the Great Heads are shown - in Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith’s Myths of the Iroquois, in the Second - Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mythic Personages are also - presented in aboriginal drawing by Mr. Charles G. Leland in his work, - the Algonquin Legends of New England, etc. Boston, 1884. - - - SHAMANISM. - - The term Shamanism is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word for - ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain - tribes of northern Asia, but in general it expresses the worship of - spirits with magic arts and fetich-practices. The Shaman or priest - pretends to control by incantations and ceremonies the evil spirits - to whom death, sickness, and other misfortunes are ascribed. This - form or stage of religion is so prevalent among the North American - Indians that the adoption of the term Shaman here is substantially - correct, and it avoids both the stupid expression “medicine-man” of - current literature and the indefinite title priest, the associations - with which are not appropriate to the Indian religious practitioner. - The statement that the Indians worship one “Great Spirit” or single - overruling personal god is erroneous. That philosophical conception - is beyond the stage of culture reached by them and was not found in - any tribe previous to missionary influence. Their actual philosophy - can be expressed far more objectively and therefore pictorially. - - Many instances of the “Making Medicine” are shown in the Dakota - Winter Counts; also graphic expressions regarding magic. Especial - reference may be made to American-Horse’s count for the years - 1824-’25 and 1843-’44, in the Corbusier Winter Counts. - - Figure 110 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of - the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, by Dr. - Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from an Alaskan native. - - [Illustration: FIG. 110.--Shaman exorcising Demon. Alaska.] - - 1, 2. The Shaman’s summer habitations, trees growing in the vicinity. - - 3. The Shaman, who is represented in the act of holding one of his - “demons.” These “evil spirits” are considered as under the control of - the Shaman, who employs them to drive other “evil beings” out of the - bodies of sick men. - - 4. The demon or aid. - - 5. The same Shaman exorcising the demons causing the sickness. - - 6, 7. Sick men, who have been under treatment, and from whose bodies - the “evil beings” or sickness has been expelled. - - 8. Two “evil spirits” which have left the bodies of Nos. 6 and 7. - - Fig. 111 represents a record of a Shamanistic nature, and was - copied by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the museum of the Alaska - Commercial Company in 1882. The interpretation was also obtained at - the same time from an Alaskan native, with text in the Kiatexamut - dialect of the Innuit language. - - The rod of the bow upon which the characters occur is here - represented in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of - the narrative, extending over only one-half of the length of the rod. - The course of the inscription is then continued on the adjacent side - of the rod at the middle, and reading in both directions (section B - and C), towards the two files of approaching animals. B and C occupy - the whole of one side. - - [Illustration: FIG. 111.--Supplication for success. Alaska.] - - The following is the explanation of the characters. - - A. No. 1. Baidarka or skin boat resting on poles. - 2. Winter habitation. - 3. Tree. - 4. Winter habitations. - 5. Store-house. - 6. Tree. Between this and the store-house is placed a piece of - timber, from which are suspended fish for drying. - 7. Store-house. From 1 to 7 represents an accumulation of - dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the home of the - person to whom the history relates. - 8. The hunter sitting on the ground, asking for aid, and making - the gesture for supplication. - 9. The Shaman to whom application is made by the hunter - desiring success in the chase. The Shaman has just finished - his incantations, and while still retaining his left - arm in the position for that ceremony, holds the right - toward the hunter, giving him the success requested. - 10. The Shaman’s winter lodge. - 11. Trees. - 12. Summer habitation of the Shaman. - 13. Trees in vicinity of the Shaman’s residence. - B. No. 14. Tree. - 15. A Shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back game - which had approached a dangerous locality. To this - Shaman the hunter had also made application for success - in the chase, but was denied, hence the act of the Shaman. - 16. Deer leaving at the Shaman’s order. - 17. Horns of a deer swimming a river. - 18. Young deer, apparently, from the smaller size of the body - and unusually long legs. - C. No. 19. A tree. - 20. The lodge of the hunter (A. 8), who, after having been - granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the - lodge as a mark of gratification and to insure greater luck - in his undertaking. - 21. The hunter in the act of shooting. - 22-23. The game killed, consisting of five deer. - 24. The demon sent out by the Shaman (A. 9) to drive the game - in the way of the hunter. - 25-28. The demon’s assistants. - - The original text above mentioned with interlinear translation, is as - follows: - - Nu-nŭm´-cu-a u-xlá-qa, pi-cú-qi-a kú da ku-lú-ni, ka-xá-qa-lŭk´. - Settlement man came, hunting go wanted (to), (and) Shaman (he) asked. - - Ká-xa-qlŭm´ mi-ná-qa lu-qú ta-xlí-mu-nŭk tu-dú-ia-nŭk. Ká-xlá-lŭk - Shaman gave to him five deer. Shaman - - ú-qli-ni u[n]-i-lum´ kaí-na-nŭn´ ka-xá-hu pi-gú, í-u-nĭ - went to lodge (where), standing spirits [incantations] devil - the top (winter habitation) on top made he, - of - - aú-qkua-glu-hu té-itc-lu-gĭ´ té xle-mĕn´ tun dú-ia-gūt, taú-na-cŭk - sent to him brought to him five deer, same man - [the hunter] (and) - - pi-xlu-nĭ´ ta-xlí-mu-nŭk tun-duĭ´-a-xa-nŭk´ tú-gu-xlí-u-qi. A-xlí-lum - he caught five deer killed. Another - [secured] - - Ká-xla-qlŭm´ tu-mú-qtcu-gí. - Shaman not gave them. - (To whom application had been made previously.) - - - DANCES AND CEREMONIES. - - Plate LXXXI exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, the - characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks at - Oakley Springs, and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the - Oraibi Pueblos. They probably are in imitation of masks, as used by - the Moki, Zuñi, and Rio Grande Pueblos. - - [Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXI - - MOKI MASKS ETCHED ON ROCKS. ARIZONA.] - - Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in - ceremonies are reported and illustrated in the several papers of - Messrs. Cushing, Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of - the Bureau of Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have - been found on pottery, on shells, and on rocks. - - In this connection the following extract from a letter dated Port - Townsend, Washington, June 1, 1883, from Mr. James G. Swan, will - be acceptable: “You may remember my calling your attention about a - year since to the fact that a gentleman who had been employed on a - preliminary survey for the Mexican National Construction Company had - called on me and was astonished at the striking similarity between - the wooden-carved images of the Haida Indians and the terra-cotta - images he had found in the railroad excavations in Mexico. - - “I have long entertained the belief that the coast tribes originated - among the Aztecs, and have made it a subject of careful study for - many years. I received unexpected aid by the plates in Habel’s - Investigations in Central and South America. I have shown them to - Indians of various coast tribes at various times, and they all - recognize certain of those pictures. No. 1, Plate 1, represents a - priest cutting off the head of his victim with his stone knife. - They recognize this, because they always cut off the heads of their - enemies slain in battle; they never scalp. The bird of the sun is - recognized by all who have seen the picture as the thunder bird of - the coast tribes. But the most singular evidence I have seen is - in Cushing’s description of the Zuñi Indian, as published in the - Century Magazine. The Haidas recognize the scenes, particularly the - masquerade scenes in the February [1883] number, as similar to their - own tomanawos ceremonies. I have had at least a dozen Haida men - and women at one time looking at those pictures and talk and explain - to each other their meaning. One chief who speaks English said to - me after he had for a long time examined the pictures, ‘Those are - our people; they do as we do. If you wish, I will make you just such - masks as those in the pictures.’ - - “These Indians know nothing, and recognize nothing in the Hebrew or - Egyptian, the Chinese or Japanese pictures, but when I show them any - Central or South American scenes, if they do not understand them they - recognize that they are ‘their people.’” - - According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol. III, p. - 140), there is at the head of Potter Valley, California, “a singular - knoll of red earth which the Tátu or Hūchnom believe to have - furnished the material for the creation of the original coyote-man. - They mix this red earth into their acorn bread, and employ it for - painting their bodies on divers mystic occasions.” Mr. Powers - supposed this to be a ceremonial performance, but having found the - custom to extend to other tribes he was induced to believe the - statements of the Indians “that it made the bread sweeter and go - further.” - - See also the mnemonic devices relative to Songs, page 82, and to - Traditions, page 84; also page 237. - - Plate LXXXII represents stone heaps surmounted by buffalo skulls - found near the junction of the Yellowstone and Missouri Rivers - by Prince Maximilian zu Wied, and described in his Reise in das - Innere Nord-America. Coblenz, 1841, II, p. 435. Atlas plate 29. - The description by him, as translated in the London edition, is as - follows: “From the highest points of this ridge of hills, curious - signals are perceived at certain distances from one another, - consisting of large stones and granite blocks, piled up by the - Assiniboins, on the summits of each of which are placed Buffalo - skulls, and which were erected by the Indians, as alleged, for the - purpose of attracting the Bison herds, and to have a successful hunt.” - - [Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXII - - BUFFALO-HEAD MONUMENT.] - - This objective monument is to be compared with the pictographs above, - “making buffalo medicine,” frequent in the Dakota Winter Counts. - - Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and in the initiation - of candidates to secret associations have been published with and - without illustrations. The most striking of these are graphic - ceremonial charts made by the Indians themselves. Figure 38, on - page 86, is connected with this subject, as is also No. 7 of Figure - 122, page 205. A good illustration is to be found in Mrs. Eastman’s - Dahcotah, or Life and Legends of the Sioux, page 206. Sketches, - with descriptions of drawings used in the ceremonials of the Zuñi - and Navajo, have been made by Messrs. Cushing and Stevenson and Dr. - Matthews, but cannot be published here. - - Figure 111_a_ was drawn and interpreted by Naumoff, a Kadiak native, - in San Francisco, California, in 1882. - - It represents the ground plan of a Shaman’s lodge with the Shaman - curing a sick man. - - The following is the explanation: - - [Illustration: FIG. 111_a_. Shaman’s lodge. Alaska.] - - No. 1. The entrance to the lodge. - - No. 2. The fire place. - - No. 3. A. vertical piece of wood upon which is placed a cross-piece, - upon each end of which is a lamp. - - No. 4. The musicians seated upon the raised seats furnishing drumming - and music to the movements of the Shaman during his incantations - in exorcising the “evil spirit” supposed to have possession of the - patient. - - No. 5. Visitors and friends of the afflicted seated around the walls - of the lodge. - - No. 6. The Shaman represented in making his incantations. - - No. 7. The patient seated upon the floor of the lodge. - - No. 8. Represents the Shaman in another stage of the ceremonies, - driving out of the patient the “evil being.” - - No. 9. Another figure of the patient; from his head is seen to issue - a line connecting it with No. 10. - - No. 10. The “evil spirit” causing the sickness. - - No. 11. The Shaman in the act of driving the “evil being” out of the - room. In his hands are sacred objects, his personal fetish, in which - the power lies. - - No. 12. The flying “evil one.” - - Nos. 13, 14. Are assistants to the Shaman, stationed at the entrance - to hit and hasten the departure of the evil being. - - A chart of this character appears to have been seen among the - natives of New Holland by Mr. James Manning, but not copied or fully - described in his Notes on the Aborigines of New Holland (Jour. of - Royal Society, New South Wales, Vol. XVI, p. 167). He mentions it - in connection with a corrobery or solemn religious ceremony among - adults, as follows: “It has for its form the most curious painting - upon a sheet of bark, done in various colors of red, yellow, and - white ochre, which is exhibited by the priest.” Such objects would be - highly important for comparison, and their existence being known they - should be sought for. - - - MORTUARY PRACTICES. - - Several devices indicating death are presented under other headings - of this paper. See, for example, page 103 and the illustrations in - connection with the text. - - According to Powers, “A Yokaia widow’s style of mourning is peculiar. - In addition to the usual evidences of grief she mingles the ashes - of her dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or unguent, with - which she smears a band about 2 inches wide all around the edge of - the hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that - at a little distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.” - (See Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., III, p. 166.) Mr. Dorsey reports - that mud is used by a mourner in the sacred-bag war party among the - Osages. Many objective modes of showing mourning by styles of paint - and markings are known, the significance of which are apparent when - discovered in pictographs. - - Figure 112 is copied from a piece of ivory in the museum of the - Alaska Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was - interpreted by an Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882. - - [Illustration: FIG. 112.--Votive offering. Alaska.] - - No. 1. Is a votive offering or “Shaman stick,” erected to the memory - of one departed. The “bird” carvings are considered typical of - “good spirits,” and the above was erected by the remorse-stricken - individual, No. 3, who had killed the person shown in No. 2. - - No. 2. The headless body represents the man who was killed. In this - respect the Ojibwa manner of drawing a person “killed” is similar. - - No. 3. The individual who killed No. 2, and who erected the - “grave-post” or “sacred stick.” The arm is thrown earthward, - resembling the Blackfeet and Dakota gesture for “kill.” - - The following is the text in Aígalúxamut: - - Nu-ná-mu-quk´ á-x’l-xik´ aí-ba-li to-qgú-qlu gú nú-hu tcuk nac-quí - Place two quarrel(with) one another, (one) killed large knife took head - him (the other) - (with a) - - qlu-gú, i-nó-qtclu-gu; Ka-sá-ha-lik´ na-bŏn´ ca-gú-lŭk a-gú-nŭ-qua-qlu-hŭ’. - off, laid him down; Shaman stick bird to set (or place) - (buried) (offering) (wooden) on the top of - (over). - - That portion of the Kauvuya tribe of Indians in Southern California - known as the Playsanos, or _lowlanders_, formerly inscribed - characters upon the gravestones of their dead, relating to the - pursuits or good qualities of the deceased. Dr. W. J. Hoffman - obtained several pieces or slabs of finely-grained sandstone near - Los Angeles, California, during the summer of 1884, which had been - used for this purpose. Upon these were the drawings, in incised - lines, of the Fin-back whale, with figures of men pursuing them with - harpoons. Around the etchings were close parallel lines with cross - lines similar to the drawings made on ivory by the southern Innuit of - Alaska. - - - GRAVE-POSTS. - - Figures 113 and 114 were procured from a native Alaskan, by Dr. - Hoffman in 1882, and explained to him to be drawings made upon - grave-posts. - - Drawings similar to these are made on slabs of wood by devoted - friends, or relatives, to present and perpetuate the good qualities - of a deceased native. The occupation is usually referred to, as - well as articles of importance of which the departed one was the - possessor. - - [Illustration: FIG. 113.--Grave-post. Alaska.] - - Figure 113 refers to a hunter, as land animals are shown as the chief - pursuit. The following is the explanation of the characters: - - 1. The baidarka, or boat, holding two persons; the occupants are - shown, as are also the paddles, which project below the horizontal - body of the vessel. - - 2. A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is added above it, from - which are seen floating streamers of calico or cloth. - - 3. A fox. - - 4. A land otter. - - 5. The hunter’s summer habitations. These are temporary dwellings - and usually constructed at a distance from home. This also indicates - the profession of a skin-hunter, as the permanent lodges, indicated - as winter houses, _i. e._, with round or dome-like roof, are located - near the sea-shore, and summer houses are only needed when at some - distance from home, where a considerable length of time is spent. - - [Illustration: FIG. 114.--Grave-post. Alaska.] - - The following is the explanation of Figure 114. It is another design - for a grave-post, but refers to a fisherman: - - 1. The double-seated baidarka, or skin canoe. - - 2. A bow used in shooting seal and other marine animals. - - 3. A seal. - - 4. A whale. - - The summer lodge is absent in this, as the fisherman did not leave - the sea-shore in the pursuit of game on land. - - Figure 115 is a native drawing of a village and neighboring - burial-ground, prepared by an Alaskan native in imitation of - originals seen by him among the natives of the mainland of Alaska, - especially the Aigalúqamut. Carvings are generally on walrus ivory; - sometimes on wooden slats. In the figure, No. 7 is a representation - of a grave-post in position, bearing an inscription similar in - general character to those in the last two preceding figures. - - [Illustration: FIG. 115.--Village and burial-grounds. Alaska.] - - The details are explained as follows: - - No. 1, 2, 3, 4. Various styles of habitations, representing a - settlement. - - 5. An elevated structure used for the storage of food. - - 6. A box with wrappings, containing the corpse of a child. The small - lines, with ball attached, are ornamented appendages consisting of - strips of cloth or skin, with charms, or, sometimes, tassels. - - 7. Grave-post, bearing rude illustrations of the weapons or - implements used by a person during his life. - - 8. A grave scaffold, containing adult. Besides the ornamental - appendages, as in the preceding, there is a “Shaman stick” erected - over the box containing the corpse as a mark of good wishes of a - sorrowing survivor. See object No. 1, in Figure 112. - - The following extract from Schoolcraft (Hist. Indian Tribes of the - United States, 1851, Vol. I, p. 356, Fig. 46) relates to the burial - posts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. Plate LXXXIII is after the - illustration given by this author in connection with the account - quoted: - - Among the Sioux and Western Chippewas, after the body has been - wrapped in its best clothes and ornaments, it is then placed on a - scafford, or in a tree, where it remains until the flesh is entirely - decayed; after which the bones are buried, and the grave-posts - fixed. At the head of the grave a tabular piece of cedar, or other - wood, called the adjedatig, is set. This grave-board contains the - symbolic or representative figure which records, if it be a warrior, - his totem; that is to say, the symbol of his family, or surname, - and such arithmetical or other devices as serve to denote how many - times the deceased has been in war parties, and how many scalps he - had taken from the enemy; two facts from which his reputation is - essentially to be derived. It is seldom that more is attempted in - the way of inscription. Often, however, distinguished chiefs have - their war-flag, or, in modern days, a small ensign of American - fabric, displayed on a standard at the head of their graves, which - is left to fly over the deceased till it is wasted by the elements. - Scalps of their enemies, feathers of the bald and black eagle, - the swallow-tailed falcon, or some carnivorous bird, are also - placed, in such instances, on the adjedatig, or suspended, with - offerings of various kinds, on a separate staff. But the latter are - super-additions of a religious character, and belong to the class of - the ke-ke-wa-o-win-an-tig. The building of a funeral fire on recent - graves, is also a rite which belongs to the consideration of their - religious faith. - -[Illustration: - - BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXIII - -OJIBWA GRAVE-POSTS.] - -The following quotations and illustrations are taken from Dr. Ferdinand -von Hochstetter’s New Zealand, before cited. That author says on page -437 _et seq._: - - The carved Maori-figures, which are met with on the road, are the - memorials of chiefs, who, while journeying to the restorative baths - of Rotorua, succumbed to their ills on the road. Some of the figures - are decked out with pieces of clothing or kerchiefs; and the most - remarkable feature in them is the close imitation of the tattooing of - the deceased, by which the Maoris are able to recognize for whom the - monument has been erected. Certain lines are peculiar to the tribe, - others to the family, and again others to the individual. A close - imitation of the tattooing of the face, therefore, is to the Maori - the same as to us a photographic likeness; it does not require any - description of name. - -A representation of one of these carved posts is given in Figure 116. - -[Illustration: FIG. 116.--New Zealand grave effigy.] - -Another carved post of like character is represented in Figure 117, -concerning which the same author says, page 338: - -[Illustration: FIG. 117.--New Zealand grave-post.] - -“Beside my tent, at Tahuahu, on the right bank of the Mangapu, there -stood an odd half decomposed figure carved of wood; it was designated -to me by the natives as a Tiki, marking the tomb of a chief.” - -The same author states, page 423: “The dwellings of the chiefs at -Ohinemutu are surrounded with inclosures of pole-fences; and the -Whares and Wharepunis, some of them exhibiting very fine specimens -of the Maori order of architecture, are ornamented with grotesque -wood-carvings. The annexed wood-cut [here reproduced as Figure 118] is -intended as an illustration of some of them. The gable figure, with the -lizard having six feet and two heads, is very remarkable. The human -figures are not idols, but are intended to represent departed sires of -the present generation.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 118.--New Zealand house posts.] - - -CHARMS AND FETICHES. - -The use of objects as charms and fetiches is well known. Their graphic -representation is not so well understood, although in the attempted -interpretation of pictographs it is to be supposed that objects of -this character would be pictorially represented. The following is an -instance where the use in action of a charm or fetich was certainly -portrayed in a pictograph. - -Figure 119, drawn by the Dakota Indians near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, -exhibits the use for a fetichistic purpose of an instrument which is -usually included among war clubs, though this particular object is more -adapted to defense than to offense. - -[Illustration: FIG. 119.--Mdewakantawan Fetich.] - -The head of the fetich is a grooved stone hammer of moderate size, -measuring from an inch and a half to as much as 5 inches in length. A -withe is tied about the middle of the hammer in the groove provided -for the purpose, having a handle of from 2 to 4 feet in length. The -latter is frequently wrapped with buckskin or raw-hide to strengthen -it, as well as for ornamental purposes. Feathers attached bear mnemonic -marks or designs, indicating marks of distinction, perhaps fetichistic -devices not understood. - -These objects are believed to possess the peculiar charm of warding -off an enemy’s missiles when held upright before the body. In the -pictograph made by the Dakota Indian, the manner of holding it, as well -as the act of shooting an arrow by an enemy, is shown with considerable -clearness. The interpretation was explained by the draftsman himself. - -Properties are attributed to this instrument similar to those of the -small bags prepared by the Shaman, which are carried suspended from the -neck by means of string or buckskin cords. - -Subject-matter connected with this heading appears in several parts of -this paper, _e. g._, Figure 46, on page 141, and the characters for -1824-’25 on plate XLII. - - - - -CUSTOMS. - - -Pictographs in the writer’s possession, to be classed under this -very general heading, in addition to those that are more intimately -connected with other headings, and therefore arranged in other parts -of this paper, may be divided into those relating to Associations and -those exhibiting details of daily life and habits. - - -ASSOCIATIONS. - -It is well known that voluntary associations, generally of a religious -character, have existed among the Indians, the members of which are -designated by special paintings and marks entirely distinct from those -relating to their clan-totems and name-totems. This topic requires too -minute details to be entered upon in this paper after the space taken -by other divisions. That it may become a feature in the interpretation -of pictographs is shown by the following account: - -Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained a copy of drawings on a pipe-stem, which -had been made and used by Ottawa Indians. Both of the flat surfaces -bore incisions of figures, which are represented in Figure 120. On each -side are four spaces, upon each of which are various characters, three -spaces on one side being reserved for the delineation of human figures, -each having diverging lines from the head upward, denoting their social -status as chiefs or warriors and medicine-men. - -[Illustration: FIG. 120.--Ottawa pipe-stem.] - -Upon the space nearest the mouth is the drawing of a fire, the -flames passing upward from the horizontal surface beneath them. The -blue cross-bands are raised portions of the wood (ash) of which the -pipe-stem is made; these show peculiarly shaped openings which pass -entirely through the stem, though not interfering with the tube -necessary for the passage of the smoke. This indicates considerable -mechanical skill. - -Upon each side of the stem are spaces corresponding in length and -position to those upon the opposite side. In the lower space of the -stem is a drawing of a bear, indicating that the two persons in the -corresponding space on the opposite side belong to the Bear gens. The -next upper figure is that of a beaver, showing the three human figures -to belong to the Beaver gens, while the next to this, the eagle, -indicates the opposite persons to be members of the Eagle gens. The -upper figure is that of a lodge, the lodge containing a council fire, -shown on the opposite side. - -The signification of the whole is that two members of the Bear gens, -three members of the Beaver gens, and three members of the Eagle gens -have united and constitute a society living in one lodge, around one -fire, and smoke through the same pipe. - - -DAILY LIFE AND HABITS. - -Examples of daily life and habits are given in Figures 121 and 122: - -[Illustration: FIG. 121.--Walrus hunter. Alaska.] - -Figure 121 represents an Alaskan native in the water killing a walrus. -The illustration was obtained from a slab of walrus ivory in the museum -of the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, and -interpreted by a native. - -[Illustration: FIG. 122.--Ivory carving with records. Alaska.] - -The carving, Figure 122, made of a piece of walrus tusk, was copied -from the original in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company, San -Francisco, California, during the summer of 1882. Interpretations were -verified by Naumoff, a Kadiak half-breed, in San Francisco at the time. -The special purport of some of the characters and etchings is not -apparent. - -In No. 1 is a native whose left hand is resting against the house, -while the right hangs toward the ground. The character to his right -represents a “Shaman stick” surmounted by the emblem of a bird, a “good -spirit,” in memory of some departed friend. It was suggested that the -grave stick had been erected to the memory of his wife. - -No. 2. Represents a reindeer, but the special import in this drawing is -unknown. - -No. 3. Signifies that one man, the recorder, shot and killed another -with an arrow. - -No. 4. Denotes that the narrator has made trading expeditions with a -dog-sledge. - -No. 5. Is a sail-boat, although the elevated paddle signifies that that -was the manner in which the voyage was best made. - -No. 6. A dog-sled, with the animal hitched up for a journey. The -radiating lines in the upper left hand corner, over the head of the -man, is a representation of the sun. - -No. 7. A sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the -square represent the young men placed on guard, armed with bows and -arrows, to keep away those not members of the band, who are depicted as -holding a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge represents -the fire-place. The angular lines extending from the right side of the -lodge to the vertical partition line are an outline of the subterranean -entrance to the lodge. - -No. 8. A pine tree, upon which a porcupine is crawling upward. - -No. 9. A pine tree, from which a bird (woodpecker) is extracting larvæ -for food. - -No. 10. A bear. - -No. 11. The recorder in his boat, holding aloft his double-bladed -paddle to drive fish into a net. - -No. 12. An assistant fisherman driving fish into the net. - -No. 13. The net. - -The figure over the man (No. 12) represents a whale, with harpoon and -line attached, caught by the narrator. - - * * * * * - -It will be understood that all personal customs, such, for instance, as -the peculiar arrangement of hair in any tribe, are embodied in their -pictorial designation by other tribes and perhaps by themselves. See in -this connection, page 230. - -Among the many customs susceptible of graphic portrayal which do not -happen to be illustrated in this paper, an example may be given in the -mode in several tribes (_e. g._, Apache, Muskoki, Dakota and Miztec), -of punishing the infidelity of wives, namely, by cutting off the nose. -The picture of a noseless woman would, therefore, when made by those -tribes, have distinct meaning. The unfaithful wife mentioned on page -134 is drawn with a nose, but in her case the greater punishment of -death was inflicted. - - - - -TRIBAL HISTORY. - - -It is very difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish in pictographs, -or, indeed, orally, between historical and traditional accounts -obtained from Indians, so that this heading may be connected with -one before presented, having relation to Traditions as mnemonically -pictured. See page 84. - -The Walum-Olum, or Bark Record of the Lenni-Lenapè, before mentioned, -as also some of Schoolcraft’s pictographic illustrations, may be, in -accordance with the judgment of the reader, more or less properly -connected with history. The Dakota Winter Counts, including the -Corbusier Winter Counts, in the present paper, while having their -chief value as calendars, contain some material that is absolute -and veritable tribal history, though seldom of more than local and -transient interest. An example from Battiste Good’s count for the year -1862-’63, is given in addition, explaining the origin of the title -“Brulé” Dakota. - -He calls the year “The-people-were-burnt winter,” and adds: - -They were living somewhere east of their present country, when a -prairie fire destroyed their entire village. Many of their children -and a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the -village, were burned to death. Many of their horses were also burned to -death. All the people that could get to a long lake which was near by -saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly burned -about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to the name, -_si-can gu_, translated as Burnt Thigh, and Brulé, by which they have -since been known. Battiste Good’s character for the year is here given -as Figure 123. - -[Illustration: FIG. 123.--Origin of Brulé. Dakota.] - -This is of later date than the mythical times, even among Indians, and, -being verified as it is, must be accepted as historical. - - - - -BIOGRAPHIC. - - -The pictographs under this head that have come to the writer’s notice -have been grouped as, _First_, a continuous account of the chief events -in the life of the subject of the sketch; _Second_, separate accounts -of some particular exploit or event in the life of the person referred -to. Pictographs of both of these descriptions are very common. - - -CONTINUOUS RECORD OF EVENTS IN LIFE. - -An example of a continuous record is the following “autobiography” of -Running-Antelope: - -The accompanying illustrations, Figures 124 to 134 are copied from a -record of eleven drawings prepared by Running-Antelope, chief of the -Uncpapa Dakota, at Grand River, Dakota, in 1873. The sketches were -painted in a large drawing-book by means of water colors, and were made -for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, to whom the following interpretations were given -by the artist: - -The record comprises the most important events in the life of -Running-Antelope as a warrior. Although frequently more than one -person is represented as slain, it is not to be inferred that all were -killed in one day, but during the duration of one expedition, of which -the recorder was a member or chief. The bird (_Falco cooperi?_) upon -the shield refers to the clan or band totem, while the antelope drawn -beneath the horses, in the act of running, signifies the personal name. - -Figure 124. Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held in -the hand, thrusting at the foremost of the enemy, signifies that he -killed the person with that weapon; the left-hand figure was shot, as -is shown, by the discharging gun, and afterwards struck with the lance. -This occurred in 1853. - -[Illustration: FIG. 124.--Killed an Arikara.] - -Figure 125. Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It appears -that the Arikara attempted to inform Running-Antelope of his being -unarmed, as the right hand is thrown outward with distended fingers, in -imitation of making the gesture for _negation_, _having nothing_. - -[Illustration: FIG. 125.--Shot and scalped an Arikara.] - -Figure 126. Shot and killed an Arikara in 1853. - -[Illustration: FIG. 126.--Shot an Arikara.] - -Figure 127. Killed two warriors on one day in 1854. - -[Illustration: FIG. 127.--Killed two warriors.] - -Figure 128. Killed ten men and three squaws in 1856. The grouping of -persons strongly resembles the ancient Egyptian method of drawing. - -[Illustration: FIG. 128.--Killed ten men and three women.] - -Figure 129. Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their rank is shown by -the appendages to the sleeves, which consist of white weasel skins. The -arrow in the left thigh of the recorder shows that he was wounded. The -scars are still distinct upon the person of Running-Antelope, showing -that the arrow passed through the thigh. - -[Illustration: FIG. 129.--Killed two chiefs.] - -Figure 130. Killed one Arikara in 1857. Striking the enemy with a bow -is considered the greatest insult that can be offered to another. The -act of so doing also entitles the warrior to count one _coup_ when -relating his exploits in the council chamber. - -[Illustration: FIG. 130.--Killed one Arikara.] - -Figure 131. Killed an Arikara in 1859 and captured a horse. - -[Illustration: FIG. 131.--Killed one Arikara.] - -Figure 132. Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as -is indicated by the figure of a gun in contact with each Indian. The -cluster of lines drawn across the body of each victim represents the -discharge of the gun, and shows where the ball took effect. The upper -one of the two figures was in the act of shooting an arrow when he was -killed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 132.--Killed two Arikara hunters.] - -Figure 133. Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line -indicates the trail which Running-Antelope followed, and when the -Indians discovered that they were pursued, they took shelter in an -isolated copse of shrubbery, where they were killed at leisure. The -five guns within the inclosure represent the five persons armed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 133.--Killed five Arikara.] - -Figure 134. An Arikara killed in 1865. - -[Illustration: FIG. 134.--Killed an Arikara.] - -The Arikara are delineated in the above, in nearly all instances, -wearing the top-knot of hair, a custom similar to that practiced by -the Absaroka, though as the latter were the most inveterate enemies -of the Sioux, and as the word Palláni for Arikara is applied to all -enemies, the Crow custom may have been depicted as a generic mark. The -practice of painting the forehead red, also an Absaroka custom, serves -to distinguish the pictures as individuals of one of the two tribes. - - -PARTICULAR EXPLOITS AND EVENTS. - -A record on ivory shown as Figure 135, was obtained by Dr. W. J. -Hoffman in San Francisco, California, in 1882, and was interpreted to -him by an Alaskan native. The story represents the success of a hunt; -the animals desired are shown, as well as those which were secured. - -[Illustration: FIG. 135.--Record of hunt. Alaska.] - -The following is the explanation of the characters: - -1, 2. Deer. - -3. Porcupine. - -4. Winter, or permanent, habitation. The cross-piece resting upon two -vertical poles constitutes the rack, used for drying fish. - -5. One of the natives occupying the same lodge with the recorder. - -6. The hunter whose exploits are narrated. - -7, 8, 9. Beavers. - -10-14. Martens. - -15. A weasel, according to the interpretation, although there are no -specific characters to identify it as different from the preceding. - -16. Land otter. - -17. A bear. - -18. A fox. - -19. A walrus. - -20. A seal. - -21. A wolf. - -By reference to the illustration it will be observed that all the -animals secured are turned toward the house of the speaker, while the -heads of those animals desired, but not captured, are turned away from -it. - -The following is the text in the Kiatexamut dialect of the Innuit -language as dictated by the Alaskan, with his own literal translation -into English: - - - Huí-nu-ná-ga huí-pu-qtú-a pi-cú-qu-lú-a mus´-qu-lí-qnut. Pa-mú-qtu-līt´ - I, (from) my place. I went hunting (for) skins. martens - (settlement.) (animals) - - ta-qí-mĕn, a-mí-da-duk´ a-xla-luk´, á-qui-á-muk pi-qú-a a-xla-luk´; - five, weasel one, land otter caught one; - - ku-qú-lu-hú-nu-mŭk´ - wolf - - a-xla-luk´, tun´-du-muk tú-gu-qlí-u-gú me-lú-ga-nuk´, pé-luk - one, deer (I) killed two, beaver - - pi-naí-u-nuk, nú-nuk pit´-qu-ní, ma-klak-muk´ pit´-qu-ní, a-cí-a-na-muk - three, porcupine (I) caught none, seal (I) caught none, walrus - - pit´-qu-ni, ua-qí-la-muk pit´-qu-ní, ta-gú-xa-muk pit´-qu-ní. - (I) caught none, fox (I) caught none, bear (I) caught none. - -The following narrative of personal exploit was given to Dr. W. J. -Hoffman by “Pete,” a Shoshoni chief, during a visit of the latter to -Washington, in 1880. The sketch, Figure 136, was drawn by the narrator, -and the following explanation of characters will be sufficient -interpretation to render the figures intelligible. - -[Illustration: FIG. 136.--Shoshoni horse raid.] - -_a._ Pete, a Shoshoni chief. - -_b._ A Nez Percés Indian, one of the party from whom the horses were -stampeded, and who wounded Pete in the side with an arrow. - -_c._ Hoof marks, showing course of stampede. - -_d._ Lance, which was captured from the Nez Percés. - -_e_, _e_, _e_. Saddles captured. - -_f._ Bridle captured. - -_g._ Lariat captured. - -_h._ Saddle-blanket captured. - -_i._ Body-blanket captured. - -_j._ Pair of leggings captured. - -_k._ Three single legs of leggings captured. - -Figure 137, copied from Schoolcraft, IV, p. 253, Pl. 32, is taken from -the shoulder-blade of a buffalo, found on the plains in the Comanche -country of Texas. No. 5 is a symbol showing the strife for the buffalo -existing between the Indian and white races. The Indian (1), presented -on horseback, protected by his ornamented shield and armed with a -lance, kills a Spaniard (3), the latter being armed with a gun, after -a circuitous chase (6). His companion (4), armed with a lance, shares -the same fate. - -[Illustration: FIG. 137.--Comanche drawing on shoulder-blade.] - -Figure 138 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year -1853-’54. - -He calls the year Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter. - -[Illustration: FIG. 138.--Cross-Bear’s death.] - -The “travail” means, they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear -with mouth open and paw advanced, cross-bear. The involute character -frequently repeated in Battiste’s record signifies pain in the stomach -and intestines, resulting in death. In this group of characters there -is not only the brief story, an obituary notice, but an ideographic -mark for a particular kind of death, a noticeable name-totem, and a -presentation of the Indian mode of transportation. - -The word “travail” appearing above, as given by the interpreter, -requires explanation. It refers to the peculiar sledge which is used by -many tribes of Indians for the purpose of transportation. It is used on -the surface of the ground when not covered with snow, even more than -when snow prevails. The word is more generally found in print in the -plural, where it is spelled “travaux” and sometimes “travois.” - -The etymology of this word, which has not yet been found in any Indian -language, has been the subject of considerable discussion. The present -writer considers it to be one of the class of words which descended in -corrupted form from the language of the Canadian voyageurs, and that it -was originally the French word “traineau,” with its meaning of sledge. - -Figure 139 is taken from a roll of birch bark obtained from the -Ojibwa Indians at Red Lake, Minnesota, in 1882, known to be more than -seventy years old. The interpretation was given by an Indian from that -reservation, although he did not know the author nor the history of -the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood -and interpreted to Dr. Hoffman, in 1883 by Ottawa Indians at Harbor -Springs, Michigan. This tribe at one time habitually used similar -methods of recording historic and mythologic data. - -[Illustration: FIG. 139.--Bark record from Red Lake, Minnesota.] - -No. 1. Represents the person who visited a country supposed to have -been near one of the great lakes. He has a scalp in his hand which he -obtained from the head of an enemy, after having killed him. The line -from the head to the small circle denotes the name of the person, and -the line from the mouth to the same circle signifies (in the Dakota -method), “That is it,” having reference to proper names. - -No. 2. The person killed. He was a man who held a position of some -consequence in his tribe, as is indicated by the horns, marks used -by the Ojibwas among themselves for Shaman, Wabeno, etc. It has been -suggested that the object held in the hand of this figure is a rattle, -though the Indians, to whom the record was submitted for examination, -are in doubt, the character being indistinct. - -No. 3. Three disks connected by short lines signify, in the present -instance, three nights, _i. e._, three black suns. Three days from -home was the distance the person in No. 1 traveled to reach the -country for which started. - -No. 4. Represents a shell, and denotes the primary object of the -journey. Shells were needed for making ornaments and to trade. - -No. 5. Two parallel lines are here inserted to mark the end of the -present record and the beginning of another. - - - - -IDEOGRAPHS. - - -The number of instances in this paper in which the picture has been -expressive of an idea, and not a mere portraiture of an object, and has -amounted sometimes to a graphic representation of an abstract idea, -is so great as to render cross-references superfluous. As examples, -attention may be invited to Figure 72, page 166, for the idea of -“voice,” Figure 179, page 241, for that of “war,” and the Corbusier -winter counts for the year 1876-’77--No. I, page 146, for that of -“support.” In addition to them, however, for convenience of grouping -under this special heading, the following illustrations (some of which -would as properly appear under the head of Conventionalizing) are -presented. - - -ABSTRACT IDEAS. - -Figure 140 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good, and is -drawn to represent the sign for pipe, which it is intended to signify. -The sign is made by placing the right hand near the upper portion -of the breast, the left farther forward, and both held so that the -index and thumb approximate a circle, as if holding a pipe-stem. The -remaining fingers are closed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 140.--Sign for pipe. Dakota.] - -The point of interest in this character is that instead of drawing a -pipe the artist drew a human figure making the sign for pipe, showing -the intimate connection between gesture-signs and pictographs. The -pipe, in this instance, was the symbol of peace. - -Figure 141, taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year -1703-’04, signifies plenty of buffalo meat. - -[Illustration: FIG. 141.--Plenty Buffalo meat. Dakota.] - -The forked stick being one of the supports of a drying-pole or -scaffold, indicates meat. The circle may represent a pit or “cache” -in which buffalo meat was placed during the winter of 1703-’04, or it -may mean “heap”--_i. e._, large quantity, buffalo having been very -plentiful that year. The buffalo head denotes the kind of meat stored. -This is an abbreviated form of the device immediately following, -and being fully understood affords a suggestive comparison with -some Egyptian hieroglyphs and Chinese letters, both in their full -pictographic origin and in their abbreviation. - -Figure 142 is taken from the same count for the year 1745-’46, in which -the drying-pole is supported by two forked sticks or poles, only one of -which, without the drying-pole, was indicated in the preceding figure, -which is an abbreviated or conventionalized form of the objective -representation in the pre-present figure, viz., a scaffold or pole upon -which buffalo meat was placed for drying. Buffalo were very plentiful -during the winter of 1745-’46, and the kind of meat is denoted by the -buffalo head placed above the pole, from which meat appears suspended. - -[Illustration: FIG. 142.--Plenty Buffalo meat. Dakota.] - -Figure 143 is taken from Prince Maximilian’s Travels, _op. cit._ p. -352. The cross signifies, I will barter or trade. Three animals are -drawn on the right hand of the cross; one is a buffalo (probably -albino); the two others, a weasel (_Mustela Canadensis_) and an otter. -The pictographer offers in exchange for the skins of these animals -the articles which he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has -there, in the first place, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which -there is a gun; to the left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten -separated by a longer line; this means: I will give thirty beaver skins -and a gun for the skins of the three animals on the right hand of the -cross. - -[Illustration: FIG. 143.--Pictograph for trade. Dakota.] - -The ideographic character of the design consists in the use of the -cross--being a drawing of the gesture-sign for “trade”--the arms being -in position interchanged. Of the two things each one is put in the -place before occupied by the other thing--the idea of exchange. - -Figure 144, from the record of Battiste Good for the year 1720-’21, -signifies starvation, denoted by the bare ribs. - -[Illustration: FIG. 144.--Starvation. Dakota.] - -This design survives among the Ottawa and Pottawatomi Indians of -Northern Michigan, but among the latter a single line only is drawn -across the breast, shown in Figure 145. This corresponds, also, with -one of the gesture-signs for the same idea. - -[Illustration: FIG. 145.--Starvation. Ottawa and Pottawatomi.] - -Figure 146, from the record of Battiste Good for the year 1826-’27, -signifies “pain.” He calls the year “Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,” -and explains that six Dakotas, on the war path, had nearly perished -with hunger when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old -buffalo, on which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon -after with pains in the stomach, their bellies swelled, and gas poured -from the mouth and the anus, and they died of a whistle, or from eating -a whistle. The sound of gas escaping from the mouth is illustrated -in the figure. The character on the abdomen and on its right may be -considered to be the ideograph for pain in that part of the body. - -[Illustration: FIG. 146.--Pain. Died of “whistle.” Dakota.] - - -SYMBOLISM. - -The writer has, in a former publication, suggested the distinction to -be made between a pictorial sign, an emblem, and a symbol; but it is -not easy to preserve the discrimination in reference to ideographic -characters which have often become conventionalized. To partly express -the distinction, nearly all of the characters in the Dakota Winter -Counts are regarded as pictorial signs, and the class represented by -tribal signs, personal insignia, etc., is considered to belong to the -category of emblems. There is no doubt, however, that true symbols -exist among the Indians, as they must exist to some extent among all -peoples not devoid of poetic imagination. Some of them are shown in -this paper. The pipe is generally a symbol of peace, although in -certain positions and connections it sometimes signifies preparation -for war, and again subsequent victory. The hatchet is a common symbol -for war, and closed hands or approaching palms denote friendship. -The tortoise has been clearly used as a symbol for land, and many -other examples can be admitted. If Schoolcraft is to be taken as -uncontroverted authority, the symbolism of the Ojibwa rivalled that -of the Egyptians, and the recent unpublished accounts of the Zuñi, -Moki, and Navajo before mentioned indicate the frequent employment of -symbolic devices by those tribes which are notably devoted to mystic -ceremonies. Nevertheless, the writer’s personal experience is, that -often when he has at first supposed a character to be a genuine symbol -it has resulted, with better means of understanding, in being not even -an ideograph but a mere objective representation. In this connection, -the remarks on the circle on page 107, and those on Figure 206, on page -246, may be in point. - -Another case for consideration occurs. The impression, real or -represented, of a human hand is used in several regions in the world -with symbolic significance. For instance, in Jerusalem a rough -representation of a hand is reported by Lieutenant Conder (Palestine -Exploration Fund, January, 1873, p. 16) to be marked on the wall of -every house whilst in building by the native races. Some authorities -connect it with the five names of God, and it is generally considered -to avert the evil eye. The Moors generally, and especially the Arabs -in Kairwan, employ the marks on their houses as prophylactics. Similar -hand prints are found in the ruins of El Baird, near Petra. Some of the -quaint symbolism connected with horns is supposed to originate from -such hand marks. Among the North American Indians the mark so readily -applied is of frequent occurrence, an instance, with its ascertained -significance, being given on page 187, _supra_. - -It has been recently ascertained that the figure of a hand, with -extended fingers, is very common in the vicinity of ruins in Arizona as -a rock-etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with -colored pigments or white clay. This coincidence would seem at first -to assure symbolic significance and possibly to connect the symbolism -of the two hemispheres. But Mr. Thomas V. Keam explains the Arizona -etchings of hands, on the authority of the living Moki, as follows: - -“These are vestiges of the test formerly practiced among young men -who aspired for admission to the fraternity of Salyko. The Salyko is -a trinity of two women and a woman from whom the Hopitus [Moki] first -obtained corn. Only those were chosen as novices, the imprints of whose -hands had dried on the instant.” - -While the subject-matter is, therefore, ceremonial, there is absolutely -no symbolism connected with it. The etchings either simply perpetuate -the marks made in the several tests or imitate them. - -In the present stage of the study no more can be suggested than that -symbolic interpretations should be accepted with caution. - -With regard to the symbolic use of material objects, which would -probably be extended into graphic portrayal, the following remarks -maybe given: - -The Prince of Wied mentions (_op. cit._, Vol. I, p. 244) that in the -Sac and Fox tribes the rattle of a rattlesnake attached to the end -of the feather worn on the head signifies a good horse stealer. The -stealthy approach of the serpent, accompanied with latent power, is -here clearly indicated. - -Mr. Schoolcraft says of the Dakotas that “some of the chiefs had the -skins of skunks tied to their heels to symbolize that they never ran, -as that animal is noted for its slow and self-possessed movements.” -See Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian -Tribes on the American Frontier, etc., Philadelphia, 1851, p. 214. - -This is one of the many customs to be remembered in the attempted -interpretations of pictographs. The present writer does not know that -a skunk skin, or a strip of skin which might be supposed to be a skunk -skin, attached to a human heel, has ever been used pictorially as -the ideograph of courage or steadfastness, but with the knowledge of -this objective use of the skins, if they were found so represented -pictorially, as might well be expected, the interpretation would be -suggested, without any direct explanation from Indians. - - - - -IDENTIFICATION OF THE PICTOGRAPHERS. - - -The first point in the examination of a pictograph is to determine by -what body of people it was made. This is not only because the marks or -devices made by the artists of one tribe, or perhaps of one linguistic -stock if not disintegrated into separated divisions distant from each -other, may have a different significance from figures virtually the -same produced by another tribe or stock, but because the value of the -record is greatly enhanced when the recorders are known. In arriving -at the identification mentioned it is advisable to study: 1st. The -general style or type. 2d. The presence of characteristic objects. 3d. -The apparent subject-matter. 4th. The localities with reference to the -known habitat of tribes. - - -GENERAL STYLE OR TYPE. - -Although the collection of pictographs, particularly of petroglyphs, -is not complete, and their study, therefore, is only commenced, it is -possible to present some of the varieties in general style and type. - -Figure 147 is presented as a type of the Eastern Algonkian pictographs. -It was copied by Messrs. J. Sutton Wall and William Arison, in 1882, -from a rock opposite Millsborough, in Fayette County, Pennsylvania, -and is mentioned on page 20, _supra_, in connection with the local -distribution of petroglyphs. The locality is within the area once -occupied by the tribes of the Algonkian linguistic family, and there -is apparent a general similarity to the well-known Dighton Rock -inscription. - -[Illustration: FIG. 147.--Algonkian petroglyph. Millsborough, -Pennsylvania.] - -Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela City, Pennsylvania, who has kindly -furnished the drawing of the etchings, states that the outlines of -figures are formed by grooves carved or cut in the rock from an inch -to a mere trace in depth. The footprints are carved depressions. The -character marked Z (near the lower left-hand corner) is a circular -cavity 7 inches deep. The rock is sandstone, of the Waynesburg series. - -Mr. Wall has also contributed a copy of the “Hamilton Picture Rock,” of -which Figure 148 is an illustration. The etchings are on a sandstone -rock, on the Hamilton farm, 6 miles southeast from Morgantown, West -Virginia. The turnpike passes over the south edge of the rock. - -[Illustration: FIG. 148.--Algonkian petroglyph. Hamilton Farm, West -Virginia.] - -Mr. Wall furnishes the following interpretation of the figures: - -A. Outline of a turkey. - -B. Outline of a panther. - -C. Outline of a rattlesnake. - -D. Outline of a human form. - -E. A “spiral or volute.” - -F. Impression of a horse foot. - -G. Impression of a human foot. - -H. Outline of the top portion of a tree or branch. - -I. Impression of a human hand. - -J. Impression of a bear’s forefoot, but lacks the proper number of toe -marks. - -K. Impression of two turkey tracks. - -L. Has some appearance of a hare or rabbit, but lacks the corresponding -length of ears. - -M. Impression of a bear’s hindfoot, but lacks the proper number of toe -marks. - -N. Outline of infant human form, with two arrows in the right hand. - -O, P. Two cup-shaped depressions. - -Q. Outline of the hind part of an animal. - -R. Might be taken to represent the impression of a horse’s foot were it -not for the line bisecting the outer curved line. - -S. Represent buffalo and deer tracks. - -The turkey A, the rattlesnake C, the rabbit L, and the “footprints” J, -M, and Q, are specially noticeable as typical characters in Algonkian -pictography. - -Mr. P. W. Sheafer furnishes in his Historical Map of Pennsylvania, -Philadelphia, 1875, a sketch of a pictograph on the Susquehanna -River, Pennsylvania, below the dam at Safe Harbor, part of which is -reproduced in Figure 149. This appears to be purely Algonkian, and has -more resemblance to Ojibwa characters than any other petroglyph yet -noted from the Eastern United States. - -[Illustration: FIG. 149.--Algonkian petroglyph. Safe Harbor, -Pennsylvania.] - -The best type of Western Algonkian petroglyphs known to the writer -is reported as discovered by members of the party of Capt. William -A. Jones, United States Army, in 1873, and published in his report -on Northwestern Wyoming, including the Yellowstone National Park, -Washington, 1875, p. 267, _et seq._, Fig. 50, reproduced in this paper -by Figure 150, in which the greater number of the characters are shown -about one-fifth of their size. - -[Illustration: FIG. 150.--Algonkian petroglyph. Wyoming.] - -An abstract of his description is as follows: - - * * Upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstones just back - of Murphy’s ranch, a number of rude figures had been chiseled, - apparently at a period not very recent, as they had become much worn. - * * * No certain clue to the connected meaning of this record was - obtained, although Pínatsi attempted to explain it when the sketch - was shown to him some days later by Mr. F. W. Bond, who copied the - inscriptions from the rocks. The figure on the left, in the upper - row, somewhat resembles the design commonly used to represent a - shield, with the greater part of the ornamental fringe omitted, - perhaps worn away in the inscription. We shall possibly be justified - in regarding the whole as an attempt to record the particulars of a - fight or battle which once occurred in this neighborhood. Pínatsi’s - remarks conveyed the idea to Mr. Bond that he understood the figure - [the second in the upper line] to signify cavalry, and the six - figures [three in the middle of the upper line, as also the three to - the left of the lower line,] to mean infantry, but he did not appear - to recognize the hieroglyphs as the copy of any record with which he - was familiar. - -Several years ago Dr. W. J. Hoffman showed these (as well as other -pictographs from the same locality) to several prominent Shoshoni -Indians from near that locality, who at once pronounced them the work -of the Pawkees (Satsika, or Blackfeet), who formerly occupied that -country. The general resemblance of many of the drawings from this area -of country is similar to many of the Eastern Algonkin records. The -Satsika are part of the great Algonkian stock. - -Throughout the Wind River country of Wyoming many pictographic records -have been found, and others reported by the Shoshoni Indians. These -are said, by the latter, to be the work of the “Pawkees,” as they call -the Blackfeet, or more properly Satsika, and the general style of -many of the figures bears strong resemblance to similar carvings found -in the eastern portion of the United States, in regions known to have -been occupied by other tribes of the same linguistic stock, viz., the -Algonkian. - -The four specimens of Algonkian petroglyphs presented above in Figures -147-150 show gradations in type. In connection with them reference may -be made to the Ojibwa bark record, Figure 139, page 218; the Ojibwa -grave-posts, Plate LXXXIII; the Ottawa pipe-stem, Figure 120, page 204, -in this paper; and to Schoolcraft’s numerous Ojibwa pictographs; and -they may be contrasted with the many Dakota and Innuit drawings in this -paper. - -Mr. G. K. Gilbert has furnished a small collection of drawings of -Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Oneida, Idaho, shown in Figure 151. Some -of them appear to be totemic characters, and to record the names of -visitors to the locality. - -[Illustration: FIG. 151.--Shoshonian petroglyph. Idaho.] - -Five miles northwest from this locality, and one-half mile east from -Marsh Creek, is another group of characters, on basalt bowlders, -apparently totemic, and by Shoshoni. A copy of these, also contributed -by Mr. Gilbert, is given in Figure 152. - -[Illustration: FIG. 152.--Shoshonian petroglyph. Idaho.] - -All of these drawings resemble the petroglyphs found at Partridge -Creek, northern Arizona, and in Temple Creek Cañon, southeastern Utah, -mentioned _ante_, pages 30 and 26 respectively. - -Mr. I. C. Russell, of the United States Geological Survey, has -furnished drawings of rude pictographs at Black Rock Spring, Utah, -represented in Figure 153. Some of the other characters not represented -in the figure consist of several horizontal lines, placed one above -another, above which are a number of spots, the whole appearing like -a numerical record having reference to the figure alongside, which -resembles, to a slight extent, a melon with tortuous vines and stems. -The left-hand upper figure suggests the masks shown on Plate LXXXI. - -[Illustration: FIG. 153.--Shoshonian petroglyph. Utah.] - -Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the United States Geological Survey, has -discovered pictographs at Fool Creek Cañon, Utah, shown in Figure -154, which strongly resemble those still made by the Moki of Arizona. -Several characters are identical with those last mentioned, and -represent human figures, one of which is drawn to represent a man, -shown by a cross, the upper arm of which is attached to the perinæum. -These are all drawn in red color and were executed at three different -periods. Other neighboring pictographs are pecked and unpainted, while -others are both pecked and painted. - -[Illustration: FIG. 154.--Shoshonian rock-painting. Utah.] - -Both of these pictographs from Utah may be compared with the Moki -pictographs from Oakley Springs, Arizona, copied in Figure 1, page 30. - -Dr. G. W. Barnes, of San Diego, California, has kindly furnished -sketches of pictographs prepared for him by Mrs. F. A. Kimball, of -National City, California, which were copied from records 25 miles -northeast of the former city. Many of them found upon the faces of -large rocks are almost obliterated, though sufficient remains to permit -tracing. The only color used appears to be red ocher. Many of the -characters, as noticed upon the drawings, closely resemble those in New -Mexico, at Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, and in the cañon leading from -the cañon at Stewart’s ranch, to the Kanab Creek Cañon, Utah. This is -an indication of the habitat of the Shoshonian stock apart from the -linguistic evidence with which it agrees. - -The power of determining the authorship of pictographs made on -materials other than rocks, by means of their general style and type, -can be estimated by a comparison of those of the Ojibwa, Dakota, Haida, -and Innuit of Alaska presented in various parts of this paper. - - -PRESENCE OF CHARACTERISTIC OBJECTS. - -With regard to the study of the individual characters themselves to -identify the delineators of pictographs, the various considerations of -fauna, religion, customs, tribal signs, indeed, most of the headings -of this paper will be applicable. It is impracticable now to give -further details in this immediate connection, except to add to similar -particulars before presented the following notes with regard to the -arrangement of hair and display of paint in identification. - -A custom obtains among the Absaroka, which, when depicted in -pictographs, as is frequently done, serves greatly to facilitate -identification of the principal actors in events recorded. This -consists in wearing false hair, attached to the back of the head and -allowed to hang down over the back. Horse hair, taken from the tail, is -arranged in 8 or 10 strands, each about as thick as a finger, and laid -parallel with spaces between them of the width of a single strand. Pine -gum is then mixed with red ocher, or vermilion, when the individual can -afford the expense, and by means of other hair, or fibers of any kind -laid cross-wise, the strands are secured, and around each intersection -of hair a ball of gum is plastered to hold it in place. About 4 inches -further down, a similar row of gum balls and cross strings are placed, -and so on down to the end. The top of the tail ornament is then secured -to the hair on the back of the head. The Indians frequently incorporate -the false hair with their own so as to lengthen the latter without -any marked evidence of the deception. Nevertheless the transverse -fastenings with their gum attachments are present. The Arikara have -adopted this custom of late, and they have obtained it from the -Hidatsa, who, in turn, learned it of the Absaroka. - -In picture-writing this is shown upon the figure of a man by the -presence of parallel lines drawn downward from the back of the head, -with cross lines, the whole appearing like small squares or a piece of -net. - -Dr. George Gibbs mentions a pictograph made by one of the Northwestern -tribes (of Oregon and Washington) upon which “the figure of a man, with -a long queue, or scalp-lock, reached to his heels, denoted a Shoshonee, -that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse- or other hair into -their own in that manner.” See Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., Vol. I, p. -222. - -This may have reference to the Shoshoni Indians among the extreme -Northwestern tribes, but it can by no means be positively affirmed -that the mark of identification could be based upon the custom of -braiding with their own hair that of animals to increase the length -and appearance of the queue, as this custom also prevails among the -Absaroka and Arikara Indians of Montana and Dakota, respectively, as -above described. - -Pictures drawn by some of the northern tribes of the Dakota, the Titon, -for instance, show the characteristic and distinctive features for a -Crow Indian to be the distribution of the red war paint, which covers -the forehead. A Dakota upon the same picture is designated by painting -the face red from the eyes down to the end of the chin. Again, the Crow -is designated by a top-knot of hair extending upward from the forehead, -that lock of hair being actually worn by that tribe and brushed -upward and slightly backward. See the seated figure in the record of -Running-Antelope in Fig. 127, page 210. - -The Pueblos generally, when accurate and particular in delineation, -designate the women of that tribe by a huge coil of hair over either -ear. This custom prevails also among the Coyotèro Apaches, the women -wearing the hair in a coil to denote a virgin or an unmarried person, -while the coil is absent in the case of a married woman. - -The following remarks are extracted from the unpublished “Catalogue of -the Relics of the Ancient Builders of the Southwest Tablelands,” by Mr. -Thomas V. Keam: - -“The Maltese cross is the emblem of a virgin; still so recognized by -the Mokis. It is a conventional development of a more common emblem -of maidenhood, the form in which the maidens wear their hair arranged -as a disk of three or four inches in diameter upon each side of the -head. This discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of the -emblem of fructification, worn by the maiden in the Muingwa festival. -Sometimes the hair, instead of being worn in the complete discoid -form, is dressed from two curved twigs, and presents the form of two -semi-circles upon each side of the head. The partition of these is -sometimes horizontal and sometimes vertical. A combination of both -of these styles presents the form from which the Maltese cross was -conventionalized. The brim decorations are of ornamental locks of hair -which a maiden trains to grow upon the sides of the forehead.” - -This strongly marked form of Maltese cross, the origin of which is -above explained, appears frequently in the pottery, and also in the -petroglyphs of the Moki. - - * * * * * - -Regarding the apparent subject matter of pictographs an obvious -distinction may be made between hunting and land scenes such as would -be familiar to interior tribes and those showing fishing and water -transportation common to seaboard and lacustrine peoples. Similar and -more perspicuous modes of discrimination are available. The general -scope of known history, traditions, and myths may also serve in -identification. - - * * * * * - -Knowledge of the priscan homes and of the migrations of tribes -necessary to ascertain their former habitat in connection with the -probable age of rock-etchings or paintings is manifestly desirable. - - - - -MODES OF INTERPRETATION. - - -It is obvious that before attempting the interpretation of pictographs, -concerning which no direct information is to be obtained, there should -be a full collection of known characters, in order that through them -the unknown may be learned. When any considerable number of objects in -a pictograph are actually known, the remainder may be ascertained by -the context, the relation, and the position of the several designs, and -sometimes by the recognized principles of the art. - -The Bureau of Ethnology has been engaged, therefore, for a considerable -time in collating a large number of characters in a card-catalogue -arranged primarily by similarity in forms, and in attaching to each -character any significance ascertained or suggested. As before -explained, the interpretation upon which reliance is mainly based is -that which has been made known by direct information from Indians -who themselves were actually makers of pictographs at the time of -giving the interpretation. Apart from the comparisons obtained by this -collation, the only mode of ascertaining the meaning of the characters, -in other words, the only key yet discovered, is in the study of the -gesture-sign included in many of them. The writer several years ago -suggested that among people where a system of ideographic gesture-signs -prevailed, it would be expected that their form would appear in any -mode of artistic representation made by the same people with the object -of conveying ideas or recording facts. When a gesture-sign had been -established and it became necessary or desirable to draw a character -or design to convey the same ideas, nothing could be more natural than -to use the graphic form or delineation which was known and used in the -gesture-sign. It was but one more step, and an easy one, to fasten upon -bark, skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures of the signs. - -The industrious research of Dr. D. G. Brinton, whose recent work, The -Lenâpé and their Legends, before mentioned, is received as this paper -passes through the press, has discovered passages in Rafinesque’s -generally neglected and perhaps unduly discredited volumes, by which -that eccentric but acute writer seems to have announced the general -proposition that the graphic signs of the Indians correspond to their -manual signs. He also asserted that he had collected a large number of -them, though the statement is not clear, for if all Indian pictographs -are, in a very general sense, “based upon their language of signs,” -all of those pictographs might be included in his alleged collection, -without an ascertained specific relation between any pictograph and -any sign. It is probable, however, that Rafinesque actually had at -least valuable notes on the subject, the loss of which is greatly to be -regretted. - -In the paper “Sign Language among the North American Indians,” -published in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, a -large number of instances were given of the reproduction of gesture -lines in the pictographs made by the North American Indians, and they -appeared to be most frequent when there was an attempt to convey -subjective ideas. These were beyond the range of an artistic skill -limited to the rough presentation of objects in outline. It was -suggested, therefore, that the part of pictographs which is the most -difficult of interpretation in the absence of positive knowledge, was -the one in the elucidation of which the study of sign-language would -assist. Many pictographs in the present paper, the meaning of which is -definitely known from direct sources, are noted in connection with the -gesture-signs corresponding with the same idea, which signs are also -understood from independent evidence. - -So numerous and conclusive are these examples, that it is not necessary -to add to them save by presenting the pictograph copied in Figure 155, -as one of special importance in this connection. - -During the summer of 1882 Dr. W. J. Hoffman visited the Tule River -Agency, California, where he found a large rock painting, of which -Figure 155 is a copy made by him, the following being his description: - -The agency is located upon the western side of the Sierra Nevada in -the headwater cañons of the branches of the south fork of Tule River. -The country is at present occupied by several tribes of the Yokuts -linguistic stock, and the only answer received to inquiries respecting -the age or origin of the record was, that it was found there when the -ancestors of the present tribes arrived. The local migrations of the -various Indian tribes of this part of California are not yet known with -sufficient certainty to determine to whom the records may be credited, -but all appearances with respect to the weathering and disintegration -of the rock upon which the record is etched, the appearance of the -coloring matter subsequently applied, and the condition of the small -depressions made at the time for mixing the pigments with a viscous -substance would indicate that the work had been performed about a -century ago. - -The Tulare Indians have been residents of that part of the State for -at least one hundred years, and the oldest now living state that the -records were found by their ancestors, though whether more than two -generations ago could not be ascertained. - -[Illustration: FIG. 155.--Rock-painting. Tule River, California.] - -The drawings were outlined by pecking with a piece of quartz or other -silicious rock, to the depth of from a mere visible depression to a -third of an inch. Having thus satisfactorily depicted the several -ideas, colors were applied which upon examination appear to have -penetrated the slight interstices between the crystalline particles of -the rock, which had been bruised and slightly fractured by hammering -with a piece of stone. It appears probable, too, that the hammering was -repeated after application of the colors to insure better results. - -Upon a small bowlder, under the natural archway formed by the breaking -of the large rock, small depressions were found which had been used as -mortars for grinding and mixing the colors. These depressions average -2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch in depth. Traces of color still -remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shining substance resembling a -coating of varnish, though of a flinty hardness. - -This coating is so thin that it cannot be removed with a steel -instrument, and appears to have become part of the rock itself. - -From the animals depicted upon the ceiling it seems that both beaver -and deer were found in the country, and as the beaver tail and the -hoofs of deer and antelope are boiled to procure glue, it is probable -that the tribe which made these pictographs was as far advanced in -respect to the making of glue and preparing of paints as other tribes -throughout the United States. - -Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in -various places in the valley, while the yellow was an ocherous clay, -also found there. The white color was probably obtained there, and -is evidently earthy, though of what nature can only be surmised, not -sufficient being obtainable from the rock picture to make satisfactory -analysis with the blow pipe. The composition of the black is not -known, unless it was made by mixing clay and powdered charcoal from -the embers. The latter is a preparation common at this day among other -tribes. - -An immense granite bowlder, about 20 feet in thickness and 30 in -length, is so broken that a lower quarter is removed, leaving a large -square passageway through its entire diameter almost northwest and -southeast. Upon the western wall of this passageway is a collection of -the colored sketches of which Figure 155 is a reduced copy. The entire -face of the rock upon which the pictograph occurs measures about 12 -or 15 feet in width and 8 in height. The ceiling also contains many -characters of birds, quadrupeds, etc. No. 1 in the figure measures 6 -feet in height, from the end of the toes to the top of the head, the -others being in proportion as represented. - -The attempt at reproducing gestures is admirably portrayed, and the -following explanations are based upon such natural gestures as are -almost universally in use: - -No. 1 represents a person weeping. The eyes have lines running down to -the breast, below the ends of which are three short lines on either -side. The arms and hands are in the exact position for making the -gesture for rain. It was evidently the intention of the artist to show -that the hands in this gesture should be passed downward over the face, -as probably suggested by the short lines upon the lower end of the -tears. This is a noticeable illustration of the general term used by -Indians when making the gesture for weeping; _i. e._, “eye-rain.” It is -evident that sorrow is portrayed in this illustration, grief based upon -the sufferings of others who are shown in connection therewith. - -Nos. 2, 3, 4. Six individuals apparently making the gesture for -“hunger,” by passing the hands towards and backward from the sides of -the body, denoting a “gnawing sensation,” as expressed by Indians. -No. 4 occupying a horizontal position, may possibly denote a “dead -man,” dead of starvation, this position being adopted by the Ojibwa, -Blackfeet, and others as a common way of representing a dead person. -The varying lengths of head ornaments denote different degrees of -position as warriors or chiefs. - -Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 are individuals in various shapes making gestures -for negation, or more specifically _nothing_, _nothing here_, a natural -and universal gesture made by throwing one or both hands outward toward -either side of the body. The hands are extended also, and, to make the -action apparently more emphatic, the extended toes are also shown on -Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 9. The several lines upon the leg of No. 9 refer -evidently to trimmings upon the leggings. - -No. 10 is strikingly similar to the Alaskan pictographs (see No. 1 of -Figure 55, page 153) indicating _self_ with the right hand, and the -left pointing away, signifying _to go_. - -No. 11 is an ornamented head with body and legs, and is unintelligible. -This may probably refer to a Shaman, the head being similar to like -personages as represented by the Ojibwa and Iroquois. - -Similar drawings occur at a distance of about 10 miles southeast of -this locality, as well as at other places toward the northwest, and -it appears probable that the present record was made by a portion -of a tribe which had advanced for the purpose of selecting a new -camping place, but failing to find the necessary quantities of food -for sustenance, this notice was erected to advise their successors of -their misfortune and ultimate departure toward the northwest. It is -noticeable, also, that the picture is so placed upon the rock that the -extended arm of No. 10 points toward the north. - -The foregoing description is substantially the same as published by Dr. -Hoffman in Transactions of the Anthropological Society, Washington, II, -1883, pages 128-132. - -The limits of this paper do not allow of presenting a list of the -characters in the pictographs which have become known. It may be -properly demanded, however, that some of the characters in the -petroglyph, Figure 1, should be explained. The following is a list of -those which were interpreted to Mr. Gilbert, as mentioned on page 29 -_supra_. - -[Illustration: FIG. 156.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 157.] - -Figure 156 is an inclosure, or pen, in which ceremonial dances are -performed. Figure 157 is a head-dress used in ceremonial dances. - -[Illustration: FIG. 158.] - -Figure 158 shows different representations of houses. - -[Illustration: FIG. 159.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 160.] - -Figure 159 sketches the frames or sticks used in carrying wood on the -back. Figure 160 shows different forms of arrows. - -[Illustration: FIG. 161.] - -Figure 161 represents the blossoms of melons, squashes, etc. - -[Illustration: FIG. 162.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 163.] - -Figure 162 shows three ways in which lightning is represented. Figure -163 represents clouds. - -[Illustration: FIG. 164.] - -Figure 164 represents clouds with rain descending. - -[Illustration: FIG. 165.] - -Figure 165 shows various forms of stars. - -[Illustration: FIG. 166.] - -Figure 166 shows various representations of the sun. - -[Illustration: FIG. 167.] - -Figure 167 shows various representations of sunrise. - -It is of interest in this connection that in the pictorial notation -of the Laplanders the sun bears its usual figure of a man’s head, -rayed, as reported in Schoolcraft, _op. cit._ I, 426. See drawings in -Scheffer’s Hist. of Lapland, London ed., 1704. - -It may be desirable also to note, to avoid misconception, that where, -through this paper, mention is made of particulars under the headings -of Customs, Religious, etc., which might be made the subject of -graphic illustration in pictographs, and for that reason should be -known as preliminary to the attempted interpretation of the latter, -the suggestion is not given as a mere hypothesis. Such objective marks -and conceptions of the character indicated which can readily be made -objective, are in fact frequently found in pictographs and have been -understood by means of the preliminary information to which reference -is made. When interpretations obtained through this line of study are -properly verified they can take places in the card-catalogue little -inferior to those of interpretations derived directly from aboriginal -pictographers. - - -HOMOMORPHS AND SYMMORPHS. - -It has been already mentioned that characters substantially the -same, or homomorphs, made by one set of people, have a different -signification among others. Differing forms for the same general -conception or idea are also noticed. These may be termed symmorphs. -Some examples under these titles are noted as follows, not for the -purpose of giving an even approximately complete list, but merely to -show the manner in which they may be compared and sometimes confused -with similar characters, some of which appear in other parts of this -paper. - -[Illustration: FIG. 168.] - -Figure 168 represents Dakota lodges as drawn by the Hidatsa. These -characters when carelessly or rudely drawn can only be distinguished -from personal marks by their position and their relation to other -characters. - -[Illustration: FIG. 169.] - -Figure 169 signifies earth lodges among the Hidatsa. The circles -resemble the ground plan of the lodges, while the central markings are -intended to represent the upright poles, which support the roof on the -interior. Some of these are similar to the Kadiak drawing for island, -Figure 47, page 147. - -[Illustration: FIG. 170.] - -Figure 170 represents buildings erected by white men; the character is -generally used by the Hidatsa to designate Government buildings and -traders’ stores. - -[Illustration: FIG. 171.] - -Figure 171 is the Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa. Inclosure with -earth lodges within. - -The Arikara sometimes simply mark dots or spots to signify men; when -in connection with small crescents to denote horses. The numerical -strength of a war party is sometimes shown in this manner, as in Figure -172. - -[Illustration: FIG. 172.] - -Figure 173 was drawn for dead man by the Arikara. Cf. “nothing there,” -page 168. - -[Illustration: FIG. 173.] - -Figure 174. In records of personal events the two lines above the head -of the fallen enemy denote among the Hidatsa that the person to whom -the exploit refers was the second to strike the body. - -[Illustration: FIG. 174.] - -Figure 175 shows the third person to strike the enemy, as drawn by the -Hidatsa. - -[Illustration: FIG. 175.] - -Figure 176 means a scalp taken. Hidatsa. - -[Illustration: FIG. 176.] - -Figure 177 signifies, in Hidatsa drawing, the man who struck the enemy, -and who took his gun. - -[Illustration: FIG. 177.] - -The following specimens from the writer’s card collection are presented -as having some individual interest: - -Figure 178 was drawn by a Dakota Indian, at Mendota, Minnesota, and -represents a man holding a scalp in one hand, while in the other is -the gun, the weapon used in the destruction of the enemy. The short -vertical lines below the periphery of the scalp indicate hair. The line -crossing the leg of the Indian is only an indication of the ground upon -which the figure is supposed to stand. - -[Illustration: FIG. 178.] - -Figure 179 is taken from the winter count of -Battiste Good for the year 1840-’41. He names it -“Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers winter” and -“Battiste-alone-returns winter.” He explains that the five were killed -in an encounter with the Panis. Battiste Good was the only one of the -party to escape. The capote is shown, and signifies war, as in several -other instances of the same record. The five short vertical lines below -the arrow signify that five were killed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 179.] - -Figure 180 is taken from Mrs. Eastman’s Dahcotah, or Life and Legends -of the Sioux, New York, 1849, p. xxvii, and shows a Dakota method of -recording the taking of prisoners. Nos. 1 and 3 are the prisoners; No. -1 being a female, as denoted by the presence of mammæ, and No. 3 a -male. No. 2 is the person making the capture. It is also noted that the -prisoners are without hands, to signify their helplessness. - -[Illustration: FIG. 180.] - -In this connection the following quotation is taken from the Historical -Collections of Louisiana, Part III, 1851, p. 124, describing a -pictograph, as follows: “There were two figures of men without heads -and some entire. The first denoted the dead and the second the -prisoners. One of my conductors told me on this occasion that when -there are any French among either, they set their arms akimbo, or their -hands upon their hips, to distinguish them from the savages, whom they -represent with their arms hanging down. This distinction is not purely -arbitrary; it proceeds from these people having observed that the -French often put themselves in this posture, which is not used among -them.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 181.--Circle of men. Dakota.] - -Figure 181 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the -year 1851-’52. In the year 1851-’52, the first issue of goods was made -to the Indians, and the character represents a blanket surrounded by -a circle to show how the Indians sat awaiting the distribution. The -people are represented by small lines running at right angles to the -circle. - -[Illustration: FIG. 182.--Shooting from river banks. Dakota.] - -Figure 182 is also from Battiste Good. An encounter is represented -between two tribes, each on the banks of a river, from which arrows -were fired across the water at the opposing party. The vertical lines -represent the banks, while the opposing arrows denote a fight or an -encounter. - -[Illustration: FIG. 183.--Panther. Haida.] - -The drawing, Figure 183, was made by Mr. J. G. Swan while on a visit to -the Prince of Wales Archipelago, where he found two carved figures with -panthers’ heads, and claws upon the fore feet, and human feet attached -to the hind legs. These mythical animals were placed upon either side -of a corpse which was lying in state, awaiting burial. - -This union of the human figure with that of other animals is of -interest in comparison with the well-known forms of similar character -in the art of Egypt and Assyria. - -[Illustration: FIG. 184.--Wolf head. Haida.] - -The feet of the accompanying Figure 184 cannot be seen, being hidden in -the head of the figure beneath. It is squatting, with its hands on its -knees, and has a wolf’s head. Arms, legs, mouth, jaws, nostrils, and -ear-holes are scarlet; eyebrows, irises, and edges of the ears black. -The figure is reproduced from The Northwest Coast of America, being -results of recent ethnological researches from the collections of the -Royal Museums at Berlin. (Trans. from German.) New York, Pl. 7, Fig. 3. - -The accompanying illustration, Figure 185, represents a knife from -Africa, which bears upon both sides of the blade incised characters of -the human form, strikingly similar to those found among the Ojibwa. The -lines running upward from the head are identical with an Ojibwa form of -representing a meda, or Shaman, while the hour-glass form of body is -also frequently found, though generally used to designate a woman, the -lower part of the body representing the skirt. In the present instance, -it may have allusion to the peculiar skirt-like dress often worn by the -men among the tribes of Northern Africa. - -[Illustration: FIG. 185.--Drawings on an African knife.] - -The lines extending from the middle of the body downward to below the -skirt and terminating in an irregular knob somewhat resemble the Pueblo -method of designating sex, the male being shown by a small cross, and -the female by a simple, short, vertical line attached to the perinæum. - -The upper character, in B, in addition to the line and circle extending -downward from the lower extremity, shows a bird’s leg and toes at -either side. This is also, according to Schoolcraft, an Ojibwa method -of depicting a person or being who is endowed with the power of flight -into the upper regions, hence one of superior knowledge. - -The history of the knife here figured is received from Mr. Thomas M. -Chatard, of the National Museum, who in turn obtained it from his -father, Mr. F. E. Chatard, Baltimore, Maryland, who writes that it -was obtained at Cape Mesurado, Africa, in November, 1822, where the -natives had attacked a recently established colony. The Africans were -repulsed, and the knife was subsequently picked up on the battle-field -and brought to America by the late William Seton, an officer of the -United States Navy. - - - - -CONVENTIONALIZING. - - -The course of conventionalizing is noticeable in pictographs as well -as in gesture-signs, on the one hand, and, on the other, as it appears -in all forms of graphic art. The analysis of such conventions in form -could be pursued at great length with regard to the pictographs now -known in the same manner as has been done with success by Dr. Harrison -Allen in his work “An analysis of the Life-form in Art,” Philadelphia, -1875. Some suggestions may be obtained from the present paper, -especially from examples given under the headings of Ideographs, page -219, and Homomorphs and Symmorphs, page 239. See also conventionalized -sign for Ponka in Winter Count No. I for 1778-79, on page 131, and -for Mandan in the same count for 1783-84, on the same page; also the -conventional sign for Cheyenne, Figure 78, page 173; also the device -for starvation, Figure 144, page 220, as conventionalized in Figure -145, page 221. The limits of this paper will only allow of submitting -in addition the following conventionalized forms of the human figure, -in some cases being merely marks arbitrarily used to represent humanity: - -[Illustration: FIG. 186.] - -Figure 186 signifies men among the Arikara. The characters are used -in connection with horse-shoes, to denote “mounted men.” In other -pictographs such spots or dots are merely numerical. - -[Illustration: FIG. 187.] - -Figure 187 is drawn by the Kiatéxamut branch of the Innuits for man. It -is an abbreviated form and rare. - -[Illustration: FIG. 188.] - -Figure 188, drawn by the Blackfeet, signifies “Man--dead.” This is from -a pictograph in Wind River Mountains. See Jones’s Northwestern Wyoming, -etc., _op. cit._ - -[Illustration: FIG. 189.] - -Figure 189 is the Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. This figure is -armless; generally represents the person addressed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 190.] - -Figure 190 is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. The figure -makes the gesture for _negation_. - -[Illustration: FIG. 191.] - -Figure 191, from a Californian pictograph, is a man, also gesturing -_negation_. - -[Illustration: FIG. 192.] - -Figure 192 is another Californian pictograph for man, making the same -gesture. - -[Illustration: FIG. 193.] - -Figure 193, from Schoolcraft, I, Pl. 59, No. 91, is the Ojibwa “symbol” -for disabled man. - -[Illustration: FIG. 194.] - -Figure 194 is the Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for Shaman. - -[Illustration: FIG. 195.] - -Figure 195, used by the Kiatéxamut Innuit, represents man supplicating. - -The five figures, 196 to 200, are reproduced from Schoolcraft, Vol. -I, Pl. 58, opp. p. 408. The Numbers attached are those given by that -author: - -[Illustration: FIG. 196.] - -Figure 196, No. 6, is the Ojibwa representative figure for man. - -[Illustration: FIG. 197.] - -Figure 197, No. 10, is used by the Ojibwa to denote a spirit or man -enlightened from on high, having the head of the sun. - -[Illustration: FIG. 198.] - -Figure 198, No. 20, is drawn by the Ojibwa for a “wabeno” or Shaman. - -[Illustration: FIG. 199.] - -Figure 199, No. 30, is the Ojibwa “symbol” for an evil or one-sided -“meda” or higher grade Shaman. - -[Illustration: FIG. 200.] - -Figure 200, No. 29, is the Ojibwa general “symbol” for a meda. - -[Illustration: FIG. 201.] - -Figure 201 is drawn by the Hidatsa for man. - -[Illustration: FIG. 202.] - -Figure 202, from Schoolcraft, I, Pl. 58, No. 3, is an Ojibwa drawing of -a headless body. - -[Illustration: FIG. 203.] - -Figure 203, from Schoolcraft, I, Pl. 58, No. 2, is another Ojibwa -figure for a headless body, perhaps female. - -[Illustration: FIG. 204.] - -Figure 204, contributed by Mr. Gilbert Thompson, is a drawing for man, -made by the Moki in Arizona. - -[Illustration: FIG. 205.] - -Figure 205, reproduced from Schoolcraft, I, Pl. 64, opposite page 424, -is a drawing from the banks of the River Yenesei, Siberia, by Von -Strahlenberg, in his historical and geographical description of the -northern and eastern parts of Europe, Asia, etc. London, 1738. - -The similarity to characters on Figure 185 is obvious. - -[Illustration: FIG. 206.] - -Figure 206, also from Strahlenberg, and quoted in Schoolcraft, Vol. I, -Pl. 66, Fig. 4, opp. p. 342, was found in Siberia, and is identical -with the character which, according to Schoolcraft, is drawn by -the Ojibwa to represent speed and the power of superior knowledge -by exaltation to the regions of the air, being, in his opinion, a -combination of bird and man. - -It is to be noticed that some Ojibwa recently examined regard the -character merely as a human figure with outstretched arms, and fringes -pendant therefrom. It has, also, a strong resemblance to some of the -figures in the Dakota Winter Counts (those for 1854-’55 and 1866-’67, -pages 121 and 124, respectively), in which there is no attempt -understood to signify any thing more than a war-dress. - -[Illustration: FIG. 207.] - -Figure 207, according to Schoolcraft, Vol. I, Pl. 58, No. 58, is the -Ojibwa drawing symbolic for an American. - - - - -ERRORS AND FRAUDS. - - -No large amount of space need be occupied in the mention of recognized -pictographic frauds, their importance being small, but much more than -is now allowed would be required for the discussion of controverted -cases. - -There is little inducement, beyond a disposition to hoax, to commit -actual frauds in the fabrication of rock-carvings. The instances where -inscribed stones from mounds have been ascertained to be forgeries or -fictitious drawings have been about equally divided between simple -mischief and an attempt either to increase the marketable value of some -real estate, supposed to contain more, or to sell the specimens. - -With regard to the much more familiar and more portable material of -engraved pipes, painted robes and like curios, it is well known to all -recent travelers in the West who have had former experience that the -fancy prices paid by amateurs for those decorations have stimulated -their wholesale manufacture by Indians at agencies (locally termed -“coffee-coolers”), who make a business of sketching upon ordinary robes -or plain pipes the characters in common use by them, without regard to -any real event or person, and selling them as curious records. - -This pictorial forgery would seem to show a gratifying advance of -the Indians in civilization, but it is feared that the credit of the -invention is chiefly due to some enterprising traders who have been -known to furnish the unstained robes, plain pipes, paints, and other -materials for the purpose, and simply pay a skillful Indian for his -work, when the fresh antique or imaginary chronicle is delivered. - -Six inscribed copper plates were said to have been found in a mound -near Kinderhook, Pike County, Illinois, which were reported to bear -a close resemblance to Chinese. This resemblance seemed not to be so -extraordinary when it was ascertained that the plate had been engraved -by the village blacksmith, copied from the lid of a Chinese tea-chest. - -Mica plates were found in a mound at Lower Sandusky, Ohio, which, after -some attempts at interpretation, proved to belong to the material known -as graphic or hieroglyphic mica, the discolorations having been caused -by the infiltration of mineral solution between the laminæ. - -The following recent notice of a case of alleged fraud is quoted from -Science, Vol. III, No. 58, March 14, 1884, page 334: - - Dr. N. Roe Bradner exhibited [at the Academy of Natural Sciences, - Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,] an inscribed stone found inside a skull - taken from one of the ancient mounds at Newark, Ohio, in 1865. An - exploration of the region had been undertaken in consequence of - the finding of stones bearing markings somewhat resembling Hebrew - letters, in the hope of finding other specimens of a like character. - The exploration was supposed to have been entirely unproductive of - such objects until Dr. Bradner had found the engraved stone, now - exhibited, in a skull which had been given to him. - -This was supplemented by an editorial note in No. 62 of the same -publication, page 467, as follows: - - A correspondent from Newark, Ohio, warns us that any inscribed - stones said to originate from that locality may be looked upon as - spurious. Years ago certain parties in that place made a business of - manufacturing and burying inscribed stones and other objects in the - autumn, and exhuming them the following spring in the presence of - innocent witnesses. Some of the parties to these frauds afterwards - confessed to them; and no such objects, except such as were spurious, - have ever been known from that region. - -The correspondent of Science probably remembered the operations of -David Wyrick, of Newark, who, to prove his theory that the Hebrews were -the mound-builders, discovered in 1860 a tablet bearing on one side a -truculent “likeness” of Moses with his name in Hebrew, and on the other -a Hebrew abridgment of the ten commandments. A Hebrew bible afterwards -found in Mr. Wyrick’s private room threw some light on the inscribed -characters. - -As the business of making and selling archæological frauds has become -so extensive in Egypt and Palestine, it can be no matter of surprise -that it has been attempted by the enterprising people of the United -States. The Bureau of Ethnology has discovered several centers of that -fraudulent industry. - -Without further pursuing the subject of mercenary frauds, an example -may be mentioned which was brought forth during the researches of -the present writer and his assistant, Dr. Hoffman, which is probably -as good a case of a modern antique in this line as can be presented. -Figure 208 is a copy of a drawing taken from an Ojibwa pipe-stem, -obtained by Dr. Hoffman from an officer of the United States Army, who -had procured it from an Indian in Saint Paul, Minnesota. On a later -and more minute examination, it appeared that the pipe-stem had been -purchased at a store in Saint Paul, which had furnished a large number -of similar objects, so large as to awaken suspicion that they were in -the course of daily manufacture. The figures and characters on the -pipe-stem were drawn in colors. In the present figure, which is without -colors, the horizontal lines represent blue and the vertical red, -according to the heraldic scheme several times used in this paper. The -outlines were drawn in a dark neutral tint, in some lines approaching -black; the triangular characters, representing lodges, being also in -a neutral tint, or an ashen hue, and approaching black in several -instances. The explanation of the figures, made before there was any -suspicion of their real character, is as follows: - -[Illustration: FIG. 208.--Specimen of imitated pictograph.] - -The first figure is that of a bear, representing the individual to whom -the record pertains. The three hearts above the line, according to an -expression in gesture language, signifies a brave heart; increased -numbers indicating _much_ or _many_, _i. e._, a large brave heart. - -The second figure, a circle inclosing a triradiate character, refers -to the personal totem. The character in the middle resembles, to some -extent, the pictograph sometimes found to represent stars, though in -the latter the lines center upon the disks and not at a common point. - -The seven triangular characters represent the lodges of a village to -which the individual to whom reference is made belongs. - -The serpentine line immediately below these signifies a stream or -river, near which the village is located. - -The two persons holding guns in their left hands, together with another -having a spear, appear to be the companions of the speaker, all of whom -are members of the turtle gens, as shown by that reptile. - -The curve from left to right is a representation of the sky, the sun -having appeared upon the left or eastern horizon when the transaction -below mentioned was enacted. In an explanation by gesture, or by -pictograph, the speaker always faces the south, or conducts himself -as if he did so, and begins on the left side to convey the idea of -morning, if day; the hand, or line, is drawn all the way from the -eastern horizon to the western. The above, then, represents the morning -when a female--headless body of a woman--a member of the crane gens, -was killed. - -The figure of a bear below is the same apparently as number one, though -turned to the right. The heart is reversed to denote sadness, grief, -remorse, as expressed in gesture-language, and to atone for the misdeed -committed in the proceeding the pipe is brought and offering made to -the “Great Spirit.” - -Altogether, the act depicted appears to have been accidental, the woman -belonging to the same tribe, as can be learned from the gens of which -she was a member. The regret or sorrow signified in the bear, next to -the last figure, corresponds with that supposition, as such feelings -would not be congruous to the Indian in the case of an enemy. - -The point of interest in this pictograph is, that the figures are -very skillfully copied from the numerous characters of the same kind -representing Ojibwa pictographs, and given by Schoolcraft. The -arrangement of these copied characters is precisely that which would be -natural in the similar work of Indians. In fact, the groups constitute -a thoroughly genuine pictograph, and afford a good illustration of the -manner in which a record can be made. The fact that it was made and -sold under false representations is its objectionable feature. - -An inscribed stone found in Grave Creek Mound, near the Ohio River, in -1838, has been the subject of much linguistic contention among those -who admitted its authenticity. Twenty-four characters on it have been -considered to be alphabetic and one is a supposed hieroglyphic sign. -Mr. Schoolcraft says that twenty-two of the characters are alphabetic, -but there has been a difference of opinion with regard to their origin. -One scholar finds among them four characters which he claims are -ancient Greek; another claims that four are Etruscan; five have been -said to be Runic; six, ancient Gaelic; seven, old Erse; ten, Phœnician; -fourteen, old British; and sixteen, Celteberic. M. Levy Bing reported -at the Congress of Americanists at Nancy, in 1875, that he found in the -inscription twenty-three Canaanite letters, and translated it: “What -thou sayest, thou dost impose it, thou shinest in thy impetuous clan -and rapid chamois.”(!) M. Maurice Schwab in 1857 rendered it: “The -Chief of Emigration who reached these places (or this island) has fixed -these statutes forever.” M. Oppert, however, gave additional variety by -the translation, so that all tastes can be suited: “The grave of one -who was assassinated here. May God to avenge him strike his murderer, -cutting off the hand of his existence.” - -For further particulars on this topic reference may be made to Colonel -Charles Whittlesey’s Archæological Frauds, in several tracts, and to -The Mound Builders, by J. P. MacLean, Cincinnati, 1879, p. 90, _et seq._ - -From considerations mentioned in the introduction of this paper, -and others that are obvious, any inscriptions purporting to be -pre-Columbian showing apparent use of alphabetic characters, signs of -the zodiac, or other evidences of a culture higher than that known -among the North American Indians, must be received with caution, -but the pictographs may be altogether genuine, and their erroneous -interpretation be the sole ground of their being discredited. - -In this connection some allusion may be made to the learned discussions -upon the Dighton rock before mentioned. The originally Algonkian -characters were translated by a Scandinavian antiquary as an account -of the party of Thorfinn, the Hopeful. A distinguished Orientalist -made out clearly the word _melek_ (king). Another scholar triumphantly -established the characters to be Scythian, and still another made them -Phœnician. But this inscription has been so manipulated that it is -difficult now to determine the original details. - -The course above explained, viz., to attempt the interpretation of -all unknown American pictographs by the aid of actual pictographers -among the living Indians, should be adopted regarding all remarkable -“finds.” This course was pursued by Mr. Horatio N. Rust, of Pasadena, -California, regarding the much-discussed Davenport Tablets, in the -genuineness of which he believes, and which is not here placed in -question. Mr. Rust exhibited the drawings to Dakotas, with the result -made public at the late Montreal meeting of the American Association -for the Advancement of Science, and also in a letter, an extract from -which is as follows: - - As I made the acquaintance of several of the older and more - intelligent members of the tribe, I took the opportunity to show them - the drawings. Explaining that they were pictures copied from stones - found in a mound, I asked what they meant. They readily gave me the - same interpretation (and in no instance did either interpreter know - that another had seen the pictures, so there could be no collusion). - In Plate I, of the Davenport Inscribed Tablets [so numbered in the - Proceedings of the Davenport Academy, Vol. II], the lower central - figure represents a dome-shaped lodge, with smoke issuing from - the top, behind and to either side of which appears a number of - individuals with hands joined, while three persons are depicted as - lying upon the ground. Upon the right and left central margins are - the sun and moon, the whole surmounted by three arched lines, between - each of which, as well as above them, are numerous unintelligible - characters. * * * The central figure, which has been supposed by some - to represent a funeral pile, was simply the picture of a dirt lodge. - The irregular markings apparently upon the side and to the left of - the lodge represent a fence made of sticks and brush set in the - ground. The same style of fence may be seen now in any Sioux village. - - The lines of human figures standing hand-in-hand indicate that a - dance was being conducted in the lodge. The three prostrate forms at - right and left sides of the lodge represent two men and a woman who, - being overcome by the excitement and fatigue of the dance, had been - carried out in the air to recover. The difference in the shape of the - prostrate forms indicates the different sexes. - - The curling figures or rings above the lodge represent smoke, and - indicates that the dance was held in winter, when fire was used. - -An example of forced interpretation of a genuine petroglyph is given -by Lieutenant J. W. Gunnison, U. S. Top. Engineers, in his work -entitled The Mormons, or, Latter-day Saints, in the Valley of the Great -Salt Lake, etc., Philadelphia, 1852, pp. 62, 63. He furnishes two -illustrations of petroglyphs taken from the cliff in Sam Pete Valley, -Utah, not reproduced in this paper, which resemble the general type of -the Shoshonian system. On account of various coincidences which have -occurred to strikingly keep alive in the mountain brethren their idea -of being the chosen of the Lord, these etchings confirm them in the -belief of the inspiration of the Book of Mormon. One of their Regents -has translated one of them as follows: - - I, Mahanti, the 2nd King of the Lamanites, in five valleys in the - mountains, make this record in the 12 hundredth year since we came - out of Jerusalem. And I have three sons gone to the South country to - live by hunting antelope and deer. - -Among the curiosities of literature in connection with the -interpretation of pictographs may be mentioned La Vèritè sur le Livre -des Sauvages, par L’Abbé Em. Domenech, Paris, 1861, and Researches -into the Lost Histories of America, by W. S. Blacket, London and -Philadelphia, 1884. - -Under the head of errors some of the most marked have arisen from the -determination of enthusiastic symbolists to discover something mystical -in the form of the cross wherever found. - -The following quotation is taken from a work by Gabriel de Mortillet, -entitled Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme (Paris, Reinwald, -1866), p. 173: - - On voit qu’il ne peut plus y avoir de doute sur l’emploi de la Croix - comme signe religieux, bien longtemps avant le christianisme. Le - culte de la Croix, répandu en Gaule avant la conquête, existait - déjà dans l’Émilie à l’époque du bronze, plus de mille aus avant - Jésus-Christ. - - C’est surtout dans les sépultures de Golasecca où ce culte s’est - révélé de la manière la plus complète; et là, chose étrange, on a - trouvé un vase portant le monogramme ancien du Christ, figure 117 - [reproduced in the present paper by Figure 209; the right-hand figure - being from the vase, and that on the left the recognized monogram of - Christ], dessiné peut-être mille ans avant la venue de Jésus-Christ. - La présence isolée de ce monogramme du Christ au milieu de nombreuses - Croix est-elle un fait accidentel entièrement fortuit? Des recherches - plus complètes peuvent seules permettre de répondre à cette question. - - Un autre fait fort curieux, très-intéressant à constater, c’est - que ce grand développement du culte de la Croix, avant la venue du - Christ, semble toujours coïncider avec l’absence d’idoles et même - de toute représentation d’objets vivants. Dès que ces objets se - montrent, on dirait que les Croix deviennent plus rares et finissent - même par disparaître. - - La Croix a donc été, dans la haute antiquité, bien longtemps avant - la venue de Jésus-Christ, l’emblème sacré d’une secte religieuse qui - repoussait l’idolâtrie!!! - -[Illustration: FIG. 209.--Symbols of the cross.] - -The author, with considerable naiveté, has evidently determined that -the form of the cross was significant of a high state of religious -culture, and that its being succeeded by effigies, which he calls -idols, showed a lapse into idolatry. The fact is simply that, next -to one straight line, the combination of two straight lines forming -a cross is the easiest figure to draw, and its use before art could -attain to the drawing of animal forms, or their representation in -plastic material, is merely an evidence of crudeness or imperfection in -designing. It is worthy of remark that Dr. Schliemann, in his “Troja,” -page 107, presents as Fig. 38 a much more distinct cross than that -given by M. Mortillet, with the simple remark that it is “a geometrical -ornamentation.” An anecdote told by Dr. Robert Fletcher, U. S. Army, -in connection with his exhaustive paper on Tattooing Among Civilized -People, published in the Transactions of the Anthropological Society -of Washington, Vol. II, page 40, is also in point. Some _savants_ were -much excited over the form of the cross found in tattoo marks on an -Arab boy, but on inquiry of the mother as to why the cross had been -placed there, she simply answered “because it looked pretty.” The -present writer will add to the literature on the subject a reference to -the cross as shown upon the arm of a Cheyenne in Cloud-Shield’s winter -count for the year 1790-’91, page 132, _ante_. (See also page 173.) -This is explained fully by one of the common gestures for the tribal -sign, Cheyenne. - -“The extended index, palm upward, is drawn across the forefinger of -the left hand, palm inward, several times, left hand stationary; -right hand is drawn toward the body until the index is drawn clear -off; then repeat. Some Cheyennes believe this to have reference to -the former custom of cutting the arm as offerings to spirits, while -others think that it refers to a more ancient custom, the cutting of -the enemy’s fingers for necklaces.” The pictograph is simply a graphic -representation of this gesture sign. See also the Moki use of the -Maltese cross, page 232, the form of which in a rock-painting appears -in _x_ on Plate II, page 35. - -There is no doubt that among the Egyptians and several of the peoples -of the eastern hemisphere, ancient and modern, the form of the cross -was used symbolically, and there is no more doubt that it was employed -in a similar manner by many American tribes with reference to the -points of the compass, or rather the four winds. It was also used with -many differing significations. See in this paper Figure 60, page 158, -Figure 143, page 220, Figure 154, page 230, Figure 165, page 238, and -Figure 168, page 240. The ease with which the design was made would -tend to its early adoption as a sign, an emblem, or a symbol. - -Rev. S. D. Hinman states that among the Dakota, symbolic crosses always -have the members equal, or of the “Greek” pattern, and are always -worn resting on one foot, not two as in the St. Andrew’s cross. They -represent the four winds issuing from the four caverns in which the -souls of men existed before embodiment. The top of the cross is the -cold, all-conquering giant, the north wind. As worn on the body it is -nearest the head, the seat of intelligence. The top arm, covering the -heart, is the east wind, coming from the seat of life and love. The -foot is the burning south wind, indicating as it is worn the seat of -passion and fiery lust. The right is the gentle west wind, blowing from -the spirit land, covering the lungs, from which at last the breath goes -out. The center of the cross is the earth and man, sometimes indicated -at that point by a circle surrounding a dot. On the upper arm an arrow -is sometimes drawn, on the left a heart, on the right a star, and on -the lower a sun. - - - - -SUGGESTIONS TO COLLABORATORS. - - -The present writer hopes to receive contributions from travelers and -observers, not only in North America, but in other parts of the world. -Such collaboration will always receive due credit, and when practicable -will be reproduced in the language of the collaborator. - -The number and the importance of the contributions received upon the -collateral branch of sign-language encourages the hope of similar -success in this application for assistance in the monograph on -pictographs now in preparation. - -The main object of the classification both of the text and of the -illustrations in the present paper has been to stimulate the research -and assist the collaboration invited, so that reference to the various -preceding headings is unnecessary. Some practical suggestions may, -however, be offered as follows: - -As a small drawing of large rock inscriptions may give an exaggerated -idea of the degree of finish or fineness of the subject, it is -desirable, in every instance, to affix the scale of the drawing, or -to give a principal dimension that may serve as a guide. A convenient -scale for ordinary petroglyphs is one-sixteenth of full size. The -drawing should be sufficiently close and accurate to show the character -of the work. It is desirable to note the lithologic character of the -rock or bowlder used; whether the drawing has been etched into the -face of the rock, or pecked in more deeply with a sharp implement, -and the depth of such pecking; whether the design is merely outlined, -or the whole body of the figures pecked out, and whether paint has -been applied to the pecked surface, or the design executed with paint -only. The composition of paint should be ascertained when possible. -The amount of weathering or erosion, together with the exposure, or -any other feature bearing on the question of antiquity, would prove -important. If actual colors are not accessible for representation the -ordinary heraldic scheme of colors can be used. - -That sketches even by fair artists, are of not high value in accuracy, -is shown by the discrepant copies of some of the most carefully-studied -pictographs, which discrepancies sometimes leave in uncertainty the -points most needed for interpretation. Sketches, or still better, -photographs are desirable to present a connected and general view of -the characters and the surface upon which they are found. For accuracy -of details “squeezes” should be obtained when practicable. - -A simple method of obtaining squeezes of petroglyphs, when the lines -are sufficiently deep to receive an impression, is to take ordinary -manilla paper of loose texture, and to spread the sheet, after being -thoroughly wetted, over the surface desired, commencing at the top. -The top edge may be temporarily secured by a small streak of starch -or flour paste. The paper is then pressed upon the surface of the -rock by means of a soft bristle brush, so that its texture is gently -forced into every depression. Torn portions of the paper may be -supplied by applying small patches of wet paper until every opening is -thoroughly covered. A coating of ordinary paste, as above mentioned, -is now applied to the entire surface, and a new sheet of paper, -similarly softened by water, is laid over this and pressed down with -the brush. This process is continued until three or four thicknesses -of paper have been used. Upon drying, the entire mold will usually -fall off by contraction. The edge at the top, if previously pasted to -the rock, should be cut. The entire sheet can then be rolled up, or -if inconveniently large can be cut in sections and properly marked -for future purposes. This process yields the negative. To obtain the -_positive_ the inner coating of the negative may be oiled, and the -former process renewed upon the cast. - -Pictographs, when of bright colors and upon a light-colored surface, -may readily be traced upon tracing linen, such as is employed by -topographers. Should the rock be of a dark color, and the characters -indistinct, a simple process is to first follow the pictographic -characters in outline with colored crayons, red chalk, or dry colors -mixed with water and applied with a brush, after which a piece of -muslin is placed over the surface and pressed so as to receive -sufficient coloring matter to indicate the general form and relative -positions of the characters. After these impressions are touched up the -true position may be obtained by painting the lines upon the back of -the sheet of muslin, or by making a true tracing of the negative. - -A mode of securing the outline once adopted was to clear out the -channels of the intaglios, then, after painting them heavily, to press -a sheet of muslin into the freshly-painted depressions. The objection -to this method is the obvious damage inflicted on the inscription. -Before such treatment, if the only one practicable, all particulars of -the work to be covered by paint should be carefully recorded. - -The locality should be reported with detail of State (or Territory), -county, township, and distance and direction from the nearest -post-office, railway station or country road. In addition the name -of any contiguous stream, hill, bluff, or other remarkable natural -feature should be given. The name of the owner of the land is of some -secondary value, but that indication is liable to frequent changes. The -site or station should be particularly described with reference to the -surrounding country and to the natural circumstances and geological -history of the location. - -When numbers and groups of petroglyphs or rock paintings occur, -their relation to each other, to the points of the compass, or to -topographical features should be noted, if possible, by an accurate -survey, otherwise by numeration and sketching. - -The following details should be carefully noted: The direction of the -face of the rock. The presence of probable trails and gaps which may -have been used in shortening distances in travel. Localities of mounds -and caves, if any, in the vicinity. Ancient camping grounds, indicated -by fragments of pottery, flint chips, etc. Existence of aboriginal -relics, particularly flints which may have been used in pecking; these -may be found at the base of the rocks upon which petroglyphs occur. The -presence of small mortar-holes which may have served in the preparation -of colors. - -With reference to pictographs on other objects than rock the material -upon which they appear and the substances used in their execution -should be reported, as indicated in another part of this paper. - -With reference to all kinds of pictographs, it should be noted that -mere descriptions without reproduction are of little value. Probable -age and origin and traditions relating to them should be ascertained. -Their interpretation by natives of the locality who themselves make -pictographs or who belong to people who have lately made pictographs -is most valuable, especially in reference to such designs as do not -represent objects of nature, and which may be either conventional or -connected with lines of gesture-signs. - - - - -Index - - - A - - Abbe, Prof. Cleveland, explained eclipse to Indians 125 - Abnaki devices 152, 153 - [Absaroka], customs 55, 166, 230 - Abstract ideas pictured 233 - Achievements, Signs of individual 183-187 - Adams, William A., on rock carvings 22 - [African] carved knife 243 - [African] property mark 182 - Aigaluxamut dialect 148, 198, 199 - Ainos of Gazo tattoo 78 - [Alaska] Commercial Company, ivory pictographs 191-194 - [Alaska] tattooing 66-73 - Alaskan pictographs 59, 147-150, 152-155, 161, 191-194, 197-199, 214 - Algonkian linguistic stock 19 - [Algonkin] family 118 - [Algonkin] petroglyph 20, 224-225, 227 - [Algonkin] tribe 108 - [Algonquin] characters 250 - [Algonquin] legends of New England 190 - Alleghany River, Pictographs on 20, 21 - Allen, Dr. Harrison, on conventionalized forms 244 - Alphabets 13 - American Horse chart or Winter count, (_see_ Corbusier Winter counts) - 95, 129-146 - [American Naturalist] on tattooing 76 - Amherst, Ohio, Rock carvings at 21 - Analysis of the life form in art, An 244 - Andree, Dr. R., criticism on pictographs 14-15 - [Animal] mounds in Wisconsin 61 - Anthropological Society, Washington, cited 17 - Antiquities of the Southern Indians, Jones, quoted 22-23, 46 - Arab symbols 222 - [Arapahoes], Algonkin 108, 109 - [Arapahoes], called Blue Cloud 176 - [Arapahoes], formation of war party 139 - Arch Spring, Pictographs at 28 - Archæological frauds, Whittlesey’s, cited 250 - Arickara (see Arikara) 100, 101 - [Arikara] at war with Dakotas and United States 111-112 - [Arikara] pictography 48, 50, 59, 186, 187, 240 - [Arikara] property marks 182 - [Arikara] Symbol of 60, 213-214, 231 - [Arikaras], a branch of the Pawnee or Pani 105 - [Arikaras], killed 209-214 - Arikaree; Corrupt form of Arikara 100 - Arison, William, copied petroglyph 225 - [Arizona], pictographs on person 61 - Rock carvings in 28-30, 222, 228, 245 - Army Medical Museum, Tattooed heads in 75 - Arrows in declaration of war 87, 88 - Ashley, Gen. William H., attacked by Arickara 111 - Assiniboine 116, 119, 124 - Association pictographs 203-206 - Atsina 108 - Australian tattooing 76 - Authors quoted by Bancroft 66 - Avoidance of personal name by Indians 171 - [Aztec] writing 14 - Azuza Cañon pictographs 37, 156 - - B - - Babylonian use of color 54 - Bancroft, H. H., on pictography 64, 65, 66, 73, 78, 88 - Barnes, Dr. G. W., California pictographs 229 - Barnesville, Ohio, Bock carvings at 21 - Bark, Pictographs on 59 - [Bark] record of Lenni Lenape 207 - Barrés totem mark 167 - [Basketry] suggesting ornament 57 - Beach’s Indian Miscellany, cited 188 - Beale wagon road 30 - Beaver Creek, Pictographs on 27 - Beef first issued to Dakotas 125 - Belmont County, Ohio, Rock carvings in 21 - Beltrami, J. C., on Dakotas 104-105 - Bendire, Capt. Charles, on petrographs 26 - Benton, Cal., Petrographs at 31, 32 - Berthond, Capt. E. L., on pictographs 27 - Bible on war symbols 88 - Big Horse Creek, Rock carvings on 22 - Big Road’s roster 174-176 - Biographic pictographs 208-218 - Black Bear or Mato Sapa’s chart 94, 99-127 - Black Hills discovered 130 - Black Late Valley, Pictographs at 31 - Black Rock Springs, Pictographs at 27 - Blacket, W. S., cited 251 - Blackfoot 102, 104, 106, 114, 121, 122, 227 - [Blackfoot] defined 97 - [Blackfoot], Rock carvings of 24 - Bland, Dr. T. A., loaned Red Cloud census 176, 177 - Blodgett, James H., on pictographs 33 - Blue Cloud, a name for Arapaho 117, 118, 176 - Boats ornamented 72, 78 - Bo-i-de, or The Flame, Time chart of 93 - Bone, Pictographs on 59 - [Bone] tattooed 73-74 - Book cliff, Pictographs of 27 - Bourke, Capt. John G., on Moki colors 56 - Bow-drill, used by Innuit 48 - Brauns, Professor, on tattooing 78 - Brazil, Petroglyphs in 44, 45 - [Brazil], Totem marks in 167 - Brinton, Dr. D. G., Research of 84, 188, 233 - British Guiana, Pictographs in 40-44 - Brown, Charles B., on pictographs in Guiana 40, 43, 44 - Brulé 108, 109, 119, 120, 122, 127, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137, 141 - [Brulé] defined 98, 207 - [Brulé] Winter counts 129 - Bureau of Ethnology, system of spelling 147 - Burning Spring, W. Va., Pictographs at 22 - Bush, Maj. Joseph, on time charts 94, 99-127 - - C - - Calendar 127 - [Calendar], of the Dakota Nation, A 89 - Calhoun, J. C., Report cited on attack of soldiers and Dakotas on - Arikaras 111, 112 - California claim symbols 159 - [California] grass weavers 78 - [California] mnemonic device 80, 81 - [California] pictographic land-marks 61 - [California] petrographs 30-33 - [California], Pictographs in 34, 59, 156-157, 182, 195, 198, - 229, 234, 245 - [California] tattooing 64 - [California] war challenge 88 - Calumet pipe 104 - Campbell’s Creek, West Virginia, Pictographs on 22 - Cañon de Chelly, Petroglyphs in 28, 37, 155 - Cape Mesurado, African knife from 243 - Caribbean Sea, Pictographs of 40 - Carisa Plain, Pictographs of the 36 - Carson Desert, Nevada, Rock-carvings in 24 - Carver, Capt. J., on Indians 98, 99, 104, 113 - Catlin on Indians 101, 114, 115, 116 - Catlinite 23 - Cattle-brands 182-183 - Ceremonial chart, New Holland 197 - [Ceremonial chart] pictographs 194-197 - Chadron builds house 114 - Challenge to war 88 - Charms 201-202 - Chart, Tattooed 86 - Charts (_see_ Winter counts). - [Charts] Of geographic features 157 - Chatard, F. E., African knife 243 - Chatard, T. M., African knife 243 - Chelan Lake, Pictographs at 26 - Cherokee pictographs 33 - Cheyenne Agency, Charts at 94 - [Cheyenne Agency], Fight near 102 - [Cheyenne] cross 252 - [Cheyenne] pictograph letter 160-161 - [Cheyenne], Symbol for 123, 166, 172-173 - Cheyenne war with General Mackenzie 146 - Cheyennes 101, 115, 118, 132, 133, 134, 139, 141, 142, 144 - Chippewa grave posts 199-200 - Chippewayan tattooing 65 - Cholera among Indians 142 - Christy, Henry, on symbols 82 - Chronology attempted by Indians, System of 127 - Chumanas totem mark 167 - Claim or demand pictograph 159 - Clan designation 167 - Clément, Basil, (interpreter) on Winter count 90, 91, 113, 113, - 120, 122 - Clement, Clara Erskine; Handbook of Legendary and Mythological Art 54 - Cleveland, Rev. William J., cited 129 - Cliff-dwellers 202 - Cloud Shield, chart or Winter count (_see_ Corbusier Winter counts) 95, - 129-146 - Coale, Charles B., on pictographs 33 - Collaborators, Suggestions to 254-256 - Colorado, Rock carvings in 27 - Collections of the Historical Committee of the American Philosophical - Society, cited 158 - [Color] materials 235, 236 - [Colorado] maps 158 - Colors, Significance of 53-57 - [Colors] used by Indians 50, 51 - Columbia River, Pictographs on 26 - Columbiana County, Ohio, Rock carvings in 21 - Commercial fraud in relics 248 - Communication by pictographs 160-164 - Conder, Lieutenant, on symbol at Jerusalem 222 - Contributions to North American ethnology 153, 166, 195, 231 - Conventionalizing 13, 15, 244 - Copper-plate frauds 247 - Corbusier, Dr. W. H., on pictographs 60 - [Corbusier, Dr. W. H.], on rock carvings 24 - [Corbusier, Dr. W. H.], on time symbols 88 - [Corbusier] Winter counts, The 95, 118, 119, 121, 124, 127-146 - Coronel, Hon. A. F., collection of herders’ notched sticks 81-82 - [Coronel, Hon. A. F.], on pictographs 35, 36 - [Coronel, Hon. A. F.], on Serrano land-marks 182 - Cosninos 30 - Crook, General, Designation for 146 - [Cross] in pictography 252 - Crow. (_See_ Absaroka.) - [Crow], Distinctive mark of 231 - Crow Indians mode of painting 54 - Crows 103, 104, 105, 107, 114, 115, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, - 126, 127, 130, 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, 140, 141, 142, - 143, 144, 146 - Cuyahoga County, Ohio, Rock carvings in 21 - - D - - Dahcotah, or Life and legend of the Sioux around Fort Snelling - cited 184, 189, 195, 241 - Dakota defined 97 - [Dakota] notched sticks 81 - [Dakota] pictographs 55, 60, 183 - [Dakota] picture message at Fort Rice 98 - [Dakota] pipe-stone quarries 17 - [Dakota] time symbols 88 - [Dakota] totem 167 - [Dakota] treaty 1868 125 - [Dakota] war with Rees 111 - [Dakota] Winter counts 18, 89-127, 168 - Dakotas drowned in flood of Missouri River 113 - Dall, William H., on colors used in Alaska 51 - Dalles of the Columbia, Petroglyphs in the 25 - Dance pictographs 194-197 - Das Ausland cited on marks 183 - [Davenport] tablets 251 - Designs on pottery 78 - Dighton rock inscriptions 20, 21, 250 - Diplomatic packets 161-164 - [Distribution of] petroglyphs in North America 19 - Domenech, L’Abbé, cited 251 - Dorsey, Rev. J. Owen, on Indian customs 52, 84-86, 165, 167, 197 - Dropsy among Indians 113 - Dyer, Agent, Letter of 160-161 - - E - - Eagles, how caught 105 - Eastman, Mrs. Mary (“Dahkotah”) cited 184, 189, 195, 241 - Eclipse, Indian idea of 125 - Eells, Rev. M., on Thunder-bird 189 - [Eells, Rev. M., on] Twana tattooing 49, 64 - Effigy mounds, Wisconsin 61 - Egyptian tattooing 78 - [Egyptian] use of cross 253 - [Egyptian] writing 13, 14 - El Moro, Pictographs at 28 - Enchanted Mountain, Georgia, Rock carvings on 23 - Errors in pictography 247-253 - Eskimo tattooing 64 - Expedition, Record of 164 - Explanation of Haida tattooing 67-72 - [Explanation of] Osage mnemonic chart 84-86 - [Explanation of] pictographs _passim_ 1-256 - [Explanation of] San Gabriel notched sticks 81-82 - [Explanation of] symbols for songs 82-84 - - F - - Fayette County, Pennsylvania, Pictographs in 80, 224 - Feather pictographs 60 - Featherman cited 78 - Fetiches 201 - Fetterman, Capt. W. J. 144 - Fielder, Interpreter, cited 117 - Fletcher, Dr. E., cited 252 - Flood in Missouri River recorded 137-138 - [Florida] Indian war symbols 88 - Fool Creek Cañon, Pictographs in 27, 229 - Forsyth County, Georgia, Rock carvings in 23 - Fort Berthold, Indian fight near 103 - [Fort Berthold], Indian painting at 55 - [Fort Berthold], Notched sticks at 81 - [Fort Berthold], Pictographs at 183, 186, 187 - [Fort] Buford, Indian fight near 103 - [Fort] Laramie, Battle between whites and Indians near 143 - [Fort] [Laramie], First goods issued to Indians at 142 - [Fort] [Laramie] treaty 121, 125 - [Fort] Leavenworth councils 125 - [Fort] O’Kinakane 26 - [Fort] Phil. Kearny, Whites massacred at 144 - [Fort] Fort Pierre, Treaty at 122 - [Fort] Rice, Eclipse seen at 126 - [Fort] [Rice], Picture message at 98 - [Fort] [Rice], Winter counts at 89, 90, 91 - [Fort] Robinson, Events at 146 - [Fort] Snelling, Dakotas near 202 - [Fort] Union, Indian fight near 103 - [Fort] Washakie, Wyoming, Rock carvings near 24 - Frauds in Indian relics 247-253 - French explorers observed pictographs 33 - - G - - Gallatin cited on Indian names 98 - Gaston, Oreg., Rock etchings at 25 - Gatschet, A. S., on Indian customs 25, 51, 63, 183 - Geneskelos, decorator of great canoe for Centennial Exposition 72 - Gentile designation 167 - Geographic pictographs 157 - Gesture pictured 236 - Gibbon, A. S., on sacred stone of Oraibi 58 - Gibbs, Dr. George, on Oregon pictographs 231 - [Gibbs, Dr. George], quoted on symbols of Northwest tribes 153 - Gila pottery 219 - [Gila] River, Pictographs on the 28 - Gilbert, G. K., on pictographs 25, 30, 46, 228, 237 - [Gilbert, G. K.], on sacred stone of Oraibi 58 - Glue made by Indians 235 - Good Battiste chart or Winter count. (_See_ Corbusier Winter - counts). 88, 95, 99-146, 165, 166, 172, 219, 220, - 241, 242 - [Gourds], Pictographs on 60 - Gozzadini, Conte Giovanni, cited 62 - Grant on tattooing 66 - Grapevine Springs, Pictographs at 157 - Grass baskets 78 - Grave Creek Mound stone 250 - Grave posts 198 - Great Spirit of Indians an error 191 - Gros Ventre, Symbol for 166 - Gros Ventres 101, 103, 107, 108, 114, 133, 134, 138 - Ground, Pictographs on the 60 - Guiana Indian name system 171-172 - [Guiana], Pictographs in 40-44, 61 - Guidance and warning pictographs 155-157 - Gunnison, Lieut. J. W., on forced interpretation 251 - - H - - Habel, Dr S., Investigations in Central South America, - cited 73, 80, 194 - Haida boundaries 60 - Hale cited on Indian names 98 - Hamilton Pictured Rock 225-220 - Harney, General, cited 121, 123 - Haywood, John, on pictographs 22, 33 - Head in bronze, Italy 62 - Hebrew tattooing 78 - Heralds challenging to war 88 - Herders’ notched sticks 81 - Hervey group tattooing 76 - [Hidatsa], Siouan 108 - [Hidatsa], map 158 - Hides, Pictographs on 60 - [Hinman], Rev. S. D., obtained Ogalala roster 174 - [Hinman], on the cross as a symbol among Dakotas 253 - Historical map of Pennsylvania pictographs 226 - History of Indian tribes (Schoolcraft) quoted 20, 199 - Hochstetter, Dr. Ferd. von, quoted 200, 201 - Hoffman, Dr. W. J., Aid of 18 - [Holmes, W. H.] on pictography 60, 87, 194 - Holston, Pictographs on the 33 - Homomorphs and symmorphs 239 - Hongi tattooing 75 - Horse-hair pictographs 60, 213, 231 - Horses taken by the United States from Dakotas 127 - Hortsman, Nicholas, on pictographs 39 - Hualpai pictograph on person 61 - Humboldt, A. von, on petroglyph 38 - Hunger, Petroglyphs for 152 - Hunt, Pictographs of the 214 - Hupâ tattooing 64 - - I - - Idaho, Rock carvings in 24, 228, - Pictographs in 37 - Identification of the pictographs 224-232 - Identity of drawings in each tribal system 17 - Ideographs 14, 219-223 - Illinois, Pictographs in 33 - Independence, Ohio, Rock carvings at 21 - Indian Miscellany quoted 188 - Indians, Pictographs of the North American (Garrick Mallery) 3-256 - Influence of civilization on pictographs 46 - [Innuit] language 147, 191, 214-215 - [Innuit] pictographs 198 - [Innuit] tattooing 63 - [Innuit] use bow-drill 48 - Inscription rock, El Moro 28 - Insignia of authority 168 - Instruments used in pictography 48 - Interpretation of picture signs; how obtained 16 - [Iowa], Pictographs in 34, - [Iowa], Rock carvings in 23 - Iron, Pictures on 191-194, 197, 205-206, 214 - - J - - James’ Long’s exploration quoted 151 - Johnson, Sir William; wampum belts 86, 87 - Jones, Capt. William A., discussed petroglyphs in Wyoming 24, - 227, 244 - Jones, Prof. C. C., on pictographs 22, 23 - Jones’s Antiquities of the Southern Indians quoted 22, 23, 47 - - K - - Kadiak notice of direction 150 - Kaibab Indian name 171 - [Kaiowa] 135 - [Kaiowa] symbol 165 - Kanawha River, Pictographs on 22 - Kern County, California, Pictographs in 30 - Kiatexamut dialect 147-148, 191-194, 214-215 - Kimball, Mrs. F. A., on California pictography 229 - Kinderhook, Ill., fraudulent copper plates 247 - Kingsborough’s Mexico cited 169 - Klamath 49, 51, 63, 183 - - L - - Ladley, Lieut. O. D., loaned time chart 94 - La Hontan, Baron de, cited 113 - Lake Chelan, Pictographs at 26 - Landmarks by pictographs 61, 182 - Lapland pictographs 239 - Lartet, Edouard, referred to 82 - Lasso first used by Dakotas 108 - Laudonnière, Captain, on Florida symbol of war 88 - Lavary, A. (interpreter), cited on time charts 93, 120, 123, 124, 125 - Lean Wolf map 158-159 - [Lean Wolf] name symbol 172 - [Lean Wolf] pictograph 168 - Leavenworth, Col., H., attacked Rees 112 - Legend of animal swallowing human beings 120 - Leland, Charles, cited 190 - Lenape and their legends, The, referred to 84, 188, 233 - Lenni Lenape record 158, 207 - Licking County, Ohio, Rock carvings in 21 - Little Coal River, Rock carvings on 22 - Little Popo-Agie, Pictographs on 24 - Little-Man letter 160 - Loew, Dr. Oscar, on pictographs 31 - Lone Butte, Nev., Rock carvings on 24 - Lone Dog Winter count system discussed 90, 99-127 - Lone-Horn’s fate 115-116 - Long, J., cited 87 - Long, Maj. Stephen H., quoted 150, 151 - Lorain County, Ohio, Rock carvings in 21 - Los Angeles, Cal., Pictographs at 35, 36, 61, 156-157, 182, 198 - [Louisiana], Pictographs in 241 - - M - - McGillycuddy, Dr. V. T., on pictographs 160, 177 - Mackenzie, General, whipped Cheyennes 146 - MacLean, J. P., cited 250 - McLaughlin, Major; Ogalala roster 174 - Maiden Spring, Virginia, Pictographs at 33 - Mallery, Garrick; Pictographs of the North American Indians 3-256 - Mandan property marks 182 - Mandans 101, 102, 107, 114, 119, 131, 186 - Manning, James, cited 197 - Maori customs 88, 164, 200 - Marcoy, Paul, on tattooing 49, 53 - [Marcoy, Paul on], totem marks 167 - Massacre at Fort Phil. Kearny 144 - Masta, Abnaki, chief, cited 152 - Materials used for pictographs 36 - Mato Sapa or Black Bear’s chart 94, 99-127 - Matthews, Dr. W., cited 60, 126, 195 - Mattoal, Symbol for 167 - Mans, Lieutenant, obtained interpretation of time chart 93 - Maya writing 14 - Maynadier, General, as “many deer” 144, 170 - [Maynadier, General], made peace with Indians 144 - Mdewakantawan 173, 186 - Measles among Dakotas 110 - Meda songs 82-84 - Medicine men defined 106, 107 - Mendota, Minn., Pictograph at 189 - Merriam, Col. Henry, discovered pictographs 26 - Messages by pictographs 160-164 - Meteors recorded 111, 116, 136-137, 138-139 - Mexican pictographs 38, 169 - Mica plate frauds 247 - Miles, Gen., destroyed Indian village 117 - Milford, Utah, Pictographs at 27 - Millsborough, Pa., Petroglyphs at 20, 224 - Minneconjou Dakotas 94, 96 - [Minneconjou] defined 98 - Minnesota pictographs 33 - [Minnesota] relic frauds 248-250 - [Minnesota] rock carvings 23 - Minnetari 108 - [Mississippi] River pictographs 33, 34 - [Mississippi] [River] rock carvings 23 - [Missouri] River flood recorded 113 - Mnemonic devices 79-146 - [Mnemonic] pictographs 79-81, 161 - Mode of counting, Dakota 107 - [Mode of] making pictographs 234 - [Mode of] weaving horse hair 230-231 - Modes of interpretation 233-243 - Modoc tattooing 63 - Mojave pigments 52 - Moki distinctive marks 232 - [Moki] pictographs 16, 25, 29, 36, 46, 157, 194, 222, 229 - Monongahela River, Pictographs on 21 - Month names 99 - Montmagny, Great Mountain name for 170 - Moors, Symbols of 222 - Mormons or Latter Day Saints, by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison, cited 251 - Mortillet, Gabriel de, quoted 252 - [Mortuary] practices 197-202 - Motive to frauds 47 - Mount Pleasant, W. Va., Rock carvings at 22 - Mourning 197 - Muskingum River, Rock carvings on 22 - Musselshell river, Pictographs on 62 - Myths of the Iroquois 190 - [Myths] and songs from the South Pacific, cited on tattooing 76 - - N - - Najowe Pass, Pictographs at 36 - Name systems of Indians 169-173 - Narrative of an expedition to the Saint Peter’s River, quoted 150 - Native races. (H. H. Bancroft) 64, 65, 66, 73, 78, 88 - Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee 21, 33 - Naumoff Drawings and interpretations of 147-150, 152, 153, 154, 155, - 195, 205, 206 - Nevada pictographs 24, 25, 60, 157 - New Albin, Iowa, Rock carvings at 23, 34 - [New] England, Rock carvings in 19 - [New] Holland ceremonial chart 197 - [New] Mexico, Pictographs in 28, 34, 37, 158, 229 - [New] Zealand, Red in 56 - [New] [Zealand] grave effigy 200, 201 - [New] [Zealand] tattooing 73, 75, 76 - Newark, Ohio, Rock carvings at 21 - Nez Percés, named by error 121 - Nicaragua, Pictographs in 40 - Nichols County, West Virginia, Pictographs in 22 - Nishinam claim symbols 159 - Norris, P. W., on pictographs 22, 23, 33, 34, 173 - North American Indians, Pictographs of 3-256 - Notched sticks as mnemonic aids 81 - Notices by pictographs 147-155 - - O - - Oakley Springs, Arizona, Pictographs at 17, 29, 30, 46-47, 194 - Objects represented in pictographs 46-47 - Ogalala, Ogalalla, Oglala 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 140, 141, 143, - 144, 145, 146 - Oglala defined 98 - [Oglala] roster 169, 174-176 - [Oglala] Winter counts 129 - Ohio mica plate frauds 247 - [Ohio], Rock carvings in 21 - Ojibwa pictographs 17, 69, 186, 217-218, 227, 228, 243, 245, 246 - [Ojibwa] pipe stone 248-250 - [Ojibwa] song device 82-84 - Ojo Pescado pictographs 28 - O’Kinakane, Fort 26 - Ola Walum 84, 158, 188, 207 - Omaha, Symbol for 66, 167 - Omahas 101, 132, 133, 134, 135 - Oncpapas 122 - Oneida, Idaho, Pictographs at 37 - Oraibi sacred stone 58 - Oraibi chief, Tubi 29, 46, 194 - Oregon, Rock carvings in 25 - [Origin] [of] Dakota name of the Deity 103 - [Origin] [of] the Winter counts 91, 92 - Osage mnemonic chart explained 84-86 - [Osage] tribal designation 165 - Ottawa pictographs 203, 217-218, 220 - Owen’s Valley pictographs 31 - - P - - Pacific islands, Tattooing in the 73-77 - Paddles ornamented 78 - Painted pottery 252 - Painting, Manner of 48 - Paint Lick Mountain, Va 33 - Pai-Ute attempt at suicide 132 - Pai-Ute Creek, Pictographs on 33 - Pai-Ute pictographs 61, 158 - Pani (_see_ Pawnees) 166, 241 - Particular exploits and events 214-218 - Partridge Creek, Rock carvings on 30 - Passés totem mark 167 - Patrick, Dr. John B., sent time chart 93 - Patten’s Valley, Origin of rock etchings in 25, 26 - Pawkees 227 - Pawnees (Pani) 102, 127, 131, 135, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144 - Paxton, William A., brought first Texas cattle to Dakota 125 - Pennsylvania, Petrographs in 20, 158, 224-225, 226-227 - Peoria Bottom, Dakota, Sans Arc dirt lodges at 109 - Person, Pictures on the 61-78 - Personal designations 168 - [Personal] name pictographs 109-173 - Peru, Pictographs in 45 - Petroglyphs in North America 19 - Pictograph defined 13 - Pictographs, Identification of 224-236 - [Pictographs] of the North American Indians 3-256 - Pictography influenced by civilization 46 - Piedra Pintada Creek 27 - Pilgrimage, Beltrami’s, cited on Dakota 104 - Pinart, Alphonse, on pictographs 30, 40 - Pine Ridge Agency, pictograph letter 160-161 - [Pine Ridge Agency], pictographs 176 - Pipe-stone quarry 23, 33 - Pomme blanche defined 102 - Ponio war symbols 88 - Ponka Reservation 125 - Ponkas 131, 133, 134 - Pottawatomi 220 - [Pottery], how colored 50, 51 - Powell, Maj. J. W., learned real name of Indian 171 - [Powell, Maj. J. W.], on classification of Indiana 97 - Powers, Stephen, on Indian customs 49, 64, 195, 197 - Premeau, Jean, interpreted time chart 94 - Prince of Wales Archipelago tattooing 67-73 - Prince Maximilian zu Wied, cited 107, 195, 220, 222 - [Property] marks 182 - [Pueblo] totem marks 167 - Pyramid Lake, Nevada, Rock carvings near 24 - - Q - - Queen Charlotte Islands’ tattooing 66-73, 189 - Quipu of Peru, The 79 - - R - - Rafinesque, cited 233 - Rau, Dr. Charles, cited 93 - Red Cloud census 169, 176-181 - Red Lake Reservation, Designs from 187 - Ree, Derivation of 100 - Reed, Lieut. H. T., on Dakota time chart winter count 89-90, 93 - Rees (_see_ Arikara) - [Rees], Symbol for 166 - Relic frauds 247-253 - Religious pictographs 188 - Reveille, Nev., Pictographs at 25 - Riggs, on Indian names 97, 98, 109 - Rio del Norte, Pictographs on the 27 - [Rio] Verde, Rock etchings on the 30 - Robb, James C., time chart 94 - Rock carvings 16, 20-33 - Rocks, Paintings on 58 - Rocky Dell Creek, N. Mex., Pictographs on 33 - Russell, I. C., on pictographs 27, 229 - Russell, I. C., on tattooing in New Zealand 73, 75, 76 - Rust, Horatio N., on Davenport tablets 251 - - S - - Sage Creek, Wyoming, Rock carvings on 24 - Samoa (Rev. George Turner), quoted 77 - San Antonio Springs, Pictographs at 34 - [San] Bernardino, Rock carvings at 30 - [San] Diego, Pictographs at 37 - [San] Gabriel herders’ notched sticks 81-82 - [San] [Gabriel] River, Pictographs on 56-57 - [San] Juan, Pictographs on the 34 - San Marcos Pass, Pictographs at 36 - Sans Arc 93, 94, 109, 118, 122, 134 - Sans Arc defined 98 - Santa Barbara, Pictographs at 35, 36, 37 - Santa Ynez Mountains, Pictographs on 34, 36 - Santee defined 88 - Santees 124 - Satsika petrograph 227 - Scheffer’s History of Lapland, cited 239 - Schliemann, Dr. Henry, cited 63, 252 - Schomburgk, quoted by Humboldt on pictographs 39 - Schoolcraft, H. H., quoted on Indian pictographs and devices 17, 20, - 21, 59, 82, 155, 158, 161-164 - [Schoolcraft, H. H.,] cited 167, 168, 188, 189, 199, 200, 216, 222, - 239, 243, 245, 246 - Science, quoted on relic frauds 247 - Scott County, Iowa, Pottery from. (_See_ Davenport). - Sculptures of San Lucia, Cosumalwhuapa (Habel), quoted 80 - Serrano Indian land-marks 61, 182 - Seton, William, U. S. N., African knife 243 - Shaman 190-194, 195, 237, 243 - Shamanism 100, 194, 202 - Sheafer, P. W., Pictographs of Pennsylvania 220-527 - [Shells], Pictographs on 60 - Sherman, General W. T. 125 - Shinumo rock carvings 25, 228 - Shoshoni 140, 141, 229 - [Shoshoni] petroglyphs 227, 228 - [Shoshoni] pictographs 25, 155, 215, 216, 231 - Shumeia war symbols 88 - Siberia, Pictographs in 245, 246 - Sibley, Colonel 124 - Sierra Nevada, Pictographs of the 31 - Sign language among North American Indians, cited 24, 132, 137, - 155, 234 - Significance of color 54 - Signs of particular achievements 183 - Simpson, Lieut. J. H., on pictographs 28 - Siouan adopted as family term 97, 108, 114 - Sioux 101, 109, 122 - [Sioux] defined 97 - [Sioux] Falls 125 - Small-pox among Dakotas 110, 136 - Smith, Capt. John, on tattooing 63 - Smith, Mrs. E. A., Myths of the Iroquois 190 - Social status pictographs 183 - Soldiers fight Rees 111-112 - Songs of the Meda 82 - South America, Petroglyphs in 38 - Spanish blankets introduced among Dakotas 121 - Sproat, cited 67 - Standing Rock Agency 174 - Starvation symbol 154, 155 - Status pictographs 183 - Stephenson, Dr. M. F., on rock carvings 23 - Stevenson, James, on pictographs 60, 167, 194 - Stock cattle first issued to Dakotas 145 - Stones, Paintings on 58 - Suggestions to collaborators 211-256 - Suicide among Indians 131-132 - Sully, General 124 - Susquehanna, Pictographs on the 158 - Swan, James G., on Haida tattooing 56, 66-73, 189, 194-195, 242 - Syllabaries 13 - Symbolism 154, 221 - Symmorphs 239 - System of chronology attempted by Indians 127 - [System of] spelling of Bureau of Ethnology 17 - - T - - Tattooing 49, 63-78, 86, 183, 252 - Taylor, Rev. Richard, on New Zealand 49, 50, 74, 76, 88, 164 - Tazewell County, Virginia, Pictographs in 33 - Te Ika a Maui or New Zealand (Rev. R. Taylor) 49, 56, 57, 74, 76, - 88, 104 - Tegua map 158 - Temple Creek Cañon, Pictographs in 26, 37 - Tenina 161 - Tennessee, Pictographs in 33 - Terry, General 125 - Teton defined 98 - Textile construction limited and governed Pueblo pottery ornament 60 - The Flame, or Bo-i-de, Time chart of 93, 99-127 - The Swan’s chart 93, 99-127 - Thlinkit pictographs 78 - Thompson, Gilbert, on pictographs 27, 33, 34, 229, 245 - Three Stars, an Indian name for General Crook 146 - Thunder Bird 188 - Thurn, Everard F. im, on name system of Guiana Indians 171-172 - [Thurn, Everard F. im,] on Indian customs in Guiana 40, 53, 61, 77 - Tillamuk 26 - Time symbols 88-146 - Tokens of authority 168 - Tomanawos ceremonies 70, 73 - Totem post 68 - Totemic names, Dakota and West Virginia 17 - [Totemic] pictographs 105, 231 - Totems 98, 167 - Trading-house built 109, 110, 111 - Traditions 84-86 - “Travail” explained 217 - Treaties 86-87 - Trees, Pictographs on 59 - Tribal symbolic designation 165 - [Tribal] historical pictographs 207 - Troja cited 63, 252 - Trumbull, Dr. J. Hammond, cited 97 - Tschudi, Dr. J. J. von, on pictographs 45 - [Tschudi, Dr. J. J. von], on the Quipu of the Peruvians 79-80 - Tuálati Indian rock etchings 25, 26 - Tubi, Oraibi chief, quoted 29, 46, 194 - Tulare Indians 234 - Tule River Agency, Weaving grass figures at 78 - [Tule River Agency], Yokuts at 52, 78 - [Tule River], Pictographs on 31, 33, 37, 234 - Turner, Rev. George, quoted on tattooing 77 - Twana thunder-bird 189 - Two Kettles 93, 94, 105, 113, 117, 122 - [Two Kettles] defined 97 - - U - - Uncpapa 100, 103, 104, 106, 116, 122, 126 - [Uncpapa] defined 98 - Union County, Georgia, Rock carvings in 23 - United States forces attack Arikaras 111-112 - Utah, Pictographs in 37, 229 - [Utah], Rock carvings in 26, 251 - Utes 108, 145 - - V - - Venango County, Pennsylvania, Rock carvings in 20 - Venezuela, Pictographs in 40 - Vermillion cliff, Rock carvings on 26, 29 - Virginia Indians tattooing 63 - [Virginia], Pictographs in 33 - Von Strahlenberg on pictographs in Liberia 245, 246 - - W - - Wall, J. Sutton, on pictographs in Pennsylvania 20-21, 225 - Walker Lake, Nevada, Rock carvings near 24 - “Walum Olum” in The Lenape and their Legends 84, 158, 188, 207 - Wampum belts 86-87 - War party, how made up 139-140 - [War] symbols 87-88 - Ward, James W., on rock carvings in Ohio 21 - Warning and guidance pictographs 155-157 - Washington, Rock carvings in 25 - Watterson’s Ranch petroglyphs 31, 32 - Wellsville, Ohio, Rock carvings at 21 - West, Dr. W., copied Dakota time chart 93-94 - West Virginia, Rock carvings in 22, 225 - [West Virginia] totem marks 17 - Western Lancet cited on claim symbols 159 - Wham, Maj. J. W., built adobe houses 145 - Whipple, Lieutenant, on pictographs 28, 29, 33, 138 - Whistle sickness 114, 138, 221 - White-cow-killer Winter count chart (_See_ Corbusier Winter - counts.) 95, 99-127, 129-130 - Whitfield, J., on pictographs in Brazil 44-45 - Whittlesey, Col. Charles, cited 250 - Whooping-cough among Indians 108 - Wild horses first caught by Dakotas 108 - Williamson, Rev. Dr., cited 119 - Williams River, Rock carvings on 29 - Wind River Mountains, Rock carvings near 24 - Winter counts 88-148, 191, 207 - Wintūn tattooing 64 - Wisconsin effigy mounds 61 - Wood, Paintings on 59 - Woodthorp, Lt. Col., on war symbols 88 - Wright, Charles D., on pictographs 34 - Wyoming, Rock carvings in 24, 227 - Wyrick David, fraudulent Hebrew inscription 248 - - Y - - Yampais Springs, Pictographs at 29 - Yankton defined 97 - [Yankton] Reservation 125 - Yanktons 112, 122 - Yanktonnais 122, 124 - Yokuts, Color used by 52 - [Yokuts] weave grass figures 78 - Young, John W., on sacred stone of Oraibi 68 - Yuki, Color used by 52 - [Yuki] tattooing 49 - Yukon River tattooing 65 - [Yuma] paintings 60, 158 - Yuris totem mark 167 - - Z - - Zuñi 194, 195 - [Zuñi] pictographs 16, 28, 60 - [Zuñi] pottery 78 - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Illustrations have been moved next to the text to which they refer. -Page numbers in the text or the list of Illustrations may not match -their locations in the eBook. - -The following apparent errors have been corrected: - -p. 6 "Seggestions" changed to "Suggestions" - -p. 11 "Cerimonial" changed to "Ceremonial - -p. 19 "proposed with with" changed to "proposed with" - -p. 21 "standstone" changed to "sandstone" - -p. 22 "Virginia," changed to "Virginia." - -p. 44 "reason" changed to "season" - -p. 55 "_et. seq._" changed to "_et seq._" - -p. 56 "signifes" changed to "signifies" - -p. 60 "Plate IV" changed to "Plate VI" - -p. 61 "PERSON" changed to "PERSON." - -p. 67 "neck on" changed to "neck, on" - -p. 71 "octupus" changed to "octopus" - -p. 72 "sqid" changed to "squid" - -p. 72 "frog in" changed to "frog on" - -p. 86 "(Pleiades)" changed to "(Pleiades)" - -p. 94 "interpetation" changed to "interpretation" - -p. 102 "-No. 1. A Mandan" changed to "-No. I. A Mandan" - -p. 106 "Ree Indians. dians." changed to "Ree Indians." - -p. 110 "Lone Dog’s" changed to "Lone-Dog’s" - -p. 113 "1824-’25" changed to "1824-’25." - -p. 123 "extremity of of" changed to "extremity of" - -p. 133 "woman-winter." changed to "woman winter." - -p. 155 "Bureau of, Ethnology." changed to "Bureau of Ethnology." - -p. 175 "Painted-rock" changed to "Painted-rock." - -p. 186 "Mdewakantanwan" changed to "Mdewakantawan" - -p. 195 "page 36" changed to "page 86" - -p. 196 "Fig, 111_a_" changed to "FIG. 111_a_" - -p. 200 "seq" changed to "seq." - -p. 206 "Miztec" changed to "Miztec)" - -p. 246 "FIG. 207" changed to "FIG. 207." - -(index) "cited on Indina" changed to "cited on Indian" - -(index) "Hupa" changed to "Hupâ" - -(index) "Laudonniere" changed to "Laudonnière" - -(index) "McGillicuddy" changed to "McGillycuddy" - -(index) "MacKenzie" changed to "Mackenzie" - -(index) "Maclean" changed to "MacLean" - -(index) "Mottellet" changed to "Mortillet" - -(index) "Mussellshell" changed to "Musselshell" - -(index) "Weid" changed to "Wied" - -(index) "Schlieman" changed to "Schliemann" - -(index) "Schomburgh" changed to "Schomburgk" - -(index) "Everard F. im." changed to "Everard F. im" - -(index) "Tomanawas" changed to "Tomanawos" - -(index) "Waterson’s" changed to "Watterson’s" - -(index) "Wintun" changed to "Wintūn" - - -Inconsistent or dubious spelling and punctuation have otherwise been -left as printed. - -The captions on plates have been regularised. - - -The following are inconsistently used in the text: - -aërial and aerial - -Aigaluxamut and Aígalúxamut - -arrowheads and arrow-heads - -Cottontail and Cotton-tail - -cottonwood and cotton-wood - -footprint and foot-print - -Hañka and Hanka - -headwaters and head-waters - -horseshoes and horse-shoes - -Kiatexamut and Kiatéxamut - -Lenni-Lenape and Lenni-Lenapè - -Oglala and Oglála - -outline and out-line - -rawhide and raw-hide - -sandstone and sand-stone - -sculpin and skulpin - -subchiefs and sub-chiefs - -Wa[c]a[c]e and Wa[c]ace - -warpath and war-path - -widespread and wide-spread - -Zuni and Zuñi - - -On pp. 81-82, ">-shaped", "v-shaped" and ">-shape" were printed with -special symbols. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Pictographs of the North American -Indians. 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