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diff --git a/old/54652-0.txt b/old/54652-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index d49da8d..0000000 --- a/old/54652-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,34418 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Gujarát, by James McNabb Campbell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: History of Gujarát - Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Volume I, Part I. - -Author: James McNabb Campbell - -Release Date: May 2, 2017 [EBook #54652] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF GUJARÁT *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (Prepared from -scans made by the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. The digitized -holdings of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin are all -interested parties worldwide free of charge for -non-commercial use available.) - - - - - - - - - GAZETTEER - OF THE - BOMBAY PRESIDENCY - - - VOLUME I. PART I. - - HISTORY OF GUJARÁT. - - - UNDER GOVERNMENT ORDERS. - - - BOMBAY: - PRINTED AT THE GOVERNMENT CENTRAL PRESS. - 1896. - - - - - - - - - - Bombay Castle, 14th February 1902. - - -In further recognition of the distinguished labours of Sir James -McNabb Campbell, K.C.I.E., and of the services rendered by those -who have assisted him in his work, His Excellency the Governor in -Council is pleased to order that the following extract from Government -Resolution No. 2885, dated the 11th August 1884, be republished and -printed immediately after the title page of Volume I, Part I, of the -Gazetteer, and published in every issue: - - - "His Excellency the Governor in Council has from time to time - expressed his entire approval of the Volumes of the Gazetteer - already published, and now learns with much satisfaction that - the remaining Statistical Accounts have been completed in - the same elaborate manner. The task now brought to a close by - Mr. Campbell has been very arduous. It has been the subject of - his untiring industry for more than ten years, in the earlier - part of which period, however, he was occasionally employed on - additional duties, including the preparation of a large number - of articles for the Imperial Gazetteer. When the work was begun, - it was not anticipated that so much time would be required for - its completion, because it was not contemplated that it would - be carried out on so extensive a scale. Its magnitude may be - estimated by the fact that the Statistical Accounts, exclusive of - the general chapters yet to be reprinted, embrace twenty-seven - Volumes containing on an average 500 pages each. Mr. Campbell - could not have sustained the unflagging zeal displayed by him - for so long a period without an intense interest in the subjects - dealt with. The result is well worthy of the labour expended, - and is a proof of the rare fitness of Mr. Campbell on the ground - both of literary ability and of power of steady application - for the important duty assigned to him. The work is a record of - historical and statistical facts and of information regarding the - country and the people as complete perhaps as ever was produced - on behalf of any Government, and cannot fail to be of the utmost - utility in the future administration of the Presidency. - - "2. The thanks of Government have already been conveyed to the - various contributors, and it is only necessary now to add that - they share, according to the importance of their contributions, in - the credit which attaches to the general excellence of the work." - - -The whole series of Volumes is now complete, and His Excellency in -Council congratulates Sir James Campbell and all associated with him -in this successful and memorable achievement. - - - H. O. QUIN, - Secretary to Government, - General Department. - - - - - - - - - -The earliest record of an attempt to arrange for the preparation -of Statistical Accounts of the different districts of the Bombay -Presidency is in 1843. In 1843 Government called on the Revenue -Commissioner to obtain from all the Collectors as part of their next -Annual Report the fullest available information regarding their -districts. [1] The information was specially to include their own -and their Assistants' observations on the state of the cross and -other roads not under the superintendence of a separate department, -on the passes and ferries throughout the country, on the streets in -the principal towns, and on the extension and improvement of internal -communications. As from Collectors alone could any knowledge of the -state of the district be obtained, the Collectors were desired to -include in their Annual Reports observations on every point from which -a knowledge of the actual condition of the country could be gathered -with the exception of matters purely judicial which were to be supplied -by the Judicial Branch of the Administration. Government remarked that, -as Collectors and their Assistants during a large portion of the year -moved about the district in constant and intimate communication with -all classes they possessed advantages which no other public officers -enjoyed of acquiring a full knowledge of the condition of the country, -the causes of progress or retrogradation, the good measures which -require to be fostered and extended, the evil measures which call for -abandonment, the defects in existing institutions which require to -be remedied, and the nature of the remedies to be applied. Collectors -also, it was observed, have an opportunity of judging of the effect of -British rule on the condition and character of the people, on their -caste prejudices, and on their superstitious observances. They can -trace any alteration for the better or worse in dwellings, clothing -and diet, and can observe the use of improved implements of husbandry -or other crafts, the habits of locomotion, the state of education -particularly among the higher classes whose decaying means and energy -under our most levelling system compared with that of preceding -governments will attract their attention. Finally they can learn -how far existing village institutions are effectual to their end, -and may be made available for self-government and in the management -of local taxation for local purposes. - -In obedience to these orders reports were received from the Collectors -of Ahmedábád Broach Kaira Thána and Khándesh. Some of the reports, -especially that of Mr. J. D. Inverarity, contained much interesting -information. These five northern reports were practically the only -result of the Circular Letter of 1843. - -The question of preparing District Statistical Manuals was not again -raised till 1870. In October 1867 the Secretary of State desired the -Bombay Government to take steps for the compilation of a Gazetteer -of the Presidency on the model of the Gazetteer prepared during that -year for the Central Provinces. The Bombay Government requested the -two Revenue Commissioners and the Director of Public Instruction to -submit a scheme for carrying into effect the orders of the Secretary -of State. In reply the officers consulted remarked that the work to be -done for the Bombay Presidency would be of a multifarious character; -that the article on the commerce of Bombay would require special -qualifications in the writer; that again special qualifications would -be required for writing accounts of the sacred cities of Násik and -Pálitána, of the caves of Ajanta and Ellora, of the histories of Sindh -Gujarát and Ahmednagar, and of the Portuguese connection with Western -India. The Committee observed that a third form of special knowledge -would be required to write accounts of Pársis Khojás and other castes -and tribes; that in short the undertaking would be one of much wider -scope and greater difficulty than the preparation of the Gazetteer -of the Central Provinces. Much thought would be required before the -general plan could be laid down, and after the plan was fixed all sorts -of questions as to arrangement and treatment of particular parts would -be sure to arise. In the Committee's opinion local revenue officers -could not as a rule find time to devote to work of this description -without neglecting their ordinary duties; but they could correct and -amplify such information as a special officer could compile from the -published and unpublished records of Government. - -In January 1868 the Bombay Government decided that the general -supervision and direction of the work should be placed in the hands of -a Committee consisting of the Revenue Commissioners, the Director of -Public Instruction, and the Commissioner of Customs, and that an Editor -should be appointed with a small copying establishment to act under -the directions of the Committee. The Editor was to give his entire -time to the work and was expected to finish it in about a year. He was -to collect and arrange in alphabetical order all recorded information -regarding the towns and other places of interest in each Collectorate, -and to send printed on half margin each draft when completed to the -local officers for verification, additions, and alterations. When the -drafts were returned and corrected by the Editor, they were to be laid -before the Committee. To enable the Editor to meet such expenses as a -fair remuneration for articles contributed by qualified persons, and -also to pay for the printing of the work with small accompanying maps, -an amount not exceeding Rs. 12,000 was sanctioned for the total expense -of the Gazetteer including the payment of the Editor. At the outset -it was decided to place a portion of the sum sanctioned not exceeding -Rs. 2000, at the disposal of the Commissioner in Sindh to secure -the preparation of articles referring to Sindh. The Committee were -requested to meet at Poona in June 1868 and to report to Government on -the best mode of preparing and editing the Gazetteer and supervising -its publication. The Collectors and Political Officers were in the -meanwhile requested to ascertain what records in their possession -were likely to be useful for the preparation of a Gazetteer and what -papers in the possession of others and likely to be useful for the -purpose were obtainable within their charge. Collectors and Political -Officers were requested to send their replies direct to the Director of -Public Instruction who would collect them on behalf of the Committee. - -In August 1868 the Bombay Gazetteer Committee, composed of -Messrs. A. F. Bellasis Revenue Commissioner N. D. Chairman, -Mr. W. H. Havelock Revenue Commissioner S. D. and Sir Alexander Grant, -Director of Public Instruction, submitted a report recommending the -following arrangements: - - -(1) That Mr. W. H. Crowe, C.S., then Acting Professor in the - Dakhan College, be appointed Editor of the Gazetteer with a monthly - remuneration of Rs. 200 out of the Rs. 12,000 sanctioned for the - expense of the Gazetteer and that he should at the same time be - attached as an Assistant to the Collector of Poona; -(2) That Mr. Crowe be allowed an establishment not exceeding - Rs. 50 a month chargeable to the grant of Rs. 12,000, and such - contingent charges as may be passed by the Committee; -(3) That Professor Kero Luxman Chhatre be requested to assist - Mr. Crowe on various questions both local and mathematical, - and that on the completion of the work a suitable honorarium be - granted to Professor Kero; -(4) That agreeably to the suggestions of Major Prescott and - Colonel Francis, Mr. Light should be directed to compile for - the different districts all information in the possession of - the Survey Department in communication with the Editor of the - Gazetteer who was to work under the Committee's orders; -(5) That the above appointments be made at present for one year - only, at the end of which from the Committee's progress report, - it would be possible to state with approximate definiteness the - further time required for the completion of the Gazetteer. - - -These proposals were sanctioned on the 11th September 1868. Towards -the close of 1868 Mr. (now Sir) J. B. Peile took the place of Sir -A. Grant on the Committee and Colonel Francis was added to the list of -the members. Adhering as far as possible to the arrangement followed -in the Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, which had met with the -approval of the Secretary of State, Mr. Crowe drew out the following -list of subjects which was forwarded to all Collectors Sub-Collectors -and Survey Superintendents: - - -I.--General Description. - - (a) Latitude and Longitude. - (b) Locality. - (c) Boundaries. - (d) Aspect. - (e) Water-supply. - (f) Rivers. - (g) Mountains. - (h) Area. - (i) Altitude. - -II.--Climate, Seasons. - - (a) Rainfall. - (b) Health. - (c) Prevailing Diseases. - -III.--Geology. - - (a) Soils. - (b) Minerals. - (c) Scientific Details. - -IV.--History. - -V.--Administration. - - (a) Judicial. - (b) Revenue. - (c) Miscellaneous. - -VI.--Revenue. - - (a) Imperial. - (b) Local. - -VII.--Population. - - (a) Census. - (b) Description of Inhabitants. - (c) Castes. - -VIII.--Sub-Divisions. - - (a) Names of Tálukás. - (b) Names of Towns. - -IX.--Production. - - (a) Agriculture. - (b) Forest. - (c) Animals. - (d) Minerals. - (e) Manufactures. - -X.--Trade and Commerce. - -XI.--Communications. - - (a) Roads. - (b) Railways. - (c) Telegraphs. - (d) Post. - -XII.--Revenue System and Land Tenures. - -XVI.--Education. - - (a) Schools. - (b) Instruction. - -XIV.--Language. - -XV.--Architectural Remains and Antiquities. - -XVI.--Principal Towns and Villages. - - -In 1869 the draft articles prepared by Mr. Crowe were submitted to -Mr. (now Sir) W. W. Hunter of the Bengal Civil Service who expressed -his satisfaction at the progress made. The Committee adopted certain -suggestions made by Sir W. Hunter for the arrangement of the work and -for obtaining fuller district figures from the Marine, Irrigation, -Cotton, and Survey Offices. In March 1870 a further extension of one -year was accorded. The Bombay Government directed that each Collector -should choose one of his Assistants to correspond with the Editor -and obtain for him all possible information from local records. All -Heads of Offices were also desired to exert themselves zealously in -aiding the prosecution of the work. In 1871 Mr. Crowe's draft article -on the Dhárwár District was sent to Mr. Hunter for opinion who in -addition to detailed criticism on various points made the following -general remarks: - - -"My own conception of the work is that, in return for a couple of days' -reading, the Account should give a new Collector a comprehensive, -and, at the same time, a distinct idea of the district which he has -been sent to administer. Mere reading can never supersede practical -experience in the district administration. But a succinct and well -conceived district account is capable of antedating the acquisition of -such personal experience by many months and of both facilitating and -systematising a Collector's personal enquiries. The Compiler does not -seem to have caught the points on which a Collector would naturally -consult the Account. In order that the Editor should understand -these points it is necessary that he should have had practical -acquaintance with district administration and that he should himself -have experienced the difficulties which beset an officer on his -taking charge of a district or sub-division. The individual points -will differ according to the character of the country. For example -in deltaic districts the important question is the control of rivers; -in dry districts it is the subject of water-supply. But in all cases -a District Account besides dealing with the local specialties should -furnish an historical narration of its revenue and expenditure since -it passed under the British rule, of the sums which we have taken -from it in taxes, and of the amount which we have returned to it -in the protection of property and person and the other charges of -civil government." - - -Sir William Hunter laid much stress on the necessity of stating the -authority on the strength of which any statement is made and of the -propriety of avoiding anything like libels on persons or classes. In -1871 Sir W. Hunter was appointed Director General of Statistics -to the Government of India. In this capacity he was to be a central -guiding authority whose duty it was to see that each of the Provincial -Gazetteers contained the materials requisite for the comparative -statistics of the Empire. As some of the Bombay District Accounts were -incomplete and as it was thought advisable to embody in the District -Accounts the results of the general Census of 1872, it was decided, in -October 1871, that pending the completion of the census the Gazetteer -work should be suspended and that when the results of the census were -compiled and classified a special officer should be appointed for a -period of six months to revise and complete the drafts. In October -1871, pending the compilation of the census returns, Mr. Crowe was -appointed Assistant Collector at Sholápur and the Gazetteer records -were left in a room in the Poona Collector's Office. In September 1872 -the whole of the Gazetteer records, including thirty-one articles on -British Districts and Native States, were stolen by two youths who -had been serving in the Collector's Office as peons. These youths -finding the Gazetteer office room unoccupied stole the papers piece -by piece for the sake of the trifling amount they fetched as waste -paper. Search resulted in the recovery in an imperfect state of seven -of the thirty-one drafts. The youths were convicted and sentenced to -a year's imprisonment in the Poona Reformatory. - -In 1873 Mr. Francis Chapman then Chief Secretary to Government took -the preparation of the Gazetteer under his personal control. And in -June 1873 Mr. James M. Campbell, C.S., was appointed Compiler. An -important change introduced by Mr. Chapman was to separate from -the preparation of the series of District Manuals certain general -subjects and to arrange for the preparation of accounts of those -general subjects by specially qualified contributors. The subjects -so set apart and allotted were: - - - +---+---------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | General Contributors, 1873. | - |No.+---------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | Subject. | Contributor. | - +---+---------------------------+-------------------------+ - | 1 | Ethnology | Dr. J. Wilson. | - | 2 | Meteorology | Mr. C. Chambers, F.R.S. | - | 3 | Geology | Mr. W. Blandford. | - | 4 | Botany | Dr. W. Gray. | - | 5 | Archæology | Dr. J. Burgess. | - | 6 | Manufactures and Industry | Mr. G. W. Terry. | - | 7 | Trade and Commerce | Mr. J. Gordon. | - +---+---------------------------+-------------------------+ - - -These arrangements resulted in the preparation of the following papers -each of which on receipt was printed in pamphlet form: - - - I. Ethnology; II. Meteorology; III. Geology; and IV. Botany. - - -Of these papers it has not been deemed advisable to reprint -Dr. J. Wilson's Paper on Castes as it was incomplete owing to -Dr. Wilson's death in 1875. Reprinting was also unnecessary in the case -of Mr. Blandford's Geology and of the late Mr. Chambers' Meteorology, -as the contents of these pamphlets have been embodied in works -specially devoted to the subject of those contributions. Dr. Burgess -never prepared his article on the Archæology of the Presidency, -but the materials supplied by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál Indraji -prevented the evil effect which this failure would otherwise have -caused. Dr. Bhagvánlál also ably supplied the deficiency caused -by Dr. G. Bühler's failure to contribute an article on the Early -History of Gujarát. The notices of the manufactures in the more -important industrial centres to some extent supply the blank caused -by the absence of Mr. Terry's contribution. Nothing came of the late -Mr. Gordon's Account of the Trade of the Presidency. - -On the important subject of Botany besides Dr. W. Gray's original -contribution, a valuable paper On Useful Trees and Plants was prepared -by Dr. J. C. Lisboa, and a detailed account of Kaira field trees by -the late Mr. G. H. D. Wilson of the Bombay Civil Service. These three -papers together form a separate Botany Volume No. XXV. - -The general contributions on History contained in Vol. I. Parts I. and -II. are among the most valuable portions of the Gazetteer. Besides the -shorter papers by Mr. L. R. Ashburner, C.S.I., on the Gujarát Mutinies -of 1857, by Mr. J. A. Baines, C.S.I., on the Maráthás in Gujarát, -by Mr. W. W. Loch, I.C.S., on the Musalmán and Marátha histories of -Khándesh and the Bombay Dakhan, and by the late Colonel E. W. West, -I.S.C., on the modern history of the Southern Marátha districts, -there are the Reverend A. K. Nairne's History of the Konkan which -is specially rich in the Portuguese period (A.D. 1500-1750), the -late Colonel J. W. Watson's Musalmáns of Gujarát with additions -by Khán Sáheb Fazl Lutfullah Farídi of Surat, and the important -original histories of the Early Dakhan by Professor Rámkrishna Gopál -Bhandárkar, C.I.E., Ph.D., and of the Southern Marátha districts by -Mr. J. F. Fleet, I.C.S., C.I.E., Ph.D. With these the early history -of Gujarát from materials supplied by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál -Indraji, Ph.D., is perhaps not unworthy to rank. The work of completing -Dr. Bhagvánlál's history was one of special difficulty. No satisfactory -result would have been obtained had it not been for the valuable -assistance received from Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., of the Indian -Civil Service. - -The importance and the interest of the great subject of Population -have added several contributions to the Reverend Doctor J. Wilson's -original pamphlet of twenty-three pages. Most of these contributions -appear in different District Statistical Accounts especially Dr. John -Pollen's, I.C.S., accounts in Khándesh, Mr. Cumine's, I.C.S. in -Bijápur, Mr. K. Raghunáthji's in Thána and Poona, Assistant Surgeon -Shántárám Vináyak's in Sholápur, Mr. P. F. DeSouza's in Kánara, and the -late Ráo Bahádur Trimalrao's in Dhárwár. Except the valuable articles -contributed in the Statistical Account of Kachh by Major J. W. Wray, -Mr. Vináyakráo Náráyanand Ráo Sáheb Dalpatrám Pránjivan Khakhar, in -the Account of Káthiáwár by the late Colonel L. C. Barton, and in the -Account of Rewa Kántha by Ráo Bahádur Nandshankar Tuljáshankar the -early date at which the Gujarát Statistical Accounts were published -prevented the preparation of detailed articles on population. This -omission has now been supplied in a separate volume No. IX. The -chief contributions to this volume are Ráo Bahádur Bhimbhái -Kirpárám's Hindus, Khán Sáheb Fazl Lutfullah Farídi's Musalmáns, -and Messrs. Kharsetji N. Servai and Bamanji B. Patel's Pársis. - -Besides to these general contributors the series of Statistical -Accounts owes much of their fullness and practical usefulness -to District Officers especially to the labours of the District -Compilers who in most cases were either Collectors or Assistant -Collectors. The most important contributors of this class were for -Ahmedábád Mr. F. S. P. Lely, C.S.; for Kaira Mr. G. F. Sheppard, -C.S.; for the Panch Maháls Mr. H. A. Acworth, C.S.; for Thána -Messrs. W. B. Mulock, C.S., E. J. Ebden, C.S., W. W. Loch, C.S., -and A. Cumine, C.S.; for Kolába Mr. E. H. Moscardi, C.S.; for -Ratnágiri Mr. G. W. Vidal, C.S.; for Khándesh Mr. W. Ramsay, C.S., -Dr. John Pollen, C.S., and Mr. A. Crawley-Boevey, C.S.; for Násik -Messrs. W. Ramsay, C.S., J. A. Baines, C.S., and H. R. Cooke, C.S.; -for Ahmednagar Mr. T. S. Hamilton, C.S.; for Poona Messrs. J. G. Moore, -C.S., John MacLeod Campbell, C.S., G. H. Johns, C.S., and A. Keyser, -C.S.; for Sátára Mr. J. W. P. Muir-Mackenzie, C.S.; for Sholápur -Mr. C. E. G. Crawford, C.S.; for Belgaum Mr. G. McCorkell, C.S.; for -Dhárwár Messrs. F. L. Charles, C.S., and J. F. Muir, C.S.; for Bijápur -Messrs. H. F. Silcock, C.S., A. Cumine, C.S., and M. H. Scott, C.S.; -and for Kánara Mr. J. Monteath, C.S., and Colonel W. Peyton. Of the -accounts of Native States, the interesting and complete Gazetteer -of Baroda is the work of Mr. F. A. H. Elliott, C.S. The chief -contributors to the other Statistical Accounts of Native States were -for Kachh Colonel L. C. Barton; for Káthiáwár Colonel J. W. Watson -and Colonel L. C. Barton; for Pálanpur Colonel J. W. Watson; for Mahi -Kántha Colonels E. W. West and P. H. LeGeyt; for Rewa Kántha Colonel -L. C. Barton and Ráo Báhádur Nandshankar Tuljáshankar; for Sávantvádi -Colonel J. F. Lester; for Jánjira Mr. G. Larcom; for Kolhápur Colonels -E. W. West and W. F. F. Waller and Ráo Bahádur Yeshvant M. Kelkar. The -names of numerous other contributors both in and out of Government -service who gave help in compiling information connected with their -districts have been shewn in the body of each District Statistical -Account. Of these the learned and most ungrudging assistance received -from Dr. J. Gerson DaCunha of Bombay requires special recognition. - -The third main source of preparation was the Compiler's head-quarters -office. Through the interest which Mr. Francis Chapman took in the -Gazetteer the Compiler was able to secure the services as Assistant -of Ráo Báhádur Bhimbhái Kirpárám who was Head Accountant in the Kaira -Treasury when the Statistical Account of Kaira was under preparation -in 1874. Mr. Bhimbhái's minute knowledge of administrative detail, -his power of asking for information in the form least troublesome to -district establishments, and of checking the information received, -together with his talent for directing the work at head-quarters -formed one of the most important elements in the success of the -Gazetteer arrangements. Besides to the interest taken by Mr. Francis -Chapman the Gazetteer owed much to the advice and to the support of -Sir W. W. Hunter, who, in spite of the delay and expense which it -involved, secured the full record of the survey and other details in -which the Bombay revenue system is specially rich. - -In addition to Ráo Bahádur Bhimbhái, the members of the Compiler's -office whose work entitles them almost to a place among contributors -are: Ráo Sáheb Krishnaráo Narsinh, who drafted many of the Land Revenue -and Survey Histories; the late Mr. Ganesh Bhikáji Gunjikar, B.A., -who drafted many of the Political Histories; the late Mr. Vaikunthrám -Manmathrám Mehta, B.A., and Ráo Bahádur Itchárám Bhagvándás, B.A., -who drafted many articles on Description, Production, Agriculture, -Capital, and Trade; Mr. K. Raghunáthji who prepared many of the -fullest caste accounts; Mr. Ratirám Durgárám, B.A., who drafted -many papers on places of interest; and Messrs. Yeshvant Nilkanth and -Mahádev G. Nádkarni who drafted many of the sections on Population, -Agriculture, Capital, and Trade. - -Other officers of Government who have had an important share in the -satisfactory completion of the Gazetteer are: Mr. J. Kingsmill the -former and Mr. Frámroz Rustamji the present Superintendent of the -Government Central Press and Mr. T. E. Coleman the Head Examiner, whose -unfailing watchfulness has detected many a mistake. Mr. Waite the late -Superintendent of the Photozincographic Press and Mr. T. LeMesurier -the present Superintendent have supplied a set of most handy, clear, -and accurate maps. - -A further means adopted for collecting information was the preparation -of papers on the different social, economic, and religious subjects -which had proved of interest in preparing the earliest District -Statistical Accounts. Between 1874 and 1880 forty-nine question papers -which are given as an Appendix to the General Index Volume were from -time to time printed and circulated. The answers received to these -papers added greatly to the fullness and to the local interest of -all the later Statistical Accounts. - -The Statistical Accounts of the eighteen British districts and -eighty-two Native States of the Bombay Presidency, together with the -Materials towards a Statistical Account of the Town and Island of -Bombay extend over thirty-three Volumes and 17,800 pages. In addition -to these Statistical Accounts 475 articles were prepared in 1877-78 -for the Imperial Gazetteer. - - -JAMES MACNABB CAMPBELL. - - Bombay Customs House, } - 29th May 1896. } - - - - - - - - - -HISTORY OF GUJARÁT. - - -This Volume contains the Articles named below: - - I.--Early History of Gujarát (B.C. 319-A.D. 1304).--From materials - prepared by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál Indraji, Ph.D., completed - with the help of A. M. T. Jackson, Esquire, M.A., of the Indian - Civil Service. - II.--History of Gujarát, Musalmán Period (A.D. 1297-1760).--Prepared - by the late Colonel J. W. Watson, Indian Staff Corps, former - Political Agent of Káthiáváda, with additions by Khán Sáheb - Fazlullah Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat. -III.--History of Gujarát, Marátha Period (A.D. 1760-1819).--By - J. A. Baines, Esquire, C.S.I., Late of Her Majesty's Bombay - Civil Service. - IV.--Disturbances in Gujarát (A.D. 1857-1859).--By L. R. Ashburner, - Esquire, C.S.I., Late of Her Majesty's Bombay Civil Service. - - -Appendices: - - I.--The Death of Sultán Bahádur. - II.--The Hill Fort of Mándu. - III.--Bhinmál or Shrimál. - IV.--Java and Cambodia. - V.--Arab References. - VI.--Greek References. - - -JAMES M. CAMPBELL. - -29th May 1896. - - - - - - - - - -CONTENTS. - - -EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARÁT. - - PAGE -Boundaries and Name 1-5 - -Ancient Divisions: - - Ánartta; Suráshtra; Láta 6-7 - -Legends: - - Ánartta the first Puránic king of Gujarát, and the Yádavas in - Dwárika 8-12 - -Mauryan and Greek Rule (B.C. 319-100): - - The Mauryas (B.C. 319-197); The Greeks (B.C. 180-100) 13-19 - -The Kshatrapas (B.C. 70-A.D. 398): - - The Name; Northern Kshatrapas; Western Kshatrapas; Nahapána - (A.D. 78-120); Ushavadáta (A.D. 100-120); Nahapána's Era; - Málava Era; Chashtana (A.D. 130); The Mevas or Medas; Jayadáman - (A.D. 140-143) 20-34 - - Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158); Sudarsana Lake; The Yaudheyas; Dámázada - or Dámájadasrí (A.D. 158-168); Jivadáman (A.D. 178); Rudrasimha - I. (A.D. 181-196); Rudrasena (A.D. 203-220); Prithivísena - (A.D. 222); Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226); Dámasena (A.D. 226-236); - Dámájadasrí II. (A.D. 236) 35-45 - - Víradáman (A.D. 236-238); Yasadáman (A.D. 239); Vijayasena - (A.D. 238-249); Dámájadasrí (A.D. 250-255); Rudrasena - II. (A.D. 256-272); Visvasimha (A.D. 272-278); Bharttridáman - (A.D. 278-294); Visvasena (A.D. 294-300); Rudrasimha - (A.D. 308-311); Yasadáman (A.D. 320); Dámasiri (A.D. 320); - Rudrasena (A.D. 348-376); Simhasena; Skanda; Ísvaradatta - (A.D. 230-250); Kshatrapa Family Tree 46-54 - -The Traikútakas (A.D. 250-450): - - Initial Date; Their Race 55-59 - -The Guptas (G. 90-149; A.D. 410-470): - - Dynasty; The founder Gupta (A.D. 319-322 [?]); Ghatotkacha - (A.D. 322-349 [?]); Chandragupta I. (A.D. 349-369 [?]; Samudragupta - (A.D. 370-395); Chandragupta II. (A.D. 396-415); Kumáragupta - (A.D. 416-453); Skandagupta (A.D. 454-470) 60-70 - - Budhagupta (A.D. 485); Bhánugupta (A.D. 511); The Pushyamitras - (A.D. 455); White Huns (A.D. 450-520); Mihirakula (A.D. 512); - Yasodharman of Málwa (A.D. 533-34) 71-77 - -The Valabhis (A.D. 509-766): - - Valeh Town (1893); Valabhi in A.D. 630; Valabhi Copperplates; - Valabhi Administration (A.D. 500-700); Territorial Divisions; Land - Assessment; Religion; Origin of the Valabhis; History 78-86 - - First Valabhi Grant (A.D. 526); Senápati Bhatárka (A.D. 509-520?); - the Maitrakas (A.D. 470-509); Senápati's Sons; Dhruvasena - I. (A.D. 526-535); Guhasena (A.D. 539-569); Dharasena - II. (A.D. 569-589); Síláditya I. (A.D. 594-609); Kharagraha - (A.D. 610-615); Dharasena III. (A.D. 615-620); Dhruvasena - II. (Báláditya) (A.D. 620-640); Dharasena IV. (A.D. 640-649); - Dhruvasena III. (A.D. 650-656); Kharagraha (A.D. 656-665); - Síláditya III. (A.D. 666-675); Síláditya IV. (A.D. 691); Síláditya - V. (A.D. 722); Síláditya VI. (A.D. 760); Síláditya VII. (A.D. 766); - Valabhi Family Tree; The fall of Valabhi (A.D. 750-770); The - importance of Valabhi 87-96 - - Valabhi and the Gehlots; The Válas of Káthiáváda; The Válas and - Káthis; Descent from Kanaksen (A.D. 150); Mewád and the Persians; - Válas 97-106 - -The Chálukyas (A.D. 634-740): - - Jayasimhavarmman (A.D. 666-693); Sryásraya Síláditya (heir - apparent) (A.D. 669-691); Mangalarája (A.D. 698-731); Pulakesi - Janásraya (A.D. 738); Buddhavarmman (A.D. 713?); Nágavarddhana; - Chálukya Tree 107-112 - -The Gurjjaras (A.D. 580-808): - - Copperplates; Gurjjara Tree; Dadda I. (c. 585-605 A.D.); Jayabhata - I. Vítarága (c. 605-620 A.D.); Dadda II. Prasántarága (c. 620-650 - A.D.); Jayabhata II. (c. 650-675 A.D.); Dadda III. Báhusaháya - (c. 675-700 A.D.); Jayabhata III. (c. 704-734 A.D.) 113-118 - -The Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 743-974): - - Origin; Name; Early Dynasty (A.D. 450-500); The - main Dynasty (A.D. 630-972); Ráshtrakúta Family Tree - (A.D. 630-972); Copperplates; Kakka II. (A.D. 747); Krishna - and Govinda II. (A.D. 765-795); Dhruva I. (A.D. 795); Govinda - III. (A.D. 800-808); Indra (A.D. 808-812); Karka I. (A.D. 812-821); - Dantivarmman (Heir Apparent); Govinda (A.D. 827-833); Dhruva - I. (A.D. 835-867); Akálavarsha (A.D. 867); Dhruva II. (A.D. 867); - Akálavarsha Krishna (A.D. 888); Main Line restored (A.D. 888-974); - Krishna Akálavarsha (A.D. 888-914); Indra Nityamvarsha (A.D. 914) - 119-134 - -The Mihiras or Mers (A.D. 470-900): - - History; The Chúdásamás (A.D. 900-940); The Jethvás; The Mers; - White Húnas; Jhálás 135-147 - - -THE KINGDOM OF ANAHILAVÁDA (A.D. 720-1300). - -The Chávadás (A.D. 720-956): - - Pañchásar (A.D. 788); Jayasekhara (A.D. 696); Vanarája - (A.D. 720-780?); Founding of Anahilaváda (A.D. 746-765); Vanarája's - Installation; His Image; Vanarája's Successors (A.D. 780-961); - Yogarája (A.D. 806-841); Kshemarája (A.D. 841-880); Chámunda - (A.D. 880-908); Ghághada (A.D. 908-937); Chávadá Genealogy - 149-155 - -The Chaulukyas or Solankis (A.D. 961-1242): - - Authorities; The name Chaulukya; Múlarája (A.D. 961-996); - Chámunda (A.D. 997-1010); Durlabha (A.D. 1010-1022); Bhíma - I. (A.D. 1022-1064); Mahmúd's Invasion (A.D. 1024); Somanátha - (A.D. 1024) 156-169 - - Karna (A.D. 1064-1094); Siddharája Jayasingha (A.D. 1094-1143) - 170-181 - - Kumárapála (A.D. 1143-1174); Ajayapála (A.D. 1174-1177); Múlarája - II. (A.D. 1177-1179); Bhíma II. (A.D. 1179-1242) 182-197 - -The Vághelás (A.D. 1219-1304): - - Arnorája (A.D. 1170-1200); Lavanaprasáda (A.D. 1200-1233); - Víradhavala (A.D. 1233-1238); Vísaladeva (A.D. 1243-1261); - Arjunadeva (A.D. 1262-1274); Sárangadeva (A.D. 1275-1296); - Karnadeva (A.D. 1296-1304); Vághela Genealogy 198-206 - - -MUSALMÁN PERIOD (A.D. 1297-1760). - -Introduction: - - Territorial Limits; Sorath; Káthiáváda; Under the Kings - (A.D. 1403-1573); Under the Mughals (A.D. 1573-1760); Condition - of Gujarát (A.D. 1297-1802) 207-228 - -Early Musalmán Governors (A.D. 1297-1403): - - Alá-ud-dín Khilji Emperor (A.D. 1295-1315); Ulugh Khán - (A.D. 1297-1317); Ain-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1318); Order - established (A.D. 1318); Muhammad Tughlak Emperor (A.D. 1325-1351); - Táj-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1320); Suppression of insurrection - (A.D. 1347); Surrender of Girnár and Kachh (A.D. 1350); - Fírúz Tughlak Emperor (A.D. 1351-1388); Zafar Khán Governor - (A.D. 1371); Farhat-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1376-1391); Muhammad - Tughlak II. Emperor (A.D. 1391-1393); Zafar Khán Governor - (A.D. 1391-1403) 229-233 - -Ahmedábád Kings (A.D. 1403-1573): - - Muhammad I. (A.D. 1403-1404); Muzaffar (A.D. 1407-1419); Ahmed - I. (A.D. 1411-1441); Ahmedábád built (A.D. 1413); Defeat of the - Ídar Chief (A.D. 1414); Spread of Islám (A.D. 1414); Expedition - against Málwa (A.D. 1417); Chámpáner attacked (A.D. 1418); War - with Málwa (A.D. 1422); Defeat of the Ídar Chief (A.D. 1425); - Recovery of Máhim (A.D. 1429) and Báglán (A.D. 1431); Muhammad - II. (A.D. 1441-1452); Kutb-ud-dín (A.D. 1451-1459); War with - Málwa (A.D. 1451) Battle of Kapadvanj (A.D. 1454); War with Nágor - (A.D. 1454-1459); War with Chitor (A.D. 1455-1459) 234-242 - - Mahmúd I. Begada (A.D. 1459-1513); Defeat of a conspiracy - (A.D. 1459); Improvement of the soldiery (A.D. 1459-1461); - Help given to the king of the Dakhan (A.D. 1461); Expedition - against Junágadh (A.D. 1467); Capture of Girnár (A.D. 1472); - Disturbances in Chámpáner (A.D. 1472); Conquest of Kachh; - Jagat destroyed; Conspiracy (A.D. 1480); War against Chámpáner - (A.D. 1482-1484); Capture of Pávágad (A.D. 1484); The Khándesh - succession (A.D. 1508); Muzaffar II. (A.D. 1513-1526); Expedition - against Ídar (A.D. 1514); Disturbances in Málwa (A.D. 1517); - Capture of Mándu (A.D. 1518); War with Chitor (A.D. 1519); - Submission of the Rána of Chitor (A.D. 1521); Death of Muzaffar - II. (A.D. 1526) 243-252 - - Sikandar (A.D. 1526); Máhmúd II. (A.D. 1526); Bahádur - (A.D. 1527-1536); Portuguese intrigues (A.D. 1526); Khándesh - affairs (A.D. 1528); Turks at Diu (A.D. 1526-1530); Capture - of Mándu (A.D. 1530); Quarrel with Humáyún (A.D. 1532); Fall of - Chitor (A.D. 1535); Mughal conquest of Gujarát (A.D. 1535); The - Mughals driven out (A.D. 1536); The Portuguese at Diu (A.D. 1536); - Death of Bahádur (A.D. 1536); Muhammad II. Ásíri (A.D. 1536-1554); - His escape from control; Choosing of evil favourites; Quarrels - among the nobles; Disturbances (A.D. 1545); Death of Mahmúd - (A.D. 1554); Ahmed II. (A.D. 1554-1561); Ítimád Khán Regent; - Partition of the province; Dissensions; Sultánpur and Nandurbár - handed to Khándesh (A.D. 1560); Defeat and death of Sayad Mubárak; - Death of Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi; Daman district ceded to the Portuguese - (A.D. 1550); Assassination of Ahmed II. (A.D. 1560); Muzaffar - III. (A.D. 1561-1572), a minor; Ítimád Khán and the Fauládis; - The Mírzás (A.D. 1571); Defeat of Ítimád Khán; Death of Changíz - Khán; Ítimád Khán and the Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1572) 252-264 - -Mughal Viceroys (A.D. 1573-1758). - -Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1573-1605): - - Capture of Broach and Surat and advance to Ahmedábád (A.D. 1573); - Mirza Ázíz first Viceroy (A.D. 1573-1575); Insurrection - quelled by Akbar (A.D. 1573); Mírza Khán second Viceroy - (A.D. 1575-1577); Survey by Rája Todar Mal; Shaháb-ud-din third - Viceroy (A.D. 1577-1583); Expedition against Junágadh; Ítimád - Khán Gujaráti fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1583-1584); Ahmedábád captured - by Muzaffar (A.D. 1583); Mírza Abdur Rahím Khán (Khán Khánán) - fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1583-1587); Defeat of Muzaffar (A.D. 1584); - Ismáíl Kuli Khán sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1587); Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh - seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1588-1592); Refuge sought by Muzaffar in - Káthiáváda; Muzaffar attacked by the imperial army; Muzaffar's - flight to Kachh and suicide (A.D. 1591-92); Sultán Murád Baksh - eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1592-1600); Mirza Ázíz Kokaltásh ninth Viceroy - (A.D. 1600-1606) 265-273 - -Jahángir Emperor (A.D. 1605-1627): - - Kalíj Khán tenth Viceroy (A.D. 1606); Sayad Murtaza eleventh - Viceroy (A.D. 1606-1609); Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh twelfth Viceroy - (A.D. 1609-1611); Sack of Surat by Malik Âmbar (A.D. 1609); - Abdulláh Khán Fírúz Jang thirteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1611-1616); - Mukarrab Khán fourteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1616); Elephant-hunting in - the Panch Maháls (A.D. 1616); Prince Sháh Jehán fifteenth Viceroy - (A.D. 1618-1622); Rebellion of Sháh Jehán (A.D. 1622-23); Sháhi - Bágh built at Ahmedábád; Sultán Dáwar Baksh sixteenth Viceroy - (A.D. 1622-1624); Saif Khán seventeenth Viceroy (A.D. 1624-1627) - 273-277 - -Sháh Jehán Emperor (A.D. 1627-1658): - - Sher Khán Túar eighteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1627-1632); Famine - (A.D. 1631-1632); Islám Khán nineteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1632); - Disorder (A.D. 1632); Bákar Khán twentieth Viceroy (A.D. 1632); - Sipáhdár Khán twenty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1633); Saif Khán - twenty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1633-1635); Ázam Khán twenty-third - Viceroy (A.D. 1635-1642); The Kolis punished; The Káthis - subdued; Revolt of the Jám of Navánagar (A.D. 1640); Ísa - Tarkhán twenty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1642-1644); Prince Muhammad - Aurangzíb twenty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1644-1646); Sháistah Khán - twenty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1646-1648); Prince Muhammad Dárá - Shikoh twenty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1648-1652); Sháistah Khán - twenty-eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1652-1654); Prince Murád Bakhsh - twenty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1654-1657); Murád Baksh proclaimed - emperor (A.D. 1657) Kásam Khán thirtieth Viceroy (A.D. 1657-1659); - Victory of Murád and Aurangzíb; Murád confined by Aurangzíb - (A.D. 1658) 277-282 - -Aurangzib Emperor (A.D. 1658-1707): - - Sháh Nawáz Khán Safávi thirty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1659); Rebellion - of Prince Dárá (A.D. 1659); Prince Dárá defeated (A.D. 1659); - Jasavantsingh thirty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1659-1662); Jasavantsingh - sent against Shiváji (A.D. 1662); Mahábat Khán thirty-third Viceroy - (A.D. 1662-1668); Capture of Navánagar-Islámnagar (A.D. 1664); - Surat plundered by Shiváji (A.D. 1664); Copper coinage introduced - (A.D. 1668); Khán Jehán thirty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1668-1671); - Sidi Yákút the Mughal Admiral (A.D. 1670); Mahárája - Jasavantsingh thirty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1671-1674); Muhammad - Amín Khán Umdat-ul-Mulk thirty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1674-1683); - Increased power of the Bábi family; Revolt of Ídar (A.D. 1679); - Mukhtár Khán thirty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1683-1684); Famine - (A.D. 1684); Shujáât Khán (Kártalab Khán) thirty-eighth Viceroy - (A.D. 1684-1703); Mutiny quelled by Shujáât Khán (A.D. 1689); - Revolt of Matiás and Momnás (A.D. 1691); Disturbances in - Káthiáváda (A.D. 1692) and Márwár; Durgádás Ráthod reconciled to - the Emperor (A.D. 1697); Scarcity (A.D. 1698); Prince Muhammad - Aâzam thirty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1703-1705); Intrigue against and - escape of Durgádás Ráthod; Surat (A.D. 1700-1703); Ibráhím Khán - fortieth Viceroy (A.D. 1705); Maráthás enter Gujarát; Battle of - Ratanpúr and defeat of the Musalmáns (A.D. 1705); Battle of the - Bába Piárah Ford and second defeat of the Musalmáns (A.D. 1705); - Koli disturbances; Prince Muhammad Bídár Bakht forty-first Viceroy - (A.D. 1705-1706); Durgádás Ráthod again in rebellion; Ibráhím - Khán forty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1706) 283-295 - -Fifty Years of Disorder (A.D. 1707-1757): - - The Marátha advance to Ahmedábád and levy of tribute (A.D. 1707); - Bahádur Sháh I. Emperor (A.D. 1707-1712); Gházi-ud-dín forty-third - Viceroy (A.D. 1708-1710); Jahándár Sháh Emperor (A.D. 1712-13); - Ásif-ud-daulah forty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1712-13); Farrukhsiyar - Emperor (A.D. 1713-1719); Shahámat Khán forty-fifth Viceroy - (A.D. 1713); Dáud Khán Panni forty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1714-15); - Religious riots in Ahmedábád (A.D. 1714); Further riots in - Ahmedábád (A.D. 1715); Mahárája Ajítsingh forty-seventh Viceroy - (A.D. 1715-1716); Disagreement between the Viceroy and Haidar Kúli - Khán (A.D. 1715); Khán Daurán Nasrat Jang Bahádur forty-eighth - Viceroy (A.D. 1716-1719); Famine (A.D. 1719); Muhammad Sháh - Emperor (A.D. 1721-1748); Mahárája Ajítsingh forty-ninth Viceroy - (A.D. 1719-1721); Piláji Gáikwár at Songad (A.D. 1719); Decay - of imperial power (A.D. 1720); Nizám-ul-Mulk Prime Minister - of the Empire (A.D. 1721); Haidar Kúli Khán fiftieth Viceroy - (A.D. 1721-1722); Disorder in Ahmedábád (A.D. 1721); His arrival - in Gujarát (A.D. 1722); Signs of independence shown by him - and his recall (A.D. 1722); Nizám-ul-Mulk fifty-first Viceroy - (A.D. 1722); Hámid Khán Deputy Viceroy; Momín Khán Governor - of Surat (A.D. 1722); Increase of Marátha power (A.D. 1723) - 295-304 - - Sarbuland Khán fifty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1723-1730); Shujaât - Khán appointed Deputy; Nizám-ul-Mulk and Sarbuland Khán; Sarbuland - Khán's Deputy defeated (A.D. 1724); the Maráthás engaged as Allies; - Battle of Arás; Hámid Khán defeated by Rustam Áli (A.D. 1723); - Hámid Khán joined by Maráthás against Rustam Áli; Mubáriz-ul-Mulk - sent against the Maráthás (A.D. 1725); Retreat of Hámid Khán and - the Maráthás; Ahmedábád entered by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk (A.D. 1725); - Defeat of the Maráthás at Sojitra and Kapadvanj (A.D. 1725); - Marátha expedition against Vadnagar (A.D. 1725); Tribute paid to - the Maráthás (A.D. 1726); Alliance with the Peshwa (A.D. 1727); - Baroda and Dabhoi obtained by Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1727); Capture - of Chámpáner by the Maráthás (A.D. 1728); Grant of tribute to the - Peshwa (A.D. 1729); Disturbance raised by Mulla Muhammad Áli at - Surat (A.D. 1729); Petlád given in farm (A.D. 1729); Athva fort - (A.D. 1730); The Viceroy in Káthiáváda and Kachh (A.D. 1730); - Riots at Ahmedábád; Mahárája Abheysingh fifty-third Viceroy - (A.D. 1730-1733); The new Viceroy resisted by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk; - Battle of Adálaj; The Mahárája defeated by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk - (A.D. 1730); Retreat of Mubáriz-ul-Mulk; Government of Abheysingh; - Momín Khán, ruler of Cambay (A.D. 1730); The Peshwa and Viceroy - against Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1731); The withdrawal of the Peshwa; - His opponents defeated; Abdúlláh Beg appointed Nizám's Deputy - at Broach; The death of Piláji Gáikwár procured by the Viceroy - (A.D. 1732); Baroda taken; Famine (A.D. 1732); Affairs at Surat - (A.D. 1732); Teghbeg Khán Governor of Surat 305-313 - - Ratansingh Bhandári Deputy Viceroy (A.D. 1733-1737); Return of - the Maráthás; Contest for the government of Gogha; Disturbance - at Víramgám (A.D. 1734); Baroda recovered by the Maráthás - (A.D. 1734); Change of governor at Víramgám; Failure of Jawán - Mard Khán in an attempt on Ídar; Rivalry of Ratansingh Bhandári - and Sohráb Khán (A.D. 1735); Battle of Dholi; Defeat and death - of Sohráb Khán (A.D. 1735); Rivalry between Ratansingh Bhandári - and Momín Khán (A.D. 1735); Marátha affairs; Dámáji Gáikwár and - Kántáji (A.D. 1735); Battle of Ánand-Mogri; Defeat of Kántáji; - The Maráthás helping Bhávsingh to expel the Víramgám Kasbátis; - The country plundered by the Gáikwár and Peshwa; Momín Khán - fifty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1737); Siege of Ahmedábád; Mahárája - Abheysingh fifty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1737); The siege of Ahmedábád - continued by Momín Khán; Defence of the city by Ratansingh - Bhandári; Ahmedábád captured by Momín Khán (A.D. 1738); Momín Khán - fifty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1738-1743); Prosperity of Ahmedábád - (A.D. 1738); Tribute collected by the Viceroy (A.D. 1738); - Sher Khán Bábi Deputy Governor of Sorath (A.D. 1738); Tribute - collected by the Deputy Viceroy (A.D. 1739); Capture of Bassein - by the Maráthás (A.D. 1739); Tribute expedition (A.D. 1740); - The Viceroy at Cambay (A.D. 1741); Víramgám surrendered and Pátdi - received by Bhávsingh; Siege of Broach by the Maráthás (A.D. 1741); - Battle of Dholka; Defeat of the Maráthás (A.D. 1741); Contests - between the Musalmáns and Maráthás; Disturbance at Ahmedábád - (A.D. 1742); Collection of tribute in Káthiáváda by the Viceroy; - Death of Momín Khán (A.D. 1743) 314-326 - - Fidá-ud-dín acting as Viceroy (A.D. 1743); The Maráthás defeated - by Muftakhir Khán; Dámáji Gáikwár's return to Gujarát; Abdúl Ázíz - Khán of Junnar Viceroy (by a forged order); Mutiny of the troops; - Petlád captured by the Maráthás; Muftakhir Khán fifty-seventh - Viceroy (A.D. 1743-1744); Jawán Mard Khán appointed Deputy; The - Maráthás in Ahmedábád; Battle of Kim Kathodra; Defeat and death - of Abdúl Ázíz Khán (A.D. 1744); Fakhr-ud-daulah fifty-eighth - Viceroy (A.D. 1744-1748); Jawán Mard Khán Bábi Deputy Viceroy; - Khanderáv Gáikwár called to Sátára; Defeat and capture of the - Viceroy by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi; Rangoji disgraced by Khanderáv - Gáikwár; Rangoji and Jawán Mard Khán opposed by Punáji Vithal - and Fakhr-ud-daulah; Siege of Kapadvanj by Fakhr-ud-daulah - (A.D. 1746); The siege raised at the approach of Holkar; Momín - Khán II. governor of Cambay (A.D. 1748); Increased strength of - Fakhr-ud-daulah's party; Dissensions among the Maráthás; Surat - affairs (A.D. 1748); Escape of Mulla Fakhr-ud-din to Bombay; - Cession of Surat revenue to the Gáikwár (A.D. 1747); Famine - (A.D. 1747); Marátha dissensions; Fall of Borsad 326-332 - - Mahárája Vakhatsingh fifty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1748); Ahmed Sháh - Emperor (A.D. 1748-1754); Spread of disorder; Surat affairs - (A.D. 1750); Sayad Achchan unpopular; Safdar Muhammad brought - back by the Dutch; Retreat of Sayad Achchan; Jawán Mard Khán - and the Peshwa (A.D. 1750); The Peshwa and Gáikwár (A.D. 1751); - Broach independent (A.D. 1752); Pándurang Pandit repulsed at - Ahmedábád (A.D. 1752); Marátha invasion; Return of Jawán Mard - Khán; Gallant defence of Ahmedábád; Surrender of Jawán Mard - Khán; Ahmedábád taken by the Maráthás (A.D. 1753); Collection of - tribute; Mughal coinage discontinued; Failure of an attempt on - Cambay (A.D. 1753); The Kolis; Cambay attacked by the Maráthás - (A.D. 1754); Alamgír II. (A.D. 1754-1759); Contest with Momín - Khán renewed (A.D. 1754); Gogha taken by Momín Khán (A.D. 1755); - Ahmedábád recovered by Momín Khán (17th October 1756); Jawán - Mard Khán allying himself with the Maráthás; Ahmedábád invested - by the Maráthás (A.D. 1756); Momín Khán helped by Ráo of Ídar - (A.D. 1757); Successful sally under Shambhurám; Negotiations - for peace; Marátha arrangements in Ahmedábád; New coins; Momín - Khán at Cambay; Expedition from Kachh against Sindh (A.D. 1758); - Tribute levied by the Maráthás; Surat affairs (A.D. 1758); The - command of Surat taken by the English (A.D. 1759); Momín Khán's - visit to Poona (A.D. 1759); Sadáshiv Rámchandra Peshwa's Viceroy - (A.D. 1760); The Maráthás in Káthiáváda (A.D. 1759); Ápa Ganesh - Viceroy (A.D. 1761); Battle of Pánipat (A.D. 1761) 332-345 - -Appendix I.--Death of Sultán Bahádur (A.D. 1526-1536) 347-351 - -Appendix II.--The Hill Fort of Mándu; Description; History; The Málwa -Sultáns (A.D. 1400-1570); The Mughals (A.D. 1570-1720); The Maráthás -(A.D. 1720-1820); Notices (A.D. 1820-1895) 352-384. - - -MARÁTHA PERIOD (A.D. 1760-1819). - - History; Siváji's first inroad (A.D. 1664); Siváji's second - attack (A.D. 1670); Sáler taken (A.D. 1672); The Narbada crossed - (A.D. 1675); Raids by Dábháde (A.D. 1699-1713); Dábháde - (A.D. 1716); Dábháde Senápati; the Peshwa's negotiations - (A.D. 1717); Dámáji Gáikwár (A.D. 1720); Marátha tribute - (A.D. 1723); Kántáji Kadam; Marátha dissensions (A.D. 1725); - The Peshwa (A.D. 1726); Cession of tribute (A.D. 1728); Coalition - against the Peshwa (A.D. 1730); Defeat of the allies (A.D. 1731); - Assassination of Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1732); Baroda secured by - the Gáikwár (A.D. 1734); The Marátha Deputy Governor (A.D. 1736); - Ahmedábád riots (A.D. 1738-1741); Siege of Broach (A.D. 1741); - Rangoji prisoner at Borsad (A.D. 1742); Quarrels regarding the - Viceroyalty between Dámáji and Rághoji Bhonsle (A.D. 1743-44); - Rangoji confined in Borsad (A.D. 1745); the Gáikwár in Surat - (A.D. 1747) 385-395 - - Haribá attacked by Rangoji; Death of Umábái (A.D. 1748); Dámáji - deputy in Gujarát; Dámáji against Peshwa; Dámáji Gáikwár arrested - (A.D. 1751); The Peshwa and Surat; Release of Dámáji (A.D. 1752); - Capture of Ahmedábád (A.D. 1753); Raghunáthráv at Cambay; The - Peshwa's deputy at Ahmedábád; Ahmedábád captured by the Nawáb of - Cambay; Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár at Ahmedábád; Surrender of - the Nawáb; Sayájiráv in Ahmedábád; Peshwa's agent Sadáshiv at - Surat; The Marátha demand of tribute from the Nawáb of Cambay; - The Nawáb at Poona; Lunáváda plundered by Khanderáv; Expedition - against Bálásinor; The estates of Jawán Mard Khán retaken - by Dámáji; The Peshwa and the English (A.D. 1761); One of the - Jádhav family Senápati; Ghorpade family again Senápati; Intrigues - of Rághoba (A.D. 1768); Death of Dámáji Gáikwár (A.D. 1768); - Disputed succession; Rághobá Peshwa (A.D. 1774); Rághoba in - Gujarát (A.D. 1775); Rághobá defeated; His arrival at Surat; - Treaty of Surat (A.D. 1775); Colonel Keating in Gujarát; Rághoba - accompanied by Colonel Keating; Rághoba in Cambay (A.D. 1775); - Govindráv Gáikwár's army; Advance of the combined forces; Defeat - of Fatesingh (A.D. 1775); Retreat of the ministerial general; - Colonel Keating at Dabhoi (A.D. 1775); Rághoba and the Gáikwárs; - Withdrawal of the British contingent; Negotiations at Poona; - Rághoba at Surat (A.D. 1776); Negotiations at Poona (A.D. 1777); - Fresh alliance with Rághoba (A.D. 1778) 396-407 - - The convention of Bhadgaon (A.D. 1779); Negotiation with the - Gáikwár; Escape of Rághoba from Sindia (A.D. 1779); League against - the English (A.D. 1780); Treaty with Fatesingh Gáikwár; Ahmedábád - taken by General Goddard (A.D. 1780); Operations against Sindia - and Holkar; Treaty of Sálbái (A.D. 1782); Death of Fatesingh - (A.D. 1789); Govindráv detained at Poona (A.D. 1793); Office of - Regent at Baroda taken by Govindráv; Ába Shelukar Deputy Governor - of Gujarát (A.D. 1796); Disputes between Ába and Govindráv Gáikwár; - Gujarát farmed to the Gáikwár (A.D. 1799); Ánandráv Gáikwár - (A.D. 1800); British aid to Govindráv's party; The British and - the Gáikwár (A.D. 1800); The Gáikwár's minister Rávji; Treaty - of Bassein (31st December 1802); Arabs disbanded; Malhárráv in - revolt (A.D. 1803); Contingent strengthened (A.D. 1803); Death of - Rávji (A.D. 1803); War with Sindia; The revenue collecting force; - Renewal of (Gujarát) farm (A.D. 1804); The British and the Gáikwár - (A.D. 1805); Káthiáváda tribute; State of Káthiáváda (A.D. 1807); - The revenue raid system 407-418 - - The Maráthás in Sorath; Securities; Bháts and Chárans (A.D. 1807); - British intervention; Financial and political settlements - (A.D. 1807); Peshwa's share in Káthiáváda; Later arrangements; - The Mahi Kántha; Supplementary treaty (A.D. 1808); Okhámandal - (A.D. 1809); Disturbances in Káthiáváda (A.D. 1811); The - Gáikwár's payment of the pecuniary loan to the British Government - (A.D. 1812); Discussions with Poona government about the old - claims on the Gáikwár's estate (A.D. 1813-14); Peshwa intrigue - in Baroda (A.D. 1814); Okhámandal ceded to the Gáikwár; British - aid at Junágadh; Treaty of Poona (A.D. 1817); Treaty with the - Gáikwár (A.D. 1817-18); Close of Marátha supremacy (A.D. 1819); - General Review 418-432 - - -GUJARÁT DISTURBANCES (A.D. 1857-1859). - - The Red Salt Scare (A.D. 1857); The passing of the Pariah dog; - Gold hoarding; Seditious native press; Maulvi Saráj-ud-din; - Apparent weakness of British rule; Administrative defects; The - Courts disliked; The Inám Commission; The army disloyal; Báiza Bái - of Gwálior; Pársi riot in Broach (June 1857); Mutiny at Mhow (July - 1857); Mutiny at Ahmedábád (July 1857); Mr. Ashburner's force; - General Roberts; Rising at Amjera and in the Panch Maháls (July - 1857); Mutinies at Abu and Erinpur (A.D. 1857); Disturbance at - Ahmedábád (14th September 1857); Rádhanpur disloyal; Arab outbreak - at Sunth; Disturbance in Lunáváda; Conspiracy at Dísa; Conspiracy - at Baroda; Want of combination; Marátha conspiracy; Gathering at - Partábpur and at Lodra; Partial disarming; Náikda revolt (October - 1858); Tátia Topi (A.D. 1858); Tátia Topi's defeat at Chhota Udepur - (December 1858); Náikda disturbance (A.D. 1858); Wágher outbreak - (A.D. 1859); Expedition against Bet (A.D. 1859); Bet Fort taken; - Dwárka fort taken; Rising in Nagar Párkar 433-448 - - -APPENDICES. - - Bhinmál or Shrimál--Description, People, Objects of Interest, - History, Inscriptions 449-488 - - Java and Cambodia 489-504 - - Arab References 505-531 - - Greek References 532-547 - - Index 549-594 - - - - - - - - - -PART I. - -EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARÁT. - - -CHAPTER I. - -BOUNDARIES AND NAME. - - -The portion of the Bombay Presidency known as Gujarát fills the -north-east corner of the coast of Western India. - -On the west is the Arabian Sea; on the north-west is the Gulf of -Cutch. To the north lie the Little Ran and the Mevád desert; to the -north-east Ábu and other outliers of the Árávali range. The east is -guarded and limited by rough forest land rugged in the north with side -spurs of the Vindhyas, more open towards the central natural highway -from Baroda to Ratlám, and southwards again rising and roughening -into the northern offshoots from the main range of the Sátpudás. The -southern limit is uncertain. History somewhat doubtfully places it at -the Tápti. Language carries Gujarát about a hundred miles further to -Balsár and Párdi where wild forest-covered hills from the north end -of the Sahyádri range stretch west almost to the sea. - -The province includes two parts, Mainland Gujarát or Gurjjara-ráshtra -and Peninsular Gujarát, the Sauráshtra of ancient, the Káthiáváda of -modern history. To a total area of about 72,000 square miles Mainland -Gujarát with a length from north to south of about 280 miles and a -breadth from east to west varying from fifty to 150 miles contributes -45,000 square miles; and Peninsular Gujarát with a greatest length -from north to south of 155 miles and from east to west of 200 miles -contributes about 27,000 square miles. To a population of about -9,250,000 Mainland Gujarát contributes 6,900,000 and the Peninsula -about 2,350,000. - -The richness of Mainland Gujarát the gift of the Sábarmati Mahi Narbada -and Tápti and the goodliness of much of Sauráshtra the Goodly Land -have from before the beginning of history continued to draw strangers -to Gujarát both as conquerors and as refugees. - -By sea probably came some of the half-mythic Yádavas (B.C. 1500-500); -contingents of Yavanas (B.C. 300-A.D. 100) including Greeks Baktrians -Parthians and Skythians; the pursued Pársis and the pursuing Arabs -(A.D. 600-800); hordes of Sanganian pirates (A.D. 900-1200); Pársi and -Naváyat Musalmán refugees from Khulagu Khán's devastation of Persia -(A.D. 1250-1300); Portuguese and rival Turks (A.D. 1500-1600); Arab and -Persian Gulf pirates (A.D. 1600-1700); African Arab Persian and Makran -soldiers of fortune (A.D. 1500-1800); Armenian Dutch and French traders -(A.D. 1600-1750); and the British (A.D. 1750-1812). By land from -the north have come the Skythians and Huns (B.C. 200-A.D. 500), the -Gurjjaras (A.D. 400-600), the early Jádejás and Káthis (A.D. 750-900), -wave on wave of Afghan Turk Moghal and other northern Musalmáns -(A.D. 1000-1500), and the later Jádejás and Káthis (A.D. 1300-1500): -From the north-east the prehistoric Aryans till almost modern times -(A.D. 1100-1200) continued to send settlements of Northern Bráhmans; -and since the thirteenth century have come Turk Afghan and Moghal -Musalmáns: From the east have come the Mauryans (B.C. 300), the -half-Skythian Kshatrapas (B.C. 100-A.D. 300), the Guptas (A.D. 380), -the Gurjjars (A.D. 400-600), the Moghals (A.D. 1530), and the -Maráthás (A.D. 1750): And from the south the Sátakarnis (A.D. 100), -the Chálukyas and Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 650-950), occasional Musalmán -raiders (A.D. 1400-1600), the Portuguese (A.D. 1500), the Maráthás -(A.D. 1660-1760), and the British (A.D. 1780-1820). - -[Gujars.] The name Gujarát is from the Prákrit Gujjara-ratta, the -Sanskrit of which is Gurjjara-ráshtra that is the country of the -Gujjaras or Gurjjaras. In Sanskrit books and inscriptions the name -of the province is written Gurjjara-mandala and Gurjjara-desa the -land of the Gurjjaras or Gúrjjaras. The Gurjjaras are a foreign -tribe who passing into India from the north-west gradually spread -as far south as Khándesh and Bombay Gujarát. The present Gujars of -the Panjáb and North-West Provinces preserve more of their foreign -traits than the Gujar settlers further to the south and east. Though -better-looking, the Panjáb Gujars in language dress and calling so -closely resemble their associates the Játs or Jats as to suggest -that the two tribes entered India about the same time. Their present -distribution shows that the Gujars spread further east and south -than the Játs. The earliest Gujar settlements seem to have been -in the Panjáb and North-West Provinces from the Indus to Mathurá -where they still differ greatly in dress and language from most -other inhabitants. From Mathurá the Gujars seem to have passed to -East Rájputána and from there by way of Kotah and Mandasor to Málwa, -where, though their original character is considerably altered, the -Gujars of Málwa still remember that their ancestors came from the Doab -between the Ganges and the Jamna. In Málwa they spread as far east -as Bhilsa and Saháranpur. From Málwa they passed south to Khándesh -and west probably by the Ratlam-Dohad route to the province of Gujarát. - -Like the modern Ahirs of Káthiáváda the Gujars seem to have been a -tribe of cattle-rearers husbandmen and soldiers who accompanied some -conqueror and subsequently were pushed or spread forwards as occasion -arose or necessity compelled. In the absence of better authority the -order and locality of their settlements suggest that their introduction -into India took place during the rule of the Skythian or Kushán emperor -Kanerkes or Kanishka (A.D. 78-106) in whose time they seem to have -settled as far east as Mathurá to which the territory of Kanishka -is known to have extended. Subsequently along with the Guptas, who -rose to power about two hundred years later (A.D. 300), the Gujars -settled in East Rájputána, Málwa, and Gujarát, provinces all of which -were apparently subjugated by the Guptas. It seems probable that in -reward for their share in the Gupta conquests the leading Gujars -were allotted fiefs and territories which in the declining power -of their Gupta overlords they afterwards (A.D. 450-550) turned into -independent kingdoms. - -The earliest definite reference to a kingdom of North Indian Gujars is -about A.D. 890 when the Kashmir king Sankaravarman sent an expedition -against the Gurjjara king Alakhána and defeated him. As the price of -peace Alakhána offered the country called Takkadesa. This Takkadesa -[2] appears to be the same as the Tsehkia of Hiuen Tsiang [3] -(A.D. 630-640) who puts it between the Biyás on the east and the -Indus on the west thus including nearly the whole Panjáb. The tract -surrendered by Alakhána was probably the small territory to the east of -the Chináb as the main possessions of Alakhána must have lain further -west between the Chináb and the Jehlam, where lie the town of Gujarát -and the country still called Gujar-desa the land of the Gujars. [4] - -[Northern Gurjjara Kingdom.] As early as the sixth and seventh -centuries records prove the existence of two independent Gurjjara -kingdoms in Bombay Gujarát one in the north the other in the south of -the province. The Northern kingdom is mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang[Hiuen -Tsiang's Kiu-che-lo, A.D. 620.] in the seventh century under the name -Kiu-che-lo. He writes: 'Going north from the country of Valabhi 1800 -li (300 miles) we come to the kingdom of Kiu-che-lo. This country is -about 5000 li in circuit, the capital, which is called Pi-lo-mo-lo, -is 30 li or so round. The produce of the soil and the manners of the -people resemble those of Sauráshtra. The king is of the Kshatriya -caste. He is just twenty years old.' [5] Hiuen Tsiang's Kiu-che-lo -is apparently Gurjjara, the capital of which Pi-lo-mo-lo is probably -Bhilmál or Bhinmál better known as Srimál. [6] Though Hiuen Tsiang -calls the king a Kshatriya he was probably a Gujar who like the later -Southern Gujars claimed to be of the Kshatriya race. - - - -[Southern Gurjjara Kingdom, A.D. 589-735.] The Southern Gurjjara -kingdom in Gujarát, whose capital was at Nándipuri, perhaps the modern -Nándod the capital of the Rájpipla State, flourished from A.D. 589 to -A.D. 735. [7] The earlier inscriptions describe the Southern Gurjjaras -as of the Gurjjara Vansa. Later they ceased to call themselves -Gurjjaras and traced their genealogy to the Puránic king Karna. - -From the fourth to the eighth century the extensive tract of Central -Gujarát between the North and South Gurjjara kingdoms was ruled by -the Valabhis. The following reasons seem to show that the Valabhi -dynasty were originally Gujars. Though it is usual for inscriptions -to give this information none of the many Valabhi copper-plates -makes any reference to the Valabhi lineage. Nor does any inscription -state to what family Senápati Bhatárka the founder of the dynasty -belonged. Hiuen Tsiang describes the Valabhi king as a Kshatriya -and as marrying with the kings of Málwa and Kanauj. The Valabhi -king described by Hiuen Tsiang is a late member of the dynasty -who ruled when the kingdom had been greatly extended and when the -old obscure tribal descent may have been forgotten and a Kshatriya -lineage invented instead. Intermarriage with Málwa and Kanauj can be -easily explained. Rájputs have never been slow to connect themselves -by marriage with powerful rulers. - -The establishment of these three Gujar kingdoms implies that the -Gurjjara tribe from Northern and Central India settled in large -numbers in Gujarát. Several Gujar castes survive in Gujarát. Among -them are Gujar Vániás or traders, Gujar Sutárs or carpenters, Gujar -Sonis or goldsmiths, Gujar Kumbhárs or potters, and Gujar Saláts or -masons. All of these are Gujars who taking to different callings -have formed separate castes. The main Gujar underlayer are the -Lewás and Kadwás the two leading divisions of the important class -of Gujarát Kanbis. The word Kanbi is from the Sanskrit Kutumbin, -that is one possessing a family or a house. From ancient times the -title Kutumbin has been prefixed to the names of cultivators. [8] This -practice still obtains in parts of the North-West Provinces where the -peasant proprietors are addressed as Grihasthas or householders. As -cattle-breeding not cultivation was the original as it still is the -characteristic calling of many North Indian Gujars, those of the tribe -who settled to cultivation came to be specially known as Kutumbin -or householders. Similarly Deccan surnames show that many tribes of -wandering cattle-owners settled as householders and are now known as -Kunbis. [9] During the last twenty years the settlement as Kunbis in -Khándesh of tribes of wandering Wanjára herdsmen and grain-carriers -is an example of the change through which the Gujarát Kanbis and the -Deccan Kunbis passed in early historic times. - -[Gujars.] Besides resembling them in appearance and in their skill -both as husbandmen and as cattle-breeders the division of Gujarát -Kanbis into Lewa and Kadwa seems to correspond with the division -of Málwa Gujars into Dáha and Karád, with the Lewa origin of the -East Khándesh Gujars, and with the Lawi tribe of Panjáb Gujars. The -fact that the head-quarters of the Lewa Kanbis of Gujarát is in the -central section of the province known as the Charotar and formerly -under Valabhi supports the view that the founder of Valabhi power was -the chief leader of the Gujar tribe. That nearly a fourth of the whole -Hindu population of Gujarát are Lewa and Kadwa Kanbis and that during -the sixth seventh and eighth centuries three Gujar chiefs divided -among them the sway of the entire province explain how the province -of Gujarát came to take its name from the tribe of Gujars. [10] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -ANCIENT DIVISIONS. - - -[Ánartta.] From ancient times the present province of Gujarát consisted -of three divisions Ánartta, Suráshtra, and Láta. Ánartta seems to -have been Northern Gujarát, as its capital was Ánandapura the modern -Vadanagara or Chief City, which is also called Ánarttapura. [11] -Both these names were in use even in the times of the Valabhi kings -(A.D. 500-770). [12] According to the popular story, in each of -the four cycles or yugas Ánandapura or Vadanagara had a different -name, Chamatkárapura in the first or Satya-yuga, Ánarttapura in the -second or Tretá-yuga, Ánandapura in the third or Dvápara-yuga, and -Vriddha-nagara or Vadanagar in the fourth or Káli-yuga. The first -name is fabulous. The city does not seem to have ever been known by -so strange a title. Of the two Ánarttapura and Ánandapura the former -is the older name, while the latter may be its proper name or perhaps -an adaptation of the older name to give the meaning City of Joy. The -fourth Vriddha-nagara meaning the old city is a Sanskritized form -of the still current Vadnagar, the Old or Great City. In the Girnár -inscription of Kshatrapa Rudradáman (A.D. 150) the mention of Ánartta -and Suráshtra as separate provinces subject to the Pahlava viceroy -of Junágadh agrees with the view that Ánartta was part of Gujarát -close to Káthiáváda. In some Puránas Ánartta appears as the name of -the whole province including Suráshtra, with its capital at the well -known shrine of Dwáriká. In other passages Dwáriká and Prabhás are -both mentioned as in Suráshtra which would seem to show that Suráshtra -was then part of Ánartta as Káthiáváda is now part of Gujarát. - -[Suráshtra.] Suráshtra the land of the Sus, afterwards Sanskritized -into Sauráshtra the Goodly Land, preserves its name in Sorath the -southern part of Káthiáváda. The name appears as Suráshtra in the -Mahábhárata and Pánini's Ganapátha, in Rudradáman's (A.D. 150) -and Skandagupta's (A.D. 456) Girnár inscriptions, and in several -Valabhi copper-plates. Its Prákrit form appears as Suratha in the Násik -inscription of Gotamiputra (A.D. 150) and in later Prákrit as Suraththa -in the Tirthakalpa of Jinaprabhásuri of the thirteenth or fourteenth -century. [13] Its earliest foreign mention is perhaps Strabo's -(B.C. 50-A.D. 20) Saraostus and Pliny's (A.D. 70) Oratura. [14] -Ptolemy the great Egyptian geographer (A.D. 150) and the Greek author -of the Periplus (A.D. 240) both call it Surastrene. [15] The Chinese -pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 600-640) mentions Valabhi then large and -famous and Suráshtra as separate kingdoms. [16] - -[Láta.] Láta is South Gujarát from the Mahi to the Tápti. The name -Láta does not appear to be Sanskrit. It has not been found in the -Mahábhárata or other old Sanskrit works, or in the cave or other -inscriptions before the third century A.D., probably because the -Puránas include in Aparánta the whole western seaboard south of -the Narbada as far as Goa. Still the name Láta is old. Ptolemy -(A.D. 150) uses the form Larike [17] apparently from the Sanskrit -Látaka. Vátsyáyana in his Káma-Sutra of the third century A.D. calls -it Láta; describes it as situated to the west of Málwa; and gives an -account of several of the customs of its people. [18] In Sanskrit -writings and inscriptions later than the third century the name -is frequently found. In the sixth century the great astronomer -Varáhamihira mentions the country of Láta, and the name also appears -as Láta in an Ajanta and in a Mandasor inscription of the fifth -century. [19] It is common in the later inscriptions (A.D. 700-1200) -of the Chálukya Gurjara and Ráshtrakúta kings [20] as well as in the -writings of Arab travellers and historians between the eighth and -twelfth centuries. [21] - -The name Láta appears to be derived from some local tribe, perhaps the -Lattas, who, as r and l are commonly used for each other, may possibly -be the well known Ráshtrakútas since their great king Amoghavarsha -(A.D. 851-879) calls the name of the dynasty Ratta. Lattalura -the original city of the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum may have -been in Láta and may have given its name to the country and to the -dynasty. [22] In this connection it is interesting to note that the -country between Broach and Dhár in Málwa in which are the towns of -Bágh and Tánda is still called Rátha. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -LEGENDS. - - -[Ánartta the First Puránic King of Gujarát.] The oldest Puránic -legend regarding Gujarát appears to be that of the holy king Ánartta -son of Saryáti and grandson of Manu. Ánartta had a son named Revata, -who from his capital at Kusasthali or Dwáriká governed the country -called Ánartta. Revata had a hundred sons of whom the eldest was -named Raivata or Kakudmi. Raivata had a daughter named Revati -who was married to Baladeva of Kusasthali or Dwáriká, the elder -brother of Krishna. Regarding Revati's marriage with Baladeva the -Puránic legends tell that Raivata went with his daughter to Brahmá -in Brahma-loka to take his advice to whom he should give the girl -in marriage. When Raivata arrived Brahmá was listening to music. As -soon as the music was over Raivata asked Brahmá to find the girl a -proper bridegroom. Brahmá told Raivata that during the time he had -been waiting his kingdom had passed away, and that he had better -marry his daughter to Baladeva, born of Vishnu, who was now ruler of -Dwáriká. [23] This story suggests that Raivata son of Ánartta lost his -kingdom and fled perhaps by sea. That after some time during which the -Yádavas established themselves in the country, Raivata, called a son -of Revata but probably a descendant as his proper name is Kakudmi, -returned to his old territory and gave his daughter in marriage to -one of the reigning Yádava dynasty, the Yádavas taking the girl as -representing the dynasty that had preceded them. The story about -Brahmá and the passing of ages seems invented to explain the long -period that elapsed between the flight and the return. - -[The Yádavas in Dwáriká.] The next Puránic legends relate to the -establishment of the Yádava kingdom at Dwáriká. The founder and -namegiver of the Yádava dynasty was Yadu of whose family the Puránas -give very detailed information. The family seems to have split into -several branches each taking its name from some prominent member, -the chief of them being Vrishni, Kukkura, Bhoja, Sátvata, Andhaka, -Madhu, Surasena, and Dasárha. Sátvata was thirty-seventh from Yadu and -in his branch were born Devaki and Vasudeva, the parents of the great -Yádava hero and god Krishna. It was in Krishna's time that the Yádavas -had to leave their capital Mathurá and come to Dwáriká. This was the -result of a joint invasion of Mathurá on one side by a legendary Deccan -hero Kálayavana and on the other by Jarásandha the powerful king of -Magadha or Behár, who, to avenge the death of his brother-in-law [24] -Kansa killed by Krishna in fulfilment of a prophecy, is said to have -invaded the Yádava territory eighteen times. - -According to the story Kálayavana followed the fugitive Krishna and his -companions as far as Suráshtra where in a mountain cave he was burnt by -fire from the eye of the sleeping sage Muchakunda whom he had roused -believing him to be his enemy Krishna. According to the Harivansa the -fugitive Yádavas quitting Mathurá went to the Sindhu country and there -established the city of Dwáriká on a convenient site on the sea shore -making it their residence. [25] Local tradition says that the Yádavas -conquered this part of the country by defeating the demons who held it. - -The leading Yádava chief in Dwáriká was Ugrasena, and Ugrasena's three -chief supporters were the families of Yadu, Bhoja, and Andhaka. As -the entire peninsula of Káthiáváda was subject to them the Yádavas -used often to make pleasure excursions and pilgrimages to Prabhás -and Girnár. Krishna and Baladeva though not yet rulers held high -positions and took part in almost all important matters. They were in -specially close alliance with their paternal aunt's sons the Pándava -brothers, kings of Hastinápura or Delhi. Of the two sets of cousins -Krishna and Arjuna were on terms of the closest intimacy. Of one of -Arjuna's visits to Káthiáváda the Mahábhárata gives the following -details: 'Arjuna after having visited other holy places arrived in -Aparánta (the western seaboard) whence he went to Prabhás. Hearing -of his arrival Krishna marched to Prabhás and gave Arjuna a hearty -welcome. From Prabhás they came together to the Raivataka hill which -Krishna had decorated and where he entertained his guest with music -and dancing. From Girnár they went to Dwáriká driving in a golden -car. The city was adorned in honour of Arjuna; the streets were -thronged with multitudes; and the members of the Vrishni, Bhoja, -and Andhaka families met to honour Krishna's guest.' [26] - -Some time after, against his elder brother Baladeva's desire, Krishna -helped Arjuna to carry off Krishna's sister Subhadrá, with whom Arjuna -had fallen in love at a fair in Girnár of which the Mahábhárata gives -the following description: 'A gathering of the Yádavas chiefly the -Vrishnis and Andhakas took place near Raivataka. The hill and the -country round were rich with fine rows of fruit trees and large -mansions. There was much dancing singing and music. The princes -of the Vrishni family were in handsome carriages glistening with -gold. Hundreds and thousands of the people of Junágadh with their -families attended on foot and in vehicles of various kinds. Baladeva -with his wife Revati moved about attended by many Gandharvas. Ugrasena -was there with his thousand queens and musicians. Sámba and Pradyumna -attended in holiday attire and looked like gods. Many Yádavas and -others were also present with their wives and musicians.' - -Some time after this gathering Subhadrá came to Girnár to worship and -Arjuna carried her off. Eventually Vasudeva and Baladeva consented and -the runaways were married with due ceremony. The large fair still held -in Mágh (February-March) in the west Girnár valley near the modern -temple of Bhavanáth is perhaps a relic of this great Yádava fair. - -The Yádava occupation of Dwáriká was not free from trouble. When -Krishna was at Hastinápura on the occasion of the Rájasúya sacrifice -performed by Yudhishthira, Sálva king of Mrittikávatí in the country -of Saubha led an army against Dwáriká. He slew many of the Dwáriká -garrison, plundered the city and withdrew unmolested. On his return -Krishna learning of Sálva's invasion led an army against Sálva. The -chiefs met near the sea shore and in a pitched battle Sálva was -defeated and killed. [27] Family feuds brought Yádava supremacy in -Dwáriká to a disastrous end. The final family struggle is said to have -happened in the thirty-sixth year after the war of the Mahábhárata, -somewhere on the south coast of Káthiáváda near Prabhás or Somnáth -Pátan the great place of Bráhmanical pilgrimage. On the occasion -of an eclipse, in obedience to a proclamation issued by Krishna, -the Yádavas and their families went from Dwáriká to Prabhás in state -well furnished with dainties, animal food, and strong drink. One day -on the sea shore the leading Yádava chiefs heated with wine began to -dispute. They passed from words to blows. Krishna armed with an iron -rod [28] struck every one he met, not even sparing his own sons. Many -of the chiefs were killed. Baladeva fled to die in the forests and -Krishna was slain by a hunter who mistook him for a deer. When he -saw trouble was brewing Krishna had sent for Arjuna. Arjuna arrived -to find Dwáriká desolate. Soon after Arjuna's arrival Vasudeva died -and Arjuna performed the funeral ceremonies of Vasudeva Baladeva and -Krishna whose bodies he succeeded in recovering. When the funeral -rites were completed Arjuna started for Indraprastha in Upper India -with the few that were left of the Yádava families, chiefly women. On -the way in his passage through the Panchanada [29] or Panjáb a body -of Ábhíras attacked Arjuna with sticks and took several of Krishna's -wives and the widows of the Andhaka Yádava chiefs. After Arjuna left -it the deserted Dwáriká was swallowed by the sea. [30] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -MAURYAN AND GREEK RULE - -(B.C. 319-100.) - - -After the destruction of the Yádavas a long blank occurs in the -traditional history of Gujarát. It is probable that from its seaboard -position, for trade and other purposes, many foreigners settled in -Káthiáváda and South Gujarát; and that it is because of the foreign -element that the Hindu Dharmasástras consider Gujarát a Mlechchha -country and forbid visits to it except on pilgrimage. [31] The fact -also that Asoka (B.C. 230) the great Mauryan king and propagator of -Buddhism chose, among the Buddhist Theras sent to various parts of his -kingdom, a Yavana Thera named Dhamma-rakhito as evangelist for the -western seaboard, [32] possibly indicates a preponderating foreign -element in these parts. It is further possible that these foreign -settlers may have been rulers. In spite of these possibilities we -have no traditions between the fall of the Yádavas and the rise of -the Mauryas in B.C. 319. - -Gujarát history dates from the rule of the Mauryan dynasty, the only -early Indian dynasty the record of whose rule has been preserved -in the writings of the Bráhmans, the Buddhists, and the Jains. This -fulness of reference to the Mauryas admits of easy explanation. The -Mauryas were a very powerful dynasty whose territory extended over -the greater part of India. Again under Mauryan rule Buddhism was so -actively propagated that the rulers made it their state religion, -waging bloody wars, even revolutionizing many parts of the empire to -secure its spread. Further the Mauryas were beneficent rulers and -had also honourable alliances with foreign, especially with Greek -and Egyptian, kings. These causes combined to make the Mauryans a -most powerful and well remembered dynasty. - -Inscriptions give reason to believe that the supremacy of Chandragupta, -the founder of the Mauryan dynasty (B.C. 319), extended over -Gujarát. According to Rudradáman's inscription (A.D. 150) on the -great edict rock at Girnár in Káthiáváda, a lake called Sudarsana -[33] near the edict rock was originally made by Pushyagupta of the -Vaisya caste, who is described as a brother-in-law of the Mauryan -king Chandragupta. [34] The language of this inscription leaves no -doubt that Chandragupta's sway extended over Girnár as Pushyagupta -is simply called a Vaisya and a brother-in-law of king Chandragupta -and has no royal attribute, particulars which tend to show that he -was a local governor subordinate to king Chandragupta. The same -inscription [35] states that in the time of Asoka (B.C. 250) his -officer Yavanarája Tusháspa adorned the same Sudarsana lake with -conduits. This would seem to prove the continuance of Mauryan rule -in Girnár for three generations from Chandragupta to Asoka. Tusháspa -is called Yavanarája. The use of the term rája would seem to show -that, unlike Chandragupta's Vaisya governor Pushyagupta, Tusháspa -was a dignitary of high rank and noble family. That he is called -Yavanarája does not prove Tusháspa was a Greek, though for Greeks -alone Yavana is the proper term. The name Tusháspa rather suggests -a Persian origin from its close likeness in formation to Kersháshp, -a name still current among Bombay Pársis. Evidence from other sources -proves that Asoka held complete sway over Málwa, Gujarát, and the -Konkan coast. All the rock edicts of Asoka hitherto traced have -been found on the confines of his great empire. On the north-west -at Kapurdigiri and at Shabazgarhi in the Baktro-Páli character; in -the north-north-west at Kálsi, in the east at Dhauli and Jangada; -in the west at Girnár and Sopára, and in the south in Maisur all in -Maurya characters. The Girnár and Sopára edicts leave no doubt that -the Gujarát, Káthiáváda, and North Konkan seaboard was in Asoka's -possession. The fact that an inland ruler holds the coast implies -his supremacy over the intervening country. Further it is known that -Asoka was viceroy of Málwa in the time of his father and that after -his father's death he was sovereign of Málwa. The easy route from -Mandasor (better known as Dasapur) to Dohad has always secured a close -connection between Málwa and Gujarát. South Gujarát lies at the mercy -of any invader entering by Dohad and the conquest of Káthiáváda on one -side and of Upper Gujarát on the other might follow in detail. As we -know that Káthiáváda and South Gujarát as far as Sopára were held by -Asoka it is not improbable that Upper Gujarát also owned his sway. The -Maurya capital of Gujarát seems to have been Girinagara or Junágadh -in Central Káthiáváda, whose strong hill fort dominating the rich -province of Sorath and whose lofty hills a centre of worship and a -defence and retreat from invaders, combined to secure for Junágadh -its continuance as capital under the Kshatrapas (A.D. 100-380) and -their successors the Guptas (A.D. 380-460). The southern capital of -the Mauryas seems to have been Sopára near Bassein in a rich country -with a good and safe harbour for small vessels, probably in those -times the chief centre of the Konkan and South Gujarát trade. - -Buddhist and Jain records agree that Asoka was succeeded, not by -his son Kunála who was blind, but by his grandsons Dasaratha and -Samprati. The Barábar hill near Gayá has caves made by Asoka and -bearing his inscriptions; and close to Barábar is the Nágárjuna hill -with caves made by Dasaratha also bearing his inscriptions. In one of -these inscriptions the remark occurs that one of the Barábar caves -was made by Dasaratha 'installed immediately after.' As the caves -in the neighbouring hill must have been well known to have been -made by Asoka this 'after' may mean after Asoka, or the 'after' -may refer solely to the sequence between Dasaratha's installation -and his excavation of the cave. In any case it is probable that -Dasaratha was Asoka's successor. Jaina records pass over Dasaratha -and say that Asoka was succeeded by his grandson Samprati the son -of Kunála. In the matter of the propagation of the Jain faith, Jain -records speak as highly of Samprati as Buddhist records speak of -Asoka. [36] Almost all old Jain temples or monuments, whose builders -are unknown, are ascribed to Samprati who is said to have built -thousands of temples as Asoka is said to have raised thousands of -stupas. In his Pátaliputra-kalpa Jinaprabhasuri the well known Jaina -Áchárya and writer gives a number of legendary and other stories -of Pátaliputra. Comparing Samprati with Asoka in respect of the -propagation of the faith in non-Áryan countries the Áchárya writes: -'In Pátaliputra flourished the great king Samprati son of Kunála lord -of Bharata with its three continents, the great Arhanta who established -viháras for Sramanas even in non-Áryan countries.' [37] It would appear -from this that after Asoka the Mauryan empire may have been divided -into two, Dasaratha ruling Eastern India, and Samprati, whom Jaina -records specially mention as king of Ujjain, ruling Western India, -where the Jain sect is specially strong. Though we have no specific -information on the point, it is probable, especially as he held Málwa, -that during the reign of Samprati Gujarát remained under Mauryan -sway. With Samprati Mauryan rule in Gujarát seems to end. In later -times (A.D. 500) traces of Mauryan chiefs appear in Málwa and in the -North Konkan. The available details will be given in another chapter. - -After Samprati, whose reign ended about B.C. 197, a blank of seventeen -years occurs in Gujarát history. The next available information shows -traces of Baktrian-Greek sway over parts of Gujarát. In his description -of Surastrene or Suráshtra the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) says: -'In this part there are preserved even to this day memorials of the -expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and large -wells.' [38] As Alexander did not come so far south as Káthiáváda -and as after Alexander's departure the Mauryas held Káthiáváda till -about B.C. 197, it may be suggested that the temples camps and wells -referred to by the author of the Periplus were not memorials of the -expedition of Alexander but remains of later Baktrian-Greek supremacy. - -Demetrius, whom Justin calls the king of the Indians, is believed -to have reigned from B.C. 190 to B.C. 165. [39] On the authority -of Apollodorus of Artamita Strabo (B.C. 50-A.D. 20) names two -Baktrian-Greek rulers who seem to have advanced far into inland -India. He says: 'The Greeks who occasioned the revolt of Baktria (from -Syria B.C. 256) were so powerful by the fertility and advantages of the -country that they became masters of Ariana and India.... Their chiefs, -particularly Menander, conquered more nations than Alexander. Those -conquests were achieved partly by Menander and partly by Demetrius -son of Euthydemus king of the Baktrians. They got possession not only -of Pattalene but of the kingdoms of Saraostus and Sigerdis, which -constitute the remainder of the coast.' [40] Pattalene is generally -believed to be the old city of Pátál in Sindh (the modern Haidarábád), -while the subsequent mention of Saraostus and Sigerdis as kingdoms -which constitute the remainder of the coast, leaves almost no doubt -that Saraostus is Suráshtra and Sigerdis is Ságaradvípa or Cutch. The -joint mention of Menander (B.C. 126) and Demetrius (B.C. 190) may mean -that Demetrius advanced into inland India to a certain point and that -Menander passed further and took Sindh, Cutch, and Káthiáváda. The -discovery in Cutch and Káthiáváda of coins of Baktrian kings supports -the statements of Justin and Strabo. Dr. Bhagvánlál's collecting -of coins in Káthiáváda and Gujarát during nearly twenty-five years -brought to light among Baktrian-Greek coins an obolus of Eucratides -(B.C. 180-155), a few drachmæ of Menander (B.C. 126-110), many -drachmæ and copper coins of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100), but none -of Demetrius. Eucratides was a contemporary of Demetrius. Still, -as Eucratides became king of Baktria after Demetrius, his conquests, -according to Strabo of a thousand cities to the east of the Indus, -must be later than those of Demetrius. - -As his coins are found in Káthiáváda Eucratides may either have -advanced into Káthiáváda or the province may have come under his -sway as lord of the neighbouring country of Sindh. Whether or not -Eucratides conquered the province, he is the earliest Baktrian-Greek -king whose coins have been found in Káthiáváda and Gujarát. The fact -that the coins of Eucratides have been found in different parts of -Káthiáváda and at different times seems to show that they were the -currency of the province and were not merely imported either for trade -or for ornament. It is to be noticed that these coins are all of the -smallest value of the numerous coins issued by Eucratides. This may -be explained by the fact that these small coins were introduced by -Eucratides into Káthiáváda to be in keeping with the existing local -coinage. The local silver coins in use before the time of Eucratides -are very small, weighing five to seven grains, and bear the Buddhist -symbols of the Svastika, the Trident, and the Wheel. Another variety -has been found weighing about four grains with a misshapen elephant -on the obverse and something like a circle on the reverse. [41] It -was probably to replace this poor currency that Eucratides introduced -his smallest obolus of less weight but better workmanship. - -The end of the reign of Eucratides is not fixed with certainty: it is -believed to be about B.C. 155. [42] For the two Baktrian-Greek kings -Menander and Apollodotus who ruled in Káthiáváda after Eucratides, -better sources of information are available. As already noticed Strabo -(A.D. 20) mentions that Menander's conquests (B.C. 120) included Cutch -and Suráshtra. [43] And the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) writes: -'Up to the present day old drachmæ bearing the Greek inscriptions -of Apollodotus and Menander are current in Barugaza (Broach).' [44] -Menander's silver drachmæ have been found in Káthiáváda and Southern -Gujarát. [45] Though their number is small Menander's coins are -comparatively less scarce than those of the earliest Kshatrapas -Nahapána and Chashtana (A.D. 100-140). The distribution of Menander's -coins suggests he was the first Baktrian-Greek king who resided in -these parts and that the monuments of Alexander's times, camps temples -and wells, mentioned by the author of the Periplus [46] were camps of -Menander in Suráshtra. Wilson and Rochette have supposed Apollodotus -to be the son and successor of Menander, [47] while General Cunningham -believes Apollodotus to be the predecessor of Menander. [48] Inferences -from the coins of these two kings found in Gujarát and Káthiáváda -support the view that Apollodotus was the successor of Menander. The -coins of Apollodotus are found in much larger numbers than those -of Menander and the workmanship of Apollodotus' coins appears to -be of a gradually declining style. In the later coins the legend -is at times undecipherable. It appears from this that for some time -after Apollodotus until Nahapána's (A.D. 100) coins came into use, -the chief local currency was debased coins struck after the type of -the coins of Apollodotus. Their use as the type of coinage generally -happens to the coins of the last king of a dynasty. The statement by -the author of the Periplus that in his time (A.D. 240) the old drachmæ -of Apollodotus and Menander were current in Barugaza, seems to show -that these drachmæ continued to circulate in Gujarát along with the -coins of the Western Kshatrapas. The mention of Apollodotus before -Menander by the author of the Periplus may either be accidental, -or it may be due to the fact that when the author wrote fewer coins -of Menander than of Apollodotus were in circulation. - -The silver coins both of Menander and Apollodotus found in Gujarát -and Káthiáváda are of only one variety, round drachmæ. The reason -that of their numerous large coins, tetradrachmæ didrachmæ and -others, drachmæ alone have been found in Gujarát is probably the -reason suggested for the introduction of the obolus of Eucratides, -namely that the existing local currency was so poor that coins of -small value could alone circulate. Still the fact that drachmæ -came into use implies some improvement in the currency, chiefly -in size. The drachmæ of both the kings are alike. The obverse of -Menander's coins has in the middle a helmeted bust of the king and -round it the Greek legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS MENANDROY Of the king the -Saviour Menander. On the reverse is the figure of Athene Promachos -surrounded by the Baktro-Páli legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Menandrasa -that is Of the Great king the Saviour Menander, and a monogram. [49] -The drachmæ of Apollodotus have on the obverse a bust with bare -filleted head surrounded by the legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS APOLLODOTOY -Of the king the Saviour Apollodotus. Except in the legend the reverse -with two varieties of monogram [50] is the same as the reverse of the -drachmæ of Menander. The legend in Baktro-Páli character is Mahárájasa -Rájátirájasa Apaladatasa that is Of the Great king the over-king -of kings Apaladata. During his twenty-five years of coin-collecting -Dr. Bhagvánlál failed to secure a single copper coin of Menander either -in Gujarát or in Káthiáváda. Of the copper coins of Apollodotus a -deposit was found in Junágadh, many of them well preserved. [51] These -coins are of two varieties, one square the other round and large. Of -the square coin the obverse has a standing Apollo with an arrow in the -right hand and on the top and the two sides the Greek legend BASILEÔS -SÔTÊROS KAI PhILOPATOROS APOLLODOTOY that is Of the King Saviour and -Fatherlover Apollodotus. On the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with -a monogram [52] and the letter drí in Baktro-Páli on the left and the -legend in Baktro-Páli characters Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa. The -round coin has also, on the obverse, a standing Apollo with an arrow -in the right hand; behind is the same monogram as in the square coin -and all round runs the Greek legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS APOLLODOTOY. On -the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with on its right and left -the letters di and u in Baktro-Páli and all round the Baktro-Páli -legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa. The reason why so few copper -coins of Apollodotus have been found in Gujarát perhaps is that these -copper coins were current only in the time of Apollodotus and did not, -like his silver drachmæ, continue as the currency of the country with -the same or an imitated die. The date of the reign of Apollodotus is -not fixed. General Cunningham believes it to be B.C. 165-150, [53] -Wilson and Gardner take it to be B.C. 110-100. [54] Though no Indian -materials enable us to arrive at any final conclusion regarding this -date the fact that Apollodotus' coins continued to be issued long -after his time shows that Apollodotus was the last Baktrian-Greek -ruler of Gujarát and Káthiáváda. After Apollodotus we find no trace -of Baktrian-Greek rule, and no other certain information until the -establishment of the Kshatrapas about A.D. 100. The only fact that -breaks this blank in Gujarát history is the discovery of copper coins -of a king whose name is not known, but who calls himself Basileus -Basileon Soter Megas that is King of Kings the Great Saviour. These -coins are found in Káthiáváda and Cutch as well as in Rájputána the -North-West Provinces and the Kábul valley, a distribution which points -to a widespread Indian rule. The suggestion may be offered that this -king is one of the leaders of the Yaudheyas whose constitution is said -to have been tribal, that is the tribe was ruled by a number of small -chiefs who would not be likely to give their names on their coins. [55] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE KSHATRAPAS - -(B.C. 70-A.D. 398.) - - -With the Kshatrapas (B.C. 70) begins a period of clearer light, -and, at the same time, of increased importance, since, for more than -three centuries, the Kshatrapas held sway over the greater part of -Western India. Till recently this dynasty was known to orientalists -as the Sáh dynasty a mistaken reading of the terminal of their names -which in some rulers is Simha Lion and in others, as in Rudra Sena -(A.D. 203-220) son of Rudra Simha, Sena Army. [56] - -[Two Dynasties.] The sway of the rulers who affix the title Kshatrapa -to their names extended over two large parts of India, one in the -north including the territory from the Kábul valley to the confluence -of the Ganges and the Jamná; the other in the west stretching from -Ajmir in the north to the North Konkan in the south and from Málwa -in the east to the Arabian Sea in the west. The former may be called -the Northern the latter the Western Kshatrapas. - -[The Name.] Besides as Kshatrapa, in the Prákrit legends of coins -and in inscriptions the title of these dynasties appears under -three forms Chhatrapa, [57] Chhatrava, [58] and Khatapa. [59] All -these forms have the same meaning namely Lord or Protector of the -warrior-race, the Sanskrit Kshatra-pa. [60] It is to be noted that -the title Kshatrapa appears nowhere as a title of any king or royal -officer within the whole range of Sanskrit literature, or indeed on any -inscription, coin, or other record of any Indian dynasty except the -Northern and the Western Kshatrapas. According to Prinsep Kshatrapa -is a Sanskritized form of Satrapa, a term familiar to the Grecian -history of ancient Persia and used for the prefect of a province -under the Persian system of government. As Prinsep further observes -Satrapa had probably the same meaning in Ariana that Kshatrapa had in -Sanskrit, the ruler feeder or patron of the kshatra or warrior class, -the chief of a warlike tribe or clan. [61] Prinsep further notes the -Persian kings were often in need of such chiefs and as they entrusted -the chiefs with the government of parts of their dominions the word -came to mean a governor. So during the anarchy which prevailed on -the Skythian overthrow of Greek rule in Baktria [62] (B.C. 160) -several chiefs of Malaya, Pallava, Ábhíra, Meda, and other predatory -tribes came from Baktria to Upper India, and each established for -himself a principality or kingdom. Subsequently these chiefs appear -to have assumed independent sovereignty. Still though they often call -themselves rájás or kings with the title Kshatrapa or Mahákshatrapa, -if any Baktrian king advanced towards their territories, they were -probably ready to acknowledge him as Overlord. Another reason for -believing these Kshatrapa chiefs to have been foreigners is that, -while the names of the founders of Kshatrapa sovereignty are foreign, -their inscriptions and coins show that soon after the establishment -of their rule they became converts to one or other form of the Hindu -religion and assumed Indian names. [63] - -[Northern Kshatrapas, B.C. 70-A.D. 78.] According to inscriptions -and coins Northern Kshatrapa rule begins with king Maues about -B.C. 70 and ends with the accession of the Kushán king Kanishka about -A.D. 78. Maues probably belonged to the Saka tribe of Skythians. If -the Maues of the coins may be identified with the Moga of the Taxila -plate the date of king Patika in the Taxila plate shows that for -about seventy-five years after the death of Maues the date of his -accession continued to be the initial year of the dynasty. From their -connection with the Sakas, arriving in India during the reign of -the Saka Maues and for nearly three quarters of a century accepting -the Saka overlordship, the Kshatrapas, though as noted above their -followers were chiefly Malayas, Pallavas, Ábhíras, and Medas, appear -to have themselves come to be called Sakas and the mention of Saka -kings in Puránic and other records seems to refer to them. After -lasting for about 150 years the rule of the Northern Kshatrapas seems -to have merged in the empire of the great Kushán Kanishka (A.D. 78). - -Though recently found inscriptions and coins show that the Kshatrapas -ruled over important parts of India including even a share of the -western seaboard, nothing is known regarding them from either Indian -or foreign literary sources. What little information can be gleaned -is from their own inscriptions and coins. Of the Northern Kshatrapas -this information is imperfect and disconnected. It shows that they -had probably three or four ruling branches, one in the Kábul valley, -a second at Taxila near Attak on the North-West Panjáb frontier, a -third at Behát near Saháranpur or Delhi, and a fourth at Mathurá. The -last two were perhaps subdivisions of one kingdom; but probably those -at Kábul and at Taxila were distinct dynasties. An inscription found -in Mathurá shows a connection either by marriage or by neighbourhood -between the Behát and Mathurá branches. This is a Baktro-Páli -inscription recording the gift of a stúpa by Nandasiriká daughter -of Kshatrapa Rájavula and mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája. Kharaosti is -the dynastic name of the prince, his personal name appears later in -the inscription as Talama (Ptolemy ?). From his dynastic name, whose -crude form Kharaosta or Kharaottha may be the origin of the Prakrit -Chhaharáta and the Sanskritised Kshaharáta, this Talama appears to be a -descendant of the Kshatrapa Kharaosti whose coins found at Taxila call -him Artaputa that is the son of Arta apparently the Parthian Ortus. - -The same Baktro-Páli Mathurá inscription also mentions with special -respect a Kshatrapa named Patika, [64] who, with the title of Kusulaka -or Kozolon, ruled the Kábul valley with his capital first at Nagaraka -and later at Taxila. - -The same inscription further mentions that the stúpa was given while -the Kshatrapa Sudása son of the Mahákshatrapa Rájavula was ruling -at Mathurá. The inference from the difference in the titles of the -father and the son seems to be that Sudása was ruling in Mathurá as -governor under his father who perhaps ruled in the neighbourhood of -Delhi where many of his coins have been found. While the coins of -Sudása have the legend in Nágarí only, Rájavula's coins are of two -varieties, one with the legend in Baktro-Páli and the other with the -legend in Nágarí, a fact tending to show that the father's territories -stretched to the far north. - -Though Kharaosti is mentioned as a Yuvarája or prince heir-apparent -in the time of his maternal uncle Sudása, the inscription shows he -had four children. It is curious that while the inscription mentions -Nandasiriká as the mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája, nothing is said -about her husband. Perhaps he was dead or something had happened to -make Nandasiriká live at her father's home. - -[Western Kshatrapas, A.D. 70-398.] Another inscription of Sudása found -by General Cunningham at Mathurá is in old Nágarí character. Except -that they have the distinctive and long continued Kshatrapa peculiarity -of joining ya with other letters the characters of this inscription -are of the same period as those of the inscriptions of the great -Indo-Skythian or Kushán king Kanishka. This would seem to show that -the conquest of Mathurá by Kanishka took place soon after the time -of Kshatrapa Sudása. It therefore appears probable that Nahapána, -the first Kshatrapa ruler of Gujarát and Káthiáváda, the letters of -whose inscriptions are of exactly the same Kshatrapa type as those of -Sudása, was a scion of the Kharaosti family, who, in this overthrow of -kingdoms, went westwards conquering either on his own account or as a -general sent by Kanishka. Nahapána's [65] advance seems to have lain -through East Rájputána by Mandasor [66] in West Málwa along the easy -route to Dohad as far as South Gujarát. From South Gujarát his power -spread in two directions, by sea to Káthiáváda and from near Balsár -by the Dáng passes to Násik and the Deccan, over almost the whole of -which, judging from coins and inscriptions, he supplanted as overlord -the great Ándhra kings of the Deccan. No evidence is available to show -either that East Málwa with its capital at Ujjain or that North Gujarát -formed part of his dominions. All the information we have regarding -Nahapána is from his own silver coins and from the inscriptions of -his son-in-law Ushavadáta at Násik and Kárle and of his minister Ayáma -(Sk. Áryaman) at Junnar. Nahapána's coins are comparatively rare. The -only published specimen is one obtained by Mr. Justice Newton. [67] -Four others were also obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál from Káthiáváda -and Násik. - -[Kshatrapa I. Nahapána, A.D. 78-120.] The coins of Nahapána are the -earliest specimens of Kshatrapa coins. Though the type seems to have -been adopted from the Baktrian-Greek, the design is original and is -not an imitation of any previous coinage. The type seems adopted in -idea from the drachma of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). On the obverse is -a bust with a Greek legend round it and on the reverse a thunderbolt -and an arrow probably as on the reverse of the coins of Apollodotus -[68] representing the distinctive weapons of Athene Promachos and -of Apollo. In addition to the Baktro-Páli legend on the Apollodotus -drachma, the reverse of Nahapána's coin has the same legend in Nágarí, -since Nágarí was the character of the country for which the coin was -struck. The dress of the bust is in the style of the over-dress of -Nahapána's time. The bust, facing the right, wears a flat grooved cap -and has the hair combed in ringlets falling half down the ear. The -neck shows the collar of the coat. The workmanship of the coins is -good. The die seems to have been renewed from time to time as the -face altered with age. Of Dr. Bhagvánlál's four coins one belongs -to Nahapána's youth, another to his old age, and the remaining two -to his intervening years. In all four specimens the Greek legend -is imperfect and unreadable. The letters of the Greek legend are of -the later period that is like the letters on the coins of the great -Skythian king Kadphises I. (B.C. 26). One of the coins shows in the -legend the six letters L L O D O-S. These may be the remains of the -name Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). Still it is beyond doubt that the -letters are later Greek than those on the coins of Apollodotus. Until -the legend is found clear on some fresher specimen, it is not possible -to say anything further. In three of the coins the Baktro-Páli legend -on the reverse runs: - - - Raño Chhaharátasa Nahapánasa. - - Of king Chhaharáta Nahapána. - - -The fourth has simply - - - Raño Chhaharátasa. - - Of king Chhaharáta. - - -The old Nágarí legend is the same in all: - - - Raño Kshaharátasa Nahapánasa. - - Of king Kshaharáta Nahapána. - - -The Chhaharáta of the former and the Kshaharáta of the latter are the -same, the difference in the initial letter being merely dialectical. As -mentioned above Kshaharáta is the family name of Nahapána's dynasty. It -is worthy of note that though Nahapána is not styled Kshatrapa in -any of his coins the inscriptions of Ushavadáta at Násik repeatedly -style him the Kshaharáta Kshatrapa Nahapána. [69] - -[Ushavadáta, A.D. 100-120.] Ushavadáta was the son-in-law of Nahapána -being married to his daughter Dakhamitá or Dakshamitrá. Ushavadáta -bears no royal title. He simply calls himself son of Díníka and -son-in-law of Nahapána, which shows that he owed his power and rank -to his father-in-law, a position regarded as derogatory in India, -where no scion of any royal dynasty would accept or take pride in -greatness or influence obtained from a father-in-law. [70] Násik -Inscription XIV. shows that Ushavadáta was a Saka. His name, as was -first suggested by Dr. Bhau Dáji, is Prákrit for Rishabhadatta. From -the many charitable and publicly useful works mentioned in various -Násik and Kárle inscriptions, as made by him in places which apparently -formed part of Nahapána's dominions, Ushavadáta appears to have been -a high officer under Nahapána. As Nahapána seems to have had no son -Ushavadáta's position as son-in-law would be one of special power and -influence. Ushavadáta's charitable acts and works of public utility -are detailed in Násik Inscriptions X. XII. and XIV. The charitable acts -are the gift of three hundred thousand cows; of gold and of river-side -steps at the Bárnása or Banás river near Ábu in North Gujarát; of -sixteen villages to gods and Bráhmans; the feeding of hundreds of -thousands of Bráhmans every year; the giving in marriage of eight -wives to Bráhmans at Prabhás in South Káthiáváda; the bestowing of -thirty-two thousand cocoanut trees in Nanamgola or Nárgol village -on the Thána seaboard on the Charaka priesthoods of Pinditakávada, -Govardhana near Násik, Suvarnamukha, and Rámatírtha in Sorpáraga or -Sopára on the Thána coast; the giving of three hundred thousand cows -and a village at Pushkara or Pokhar near Ajmir in East Rájputána; -making gifts to Bráhmans at Chechina or Chichan near Kelva-Máhim on -the Thána coast; and the gift of trees and 70,000 kárshápanas or -2000 suvarnas to gods and Bráhmans at Dáhánu in Thána. The public -works executed by Ushavadáta include rest-houses and alms-houses -at Bharu Kachha or Broach, at Dasapura or Mandasor in North Málwa, -and gardens and wells at Govardhana and Sopára; free ferries across -the Ibá or Ambiká, the Páráda or Pár, the Damaná or Damanganga, the -Tápi or Tápti, the Karabená or Káveri, and the Dáhánuká or Dáhánu -river. Waiting-places and steps were also built on both banks of -each of these rivers. These charitable and public works of Ushavadáta -savour much of the Bráhmanic religion. The only Buddhist charities are -the gift of a cave at Násik; of 3000 kárshápanas and eight thousand -cocoanut trees for feeding and clothing monks living in the cave; -and of a village near Kárle in Poona for the support of the monks -of the main Kárle cave. Ushavadáta himself thus seems to have been -a follower of the Bráhmanical faith. The Buddhist charities were -probably made to meet the wishes of his wife whose father's religion -the Buddhist wheel and the Bodhi tree on his copper coins prove to -have been Buddhism. The large territory over which these charitable -and public works of Ushavadáta spread gives an idea of the extent of -Nahapána's rule. The gift of a village as far north as Pokhara near -Ajmir would have been proof of dominion in those parts were it not for -the fact that in the same inscription Ushavadáta mentions his success -in assisting some local Kshatriyas. It is doubtful if the northern -limits of Nahapána's dominions extended as far as Pokhar. The village -may have been given during a brief conquest, since according to Hindu -ideas no village given to Bráhmans can be resumed. The eastern boundary -would seem to have been part of Málwa and the plain lands of Khándesh -Násik and Poona; the southern boundary was somewhere about Bombay; -and the western Káthiáváda and the Arabian sea. - -[Nahapána's Era.] Nahapána's exact date is hard to fix. Ushavadáta's -Násik cave Inscriptions X. and XII. give the years 41 and 42; and -an inscription of Nahapána's minister Ayáma at Junnar gives the year -46. The era is not mentioned. They are simply dated vase Sk. varshe -that is in the year. Ushavadáta's Násik Inscription XII. records in -the year 42 the gift of charities and the construction of public works -which must have taken years to complete. If at that time Ushavadáta's -age was 40 to 45, Nahapána who, as Inscription X. shows, was living at -that time, must have been some twenty years older than his son-in-law -or say about 65. The Junnar inscription of his minister Ayáma which -bears date 46 proves that Nahapána lived several years after the -making of Ushavadáta's cave. The bust on one of his coins also shows -that Nahapána attained a ripe old age. - -Nahapána cannot have lived long after the year 46. His death may be -fixed about the year 50 of the era to which the three years 41, 42, and -46 belong. He was probably about 75 years old when he died. Deducting -50 from 75 we get about 25 as Nahapána's age at the beginning of the -era to which the years 41, 42, and 46 belong, a suitable age for an -able prince with good resources and good advisers to have established -a kingdom. It is therefore probable that the era marks Nahapána's -conquest of Gujarát. As said above, Nahapána was probably considered -to belong to the Saka tribe, and his son-in-law clearly calls himself -a Saka. It may therefore be supposed that the era started by Nahapána -on his conquest of Gujarát was at first simply called Varsha; that it -afterwards came to be called Sakavarsha or Sakasamvatsara; and that -finally, after various changes, to suit false current ideas, about -the eleventh or twelfth century the people of the Deccan styled it -Sáliváhana Saka mixing it with current traditions regarding the great -Sátaváhana or Saliváhana king of Paithan. If, as mentioned above, -Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát and the establishment of his era -be taken to come close after the conquest of Mathurá by Kanishka, -the Gujarát conquest and the era must come very shortly after the -beginning of Kanishka's reign, since Kanishka conquered Mathurá early -in his reign. As his Mathurá inscriptions [71] give 5 as Kanishka's -earliest date, he must have conquered Mathurá in the year 3 or 4 of his -reign. Nahapána's expedition to and conquest of Gujarát was probably -contemporary with or very closely subsequent to Kanishka's conquest of -Mathurá. So two important eras seem to begin about four years apart, -the one with Kanishka's reign in Upper India, the other with Nahapána's -reign in Western India. The difference being so small and both being -eras of foreign conquerors, a Kushán and a Saka respectively, the -two eras seem to have been subsequently confounded. Thus, according -to Dr. Burnell, the Javanese Saka era is A.D. 74, that is Kanishka's -era was introduced into Java, probably because Java has from early -times been connected with the eastern parts of India where Kanishka's -era was current. On the other hand the astrological works called -Karana use the era beginning with A.D. 78 which we have taken to -be the Western era started by Nahapána. The use of the Saka era in -Karana works dates from the time of the great Indian astronomer Varáha -Mihira (A.D. 587). As Varáha Mihira lived and wrote his great work in -Avanti or Málwa he naturally made use of the Saka era of Nahapána, -which was current in Málwa. Subsequent astronomers adopted the era -used by the master Varáha Mihira. Under their influence Nahapána's -A.D. 78 era passed into use over the whole of Northern and Central -India eclipsing Kanishka's A.D. 74 era. On these grounds it may be -accepted that the dates in the Násik inscriptions of Ushavadáta and in -Ayáma's inscription at Junnar are in the era founded by Nahapána on -his conquest of Gujarát and the West Deccan. This era was adopted by -the Western Kshatrapa successors of Nahapána and continued on their -coins for nearly three centuries. [72] - -[The Málava Era, B.C. 56.] The question arises why should not the -dates on the Western Kshatrapa coins belong to the era which under -the incorrect title of the Vikrama era is now current in Gujarát and -Málwa. Several recently found Málwa inscriptions almost prove that -what is called the Vikrama era beginning with B.C. 56 was not started -by any Vikrama, but marks the institution of the tribal constitution -of the Málavas. [73] Later the era came to be called either the -era of the Málava lords [74] or Málava Kála that is the era of the -Málavas. About the ninth century just as the Saka era became connected -with the Saliváhana of Paithan, this old Málava era became connected -with the name of Vikramáditya, the great legendary king of Ujain. - -It might be supposed that the Málavas who gave its name to the -Málava era were the kings of the country now called Málwa. But it -is to be noted that no reference to the present Málwa under the name -of Málavadesa occurs in any Sanskrit work or record earlier than the -second century after Christ. The original Sanskrit name of the country -was Avanti. It came to be called Málava from the time the Málava tribe -conquered it and settled in it, just as Káthiáváda and Meváda came to -be called after their Káthi and Meva or Meda conquerors. The Málavas, -also called Málayas, [75] seem like the Medas to be a foreign tribe, -which, passing through Upper India conquered and settled in Central -India during the first century before Christ. The mention in the -Mudrárákshasa [76] of a Málaya king among five Upper Indian kings -shows that in the time of the Mauryas (B.C. 300) a Málaya kingdom -existed in Upper India which after the decline of Maurya supremacy -spread to Central India. By Nahapána's time the Málavas seem to have -moved eastwards towards Jaipur, as Ushavadáta defeated them in the -neighbourhood of the Pushkar lake: but the fact that the country -round Ujain was still known to Rudradáman as Avanti, shows that the -Málavas had not yet (A.D. 150) entered the district now known as -Málava. This settlement and the change of name from Avanti to Málava -probably took place in the weakness of the Kshatrapas towards the -end of the third century A.D. When they established their sway in -Central India these Málavas or Málayas like the ancient Yaudheyas -(B.C. 100) and the Káthis till recent times (A.D. 1818) seem to have -had a democratic constitution. [77] Their political system seems to -have proved unsuited to the conditions of a settled community. To put -an end to dissensions the Málava tribe appears to have framed what the -Mandasor inscription terms a sthiti or constitution in honour of which -they began a new era. [78] It may be asked, Why may not Nahapána have -been the head of the Málavas who under the new constitution became the -first Málava sovereign and his reign-dates be those of the new Málava -era? Against this we know from a Násik inscription of Ushavadáta -[79] that Nahapána was not a Málava himself but an opponent of the -Málavas as he sent Ushavadáta to help a tribe of Kshatriyas called -Uttamabhadras whom the Málavas had attacked. Further a chronological -examination of the early ruling dynasties of Gujarát does not favour -the identification of the Kshatrapa era with the Málava era. The -available information regarding the three dynasties the Kshatrapas the -Guptas and the Valabhis, is universally admitted to prove that they -followed one another in chronological succession. The latest known -Kshatrapa date is 310. Even after this we find the name of a later -Kshatrapa king whose date is unknown but may be estimated at about -320. If we take this Kshatrapa 320 to be in the Vikrama Samvat, its -equivalent is A.D. 264. In consequence of several new discoveries the -epoch of the Gupta era has been finally settled to be A.D. 319. It is -further settled that the first Gupta conqueror of Málwa and Gujarát -was Chandragupta II. [80] the date of his conquest of Málwa being -Gupta 80 (A.D. 399). Counting the Kshatrapa dates in the Samvat era -this gives a blank of (399 - 264 = ) 135 years between the latest -Kshatrapa date and the date of Chandragupta's conquest of Gujarát to -fill which we have absolutely no historical information. On the other -hand in support of the view that the Kshatrapa era is the Saka era the -Káthiáváda coins of the Gupta king Kumáragupta son of Chandragupta -dated 100 Gupta closely resemble the coins of the latest Kshatrapa -kings, the workmanship proving that the two styles of coin are close -in point of time. Thus taking the Kshatrapa era to be the Saka era -the latest Kshatrapa date is 320 + 78 = A.D. 398, which is just the -date (A.D. 399) of Chandragupta's conquest of Málwa and Gujarát. For -these reasons, and in the absence of reasons to the contrary, it seems -proper to take the dates in Ushavadáta's and Ayáma's inscriptions as -in the era which began with Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát, namely -the Saka era whose initial date is A.D. 78. - -[Kshatrapa II. Chashtana, A.D. 130.] After Nahapána's the earliest -coins found in Gujarát are those of Chashtana. Chashtana's coins are -an adaptation of Nahapána's coins. At the same time Chashtana's bust -differs from the bust in Nahapána's coins. He wears a mustache, the -cap is not grooved but plain, and the hair which reaches the neck -is longer than Nahapána's hair. In one of Chashtana's coins found -by Mr. Justice Newton, the hair seems dressed in ringlets as in the -coins of the Parthian king Phraates II. (B.C. 136-128). [81] On the -reverse instead of the thunderbolt and arrow as in Nahapána's coins, -Chashtana's coins have symbols of the sun and moon in style much like -the sun and moon symbols on the Parthian coins of Phraates II., the -moon being a crescent and the sun represented by eleven rays shooting -from a central beam. To the two on the reverse a third symbol seems to -have been added consisting of two arches resting on a straight line, -with a third arch over and between the two arches, and over the third -arch an inverted semicircle. Below these symbols stretches a waving -or serpentine line. [82] - -[Chashtana's Coins, A.D. 130.] The same symbol appears on the obverse -of several very old medium-sized square copper coins found in Upper -India. These coins Dr. Bhagvánlál took to be coins of Asoka. They -have no legend on either side, and have a standing elephant on the -obverse and a rampant lion on the reverse. As these are the symbols -of Asoka, the elephant being found in his rock inscriptions and the -lion in his pillar inscriptions, Dr. Bhagvánlál held them to be coins -of Asoka. The arch symbol appears in these coins over the elephant -on the obverse and near the lion on the reverse but in neither case -with the underlying zigzag line. [83] So also a contemporary coin -bearing in the Asoka character the clear legend Vatasvaka shows the -same symbol, with in addition a robed male figure of good design -standing near the symbol saluting it with folded hands. The position -of the figure (Ariana Antiqua, Plate XV. Fig. 30) proves that the -symbol was an object of worship. In Chashtana's coins we find this -symbol between the sun and the moon, a position which suggests -that the symbol represents the mythical mountain Meru, the three -semicircular superimposed arches representing the peaks of the -mountain and the crescent a Siddha-silâ or Siddhas' seat, which -Jaina works describe as crescent-shaped and situated over Meru. The -collective idea of this symbol in the middle and the sun and moon on -either side recalls the following; sloka: - - - Yávadvícítarangánvahati suranadí jánhaví púrnatoyá. - Yávaccákáshamárge tapati dinakaro bháskaro lokapálah - Yávadvajrendunílasphatikamanishilá vartate merushrrimnge. - Távattvam pútrapautraih svajanaparivrito jíva shammoh prasádat. - - -Mayest thou by the favour of Sambhu live surrounded by sons grandsons -and relations so long as the heavenly Ganges full of water flows with -its waves, so long as the brilliant sun the protector of the universe -shines in the sky, and so long as the slab of diamond moonstone lapis -lazuli and sapphire remains on the top of Meru. - - -Dr. Bird's Kanheri copperplate has a verse with a similar meaning -regarding the continuance of the glory of the relic shrine of one -Pushya, so long as Meru remains and rivers and the sea flow. [84] -The meaning of showing Meru and the sun and moon is thus clear. The -underlying serpentine line apparently stands for the Jáhnaví river -or it may perhaps be a representation of the sea. [85] The object of -representing these symbols on coins may be that the coins may last as -long as the sun, the moon, mount Meru, and the Ganges or ocean. Against -this view it may be urged that the coins of the Buddhist kings of -Kuninda (A.D. 100), largely found near Saháranpur in the North-West -Provinces, show the arch symbol with the Buddhist trident over it, -the Bodhi tree with the railing by its side, and the serpentine line -under both the tree and the symbol, the apparent meaning being that the -symbol is a Buddhist shrine with the Bodhi tree and the river Niranjana -of Buddha Gaya near it. The same symbol appears as a Buddhist shrine -in Andhra coins [86] which make it larger with four rows of arches, -a tree by its side, and instead of the zigzag base line a railing. This -seems a different representation perhaps of the shrine of Mahábodhi at -Buddha Gaya. These details seem to show that popular notions regarding -the meaning of this symbol varied at different times. [87] - -Such of the coins of Chashtana as have on the reverse only the sun -and the moon bear on the obverse in Baktro-Páli characters a legend -of which the four letters Raño jimo alone be made out. An illegible -Greek legend continues the Baktro-Páli legend. The legend on the -reverse is in old Nágarí character: - - - Rájño Kshatrapasa Ysamotikaputra(sa Cha)shtanasa. - - Of the king Kshatrapa Chashtana son of Ysamotika. - - -The variety of Chashtana's coins which has the arch symbol on the -reverse, bears on the obverse only the Greek legend almost illegible -and on the reverse the Baktro-Páli legend ca.tanasa Chatanasa -meaning. Of Chashtana and in continuation the Nágarí legend: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Ysamotikaputrasa Chashtanasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Chashtana son of Ysamotika. - - -[Chashtana's Father.] The name Zamotika is certainly not Indian but -foreign apparently a corruption of some such form as Psamotika or -Xamotika. Further the fact that Zamotika is not called Kshatrapa or by -any other title, would seem to show that he was an untitled man whose -son somehow came to authority and obtained victory over these parts -where (as his earlier coins with the sun and the moon show) he was -at first called a Kshatrapa and afterwards (as his later coins with -the third symbol show) a Mahákshatrapa or great Kshatrapa. We know -nothing of any connection between Nahapána and Chashtana. Still it -is clear that Chashtana obtained a great part of the territory over -which [Chashtana, A.D. 130.] Nahapána previously held sway. Though -Chashtana's coins and even the coins of his son and grandson bear no -date, we have reason to believe they used a nameless era, of which the -year 72 is given in the Junágadh inscription of Chashtana's grandson -Rudradáman. [89] Though we have no means of ascertaining how many -years Rudradáman had reigned before this 72 it seems probable that -the beginning of the reign was at least several years earlier. Taking -the previous period at seven years Rudradáman's succession may be -tentatively fixed at 65. Allowing twenty-five years for his father -Jayadáman and his grandfather Chashtana (as they were father and son -and the son it is supposed reigned for some years with his father [90]) -Chashtana's conquest of Gujarát comes to about the year 40 which makes -Chashtana contemporary with the latter part of Nahapána's life. Now the -Tiastanes whom Ptolemy mentions as having Ozene for his capital [91] -is on all hands admitted to be Chashtana and from what Ptolemy says it -appears certain that his capital was Ujjain. Two of Chashtana's coins -occur as far north as Ajmir. As the Chashtana coins in Dr. Gerson -DaCunha's collection were found in Káthiáváda he must have ruled a -large stretch of country. The fact that in his earlier coins Chashtana -is simply called a Kshatrapa and in his latter coins a Mahákshatrapa -leads to the inference that his power was originally small. Chashtana -was probably not subordinate to Nahapána but a contemporary of Nahapána -originally when a simple Kshatrapa governing perhaps North Gujarát and -Málwa. Nor was Chashtana a member of Nahapána's family as he is nowhere -called Kshaharáta which is the name of Nahapána's family. During -the lifetime of Nahapána Chashtana's power would seem to have been -established first over Ajmir and Mewád. Perhaps Chashtana may have -been the chief of the Uttamabhadra Kshatriyas, whom, in the year 42, -Ushavadáta went to assist when they were besieged by the Málayas or -Málavas [92]; and it is possible that the Málavas being thus driven -away Chashtana may have consolidated his power, taken possession of -Málwa, and established his capital at Ujjain. - -[Deccan Recovered by the Andhras, A.D. 138.] On Nahapána's death his -territory, which in the absence of a son had probably passed to his -son-in-law Ushavadáta, seems to have been wrested from him by his -Ándhra neighbours, as one of the attributes of Gautamíputra Sátakarni -is exterminator of the dynasty of Khakharáta (or Kshaharáta). That -North Konkan, South Gujarát, and Káthiáváda were taken and -incorporated with Ándhra territory appears from Gautamíputra's Násik -inscription (No. 26) where Suráshtra and Aparánta are mentioned as -parts of his dominions. These Ándhra conquests seem to have been -shortlived. Chashtana appears to have eventually taken Káthiáváda and -as much of South Gujarát as belonged to Nahapána probably as far south -as the Narbada. Mevád, Málwa, North and South Gujarát and Káthiáváda -would then be subject to him and justify the title Mahákshatrapa on -his later coins. - -[The Mevas or Medas.] The bulk of Chashtana's army seems to have -consisted of the Mevas or Medas from whose early conquests and -settlements in Central Rájputána the province seems to have received -its present name Meváda. If this supposition be correct an inference -may be drawn regarding the origin of Chashtana. The Mathurá inscription -of Nandasiriká, daughter of Kshatrapa Rájavula and mother of Kharaosti -Yuvarája, mentions with respect a Mahákshatrapa Kuzulko Patika who -is called in the inscription Mevaki that is of the Meva tribe. The -inscription shows a relation between the Kharaostis (to which tribe we -have taken Kshaharáta Nahapána to belong) and Mevaki Patika perhaps -in the nature of subordinate and overlord. It proves at least that -the Kharaostis held Patika in great honour and respect. - -The Taxila plate shows that Patika was governor of Taxila during -his father's lifetime. After his father's death when he became -Mahákshatrapa, Patika's capital was Nagaraka in the Jallálábád -or Kábul valley. The conquest of those parts by the great Kushán -or Indo-Skythian king Kanishka (A.D. 78) seems to have driven -Patika's immediate successors southwards to Sindh where they may have -established a kingdom. The Skythian kingdom mentioned by the author -of the Periplus as stretching in his time as far south as the mouths -of the Indus may be a relic of this kingdom. Some time after their -establishment in Sindh Patika's successors may have sent Chashtana, -either a younger member of the reigning house or a military officer, -with an army of Mevas through Umarkot and the Great Ran to Central -Rájputána, an expedition which ended in the settlement of the Mevas -and the change of the country's name to Meváda. Probably it was on -account of their previous ancestral connection that Nahapána sent -Ushavadáta to help Chashtana in Meváda when besieged by his Málava -neighbours. That Ushavadáta went to bathe and make gifts [93] at -Pushkara proves that the scene of the Uttamabhadras' siege by the -Málayas was in Meváda not far from Pushkara. - -Chashtana is followed by an unbroken chain of successors all of -the dynasty of which Chashtana was the founder. As the coins of -Chashtana's successors bear dates and as each coin gives the name of -the king and of his father they supply a complete chronological list -of the Kshatrapa dynasty. - -[Kshatrapa III. Jayadáman, A.D. 140-143.] Of Chashtana's son and -successor Jayadáman the coins are rare. Of three specimens found -in Káthiáváda two are of silver and one of copper. Both the silver -coins were found in Junágadh [94] but they are doubtful specimens as -the legend is not complete. Like Chashtana's coins they have a bust -on the obverse and round the bust an incomplete and undecipherable -Greek legend. The reverse has the sun and the moon and between them -the arched symbol with the zigzag under-line. All round the symbols -on the margin within a dotted line is the legend in Baktro-Páli and -Devanágarí. Only three letters raño cha ña of the Baktro-Páli legend -can be made out. Of the Nágarí legend seven letters Rájno Kshatrapasa -Ja can be made out. The remaining four letters Dr. Bhagvánlál read -Yadámasa. [95] The copper coin which is very small and square has on -the obverse in a circle a standing humped bull looking to the right -and fronting an erect trident with an axe. In style the bull is much -like the bull on the square hemidrachmæ of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). -Round the bull within a dotted circle is the legend in Greek. It is -unfortunate the legend is incomplete as the remaining letters which -are in the Skythian-Greek style are clearer than the letters on any -Kshatrapa coin hitherto found. The letters that are preserved are -S T R X Y. The reverse has the usual moon and sun and between them -the arched symbol without the zigzag under-line. All round within a -dotted circle is the Nágarí legend: - - - Rájno Kshatra(pasa) Jayadámasa. - - Of the king Kshatrapa Jayadáman. - - -Though the name is not given in any of these coins, the fact that -Chashtana was Jayadáman's father has been determined from the genealogy -in the Gunda inscription of Rudrasimha I. the seventh Kshatrapa, -[96] in the Jasdhan inscription of Rudrasena I. the eighth Kshatrapa, -[97] and in the Junágadh cave inscription [98] of Rudradáman's son -Rudrasimha. All these inscriptions and the coins of his son Rudradáman -call Jayadáman Kshatrapa not Mahákshatrapa. This would seem to show -either that he was a Kshatrapa or governor of Káthiáváda under his -father or that his father's territory and his rank as Mahákshatrapa -suffered some reduction. [99] The extreme rarity of his coins suggests -that Jayadáman's reign was very short. It is worthy of note that while -Zamotika and Chashtana are foreign names, the names of Jayadáman and -all his successors with one exception [100] are purely Indian. - -[Kshatrapa IV. Rudradáman, A.D. 143-158.] Jayadáman was succeeded -by his son Rudradáman who was probably the greatest of the Western -Kshatrapas. His beautiful silver coins, in style much like those -of Chashtana, are frequently found in Káthiáváda. On the obverse -is his bust in the same style of dress as Chashtana's and round the -bust is the Greek legend incomplete and undecipherable. The reverse -has the usual sun and moon and the arched symbol with the zigzag -under-line. The old Nágarí legend fills the whole outer circle. None -of Rudradáman's coins shows a trace of the Baktro-Páli legend. The -Nágarí legend reads: - - - Rájno Kshatrapasa Jayadámaputrasa Rájno Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudradáman son of the king the - Kshatrapa Jayadáman. - - -None of Rudradáman's copper coins have been found. Except Jayadáman -none of the Kshatrapas seem to have stamped their names on any but -silver coins. [101] - -An inscription on the Girnár rock gives us more information regarding -Rudradáman than is available for any of the other Kshatrapas. The -inscription records the construction of a new dam on the Sudarsana lake -close to the inscription rock in place of a dam built in the time of -the Maurya king Chandragupta (B.C. 300) and added to in the time of -his grandson the great Asoka (B.C. 240) which had suddenly burst in a -storm. The new dam is recorded to have been made under the orders of -Suvishákha son of Kulaipa a Pahlava by tribe, who was 'appointed by -the king to protect the whole of Ánarta and Suráshtra.' Pahlava seems -to be the name of the ancient Persians and Parthians [102] and the -name Suvishákha as Dr. Bhau Dáji suggests may be a Sanskritised form -of Syávaxa. [103] One of the Kárle inscriptions gives a similar name -Sovasaka apparently a corrupt Indian form of the original Persian from -which the Sanskritised Suvishákha must have been formed. Sovasaka it -will be noted is mentioned in the Kárle inscription as an inhabitant -of Abulámá, apparently the old trade mart of Obollah at the head of -the Persian Gulf. This trade connection between the Persian Gulf and -the Western Indian seaboard must have led to the settlement from very -early times of the Pahlavas who gradually became converted to Buddhism, -and, like the Pársis their modern enterprising representatives, seem -to have advanced in trade and political influence. Subsequently the -Pahlavas attained such influence that about the fifth century a dynasty -of Pallava kings reigned in the Dekhan, Hindu in religion and name, -even tracing their origin to the great ancient sage Bháradvája. [104] - -[Sudarsana Lake, A.D. 150.] The statement in Rudradáman's Sudarsana -lake inscription, that Ánarta and Suráshtra were under his Pahlava -governor, seems to show that Rudradáman's capital was not in Gujarát -or Káthiáváda. Probably like his grandfather Chashtana Rudradáman held -his capital at Ujjain. The poetic eulogies of Rudradáman appear to -contain a certain share of fact. One of the epithets 'he who himself -has earned the title Mahákshatrapa' indicates that Rudradáman had -regained the title of Mahákshatrapa which belonged to his grandfather -Chashtana but not to his father Jayadáman. Another portion of the -inscription claims for him the overlordship of Ákarávanti, [105] -Anúpa, [106] Ánarta, Suráshtra, Svabhra, [107] Maru, [108] Kachchha, -[109] Sindhu-Sauvíra, [110] Kukura, [111] Aparánta, [112] and Nisháda; -[113] that is roughly the country from Bhilsa in the east to Sindh in -the west and from about Ábu in the north to the North Konkan in the -south including the peninsulas of Cutch and Káthiáváda. The inscription -also mentions two wars waged by Rudradáman, one with the Yaudheyas -the other with Sátakarni lord of Dakshinápatha. Of the Yaudheyas the -inscription says that they had become arrogant and untractable in -consequence of their having proclaimed their assumption of the title -of Heroes among all Kshatriyas. Rudradáman is described as having -exterminated them. These Yaudheyas were known as a warlike race from -the earliest times and are mentioned as warriors by Pánini. [114] - -[The Yaudheyas.] Like the Málavas these Yaudheyas appear to have had a -democratic constitution. Several round copper coins of the Yaudheyas -of about the third century A.D. have been found in various parts of -the North-West Provinces from Mathurá to Saháranpur. These coins -which are adapted from the type of Kanishka's coins [115] have on -the obverse a standing robed male figure extending the protecting -right hand of mercy. On the reverse is the figure of a standing -Kártikasvámi and round the figure the legend in Gupta characters of -about the third century: - - - Yaudheya Ganasya. - - Of the Yaudheya tribe. [116] - - -That the Girnár inscription describes Rudradáman as the exterminator -of 'the Yaudheyas' and not of any king of the Yaudheyas confirms the -view that their constitution was tribal or democratic. [117] - -The style of the Yaudheya coins being an adaptation of the Kanishka -type and their being found from Mathurá to Saháranpur where Kanishka -ruled is a proof that the Yaudheyas wrested from the successors of -Kanishka the greater part of the North-West Provinces. This is not -to be understood to be the Yaudheyas' first conquest in India. They -are known to be a very old tribe who after a temporary suppression -by Kanishka must have again risen to power with the decline of -Kushán rule under Kanishka's successors Huvishka (A.D. 100-123) or -Vasudeva (A.D. 123-150 ?) the latter of whom was a contemporary of -Rudradáman. [118] It is probably to this increase of Yaudheya power -that Rudradáman's inscription refers as making them arrogant and -intractable. Their forcible extermination is not to be understood -literally but in the Indian hyperbolic fashion. - -The remark regarding the conquest of Sátakarni lord of Dakshinápatha -is as follows: 'He who has obtained glory because he did not destroy -Sátakarni, the lord of the Dekhan, on account of there being no -distance in relationship, though he twice really conquered him.' [119] -As Sátakarni is a dynastic name applied to several of the Ándhra -kings, the question arises Which of the Sátakarnis did Rudradáman -twice defeat? Of the two Western India kings mentioned by Ptolemy -one Tiastanes with his capital at Ozene or Ujjain [120] has been -identified with Chashtana; the other Siri Ptolemaios or Polemaios, -with his royal seat at Baithana or Paithan, [121] has been identified -with the Pulumáyi Vásishthíputra of the Násik cave inscriptions. These -statements of Ptolemy seem to imply that Chashtana and Pulumáyi -were contemporary kings reigning at Ujjain and Paithan. The evidence -of their coins also shows that if not contemporaries Chashtana and -Pulumáyi were not separated by any long interval. We know from the -Násik inscriptions and the Puránas that Pulumáyi was the successor -of Gautamíputra Sátakarni and as Gautamíputra Sátakarni is mentioned -as the exterminator of the Kshaharáta race (and the period of this -extermination has already been shown to be almost immediately after -Nahapána's death), there is no objection to the view that Chashtana, -who was the next Kshatrapa after Nahapána, and Pulumáyi, who was the -successor of Gautamíputra, were contemporaries. We have no positive -evidence to determine who was the immediate successor of Pulumáyi, -but the only king whose inscriptions are found in any number -after Pulumáyi is Gautamíputra Yajña Srí Sátakarni. His Kanheri -inscription recording gifts made in his reign and his coin found -among the relics of the Sopára stúpa built also in his reign prove -that he held the North Konkan. The Sopára coin gives the name of -the father of Yajñasrí. Unfortunately the coin is much worn. Still -the remains of the letters constituting the name are sufficient to -show they must be read caturapana Chaturapana. [122] A king named -Chaturapana is mentioned in one of the Nánághát inscriptions where -like Pulumáyi he is called Vásishthíputra and where the year 13 -of his reign is referred to. [123] The letters of this inscription -are almost coeval with those in Pulumáyi's inscriptions. The facts -that he was called Vásishthíputra and that he reigned at least -thirteen years make it probable that Chaturapana was the brother and -successor of Pulumáyi. Yajñasrí would thus be the nephew and second -in succession to Pulumáyi and the contemporary of Rudradáman the -grandson of Chashtana, whom we have taken to be a contemporary of -Pulumáyi. A further proof of this is afforded by Yajñasrí's silver -coin found in the Sopára stúpa. All other Ándhra coins hitherto -found are adapted from contemporary coins of Ujjain and the Central -Provinces, the latter probably of the Sungas. But Gautamíputra Yajñasrí -Sátakarni's Sopára coin is the first silver coin struck on the type -of Kshatrapa coins; it is in fact a clear adaptation of the type of -the coins of Rudradáman himself which proves that the two kings were -contemporaries and rivals. An idea of the 'not distant relationship' -between Rudradáman and Yajñasrí Sátakarni mentioned in Rudradáman's -Girnár inscription, may be formed from a Kanheri inscription recording -a gift by a minister named Satoraka which mentions that the queen -of Vásishthíputra Sátakarni was born in the Kárdamaka dynasty and -was connected apparently on the maternal side with a Mahákshatrapa -whose name is lost. If the proper name of the lost Vásishthíputra -be Chaturapana, his son Yajñasrí Sátakarni would, through his mother -being a Mahákshatrapa's granddaughter, be a relative of Rudradáman. - -Rudradáman's other epithets seem to belong to the usual stock of -Indian court epithets. He is said 'to have gained great fame by -studying to the end, by remembering understanding and applying the -great sciences such as grammar, polity, music, and logic'. Another -epithet describes him as having 'obtained numerous garlands at the -Svayamvaras of kings' daughters,' apparently meaning that he was chosen -as husband by princesses at several svayamvaras or choice-marriages -a practice which seems to have been still in vogue in Rudradáman's -time. As a test of the civilized character of his rule it may be -noted that he is described as 'he who took, and kept to the end of his -life, the vow to stop killing men except in battle.' Another epithet -tells us that the embankment was built and the lake reconstructed by -'expending a great amount of money from his own treasury, without -oppressing the people of the town and of the province by (exacting) -taxes, forced labour, acts of affection (benevolences) and the like.' - -As the Kshatrapa year 60 (A.D. 138) has been taken to be the date -of close of Chashtana's reign, and as five years may be allowed -for the short reign [124] of Jayadáman, the beginning of the -reign of Rudradáman may be supposed to have been about the year 65 -(A.D. 143). This Girnár inscription gives 72 as the year in which -Rudradáman was then reigning and it is fair to suppose that he -reigned probably up to 80. The conclusion is that Rudradáman ruled -from A.D. 143 to 158. [125] - -[Kshatrapa V. Dámázada or Dámájadasrí, A.D. 158-168.] Rudradáman -was succeeded by his son Dámázada or Dámájadasrí regarding whom -all the information available is obtained from six coins obtained -by Dr. Bhagvánlál. [126] The workmanship of all six coins is good, -after the type of Rudradáman's coins. On the obverse is a bust in -the same style as Rudradáman's and round the bust is an illegible -Greek legend. Like Rudradáman's coins these have no dates, a proof of -their antiquity, as all later Kshatrapa coins have dates in Nágarí -numerals. The reverse has the usual sun and moon and between them -the arched symbol with the zigzag under-line. Around them in three -specimens is the following legend in old Nágarí: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámaputrasa [127] Rájñah Kshatrapasa - Dámáysadasa. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámázada [128] son of the king the Kshatrapa - Rudradáman. - - -The legend on the other three is: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámnahputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa - Dámájadasriyah. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudradáma. - - -Dámázada and Dámájadasrí seem to be two forms of the same name, -Dámázada with ysa for Z being the name first struck, and Dámájadasrí, -with the ordinary ja for Z, and with Srí added to adorn the name and -make it more euphonic, being the later form. It will be noted that, -except by his son Jivadáman, Dámázada or Dámájadasrí is not called a -Mahákshatrapa but simply a Kshatrapa. His coins are very rare. The six -mentioned are the only specimens known and are all from one find. He -may therefore be supposed to have reigned as heir-apparent during the -life-time of Rudradáman, or it is possible that he may have suffered -loss of territory and power. His reign seems to have been short and -may have terminated about 90 that is A.D. 168 or a little later. - -[Kshatrapa VI. Jivadáman, A.D. 178.] Dámázada or Dámájadasrí was -succeeded by his son Jivadáman. All available information regarding -Jivadáman is from four rare coins obtained by Pandit Bhagvánlál, -which for purposes of description, he has named A, B, C, and D. [129] -Coin A bears date 100 in Nágarí numerals, the earliest date found on -Kshatrapa coins. On the obverse is a bust in the usual Kshatrapa style -with a plump young face of good workmanship. Round the bust is first -the date 100 in Nágarí numerals and after the date the Greek legend -in letters which though clear cannot be made out. In these and in all -later Kshatrapa coins merely the form of the Greek legend remains; -the letters are imitations of Greek by men who could not read the -original. On the reverse is the usual arched symbol between the sun -and the moon, the sun being twelve-rayed as in the older Kshatrapa -coins. Within the dotted circle in the margin is the following legend -in old Nágarí: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasriyahputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Jivadámnah. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Jivadáman son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Dámasrí. - - -Coin B has the bust on the obverse with a face apparently older than -the face in A. Unfortunately the die has slipped and the date has not -been struck. Most of the Greek legend is very clear but as in coin -A the result is meaningless. The letters are K I U I U Z K N S Y L -perhaps meant for Kuzulka. On the reverse are the usual three symbols, -except that the sun has seven instead of twelve rays. The legend is: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámajadasaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Jivadámasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Jivadáman son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Dámajada. - - -Coin C though struck from a different die is closely like B both on -the obverse and the reverse. Neither the Greek legend nor the date -is clear, though enough remains of the lower parts of the numerals -to suggest the date 118. Coin D is in obverse closely like C. The -date 118 is clear. On the reverse the legend and the symbols have -been twice struck. The same legend occurs twice, the second striking -having obliterated the last letters of the legend which contained -the name of the king whose coin it is: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámajadasaputrasa. - - Of the son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámájada. - - -In these four specimens Dámasrí or Dámájada is styled Mahákshatrapa, -while in his own coins he is simply called Kshatrapa. The explanation -perhaps is that the known coins of Dámasrí or Dámajada belong to -the early part of his reign when he was subordinate to his father, -and that he afterwards gained the title of Mahákshatrapa. Some such -explanation is necessary as the distinction between the titles -Kshatrapa and Mahákshatrapa is always carefully preserved in the -earlier Kshatrapa coins. Except towards the close of the dynasty no -ruler called Kshatrapa on his own coins is ever styled Mahákshatrapa -on the coins of his son unless the father gained the more important -title during his lifetime. - -The dates and the difference in the style of die used in coining -A and in coining B, C, and D are worth noting as the earliest coin -has the date 100 and C and D the third and fourth coins have 118. If -Jivadáman's reign lasted eighteen years his coins would be common -instead of very rare. But we find between 102 and 118 numerous coins -of Rudrasimha son of Rudradáman and paternal uncle of Jivadáman. These -facts and the difference between the style of A and the style of B, -C, and D which are apparently imitated from the coins of Rudrasimha -and have a face much older than the face in A, tend to show that soon -after his accession Jivadáman was deposed by his uncle Rudrasimha, -on whose death or defeat in 118, Jivadáman again rose to power. - -[Kshatrapa VII. Rudrasimha I. A.D. 181-196.] Rudrasimha the seventh -Kshatrapa was the brother of Dámajadasrí. Large numbers of his coins -have been found. Of thirty obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál, twenty have -the following clearly cut dates: 103, 106, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, -114, 115, 116, and 118. As the earliest year is 103 and the latest 118 -it is probable that Rudrasimha deposed his nephew Jivadáman shortly -after Jivadáman's accession. Rudrasimha appears to have ruled fifteen -years when power again passed to his nephew Jivadáman. - -The coins of Rudrasimha are of a beautiful type of good workmanship -and with clear legends. The legend in old Nágarí character reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Rudrasimhasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasimha son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudradáma. - - -Rudrasimha had also a copper coinage of which specimens are recorded -from Málwa but not from Káthiáváda. Pandit Bhagvánlál had one specimen -from Ujjain which has a bull on the obverse with the Greek legend round -it and the date 117. The reverse seems to have held the entire legend -of which only five letters rudrasi.mhasa (Rudrasimhasa) remain. This -coin has been spoilt in cleaning. - -To Rudrasimha's reign belongs the Gunda inscription carved on a stone -found at the bottom of an unused well in the village of Gunda in -Hálár in North Káthiáváda. [130] It is in six well preserved lines -of old Nágarí letters of the Kshatrapa type. The writing records -the digging and building of a well for public use on the borders of -a village named Rasopadra by the commander-in-chief Rudrabhúti an -Ábhíra son of Senápati Bápaka. The date is given both in words and -in numerals as 103, 'in the year' of the king the Kshatrapa Svámi -Rudrasimha, apparently meaning in the year 103 during the reign of -Rudrasimha. The genealogy given in the inscription is: 1 Chashtana; -2 Jayadáman; 3 Rudradáman; 4 Rudrasimha, the order of succession being -clearly defined by the text, which says that the fourth was the great -grandson of the first, the grandson of the second, and the son of -the third. It will be noted that Dámájadasrí and Jivadáman the fifth -and sixth Kshatrapas have been passed over in this genealogy probably -because the inscription did not intend to give a complete genealogy -but only to show the descent of Rudrasimha in the direct line. - -[Kshatrapa VIII. Rudrasena, A.D. 203-220.] The eighth Kshatrapa -was Rudrasena, son of Rudrasimha, as is clearly mentioned in the -legends on his coins. His coins like his father's are found in large -numbers. Of forty in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection twenty-seven bear -the following eleven [131] dates, 125, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, -136, 138, 140, 142. The coins are of the usual Kshatrapa type closely -like Rudrasimha's coins. The Nágarí legend reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Rudrasenasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasimha. - - -Two copper coins square and smaller than the copper coins of -Rudrasimha have been found in Ujjain [132] though none are recorded -from Káthiáváda. On their obverse these copper coins have a facing -bull and on the back the usual symbols and below them the year 140, -but no legend. Their date and their Kshatrapa style show that they -are coins of Rudrasena. - -Besides coins two inscriptions one at Muliyásar the other at Jasdan -give information regarding Rudrasena. The Muliyásar inscription, now -in the library at Dwárka ten miles south-west of Muliyásar, records -the erection of an upright slab by the sons of one Vánijaka. This -inscription bears date 122, the fifth of the dark half of Vaishákha -in the year 122 during the reign of Rudrasimha. [133] The Jasdan -inscription, on a stone about five miles from Jasdan, belongs to the -reign of this Kshatrapa. It is in six lines of old Kshatrapa Nágarí -characters shallow and dim with occasional engraver's mistakes, but on -the whole well-preserved. The writing records the building of a pond -by several brothers (names not given) of the Mánasasa gotra sons of -Pranáthaka and grandsons of Khara. The date is the 5th of the dark -half of Bhádrapada 'in the year' 126. [134] The genealogy is in the -following order: - - - Mahákshatrapa Chashtana. - Kshatrapa Jayadáman. - Mahákshatrapa Rudradáman. - Mahákshatrapa Rudrasimha. - Mahákshatrapa Rudrasena. - - -Each of them is called Svámi Lord and Bhadramukha Luckyfaced. [135] -As Rudrasena's reign began at least as early as 122, the second reign -of Jivadáman is narrowed to four years or even less. As the latest -date is 142 Rudrasena's reign must have lasted about twenty years. - -[Kshatrapa IX. Prithivísena A.D. 222.] After Rudrasena the next -evidence on record is a coin of his son Prithivísena found near -Amreli. Its workmanship is the same as that of Rudrasena's coins. It -is dated 144 that is two years later than the last date on Rudrasena's -coins. The legend runs: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenasa putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa - Prithivísenasa. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Prithivísena son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasena. - - -As this is the only known specimen of Prithivísena's coinage; -as the earliest coin of Prithivísena's uncle the tenth Kshatrapa -Sanghadáman is dated 144; and also as Prithivísena is called only -Kshatrapa he seems to have reigned for a short time perhaps as -Kshatrapa of Suráshtra or Káthiáváda and to have been ousted by his -uncle Sanghadáman. - -[Kshatrapa X. Sanghadáman, A.D. 222-226.] Rudrasena was succeeded -by his brother the Mahákshatrapa Sanghadáman. His coins are very -rare. Only two specimens have been obtained, of which one was in the -Pandit's collection the other in the collection of Mr. Vajeshankar -Gavrishankar. [136] They are dated 145 and 144. The legend in both -reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Sanghadámna. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Sanghadáman son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasimha. - - -These two coins seem to belong to the beginning of Sanghadáman's -reign. As the earliest coins of his successor Dámasena are dated 148 -Sanghadáman's reign seems not to have lasted over four years. [137] - -[Kshatrapa XI. Dámasena, A.D. 226-236.] Sanghadáman was succeeded -by his brother Dámasena, whose coins are fairly common, of good -workmanship, and clear lettering. Of twenty-three specimens eleven -have the following dates: 148, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158. The -legend runs: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Dámasenasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasimha. - - -Dámasena seems to have reigned ten years (148-158) as coins of his -son Víradáman are found dated 158. - -[Kshatrapa XII. Dámájadasrí II. A.D. 236.] Dámájadasrí the -twelfth Kshatrapa is styled son of Rudrasena probably the eighth -Kshatrapa. Dámájadasrí's coins are rare. [138] The legend runs: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rajñah Kshatrapas - Dámájadasriyah. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasena. - - -Five specimens, the only specimens on record, are dated 154. [139] -As 154 falls in the reign of Dámasena it seems probable that -Dámájadasrí was either a minor or a viceroy or perhaps a ruler claiming -independence, as about this time the authority of the main dynasty -seems to have been much disputed. - -After Dámasena we find coins of three of his sons Víradáman Yasadáman -and Vijayasena. Víradáman's coins are dated 158 and 163, Yasadáman's -160 and 161, and Vijayasena's earliest 160. Of the three brothers -Víradáman who is styled simply Kshatrapa probably held only a part -of his father's dominions. The second brother Yasadáman, who at first -was a simple Kshatrapa, in 161 claims to be Mahákshatrapa. The third -brother Vijayasena, who as early as 160, is styled Mahákshatrapa, -probably defeated Yasadáman and secured the supreme rule. - -[Kshatrapa XIII. Víradáman, A.D. 236-238.] Víradáman's coins are -fairly common. Of twenty-six in Pandit Bhagvánlál's collection, -nineteen were found with a large number of his brother Vijayasena's -coins. The legend reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa - Víradámnah. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Víradáman son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Dámasena. - - -Of the twenty-six ten are clearly dated, six with 158 and four -with 160. - -[Kshatrapa XIV. Yasadáman, A.D. 239.] Yasadáman's coins are -rare. Pandit Bhagvánlál's collection contained seven. [140] The -bust on the obverse is a good imitation of the bust on his father's -coins. Still it is of inferior workmanship, and starts the practice -which later Kshatrapas continued of copying their predecessor's -image. On only two of the seven specimens are the dates clear, 160 -and 161. The legend on the coin dated 160 is: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájñah - Kshatrapasa Yasadámnah. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Dámasena. - - -On the coin dated 161 the legend runs: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Yasadámnah. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Dámasena. - - -[Kshatrapa XV. Vijayasena, A.D. 238-249.] Vijayasena's coins are -common. As many as 167 were in the Pandit's collection. Almost all -are of good workmanship, well preserved, and clearly lettered. On -fifty-four of them the following dates can be clearly read, 160, -161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, and 171. This would -give Vijayasena a reign of at least eleven years from 160 to 171 -(A.D. 238-249). The legend reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Vijayasenasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Vijayasena son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Dámasena. - - -In two good specimens of Vijayasena's coins with traces of the date -166 he is styled Kshatrapa. This the Pandit could not explain. [141] - -[Kshatrapa XVI. Dámájadasrí, A.D. 250-255.] Vijayasena was succeeded -by his brother Dámájadasrí III. called Mahákshatrapa on his coins. His -coins which are comparatively uncommon are inferior in workmanship -to the coins of Vijayasena. Of seven in the Pandit's collection three -are dated 174, 175, and 176. - -After Dámájadasrí come coins of Rudrasena II. son of Víradáman, the -earliest of them bearing date 178. As the latest coins of Vijayasena -are dated 171, 173 may be taken as the year of Dámájadasrí's -succession. The end of his reign falls between 176 and 178, its -probable length is about five years. The legend on his coins reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Dádmájadasriyah. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Dámasena. - - -[Kshatrapa XVII. Rudrasena II. A.D. 256-272.] Dámájadasrí III. was -succeeded by Rudrasena II. son of Dámájadasrí's brother Víradáman -the thirteenth Kshatrapa. Rudrasena II.'s coins like Vijayasena's -are found in great abundance. They are of inferior workmanship -and inferior silver. Of eighty-four in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection -eleven bore the following clear dates: 178, 180, 183, 185, 186, 188, -and 190. The earliest of 178 probably belongs to the beginning of -Rudrasena's reign as the date 176 occurs on the latest coins of his -predecessor. The earliest coins of his son and successor Visvasimha -are dated 198. As Visvasimha's coins are of bad workmanship with -doubtful legend and date we may take the end of Rudrasena II.'s reign -to be somewhere between 190 and 198 or about 194. This date would give -Rudrasena a reign of about sixteen years, a length of rule supported -by the large number of his coins. The legend reads: - - - Rájño Kshatrapasa Víradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Rudrasenasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of the king the - Kshatrapa Víradáma. - - -[Kshatrapa XVIII. Visvasimha, A.D. 272-278.] Rudrasena was succeeded -by his son Visvasimha. In style and abundance Visvasimha's coins -are on a par with his father's. They are carelessly struck with a -bad die and in most the legend is faulty often omitting the date. Of -fifty-six in the Pandit's collection only four bear legible dates, -one with 198, two with 200, and one with 201. The date 201 must be of -the end of Visvasimha's reign as a coin of his brother Bharttridáman -is dated 200. It may therefore be held that Visvasimha reigned for -the six years ending 200 (A.D. 272-278). The legend reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa - Visvasimhasa. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Visvasimha son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasena. - - -It is not known whether Visvasimha's loss of title was due to his -being subordinate to some overlord, or whether during his reign -the Kshatrapas suffered defeat and loss of territory. The probable -explanation seems to be that he began his reign in a subordinate -position and afterwards rose to supreme rule. - -[Kshatrapa XIX. Bharttridáman, A.D. 278-294.] Visvasimha was succeeded -by his brother Bharttridáman. [142] His coins which are found in large -numbers are in style and workmanship inferior even to Visvasimha's -coins. Of forty-five in the Pandit's collection seven bear the dates -202, 207, 210, 211, and 214. As the earliest coin of his successor is -dated 218, Bharttridáman's reign seems to have lasted about fourteen -years from 202 to 216 (A.D. 278-294). Most of the coin legends style -Bharttridáman Mahákshatrapa though in a few he is simply styled -Kshatrapa. This would seem to show that like his brother Visvasimha -he began as a Kshatrapa and afterwards gained the rank and power -of Mahákshatrapa. - -In Bharttridáman's earlier coins the legend reads: - - - Rajño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rajñah Kshatrapasa - Bhartridámnah. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Bharttridáman son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasena. - - -In the later coins the legend is the same except that mahákshatrapasa -the great Kshatrapa takes the place of kshatrapasa the Kshatrapa. - -[Kshatrapa XX. Visvasena, A.D. 294-300.] Bharttridáman was succeeded by -his son Visvasena the twentieth Kshatrapa. His coins are fairly common, -and of bad workmanship, the legend imperfect and carelessly struck, the -obverse rarely dated. Of twenty-five in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection, -only three bear doubtful dates one 218 and two 222. The legend reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Bhartridáma putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa - Visvasenasa. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Visvasena son of the king the Mahákshatrapa - Bharttridáman. - - -It would seem from the lower title of Kshatrapa which we find given -to Visvasena and to most of the later Kshatrapas that from about 220 -(A.D. 298) the Kshatrapa dominion lost its importance. - -A hoard of coins found in 1861 near Karád on the Krishna, thirty-one -miles south of Sátára, suggests [143] that the Kshatrapas retained -the North Konkan and held a considerable share of the West Dakhan -down to the time of Visvasena (A.D. 300). The hoard includes coins -of the six following rulers: Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249), his brother -Dámájadasrí III. (A.D. 251-255), Rudrasena II. (A.D. 256-272) son of -Víradáman, Visvasimha (A.D. 272-278) son of Rudrasena, Bharttridáman -(A.D. 278-294) son of Rudrasena II., and Visvasena (A.D. 296-300) -son of Bharttridáman. It may be argued that this Karád hoard is of no -historical value being the chance importation of some Gujarát pilgrim -to the Krishna. The following considerations favour the view that -the contents of the hoard furnish evidence of the local rule of the -kings whose coins have been found at Karád. The date (A.D. 238-249) -of Vijayasena, the earliest king of the hoard, agrees well with the -spread of Gujarát power in the Dakhan as it follows the overthrow -both of the west (A.D. 180-200) and of the east (A.D. 220) Sátakarnis, -while it precedes the establishment of any later west Dakhan dynasty: -(2) All the kings whose coins occur in the hoard were Mahákshatrapas -and from the details in the Periplus (A.D. 247), the earliest, -Vijayasena, must have been a ruler of special wealth and power: (3) -That the coins cease with Visvasena (A.D. 296-300) is in accord with -the fact that Visvasena was the last of the direct line of Chashtana, -and that with or before the close of Visvasena's reign the power of -the Gujarát Kshatrapas declined. The presumption that Kshatrapa power -was at its height during the reigns of the kings whose coins have -been found at Karád is strengthened by the discovery at Amrávati -in the Berárs of a hoard of coins of the Mahákshatrapa Rudrasena -(II. ?) (A.D. 256-272) son of the Mahákshatrapa Dámájadasrí. [144] - -[Kshatrapa XXI. Rudrasimha, A.D. 308-311.] Whether the end of -Chashtana's direct line was due to their conquest by some other -dynasty or to the failure of heirs is doubtful. Whatever may have been -the cause, after an interval of about seven years (A.D. 300-308) -an entirely new king appears, Rudrasimha son of Jívadáman. As -Rudrasimha's father Jívadáman is simply called Svámi he may have -been some high officer under the Kshatrapa dynasty. That Rudrasimha -is called a Kshatrapa may show that part of the Kshatrapa dominion -which had been lost during the reign of Visvasena was given to some -distant member or scion of the Kshatrapa dynasty of the name of -Rudrasimha. The occurrence of political changes is further shown by -the fact that the coins of Rudrasimha are of a better type than those -of the preceding Kshatrapas. Rudrasimha's coins are fairly common. Of -twelve in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection five are clearly dated, three -230, one 231, and one 240. This leaves a blank of seven years between -the last date of Visvasena and the earliest date of Rudrasimha. The -legend reads: - - - Svámi Jívadáma putrasa Rajñah Kshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Rudrasimha son of Svámi Jívadáman. - - -[Kshatrapa XXII. Yasadáman, A.D. 320.] Rudrasimha was succeeded by his -son Yasadáman whose coins are rather rare. Of three in Dr. Bhagvánlál's -collection two are dated 239, apparently the first year of Yasadáman's -reign as his father's latest coins are dated 240. Like his father -Yasadáman is simply called Kshatrapa. The legend reads: - - - Rájñah Kshatrapasa Rudrasimhaputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Yasadámnah. - - Of the king the Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the Kshatrapa - Rudrasimha. - - -[Kshatrapa XXIII. Dámasiri, A.D. 320.] The coins found next after -Yasadáman's are those of Dámasiri who was probably the brother of -Yasadáman as he is mentioned as the son of Rudrasimha. The date -though not very clear is apparently 242. Only one coin of Dámasiri's -is recorded. In the style of face and in the form of letters it -differs from the coins of Yasadáman, with which except for the date -and the identity of the father's name any close connection would seem -doubtful. The legend on the coin of Dámasiri reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Dámasirisa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasiri son of the king the great - Kshatrapa Rudrasimha. - - -It will be noted that in this coin both Rudrasimha and Dámasiri -are called great Kshatrapas, while in his own coin and in the coins -of his son Yasadáman, Rudrasimha is simply styled Kshatrapa. It is -possible that Dámasiri may have been more powerful than Yasadáman -and consequently taken to himself the title of Mahákshatrapa. The -application of the more important title to a father who in life had -not enjoyed the title is not an uncommon practice among the later -Kshatrapas. The rarity of Dámasiri's coins shows that his reign -was short. - -After Dámasiri comes a blank of about thirty years. The next coin is -dated 270. The fact that, contrary to what might have been expected, -the coins of the later Kshatrapas are less common than those of the -earlier Kshatrapas, seems to point to some great political change -during the twenty-seven years ending 270 (A.D. 321-348). - -[Kshatrapa XXIV. Rudrasena, A.D. 348-376.] The coin dated 270 -belongs to Svámi Rudrasena son of Svámi Rudradáman both of whom -the legend styles Mahákshatrapas. The type of the coin dated 270 is -clearly adapted from the type of the coins of Yasadáman. Only two -of Rudrasena's coins dated 270 are recorded. But later coins of the -same Kshatrapa of a different style are found in large numbers. Of -fifty-four in the Pandit's collection, twelve have the following -dates 288, 290, 292, 293, 294, 296, and 298. The difference in the -style of the two sets of coins and the blank between 270 and 288 -leave no doubt that during those years some political change took -place. Probably Rudrasena was for a time overthrown but again came to -power in 288 and maintained his position till 298. Besides calling -both himself and his father Mahákshatrapas Rudrasena adds to both -the attribute Svámi. As no coin of Rudrasena's father is recorded it -seems probable the father was not an independent ruler and that the -legend on Rudrasena's coins is a further instance of a son ennobling -his father. The legend is the same both in the earlier coins of 270 -and in the later coins ranging from 288 to 298. It reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Svámi Rudrasenasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena son of the king the - great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudradáman. - - -[Kshatrapa XXV. Rudrasena, A.D. 378-388.] After Rudrasena come -coins of Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of Satyasena. These coins are fairly -common. Of five in the Pandit's collection through faulty minting none -are dated. General Cunningham mentions coins of Kshatrapa Rudrasena -dated 300, 304, and 310. [145] This would seem to show that he was the -successor of Rudrasena son of Rudradáman and that his reign extended -to over 310. The legend on these coins runs: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Satyasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - Svámi Rudrasenasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena son of the king the - great Kshatrapa Svámi Satyasena. - - -Of Rudrasena's father Satyasena no coin is recorded and as this -Rudrasena immediately succeeds Rudrasena IV. son of Rudradáman, -there is little doubt that Satyasena was not an actual ruler with -the great title Mahákshatrapa, but that this was an honorific title -given to the father when his son attained to sovereignty. General -Cunningham records that a coin of this Rudrasena IV. was found along -with a coin of Chandragupta II. in a stúpa at Sultánganj on the Ganges -about fifteen miles south-east of Mongir. [146] - -[Kshatrapa XXVI. Simhasena.] With Rudrasena IV. the evidence from coins -comes almost to a close. Only one coin in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection -is clearly later than Rudrasena IV. In the form of the bust and the -style of the legend on the reverse this specimen closely resembles -the coins of Rudrasena IV. Unfortunately owing to imperfect stamping -it bears no date. The legend reads: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudrasenasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa - svasríyasya Svámi Simhasenasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Simhasena, sister's son of the - king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena. - - -This legend would seem to show that Rudrasena IV. left no issue and was -succeeded by his nephew Simhasena. The extreme rarity of Simhasena's -coins proves that his reign was very short. - -[Kshatrapa XXVII. Skanda.] The bust and the characters in one other -coin show it to be of later date than Simhasena. Unfortunately the -legend is not clear. Something like the letters rájño kshatrapasa Rájño -Kshatrapasa may be traced in one place and something like putrasa -skanda Putrasa Skanda in another place. Dr. Bhagvánlál took this to -be a Gujarát Kshatrapa of unknown lineage from whom the Kshatrapa -dominion passed to the Guptas. - -[Ísvaradatta, A.D. 230-250.] Along with the coins of the regular -Kshatrapas coins of a Kshatrapa of unknown lineage named Ísvaradatta -have been found in Káthiáváda. In general style, in the bust and -the corrupt Greek legend on the obverse, and in the form of the old -Nágarí legend on the reverse, Ísvaradatta's coins closely resemble -those of the fifteenth Kshatrapa Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249). At the -same time the text of the Nágarí legend differs from that on the -reverse of the Kshatrapa coins by omitting the name of the ruler's -father and by showing in words Ísvaradatta's date in the year of his -own reign. The legend is: - - - Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Ísvaradattasa varshe prathame. - - In the first year of the king the great Kshatrapa Ísvaradatta. - - -Most of the recorded coins of Ísvaradatta have this legend. In one -specimen the legend is - - - Varshe dvitíye. - - In the second year. - - -It is clear from this that Ísvaradatta's reign did not last -long. His peculiar name and his separate date leave little doubt -that he belonged to some distinct family of Kshatrapas. The general -style of his coins shows that he cannot have been a late Kshatrapa -while the fact that he is called Mahákshatrapa seems to show he was -an independent ruler. No good evidence is available for fixing his -date. As already mentioned the workmanship of his coins brings him -near to Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249). In Násik Cave X. the letters of -Inscription XV. closely correspond with the letters of the legends -on Kshatrapa coins, and probably belong to almost the same date as -the inscription of Rudradáman on the Girnár rock that is to about -A.D. 150. The absence of any record of the Ándhras except the name -of the king Madharíputa Sirisena or Sakasena (A.D. 180), makes it -probable that after Yajñasrí Gautamíputra (A.D. 150) Ándhra power -waned along the Konkan and South Gujarát seaboard. According to the -Puránas the Ábhíras succeeded to the dominion of the Ándhras. It -is therefore possible that the Ábhíra king Ísvarasena of Násik -Inscription XV. was one of the Ábhíra conquerors of the Ándhras who -took from them the West Dakhan. A migration of Ábhíras from Ptolemy's -Abiria in Upper Sindh through Sindh by sea to the Konkan and thence -to Násik is within the range of possibility. About fifty years later -king Ísvaradatta [147] who was perhaps of the same family as the -Ábhíra king of the Násik inscription seems to have conquered the -kingdom of Kshatrapa Vijayasena, adding Gujarát, Káthiáváda, and -part of the Dakhan to his other territory. In honour of this great -conquest he may have taken the title Mahákshatrapa and struck coins -in the Gujarát Kshatrapa style but in an era reckoned from the date -of his own conquest. Ísvaradatta's success was shortlived. Only two -years later (that is about A.D. 252) the Mahákshatrapa Dámájadasrí -won back the lost Kshatrapa territory. The fact that Ísvaradatta's -recorded coins belong to only two years and that the break between -the regular Kshatrapas Vijayasena and Dámájadasrí did not last more -than two or three years gives support to this explanation. [148] - -The following table gives the genealogy of the Western Kshatrapas: - - -[The Kshatrapa Family Tree.] THE WESTERN KSHATRAPAS. - - I. - Nahapána, - King, Kshaharáta, Kshatrapa - (A.D. 100-120 ?). - -------------------------------------- - II. - Chashtana, son of Zamotika, - King, Mahákshatrapa - (A.D. 100-130). - | - III. - Jayadáman, King, Kshatrapa - (A.D. 130-140). - | - IV. - Rudradáman, - King, Mahákshatrapa - (A.D. 143-158 circa). - | - -----------------------------------------------+----------------------------- - | | - V. VII. -Dámázada or Dámájadasrí, Rudrasimha, -King, Kshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa -(A.D. 168 circa). (A.D. 180-196 circa). - | | - | ------------------------------------------+----------------- - | | | | - VI. VIII. X. XI. -Jivadáman, Rudrasena, Sanghadáman, Dámasena, -King, Mahákshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa -(A.D. 178, A.D. 196 circa). (A.D. 200-220 circa). (A.D. 222-226 circa). (A.D. 226-236 circa). - ----------------------+------------------------- | - | | | - IX. XII. | - Prithivísena, King, Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí II. King, Kshatrapa | - (A.D. 222 circa). (A.D. 232 circa). | - | - -----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------- - | | | | - XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. - Víradáman, Yasadáman II. Vijayasena, Dámájadasrí III. - King, Kshatrapa King, Kshatrapa King, Kshatrapa and King, Mahákshatrapa - (A.D. 236, 238 circa). (A.D. 238, 239 circa). Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 251-255 circa). - | (A.D. 238-249 circa). - XVII. - Rudrasena II. - King, Mahákshatrapa - (A.D. 256-272 circa). - | - ------------+---------------------- - | | - XVIII. XIX. - Visvasimha, Bharttridáman, - King, Kshatrapa King, Kshatrapa and -(A.D. 272-278 circa). Mahákshatrapa - (A.D. 278-294 circa). - | - XX. - Visvasena, - King, Kshatrapa - (A.D. 296-300 circa). - | - XXI. - Rudrasimha son of - Svámi Jívadáman, - King, Kshatrapa - (A.D. 308, 309, 318 circa). - | - -------------------------+------------------------- - | | - XXII. XXIII. - Yasadáman II. King, Kshatrapa Dámasiri, King, Mahákshatrapa - (A.D. 318 circa). (A.D. 320 circa). - --------------------------------------------------------- - XXIV. - Svámi Rudrasena III. - King, Mahákshatrapa - son of king Mahákshatrapa, Svámi Rudradáma, - (A.D. 348, 366-376 circa). - --------------------------------------------------------- - XXV. - Svámi Rudrasena IV. - King, Mahákshatrapa, - son of king Mahákshatrapa, Svámi Satyasena, - (A.D. 378-388 circa). - --------------------------------------------------------- - XXVI. - Svámi Simhasena - King, Mahákshatrapa, - sister's son of king Mahákshatrapa - Svámi Rudrasena (XXV). - --------------------------------------------------------- - XXVII. - Skanda ----? - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE TRAIKÚTAKAS - -(A.D. 250-450.) - - -[Two Plates.] The materials regarding the Traikútakas, though meagre, -serve to show that they were a powerful dynasty who rose to consequence -about the time of the middle Kshatrapas (A.D. 250). All the recorded -information is in two copperplates, one the Kanheri copperplate found -by Dr. Bird in 1839, [149] the other a copperplate found at Párdi -near Balsár in 1885. [150] Both plates are dated, the Kanheri plate -'in the year two hundred and forty-five of the increasing rule of -the Traikútakas'; the Párdi plate in Samvat 207 clearly figured. The -Kanheri plate contains nothing of historical importance; the Párdi -plate gives the name of the donor as Dahrasena or Dharasena 'the -illustrious great king of the Traikútakas.' Though it does not give -any royal name the Kanheri plate expressly mentions the date as the -year 245 of the increasing rule of the Traikútakas. The Párdi plate -gives the name of the king as 'of the Traikútakas' but merely mentions -the date as Sam. 207. This date though not stated to be in the era -of the Traikútakas must be taken to be dated in the same era as the -Kanheri plate seeing that the style of the letters of both plates is -very similar. - -The initial date must therefore have been started by the founder -of the dynasty and the Kanheri plate proves the dynasty must have -lasted at least 245 years. The Párdi plate is one of the earliest -copper-plate grants in India. Neither the genealogy nor even the usual -three generations including the father and grandfather are given, nor -like later plates does it contain a wealth of attributes. The king -is called 'the great king of the Traikútakas,' the performer of the -asvamedha or horse-sacrifice, a distinction bespeaking a powerful -sovereign. It may therefore be supposed that Dahrasena held South -Gujarát to the Narbadá together with part of the North Konkan and of -the Ghát and Dakhan plateau. - -[Initial Date.] What then was the initial date of the Traikútakas? Ten -Gujarát copper-plates of the Gurjjaras and Chalukyas are dated in an -unknown era with Sam. followed by the date figures as in the Párdi -plate and as in Gupta inscriptions. The earliest is the fragment from -Sankhedá in the Baroda State dated Sam. 346, which would fall in the -reign of Dadda I. of Broach. [151] Next come the two Kaira grants -of the Gurjjara king Dadda Prasántarága dated Sam. 380 and Sam. 385 -[152]; and the Sankhedá grant of Ranagraha dated Sam. 391 [153]; -then the Kaira grant of the Chalukya king Vijayarája or Vijayavarman -dated Samvatsara 394 [154]; then the Bagumrá grant of the Sendraka -chief Nikumbhallasakti [155]; two grants from Navsári and Surat of -the Chalukya king Síláditya Sryásraya dated 421 and 443 [156]; two -the Navsári and Kávi grants of the Gurjjara king Jayabhata dated -respectively Sam. 456 and Sam. 486 [157]; and a grant of Pulakesi -dated Samvat 490. [158] - -Of these the grant dated 421 speaks of Síláditya Sryásraya as -Yuvarája or heir-apparent and as the son of Jayasimhavarmman. The -plate further shows that Jayasimhavarmman was brother of Vikramáditya -and son of Pulakesi Vallabha 'the conqueror of the northern king -Harshavardhana.' The name Jayasimhavarmman does not occur in any -copperplate of the main line of the Western Chalukyas of the -Dakhan. That he is called Mahárája or great king and that his -son Síláditya is called Yuvarája or heir-apparent suggest that -Jayasimhavarmman was the founder of the Gujarát branch of the Western -Chalukyas and that his great Dakhan brother Vikramáditya was his -overlord, a relation which would explain the mention of Vikramáditya -in the genealogy of the copper-plate. Vikramáditya's reign ended in -A.D. 680 (Saka 602). [159] Supposing our grant to be dated in this last -year of Vikramáditya, Samvat 421 should correspond to Saka 602, which -gives Saka 181 or A.D. 259 as the initial date of the era in which -the plate is dated. Probably the plate was dated earlier in the reign -of Vikramáditya giving A.D. 250. In any case the era used cannot be -the Gupta era whose initial year is now finally settled to be A.D. 319. - -The second grant of the same Síláditya is dated Samvat 443. In it, -both in an eulogistic verse at the beginning and in the text of -the genealogy, Vinayáditya Satyásraya Vallabha is mentioned as the -paramount sovereign which proves that by Samvat 443 Vikramáditya -had been succeeded by Vinayáditya. The reign of Vinayáditya has been -fixed as lasting from Saka 602 to Saka 618 that is from A.D. 680 to -A.D. 696-97. [160] Taking Saka 615 or A.D. 693 to correspond with -Samvat 443, the initial year of the era is A.D. 250. - -The grant of Pulakesivallabha Janásraya dated Samvat 490, mentions -Mangalarasaráya as the donor's elder brother and as the son of -Jayasimhavarmman. And a Balsár grant whose donor is mentioned as -Mangalarája son of Jayasimhavarmman, apparently the same as the -Mangalarasaráya of the plate just mentioned, is dated Saka 653. [161] -Placing the elder brother about ten years before the younger we get -Samvat 480 as the date of Mangalarája, which, corresponding with Saka -653 or A.D. 730-31, gives A.D. 730 minus 480 that is A.D. 250-51 as -the initial year of the era in which Pulakesi's grant is dated. In the -Navsári plates, which record a gift by the Gurjjara king Jayabhata in -Samvat 456, Dadda II. the donor of the Kaira grants which bear date -380 and 385, is mentioned in the genealogical part at the beginning as -'protecting the lord of Valabhi who had been defeated by the great -lord the illustrious Harshadeva.' Now the great Harshadeva or Harsha -Vardhana of Kanauj whose court was visited by the Chinese pilgrim -Hiuen Tsiang between A.D. 629 and 645, reigned according to Reinaud -from A.D. 607 to about A.D. 648. Taking A.D. 250 as the initial -year of the era of the Kaira plates, Dadda II.'s dates 380 and 385, -corresponding to A.D. 630 and 635, fall in the reign of Harshavardhana. - -These considerations seem to show that the initial date of the -Traikútaka era was at or about A.D. 250 which at once suggests its -identity with the Chedi or Kalachuri era. [162] The next question is, -Who were these Traikútakas. The meaning of the title seems to be kings -of Trikúta. Several references seem to point to the existence of a -city named Trikúta on the western seaboard. In describing Raghu's -triumphant progress the Rámáyana and the Raghuvamsa mention him as -having established the city of Trikúta in Aparánta on the western -seaboard. [163] Trikútakam or Trikútam, a Sanskrit name for sea -salt seems a reminiscence of the time when Trikúta was the emporium -from which Konkan salt was distributed over the Dakhan. The scanty -information regarding the territory ruled by the Traikútakas is in -agreement with the suggestion that Junnar in North Poona was the -probable site of their capital and that in the three ranges that -encircle Junnar we have the origin of the term Trikúta or Three-Peaked. - -[Their Race or Tribe.] Of the race or tribe of the Traikútakas nothing -is known. The conjecture may be offered that they are a branch of the -Ábhíra kings of the Puránas, one of whom is mentioned in Inscription -XV. of Násik Cave X. which from the style of the letters belongs to -about A.D. 150 to 200. The easy connection between Násik and Balsár -by way of Peth (Peint) and the nearness in time between the Násik -inscription and the initial date of the Traikútakas support this -conjecture. The further suggestion may be offered that the founder -of the line of Traikútakas was the Ísvaradatta, who, as noted -in the Kshatrapa chapter, held the overlordship of Káthiáváda as -Mahákshatrapa, perhaps during the two years A.D. 248 and 249, a result -in close agreement with the conclusions drawn from the examination of -the above quoted Traikútaka and Chalukya copperplates. As noted in -the Kshatrapa chapter after two years' supremacy Ísvaradatta seems -to have been defeated and regular Kshatrapa rule restored about -A.D. 252 (K. 174) by Dámájadasrí son of Vijayasena. The unbroken -use of the title Mahákshatrapa, the moderate and uniform lengths of -the reigns, and the apparently unquestioned successions suggest, -what the discovery of Kshatrapa coins at Karád near Sátára in the -Dakhan and at Amrávati in the Berárs seems to imply, that during -the second half of the third century Kshatrapa rule was widespread -and firmly established. [164] The conjecture may be offered that -Rudrasena (A.D. 256-272) whose coins have been found in Amrávati in -the Berárs spread his power at the expense of the Traikútakas driving -them towards the Central Provinces where they established themselves -at Tripura and Kálanjara. [165] Further that under Bráhman influence, -just as the Gurjjaras called themselves descendants of Karna the hero -of the Mahábhárata, and the Pallavas claimed to be of the Bháradvája -stock, the Traikútakas forgot their Ábhíra origin and claimed descent -from the Haihayas. Again as the Valabhis (A.D. 480-767) adopted the -Gupta era but gave it their own name so the rulers of Tripura seem -to have continued the original Traikútaka era of A.D. 248-9 under -the name of the Chedi era. The decline of the Kshatrapas dates from -about A.D. 300 the rule of Visvasena the twentieth Kshatrapa son of -Bharttridáman. The subsequent disruption of the Kshatrapa empire was -probably the work of their old neighbours and foes the Traikútakas, -who, under the name of Haihayas, about the middle of the fifth century -(A.D. 455-6) rose to supremacy and established a branch at their old -city of Trikúta ruling the greater part of the Bombay Dakhan and -South Gujarát and probably filling the blank between A.D. 410 the -fall of the Kshatrapas and A.D. 500 the rise of the Chálukyas. - -About 1887 Pandit Bhagvánlál secured nine of a hoard of 500 silver -coins found at Daman in South Gujarát. All are of one king a close -imitation of the coins of the latest Kshatrapas. On the obverse is -a bust of bad workmanship and on the reverse are the usual Kshatrapa -symbols encircled with the legend: - - - Mahárájendravarmaputra Parama Vaishnava Srí Mahárája Rudragana. - - The devoted Vaishnava the illustrious king Rudragana son of the great - king Indravarma. - - -At Karád, thirty-one miles south of Sátára, Mr. Justice Newton obtained -a coin of this Rudragana, with the coins of many Kshatrapas including -Visvasimha son of Bharttridáman who ruled up to A.D. 300. This would -favour the view that Rudragana was the successful rival who wrested -the Dakhan and North Konkan from Visvasimha. The fact that during the -twenty years after Visvasimha (A.D. 300-320) none of the Kshatrapas -has the title Mahákshatrapa seems to show they ruled in Káthiáváda as -tributaries of this Rudragana and his descendants of the Traikútaka -family. The Dahrasena of the Párdi plate whose inscription date is 207, -that is A.D. 457, may be a descendant of Rudragana. The Traikútaka -kingdom would thus seem to have flourished at least till the middle -of the fifth century. Somewhat later, or at any rate after the date -of the Kanheri plate (245 = A.D. 495), it was overthrown by either -the Mauryas or the Guptas. [166] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE GUPTAS - -(G. 90-149; A.D. 410-470.) - - -After the Kshatrapas (A.D. 120-410) the powerful dynasty of the Guptas -established themselves in Gujarát. So far as the dynasty is connected -with Gujarát the Gupta tree is: - - - Gupta. - G.1-12(?)--A.D.319-322(?) - Petty N. W. P. Chief. - | - Ghatotkacha. - G.12-29(?)--A.D.332-349(?) - Petty N. W. P. Chief. - | - Chandragupta I. - G.29-49(?)--A.D.349-369(?) - Powerful N. W. P. Chief. - | - Samudragupta. - G.50-75(?)--A.D.370-395. - Great N. W. P. Sovereign. - | - Chandragupta II. - G.70-96--A.D.396-415. - Great Monarch conquers Málwa. - G.80 A.D.400 and Gujarát G.90 A.D.410. - | - Kumáragupta. - G.97-133--A.D.416-453. - Rules Gujarát and Káthiáváda. - | - Skandagupta. - G.133-149--A.D.454-470. - Rules Gujarát Káthiáváda and Kachch. - - -According to the Puránas [167] the original seat of the Guptas -was between the Ganges and the Jamna. Their first capital is -not determined. English writers usually style them the Guptas of -Kanauj. And though this title is simply due to the chance that Gupta -coins were first found at Kanauj, further discoveries show that the -chief remains of Gupta records and coins are in the territory to the -east and south-east of Kanauj. Of the race of the Guptas nothing is -known. According to the ordinances of the Smritis or Sacred Books, -[168] the terminal gupta belongs only to Vaisyas a class including -shepherds cultivators and traders. Of the first three kings, Gupta -Ghatotkacha and Chandragupta I., beyond the fact that Chandragupta -I. bore the title of Mahárájádhirája, neither descriptive titles -nor details are recorded. As the fourth king Samudragupta performed -the long-neglected horse-sacrifice he must have been Bráhmanical in -religion. And as inscriptions style Samudragupta's three successors, -Chandragupta II. Kumáragupta and Skandagupta, Parama Bhágavata, -they must have been Smárta Vaishnavas, that is devotees of Vishnu -and observers of Vedic ceremonies. - -[The Founder Gupta, A.D. 319-322(?).] The founder of the dynasty is -styled Gupta. In inscriptions this name always appears as Srí-gupta -which is taken to mean protected by Srí or Lakshmí. Against this -explanation it is to be noted that in their inscriptions all Gupta's -successors, have a Srí before their names. The question therefore -arises; If Srí forms part of the name why should the name Srígupta -have had no second Srí prefixed in the usual way. Further in the -inscriptions the lineage appears as Guptavamsa that is the lineage -of the Guptas never Sríguptavamsa [169]; and whenever dates in the -era of this dynasty are given they are conjoined with the name Gupta -never with Srígupta. [170] It may therefore be taken that Gupta not -Srígupta is the correct form of the founder's name. [171] - -[Ghatotkacha, A.D. 322-349(?).] Gupta the founder seems never to have -risen to be more than a petty chief. No known inscription gives him -the title Mahárájádhirája Supreme Ruler of Great Kings, which all -Gupta rulers after the founder's grandson Chandragupta assume. Again -that no coins of the founder and many coins of his successors have -been discovered makes it probable that Gupta was not a ruler of -enough importance to have a currency of his own. According to the -inscriptions Gupta was succeeded by his son Ghatotkacha a petty chief -like his father with the title of Mahárája and without coins. - -[Chandragupta I. A.D. 349-369(?).] Chandragupta I. (A.D. 349-369 -[?]), the son and successor of Ghatotkacha, is styled Mahárájádhirája -either because he himself became powerful, or, more probably, because -he was the father of his very powerful successor Samudragupta. Though -he may not have gained the dignity of "supreme ruler of great kings" -by his own successes Chandragupta I. rose to a higher position than -his predecessors. He was connected by marriage with the Lichchhavi -dynasty of Tirhút an alliance which must have been considered of -importance since his son Samudragupta puts the name of his mother -Kumáradeví on his coins, and always styles himself daughter's son of -Lichchhavi. [172] - -[Samudragupta, A.D. 370-395.] Samudragupta was the first of his -family to strike coins. His numerous gold coins are, with a certain -additional Indian element, adopted from those of his Indo-Skythian -predecessors. The details of the royal figure on the obverse are -Indian in the neck ornaments, large earrings, and headdress; they -are Indo-Skythian in the tailed coat, long boots, and straddle. The -goddess on the reverse of some coins with a fillet and cornucopia is -an adaptation of an Indo-Skythian figure, while the lotus-holding -Ganges on an alligator and the standing Glory holding a flyflapper -on the reverse of other coins are purely Indian. [173] - -[His Coins.] A noteworthy feature of Samudragupta's coins is that -one or other of almost all his epithets appears on each of his coins -with a figure of the king illustrating the epithet. Coins with the -epithet Sarvarájochchhettá Destroyer-of-all-kings have on the obverse -a standing king stretching out a banner topped by the wheel or disc -of universal supremacy. [174] - -Coins [175] with the epithet Apratiratha Peerless have on the obverse a -standing king whose left hand rests on a bow and whose right hand holds -a loose-lying unaimed arrow and in front an Eagle or Garuda standard -symbolizing the unrivalled supremacy of the king, his arrow no longer -wanted, his standard waving unchallenged. On the obverse is the legend: - - - Apratiratharájanyakírti(r)mama vijáyate. [176] - - Triumphant is the glory of me the unrivalled sovereign. - - -Coins with the attribute Kritánta parasu the Death-like-battle-axe have -on the obverse a royal figure grasping a battle-axe. [177] In front -of the royal figure a boy, perhaps Samudragupta's son Chandragupta, -holds a standard. Coins with the attribute Asvamedhaparákramah -Able-to-hold-a-horse-sacrifice have on the obverse a horse standing -near a sacrificial post yúpa and on the reverse a female figure with -a flyflap. [178] The legend on the obverse is imperfect and hard to -read. The late Mr. Thomas restores it: - - - Navajamadhah rájádhirája prithivím jiyatya. - - Horse sacrifice, after conquering the earth, - the great king (performs). - - -Coins with the legend Lichchhaveyah, a coin abbreviation for -Lichchhavidauhitra Daughter's son of Lichchhavi (?), have on the -obverse a standing king grasping a javelin. [179] Under the javelin -hand are the letters Chandraguptah. Facing the king a female figure -with trace of the letters Kumáradeví seems to speak to him. These -figures of his mother and father are given to explain the attribute -Lichchhaveya or scion of Lichchhavi. This coin has been supposed to -belong to Chandragupta I. but the attribute Lichchhaveyah can apply -only to Samudragupta. - -[His Allahábád Inscription.] A fuller source of information regarding -Samudragupta remains in his inscription on the Allahábád Pillar. [180] -Nearly eight verses of the first part are lost. The first three verses -probably described his learning as what remains of the third verse -mentions his poetic accomplishments, and line 27 says he was skilled in -poetry and music, a trait further illustrated by what are known as his -Lyrist coins where he is shown playing a lute. [181] The fourth verse -says that during his lifetime his father chose Samudragupta to rule -the earth from among others of equal birth. His father is mentioned as -pleased with him and this is followed by the description of a victory -during which several opponents are said to have submitted. The seventh -verse records the sudden destruction of the army of Achyuta Nágasena -and the punishment inflicted on a descendant of the Kota family. - -Lines 19 and 20 record the conquest, or submission, of the -following South Indian monarchs, Mahendra of Kosala, Vyághrarája -of Mahá Kántára, [182] Mundarája of Kauráttá, [183] Svámidatta of -Paishtapura Mahendra-Giri and Auttura [184], Damana of Airandapallaka, -Vishnu of Káñchí, Nílarája Sápávamukta, [185] Hastivarman of Vengí, -Ugrasena of Pálaka, [186] Kubera of Daivaráshtra, and Dhanamjaya of -Kausthalapura. Line 21 gives a further list of nine kings of Áryávarta -exterminated by Samudragupta: - - - Rudradeva. Nágasena. - Matila. Achyuta. - Nágadatta. Nandin. - Chandravarman. Balavarmman. - Ganapatinága. - - -As no reference is made to the territories of these kings they may be -supposed to be well known neighbouring rulers. General Cunningham's -coins and others obtained at Mathurá, show that the fifth ruler -Ganapatinága was one of the Nága kings of Gwálior and Narwár. [187] -The inscription next mentions that Samudragupta took into his employ -the chiefs of the forest countries. Then in lines 22 and 23 follows -a list of countries whose kings gave him tribute, who obeyed his -orders, and who came to pay homage. The list includes the names of -many frontier countries and the territories of powerful contemporary -kings. The frontier kingdoms are: [188] - - - Samatata. Nepála. - Daváka. Karttrika. - Kámarúpa. - - -The Indian kingdoms are: [189] - - - Málava. Prárjuna. - Arjunáyana. Sanakáníka. - Yaudheya. Káka. - Mádraka. Kharaparika. - Ábhíra. - - -Mention is next made of kings who submitted, gave their daughters in -marriage, paid tribute, and requested the issue of the Garuda or Eagle -charter to secure them in the enjoyment of their territory. [190] -The tribal names of these kings are: [191] - - - Devaputra. Murunda. - Sháhi. Saimhalaka. - Sháhánusháhi. Island Kings. - Saka. - - -The inscribed pillar is said to have been set up by the great Captain -or Dandanáyaka named Tilabhattanáyaka. - -This important inscription shows that Samudragupta's dominions -included Mathurá, Oudh, Gorakhpur, Allahábád, Benares, Behár, Tirhút, -Bengal, and part of East Rájputána. The list of Dakhan and South -Indian kingdoms does not necessarily imply that they formed part of -Samudragupta's territory. Samudragupta may have made a victorious -campaign to the far south and had the countries recorded in the order -of his line of march. The order suggests that he went from Behár, -by way of Gayá, to Kosala the country about the modern Ráipur in -the Central Provinces, and from Kosala, by Ganjam and other places -in the Northern Circars, as far as Káñchí or Conjeveram forty-six -miles south-west of Madras. Málwa is shown in the second list as a -powerful allied kingdom. It does not appear to have formed part of -Samudragupta's territory nor, unless the Sakas are the Kshatrapas, -does any mention of Gujarát occur even as an allied state. - -[Chandragupta II. A.D. 396-415.] Samudragupta was succeeded by his -son Chandragupta II. whose mother was the queen Dattádeví. He was the -greatest and most powerful king of the Gupta dynasty and added largely -to the territory left by Samudragupta. His second name Vikramáditya or -the Sun of Prowess appears on his coins. Like his father Chandragupta -II. struck gold coins of various types. He was the first Gupta ruler -who spread his power over Málwa and Gujarát which he apparently took -from the Kshatrapas as he was the first Gupta to strike silver coins -and as his silver coins of both varieties the eastern and the western -are modifications of the Kshatrapa type. The expedition which conquered -Málwa seems to have passed from Allahábád by Bundelkhand to Bhilsá -and thence to Málwa. An undated inscription in the Udayagiri caves at -Vidisá (the modern Besnagar) near Bhilsa records the making of a cave -of Mahádeva by one Sába of the Kautsa gotra and the family name of -Vírasena, a poet and native of Pátaliputra who held the hereditary -office of minister of peace and war sandhivigrahika, and who is -recorded to have arrived with the king who was intent upon conquering -the whole earth. [192] A neighbouring cave bears an inscription -of a feudatory of Chandragupta who was chief of Sanakáníka. [193] -The chief's name is lost, but the names of his father Vishnudása -and of his grandfather Chhagalaga remain. The date is the eleventh -of the bright half of Áshádha Samvatsara 82 (A.D. 401). From this -Chandragupta's conquest of Vidisá may be dated about Samvatsara 80 -(A.D. 399) or a little earlier. - -A third inscription is on the railing of the great Sáñchi stúpa. [194] -It is dated the 4th day of Bhádrapada Samvat 93 (A.D. 412) and -records the gift of 25 dínáras and something called Ísvaravásaka -(perhaps a village or a field) to the monks of the great monastery -of Kákanádabotasrí for the daily maintenance of five bhikshus and the -burning of a lamp in the ratnagriha or shrine of the Buddhist triratna, -for the merit of the supreme king of great kings Chandragupta who -bears the popular name of Devarája or god-like. [195] The donor a -feudatory of Chandragupta named Ámrakárdava is described as having the -object of his life gratified by the favour of the feet of the supreme -ruler of great kings the illustrious Chandragupta, and as showing to -the world the hearty loyalty of a good feudatory. Ámrakárdava seems -to have been a chief of consequence as he is described as winning -the flag of glory in numerous battles. The name of his kingdom is -also recorded. Though it cannot now be made out the mention of his -kingdom makes it probable that he was a stranger come to pay homage to -Chandragupta. The reference to Chandragupta seems to imply he was the -ruler of the land while the two other inscriptions show that his rule -lasted from about 80 (A.D. 399) to at least 93 (A.D. 412). During -these years Chandragupta seems to have spread his sway to Ujjain -the capital of west Málwa, of which he is traditionally called the -ruler. From Ujjain by way of Bágh and Tánda in the province of Ráth -he seems to have entered South Gujarát and to have passed from the -Broach coast to Káthiáváda. He seems to have wrested Káthiáváda from -its Kshatrapa rulers as he is the first Gupta who struck silver coins -and as his silver coins are of the then current Kshatrapa type. On -the obverse is the royal bust with features copied from the Kshatrapa -face and on the reverse is the figure of a peacock, probably chosen -as the bearer of Kártikasvámi the god of war. Round the peacock is a -Sanskrit legend. This legend is of two varieties. In Central Indian -coins it runs: - - - Srí Guptakulasya Mahárájadhirája Srí Chandraguptavikramánkasya. - - (Coin) of the king of kings the illustrious Chandragupta Vikramánka, - of the family of the illustrious Gupta. [196] - - -In the very rare Káthiáváda coins, though they are similar to the -above in style, the legend runs: - - - Paramabhágavata Mahárájádhirája Srí Chandragupta Vikramáditya. - - The great devotee of Vishnu the supreme ruler of great kings, the - illustrious Chandragupta Vikramáditya. [197] - - -Several gold coins of Chandragupta show a young male figure behind -the king with his right hand laid on the king's shoulder. This -youthful figure is apparently Chandragupta's son Kumáragupta -who may have acted as Yuvarája during the conquest of Málwa. The -rareness of Chandragupta's and the commonness of Kumáragupta's -coins in Káthiáváda, together with the date 90 (A.D. 409) on some -of Kumáragupta's coins make it probable that on their conquest his -father appointed Kumáragupta viceroy of Gujarát and Káthiáváda. - -As the first Gupta was a chief of no great power or influence it is -probable that though it is calculated from him the Gupta era was -established not by him but by his grandson the great Chandragupta -II. [198] This view is confirmed by the absence of dates on all -existing coins of Chandragupta's father Samudragupta. It further -seems probable that like the Málavas in B.C. 57 and the Kshatrapas -in A.D. 78 the occasion on which Chandragupta established the Gupta -era was his conquest of Málwa. The Gupta era did not remain long in -use. After the fall of Gupta power (A.D. 470) the old Málava era of -B.C. 57 was revived. The conjecture may be offered that, in spite of -the passing away of Gupta power, under his title of Vikramáditya, -the fame of the great Gupta conqueror Chandragupta II. lived on in -Málwa and that, drawing to itself tales of earlier local champions, -the name Vikramáditya came to be considered the name of the founder -of the Málava era. [199] - -Working back from Gupta Samvat 80 (A.D. 400) the date of Chandragupta's -conquest of Málwa we may allot 1 to 12 (A.D. 319-332) to the founder -Gupta: 12 to 29 (A.D. 332-349) to Gupta's son Ghatotkacha: 29 to 49 -(A.D. 349-369) to Ghatotkacha's son Chandragupta I.: and 50 to 75 -(A.D. 370-395) to Chandragupta's powerful son Samudragupta who -probably had a long reign. As the latest known date of Chandragupta -II. is 93 (A.D. 413) and as a Bilsad inscription [200] of his successor -Kumáragupta is dated 96 (A.D. 416) the reign of Chandragupta II. may be -calculated to have lasted during the twenty years ending 95 (A.D. 415). - -[Kumáragupta, A.D. 416-453.] Chandragupta II. was succeeded by -his son Kumáragupta whose mother was the queen Dhruva-Deví. On -Kumáragupta's coins three titles occur: Mahendra, Mahendra-Vikrama, -and Mahendráditya. As already noticed the circulation of Kumáragupta's -coins in Káthiáváda during his father's reign makes it probable that -on their conquest his father appointed him viceroy of Káthiáváda and -Gujarát. Kumáragupta appears to have succeeded his father about 96 -(A.D. 416). An inscription at Mankuwár near Prayága shows he was ruling -as late as 129 (A.D. 449) and a coin of his dated 130 (A.D. 450) adds -at least one year to his reign. On the other hand the inscription on -the Girnár rock shows that in 137 (A.D. 457) his son Skandagupta was -king. It follows that Kumáragupta's reign ended between 130 and 137 -(A.D. 450-457) or about 133 (A.D. 453). - -None of Kumáragupta's four inscriptions gives any historical or other -details regarding him. [201] But the number and the wide distribution -of his coins make it probable that during his long reign he maintained -his father's dominions intact. - -Large numbers of Kumáragupta's coins of gold silver and copper have -been found. The gold which are of various types are inferior in -workmanship to his father's coins. The silver and copper coins are of -two varieties, eastern and western. Both varieties have on the obverse -the royal bust in the Kshatrapa style of dress. In the western pieces -the bust is a copy of the moustached Kshatrapa face with a corrupted -version of the corrupt Greek legend used by the Kshatrapas. The -only difference between the obverses of the Western Gupta and the -Kshatrapa coins is that the date is in the Gupta instead of in the -Kshatrapa era. On the reverse is an ill formed peacock facing front -as in Chandragupta II.'s coins. The legend runs: - - - Paramabhágavata Maharájádhirája Srí Kumáragupta Mahendráditya. - - The great Vaishnava the supreme ruler of great kings, the illustrious - Kumáragupta Mahendráditya. [202] - - -In Kumáragupta's eastern silver and copper coins the bust on the -obverse has no moustache nor is there any trace of the corrupt Greek -legend. The date is in front of the face in perpendicular numerals one -below the other instead of behind the head as in the Kshatrapa and -Western Kumáragupta coins. On the reverse is a well-carved peacock -facing front with tail feathers at full stretch. Round the peacock -runs the clear cut legend: - - - Vijitávaniravanipati Kumáragupto devam jayati. - - -This legend is hard to translate. It seems to mean: - - - Kumáragupta, lord of the earth, who had conquered the kings of - the earth, conquers the Deva. - - -Probably the Deva whose name suggested the antithesis between the -kings of the earth and the gods was one of the Devaputra family of -Indo-Skythian rulers. [203] - -[Skandagupta, A.D. 454-470.] Kumáragupta was succeeded by his -son Skandagupta. An inscription of his on a pillar at Bhitarí near -Saidpur in Gházipur bearing no date shows that on his father's death -Skandagupta had a hard struggle to establish his power. [204] The text -runs: "By whom when he rose to fix fast again the shaken fortune of -his house, three months [205] were spent on the earth as on a bed," -an apparent reference to flight and wanderings. A doubtful passage in -the same inscription seems to show that he was opposed by a powerful -king named Pushyamitra on whose back he is said to have set his left -foot. [206] The inscription makes a further reference to the troubles -of the family stating that on re-establishing the shaken fortune of his -house Skandagupta felt satisfied and went to see his weeping afflicted -mother. Among the enemies with whom Skandagupta had to contend the -inscription mentions a close conflict with the Húnas that is the -Ephthalites, Thetals, or White Huns. [207] Verse 3 of Skandagupta's -Girnár inscription confirms the reference to struggles stating that on -the death of his father by his own might he humbled his enemies to the -earth and established himself. As the Girnár inscription is dated 136 -(A.D. 456) and as Kumáragupta's reign ended about 134, these troubles -and difficulties did not last for more than two years. The Girnár -inscription further states that on establishing his power he conquered -the earth, destroyed the arrogance of his enemies, and appointed -governors in all provinces. For Suráshtra he selected a governor -named Parnadatta and to Parnadatta's son Chakrapálita he gave a share -of the management placing him in charge of Junágadh city. During -the governorship of Parnadatta the Sudarsana lake close to Junágadh, -which had been strongly rebuilt in the time of the Kshatrapa Rudradáman -(A.D. 150), again gave way during the dark sixth of Bhádrapada of the -year 136 (A.D. 456). The streams Palásiní Sikatá, and Vilásiní [208] -burst through the dam and flowed unchecked. Repairs were begun on the -first of bright Gríshma 137 (A.D. 457) and finished in two months. The -new dam is said to have been 100 cubits long by 68 cubits broad and 7 -men or about 38 feet high. The probable site of the lake is in the west -valley of the Girnár hill near what is called Bhavanátha's pass. [209] -The inscription also records the making of a temple of Vishnu in -the neighbourhood by Chakrapálita, which was probably on the site -of the modern Dámodar's Mandir in the Bhavanátha pass, whose image -is of granite and is probably as old as the Guptas. A new temple was -built in the fifteenth century during the rule of Mandalika the last -Chúdásamá ruler of Junágadh. At the time of the Musalmán conquest -(A.D. 1484) as violence was feared the images were removed and -buried. Mandalika's temple was repaired by Amarji Diván of Junágadh -(1759-1784). It was proposed to make and consecrate new images. But -certain old images of Vishnu were found in digging foundations for -the enclosure wall and were consecrated. Two of these images were -taken by Girnára Bráhmans and consecrated in the names of Baladevji -and Revatí in a neighbouring temple specially built for them. Of the -original temple the only trace is a pilaster built into the wall to -the right as one enters. The style and carving are of the Gupta period. - -As almost all the Gupta coins found in Cutch are Skandagupta's and -very few are Kumáragupta's, Skandagupta seems to have added Cutch to -the provinces of Gujarát and Káthiáváda inherited from his father. In -Káthiáváda Skandagupta's coins are rare, apparently because of the -abundant currency left by his father which was so popular in Káthiáváda -that fresh Kumáragupta coins of a degraded type were issued as late -as Valabhi times. - -Like his father, Skandagupta issued a gold coinage in his eastern -dominions but no trace of a gold currency appears in the west. Like -Kumáragupta's his silver coins were of two varieties, eastern -and western. The eastern coins have on the obverse a bust as in -Kumáragupta's coins and the date near the face. On the reverse is a -peacock similar to Kumáragupta's and round the peacock the legend: - - - Vijitávaniravanipati jayati devam Skandagupto'yam. - - This king Skandagupta who having conquered the earth conquers the - Deva. [210] - - -Skandagupta's western coins are of three varieties, one the same as -the western coins of Kumáragupta, a second with a bull instead of -a peacock on the reverse, and a third with on the reverse an altar -with one upright and two side jets of water. Coins of the first two -varieties are found both in Gujarát and in Káthiáváda. The third -water-jet variety is peculiar to Cutch and is an entirely new feature -in the western Gupta coinage. On the reverse of all is the legend: - - - Paramabhágavata Mahárájadhirája Skandagupta Kramáditya. - - The great Vaishnava the supreme ruler of great kings, Skandagupta - the Sun of Prowess. [211] - - -The beginning of Skandagupta's reign has been placed about Gupta 133 -or A.D. 453: his latest known date on a coin in General Cunningham's -collection is Gupta 149 or A.D. 469. [212] - -[Budhagupta, A.D. 485.] With Skandagupta the regular Gupta succession -ceases. [213] The next Gupta is Budhagupta who has a pillar inscription -[214] in a temple at Eran in the Saugor district dated 165 (A.D. 485) -and silver coins dated Samvat 174 and 180 odd (A.D. 494-500 odd). Of -Budhagupta's relation or connection with Skandagupta nothing is -known. That he belonged to the Gupta dynasty appears from his name as -well as from his silver coins which are dated in the Gupta era and -are the same in style as the eastern coins of Skandagupta. On the -obverse is the usual bust as in Skandagupta's coins with the date -(174, 180 odd) near the face. On the reverse is the usual peacock -and the legend is the same as Skandagupta's: - - - Devam jayati vijitávaniravanipati Srí Budhagupto. - - The king the illustrious Budhagupta who has conquered the earth - conquers the Deva. [215] - - -Since the coins are dated Samvat 174 and 180 odd (A.D. 494 and 500 odd) -and the inscription's date is 165 (A.D. 485) the inscription may be -taken to belong to the early part of Budhagupta's reign the beginning -of which may be allotted to about 160-162 (A.D. 480-482). As this is -more than ten years later than the latest known date of Skandagupta -(G. 149 A.D. 469) either a Gupta of whom no trace remains must have -intervened or the twelve blank years must have been a time of political -change and disturbance. The absence of any trace of a gold currency -suggests that Budhagupta had less power than his predecessors. The -correctness of this argument is placed beyond doubt by the pillar -inscription opposite the shrine in the Eran temple where instead -of his predecessor's title of monarch of the whole earth Budhagupta -is styled protector of the land between the Jamna (Kálindí) and the -Narbadá implying the loss of the whole territory to the east of the -Jamna. [216] In the west the failure of Gupta power seems still more -complete. Neither in Gujarát nor in Káthiáváda has an inscription -or even a coin been found with a reference to Budhagupta or to any -other Gupta ruler later than Skandagupta (G. 149 A.D. 469). The -pillar inscription noted above which is of the year 165 (A.D. 485) -and under the rule of Budhagupta states that the pillar was a gift to -the temple by Dhanya Vishnu and his brother Mátri Vishnu who at the -time of the gift seem to have been local Bráhman governors. A second -inscription on the lower part of the neck of a huge Boar or Varáha -image in a corner shrine of the same temple records that the image -was completed on the tenth day of Phálguna in the first year of the -reign of Toramána the supreme ruler of great kings and was the gift -of the same Dhanya Vishnu whose brother Mátri Vishnu is described as -gone to heaven. [217] Since Mátri was alive in the Budhagupta and was -dead in the Toramána inscription it follows that Toramána was later -than Budhagupta. His name and his new era show that Toramána was -not a Gupta. A further proof that Toramána wrested the kingdom from -Budhagupta is that except the change of era and that the bust turns to -the left instead of to the right, Toramána's silver coins are directly -adapted from Gupta coins of the eastern type. Certain coin dates seem -at variance with the view that Toramána flourished after Budhagupta. On -several coins the date 52 is clear. As Toramána's coins are copies of -the coins of Kumáragupta and Skandagupta and as most of these coins -have a numeral for one hundred the suggestion may be offered that a -one dropped out in striking Toramána's die and that this date should -read 152 not 52. Accepting this view Toramána's date would be 152 -(A.D. 472) that is immediately after the death of Skandagupta. - -The Gwálior inscription [218] mentions prince Mihirakula as the son of -Toramána and a second inscription from a well in Mandasor [219] dated -Málava Samvat 589 (A.D. 533) mentions a king named Yasodharman who was -ruler of Málwa when the well was built and who in a second Mandasor -inscription [220] is mentioned as having conquered Mihirakula. This -would separate Mihirakula from his father Toramána (A.D. 471) by more -than sixty years. In explanation of this gap it may be suggested that -the [1]52 (A.D. 472) coins were struck early in Toramána's reign in -honour of his conquest of the eastern Gupta territory. A reign of -twenty years would bring Toramána to 177 (A.D. 497). The Gwálior -inscription of Mihirakula is in the fifteenth year of his reign -that is on the basis of a succession date of 177 (A.D. 497) in Gupta -192 (A.D. 512). An interval of five years would bring Yasodharman's -conquest of Mihirakula to 197 (A.D. 517). This would place the making -of the well in the twenty-first year of Mihirakula's reign. - -[Bhánugupta, A.D. 511.] After Budhagupta neither inscription nor -coin shows any trace of Gupta supremacy in Málwa. An Eran inscription -[221] found in 1869 on a linga-shaped stone, with the representation -of a woman performing satí, records the death in battle of a king -Goparájá who is mentioned as the daughter's son of Sarabharája and -appears to have been the son of king Mádhava. Much of the inscription -is lost. What remains records the passing to heaven of the deceased -king in the very destructive fight with the great warrior (pravíra) -Bhánugupta brave as Pártha. The inscription is dated the seventh of -dark Bhádrapada Gupta 191 in words as well as in numerals that is -in A.D. 511. This Bhánugupta would be the successor of Budhagupta -ruling over a petty Málwa principality which lasted till nearly the -time of the great Harshavardhana the beginning of the seventh century -(A.D. 607-650), as a Devagupta of Málwa is one of Rájyavardhana's -rivals in the Sríharshacharita. While Gupta power failed in Málwa and -disappeared from Western India a fresh branch of the Guptas rose in -Magadha or Behár and under Naragupta Báláditya, perhaps the founder -of the eastern branch of the later Gupta dynasty, attained the dignity -of a gold coinage. [222] - -[The Pushyamitras, A.D. 455.] [Though the history of their last years -is known only in fragments, chiefly from inscriptions and coins, -little doubt remains regarding the power which first seriously -weakened the early Guptas. The Bhitari stone pillar of Skandagupta -[223] speaks of his restoring the fortunes of his family and conquering -the Pushyamitras and also of his joining in close conflict with the -Húnas. [224] Unfortunately the Bhitari inscription is not dated. The -Junágadh inscription, which bears three dates covering the period -between A.D. 455 and 458, [225] mentions pride-broken enemies in the -country of the Mlechchhas admitting Skandagupta's victory. That the -Mlechchhas of this passage refers to the Huns is made probable by the -fact that it does not appear that the Pushyamitras were Mlechchhas -while they and the Huns are the only enemies whom Skandagupta -boasts either of defeating or of meeting in close conflict. It may -therefore be assumed that the Huns became known to Skandagupta before -A.D. 455. As according to the Chinese historians [226] the White Huns -did not cross the Oxus into Baktria before A.D. 452, the founding -of the Hun capital of Badeghis [227] may be fixed between A.D. 452 -and 455. As the above quoted inscriptions indicate that the Huns -were repulsed in their first attempt to take part in Indian politics -the disturbances during the last years of Kumáragupta's reign were -probably due to some tribe other than the Huns. This tribe seems to -have been the Pushyamitras whose head-quarters would seem to have been -in Northern India. Some other enemy must have arisen in Málwa since the -terms of Parnadatta's appointment to Suráshtra in A.D. 455-6 suggest -that country had been lost to the Gupta empire and re-conquered by -Skandagupta which would naturally be the case if a rival state had -arisen in Málwa and been overthrown by that king. So far as is known -the Huns made no successful attack on the Gupta empire during the -lifetime of Skandagupta whose latest date is A.D. 468-9. It is not -certain who succeeded Skandagupta. His brother Pura(or Sthira-)gupta -ruled in or near Magadha. But it is not certain whether he was the -successor or the rival of Skandagupta. [228] That Skandagupta's -inscriptions are found in the Patna district in the east [229] and -in Káthiáváda in the west [230] suggests that during his life the -empire was not divided nor does any one of his inscriptions hint at a -partition. The probability is that Skandagupta was succeeded by his -brother Puragupta, who again was followed by his son Narasimhagupta -and his grandson Kumáragupta II. [231] - -[White Huns, A.D. 450-520.] Among the northerners who with or shortly -after the Pushyamitras shared in the overthrow of Gupta power two -names, a father and a son, Toramána and Mihirakula are prominent. It -is not certain that these kings were Húnas by race. Their tribe were -almost certainly his rivals' allies whom Skandagupta's Bhitari and -Junágadh inscriptions style the one Húnas the other Mlechchhas. [232] -On one of Toramána's coins Mr. Fleet reads [233] the date 52 which he -interprets as a regnal date. This though not impossible is somewhat -unlikely. The date of Mihirakula's succession to his father is fixed -somewhere about A.D. 515. [234] In the neighbourhood of Gwálior -he reigned at least fifteen years. [235] The story of Mihirakula's -interview with Báláditya's mother and his long subsequent history [236] -indicate that when he came to the throne he was a young man probably -not more than 25. If his father reigned fifty-two years he must have -been at least 70 when he died and not less than 45 when Mihirakula was -born. As Mihirakula is known to have had at least one younger brother, -[237] it seems probable that Toramána came to the throne a good deal -later than A.D. 460 the date suggested by Mr. Fleet. [238] The date -52 on Toramána's coins must therefore refer to some event other than -his own accession. The suggestion may be offered that that event was -the establishment of the White Huns in Baktria and the founding of -their capital Badeghis, [239] which, as fixed above between A.D. 452 -and 455, gives the very suitable date of A.D. 504 to 507 for the -52 of Toramána's coin. If this suggestion is correct a further -identification follows. The Chinese ambassador Sungyun (A.D. 520) -[240] describes an interview with the king of Gandhára whose family -Sungyun notices was established in power by the Ye-tha, that is the -Ephthalites or White Huns, two generations before his time. [241] -Mihirakula is known to have ruled in Gandhára [242] and Sungyun's -description of the king's pride and activity agrees well with other -records of Mihirakula's character. It seems therefore reasonable to -suppose that the warlike sovereign who treated Sungyun and the name of -his Imperial mistress with such scant courtesy was no other than the -meteor Mihirakula. If Sungyun is correct in stating that Mihirakula -was the third of his line the dynasty must have been established about -A.D. 460. Beal is in doubt whether the name Lae-lih given by Sungyun -[243] is the family name or the name of the founder. As a recently -deciphered inscription shows Toramána's family name to have been -Jaúvla [244] it seems to follow that Lae-lih, or whatever is the -correct transliteration of the Chinese characters, is the name of -the father of Toramána. Sungyun's reference to the establishment of -this dynasty suggests they were not White Huns but leaders of some -subject tribe. [245] That this tribe was settled in Baktria perhaps -as far south as Kábul before the arrival of the White Huns seems -probable. The Hindu or Persian influence notable in the tribal name -Maitraka and in the personal name Mihirakula seems unsuited to Húnas -newly come from the northern frontiers of China and proud of their -recent successes. [246] Chinese records show [247] that the tribe who -preceded the White Huns in Baktria and north-east Persia, and who about -A.D. 350-400 destroyed the power of Kitolo the last of the Kusháns, -were the Yuan-Yuan or Jouen-Jouen whom Sir H. Howorth identifies with -the Avars. [248] To this tribe it seems on the whole probable that -Lae-lih the father of Toramána belonged. [249] At the same time, though -perhaps not themselves White Huns, the details regarding Toramána -and Mihirakula so nearly cover the fifty years (A.D. 470-530) of Húna -ascendancy in North India that, as was in keeping with their position -in charge of his Indian outpost, the White Hun emperor Khushnáwaz, -while himself engaged in Central Asia and in Persia (A.D. 460-500), -[250] seems to have entrusted the conquest of India to Toramána and -his son Mihirakula. Of the progress of the mixed Yuan-Yuan and White -Hun invaders in India few details are available. Their ascendancy in -the north seems to have been too complete to allow of opposition, -and Húnas were probably closely associated with the Maitraka or -Mehara conquest of Káthiáváda (A.D. 480-520). The southern fringe of -the White Hun dominions, the present Saugor district of the Central -Provinces, seems to have been the chief theatre of war, a debateable -ground between the Guptas, Toramána, and the Málwa chiefs. To the east -of Saugor the Guptas succeeded in maintaining their power until at -least A.D. 528-9. [251] To the west of Saugor the Guptas held Eran -in A.D. 484-5. [252] About twenty years later (A.D. 505) [253] Eran -was in the hands of Toramána, and in A.D. 510-11 Bhánugupta [254] -fought and apparently won a battle at Eran. - -[Mihirakula, A.D. 512.] Mihirakula's accession to the throne may -perhaps be fixed at A.D. 512. An inscription of Yasodharman, the date -of which cannot be many years on either side of A.D. 532-3, claims to -have enforced the submission of the famous Mihirakula whose power had -established itself on the tiaras of kings and who had hitherto bowed -his neck to no one but Siva. [255] In spite of this defeat Mihirakula -held Gwálior and the inaccessible fortress of the Himálayas. [256] -These dates give about A.D. 520 as the time of Mihirakula's greatest -power, a result which suggests that the Gollas, whom, about A.D. 520, -the Greek merchant Cosmas Indikopleustes heard of in the ports of -Western India as the supreme ruler of Northern India was Kulla or -Mihirakula. [257] - -[Yasodharman of Málwa, A.D. 533-4.] Regarding the history of the -third destroyers of Gupta power in Málwa, inscriptions show that in -A.D. 437-8, under Kumáragupta, Bandhuvarman son of Vishnuvarman ruled -as a local king. [258] Possibly Bandhuvarman afterwards threw off -his allegiance to the Guptas and thereby caused the temporary loss -of Suráshtra towards the end of Kumáragupta's reign. Nothing further -is recorded of the rulers of Málwa until the reign of Yasodharman -in A.D. 533-4. [259] It has been supposed that one of Yasodharman's -inscriptions mentioned a king Vishnuvardhana but there can be little -doubt that both names refer to the same person. [260] The name of -Yasodharman's tribe is unknown and his crest the aulikara has not -been satisfactorily explained. [261] Mandasor [262] in Western Málwa, -where all his inscriptions have been found, must have been a centre -of Yasodharman's power. Yasodharman boasts [263] of conquering from -the Brahmaputra to mount Mahendra and from the Himálayas to the -Western Ocean. In the sixth century only one dynasty could claim -such widespread power. That dynasty is the famous family of Ujjain -to which belonged the well known Vikramáditya of the Nine Gems. It -may be conjectured not only that Yasodharman belonged to this family -but that Yasodharman was the great Vikramáditya himself. [264] - -The difficult question remains by whom was the power of Mihirakula -overthrown. Yasodharman claims to have subdued Mihirakula, who, -he distinctly says, had never before been defeated. [265] On -the other hand, Hiuen Tsiang ascribes Mihirakula's overthrow to -a Báláditya of Magadha. [266] Coins prove that Báláditya [267] -was one of the titles of Narasimhagupta grandson of Kumáragupta -I. (A.D. 417-453) who probably ruled Magadha as his son's seal was -found in the Gházipur district. [268] If Hiuen Tsiang's story is -accepted a slight chronological difficulty arises in the way of this -identification. It is clear that Mihirakula's first defeat was at -the hands of Yasodharman about A.D. 530. His defeat and capture by -Báláditya must have been later. As Skandagupta's reign ended about -A.D. 470 a blank of sixty years has to be filled by the two reigns of -his brother and his nephew. [269] This, though not impossible, suggests -caution in identifying Báláditya. According to Hiuen Tsiang Báláditya -was a feudatory of Mihirakula who rebelled against him when he began to -persecute the Buddhists. Hiuen Tsiang notices that, at the intercession -of his own mother, Báláditya spared Mihirakula's life and allowed -him to retire to Kashmir. He further notices that Mihirakula and -his brother were rivals and his statement suggests that from Kashmir -Mihirakula defeated his brother and recovered Gandhára. The ascendancy -of the White Huns cannot have lasted long after Mihirakula. About -A.D. 560 the power of the White Huns was crushed between the combined -attacks of the Persians and Turks. [270]--(A.M.T.J.)] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE VALABHIS - -(A.D. 509-766.) - - -[Valeh Town, 1893.] The Valabhi dynasty, which succeeded the Guptas -in Gujarát and Káthiáváda, take their name from their capital in the -east of Káthiáváda about twenty miles west of Bhávnagar and about -twenty-five miles north of the holy Jain hill of Satruñjaya. The -modern name of Valabhi is Valeh. It is impossible to say whether -the modern Valeh is a corruption of Valahi the Prakrit form of -the Sanskrit Valabhi or whether Valabhi is Sanskritised from a -local original Valeh. The form Valahi occurs in the writings of -Jinaprabhasuri a learned Jain of the thirteenth century who describes -Satruñjaya as in the Valáhaka province. A town in the chiefship of -Valeh now occupies the site of old Valabhi, [271] whose ruins lie -buried below thick layers of black earth and silt under the modern -town and its neighbourhood. The only remains of old buildings are the -large foundation bricks of which, except a few new houses, the whole -of Valeh is built. The absence of stone supports the theory that the -buildings of old Valabhi were of brick and wood. In 1872 when the site -was examined the only stone remains were a few scattered Lingas and -a well-polished life-size granite Nandi or bull lying near a modern -Mahádeva temple. Diggers for old bricks have found copper pots and -copperplates and small Buddhist relic shrines with earthen pots and -clay seals of the seventh century. - -The ruins of Valabhi show few signs of representing a large or -important city. The want of sweet water apparently unfits the site for -the capital of so large a kingdom as Valabhi. Its choice as capital -was probably due to its being a harbour on the Bhávnagar creek. Since -the days of Valabhi's prime the silt which thickly covers the ruins -has also filled and choked the channel which once united it with the -Bhávnagar creek when the small Ghelo was probably a fair sized river. - -[Valabhi in A.D. 630] In spite of the disappearance of every sign -of greatness Hiuen Tsiang's (A.D. 640) details show how rich and -populous Valabhi was in the early part of the seventh century. The -country was about 1000 miles (6000 li) and the capital about five -miles (30 li) in circumference. The soil the climate and the manners -of the people were like those of Málava. The population was dense; -the religious establishments rich. Over a hundred merchants owned -a hundred lákhs. The rare and valuable products of distant regions -were stored in great quantities. In the country were several hundred -monasteries or sanghárámas with about 6000 monks. Most of them studied -the Little Vehicle according to the Sammatiya school. There were -several hundred temples of Devas and sectaries of many sorts. When -Tathágata or Gautama Buddha (B.C. 560-480) lived he often travelled -through this country. King Asoka (B.C. 240) had raised monuments or -stúpas in all places where Buddha had rested. Among these were spots -where the three past Buddhas sat or walked or preached. At the time -of Hiuen Tsiang's account (A.D. 640) the king was of the Kshatriya -caste, as all Indian rulers were. He was the nephew of Síláditya of -Málava and the son-in-law of the son of Síláditya the reigning king -of Kanyákubja. His name was Dhruvapatu (Tu-lu-h'o-po-tu). He was of -a lively and hasty disposition, shallow in wisdom and statecraft. He -had only recently attached himself sincerely to the faith in the three -precious ones. He yearly summoned a great assembly and during seven -days gave away valuable gems and choice meats. On the monks he bestowed -in charity the three garments and medicaments, or their equivalents -in value, and precious articles made of the seven rare and costly -gems. These he gave in charity and redeemed at twice their price. He -esteemed the virtuous, honoured the good, and revered the wise. Learned -priests from distant regions were specially honoured. Not far from -the city was a great monastery built by the Arhat Áchára ('O-che-lo), -where, during their travels, the Bodhisattvas Gunamati and Sthiramati -(Kien-hwni) settled and composed renowned treatises. [272] - -[Valabhi Copperplates.] The only historical materials regarding the -Valabhi dynasty are their copperplates of which a large number have -been found. That such powerful rulers as the Valabhis should leave no -records on stones and no remains of religious or other buildings is -probably because, with one possible exception at Gopnáth, [273] up to -the ninth century all temples and religious buildings in Káthiáváda -and Gujarát were of brick and wood. [274] - -The Valabhi copperplates chiefly record grants to Bráhmanical temples -and Buddhist monasteries and sometimes to individuals. All are in one -style two plates inscribed breadthwise on the inner side, the earliest -plates being the smallest. The plates are held together by two rings -passed through two holes in their horizontal upper margin. One of the -rings bears on one side a seal with, as a badge of the religion of the -dynasty, a well-proportioned seated Nandi or bull. Under the bull is -the word Bhatárka the name of the founder of the dynasty. Except such -differences as may be traced to the lapse of time, the characters are -the same in all, and at the same time differ from the character then -in use in the Valabhi territory which must have been that from which -Devanágarí is derived. The Valabhi plate character is adopted from -that previously in use in South Gujarát plates which was taken from -the South Indian character. The use of this character suggests that -either Bhatárka or the clerks and writers of the plates came from South -Gujarát. [275] The language of all the grants is Sanskrit prose. Each -records the year of the grant, the name of the king making the grant, -the name of the grantee, the name of the village or field granted, -the name of the writer of the charter either the minister of peace -and war sandhivigrahádhikrita or the military head baládhikrita, and -sometimes the name of the dútaka or gift-causer generally some officer -of influence or a prince and in one case a princess. The grants begin -by recording they were made either 'from Valabhi' the capital, or -'from the royal camp' 'Vijayaskandhávára.' Then follows the genealogy -of the dynasty from Bhatárka the founder to the grantor king. Each -king has in every grant a series of attributes which appear to have -been fixed for him once for all. Except in rare instances the grants -contain nothing historical. They are filled with verbose description -and figures of speech in high flown Sanskrit. As enjoined in law-books -or dharmasástras after the genealogy of the grantor comes the name -of the composer usually the minister of peace and war and after him -the boundaries of the land granted. The plates conclude with the date -of the grant, expressed in numerals following the letter sam or the -letters samva for samvatsara that is year. After the numerals are -given the lunar month and day and the day of the week, with, at the -extreme end, the sign manual svahasto mama followed by the name of -the king in the genitive case that is Own hand of me so and so. The -name of the era in which the date is reckoned is nowhere given. - -[Period Covered.] So far as is known the dates extend for 240 -years from 207 to 447. That the earliest known date is so late as -207 makes it probable that the Valabhis adopted an era already -in use in Káthiáváda. No other era seems to have been in use in -Valabhi. Three inscriptions have their years dated expressly in -the Valabhi Samvat. The earliest of these in Bhadrakáli's temple -in Somnáth Pátan is of the time of Kumárapála (A.D. 1143-1174) the -Solanki ruler of Anahilaváda. It bears date Valabhi Samvat 850. The -second and third are in the temple of Harsata Devi at Verával. The -second which was first mentioned by Colonel Tod, is dated Hijra 662, -Vikrama Samvat 1320, Valabhi Samvat 945, and Simha Samvat 151. The -third inscription, in the same temple on the face of the pedestal of -an image of Krishna represented as upholding the Govardhana hill, -bears date Valabhi S. 927. These facts prove that an era known as -the Valabhi era, which the inscriptions show began in A.D. 319, -was in use for about a hundred years in the twelfth and thirteenth -centuries. This may be accepted as the era of the Valabhi plates -which extended over two centuries. Further the great authority -(A.D. 1030) Alberuni gives Saka 241 that is A.D. 319 as the starting -point both of the 'era of Balah' and of what he calls the Guptakála -or the Gupta era. Beruni's accuracy is established by a comparison -of the Mandasor inscription and the Nepál inscription of Amsuvarman -which together prove the Gupta era started from A.D. 319. Though its -use by the powerful Valabhi dynasty caused the era to be generally -known by their name in Gujarát in certain localities the Gupta era -continued in use under its original name as in the Morbí copperplate -of Jáikadeva which bears date 588 "of the era of the Guptas." [276] - -[Valabhi Administration, A.D. 500-700.] The Valabhi grants supply -information regarding the leading office bearers and the revenue -police and village administrators whose names generally occur in the -following order: - - -(1) Áyuktaka, } meaning appointed, apparently any superior - } official. -(2) Viniyuktaka } - -(3) Drángika, apparently an officer in charge of a town, as dranga -means a town. - -(4) Mahattara or Senior has the derivative meaning of high in -rank. Mhátára the Maráthi for an old man is the same word. In the -Valabhi plates mahattara seems to be generally used to mean the -accredited headman of a village, recognised as headman both by the -people of the village and by the Government. - -(5) Chátabhata that is bhatas or sepoys for chitas or rogues, police -mounted and on foot, represent the modern police jamádárs haváldárs -and constables. The Kumárapála Charita mentions that Chátabhatas were -sent by Siddharája to apprehend the fugitive Kumárapála. One plate -records the grant of a village 'unenterable by chátabhatas.' [277] - -(6) Dhruva fixed or permanent is the hereditary officer in charge -of the records and accounts of a village, the Taláti and Kulkarni of -modern times. One of the chief duties of the Dhruva was to see that -revenue farmers did not take more than the royal share. [278] The -name is still in use in Cutch where village accountants are called -Dhru and Dhruva. Dhru is also a common surname among Nágar Bráhmans -and Modh and other Vániás in Cutch Gujarát and Káthiáváda. - -(7) Adhikaranika means the chief judicial magistrate or judge of -a place. - -(8) Dandapásika literally 'holding the fetters or noose of punishment,' -is used both of the head police officer and of the hangman or -executioner. - -(9) Chauroddharanika the thief-catcher. Of the two Indian ways of -catching thieves, one of setting a thief to catch a thief the other -the Pagi or tracking system, the second answers well in sandy Gujarát -and Káthiáváda where the Tracker or Pagi is one of the Bárábalute or -regular village servants. - -(10) Rájastháníya, the foreign secretary, the officer who had to do -with other states and kingdoms rájasthánas. Some authorities take -rájastháníya to mean viceroy. - -(11) Amátya minister and sometimes councillor is generally coupled -with kumára or prince. - -(12) Anutpannádánasamudgráhaka the arrear-gatherer. - -(13) Saulkika the superintendent of tolls or customs. - -(14) Bhogika or Bhogoddharanika the collector of the Bhoga that is the -state share of the land produce taken in kind, as a rule one-sixth. The -term bhoga is still in use in Káthiáváda for the share, usually -one-sixth, which landholders receive from their cultivating tenants. - -(15) Vartmapála the roadwatch were often mounted and stationed in -thánás or small roadside sheds. [279] - -(16) Pratisaraka patrols night-guards or watchmen of fields and -villages. [280] - -(17) Vishayapati division-lord probably corresponded to the present -subáh. - -(18) Ráshtrapati the head of a district. - -(19) Grámakúta the village headman. - - -[Territorial Divisions.] The plates show traces of four territorial -divisions: (1) Vishaya the largest corresponding to the modern -administrative Division: (2) Áhára or Áharaní that is collectorate -(from áhára a collection) corresponding to the modern district or -zillah: (3) Pathaka, of the road, a sub-division, the place named -and its surroundings: (4) Sthalí a petty division the place without -surroundings. [281] - -[Land Assessment.] The district of Kaira and the province of Káthiáváda -to which the Valabhi grants chiefly refer appear to have had separate -systems of land assessment Kaira by yield Káthiáváda by area. Under the -Káthiáváda system the measurement was by pádávarta literally the space -between one foot and the other that is the modern kadam or pace. The -pace used in measuring land seems to have differed from the ordinary -pace as most of the Káthiáváda grants mention the bhúpádávarta or land -pace. The Kaira system of assessment was by yield the unit being the -pitaka or basketful, the grants describing fields as capable of growing -so many baskets of rice or barley (or as requiring so many baskets -of seed). As the grants always specify the Kaira basket a similar -system with a different sized basket seems to have been in use in other -parts of the country. Another detail which the plates preserve is that -each field had its name called after a guardian or from some tree or -plant. Among field names are Kotilaka, Atimana-kedára, Khanda-kedára, -Gargara-kshetra, Bhíma-kshetra, Khagali-kedára, Sami-kedára. - -[Religion.] The state religion of the Valabhi kings was Saivism. Every -Valabhi copperplate hitherto found bears on its seal the figure of a -bull with under it the name of Bhatárka the founder of the dynasty -who was a Saiva. Except Dhruvasena I. (A.D. 526) who is called -Paramabhágavata or the great Vaishnava and his brother and successor -Dharapatta who is styled Paramádityabhakta or the great devotee of -the sun, and Guhasena, who in his grant of Sam. 248 calls himself -Paramopásaka or the great devotee of Buddha, all the Valabhi kings -are called Parama-máhesvara the great Saiva. - -The grants to Buddhist viháras or monasteries of which there -are several seem special gifts to institutions founded by female -relatives of the granting kings. Most of the grants are to Bráhmans -who though performing Vaidik ceremonies probably as at present honoured -Saivism. This Saivism seems to have been of the old Pásupata school of -Nakulísa or Lakulísa as the chief shrine of Lakulísa was at Kárávana -the modern Kárván in the Gáikwár's territory fifteen miles south -of Baroda and eight miles north-east of Miyágám railway station -a most holy place till the time of the Vághelá king Arjunadeva in -the thirteenth century. [282] The special holiness attached to the -Narbadá in Saivism and to its pebbles as lingas is probably due to -the neighbourhood of this shrine of Kárván. The followers of the -Nakulísa-Pásupata school were strict devotees of Saivism, Nakulísa -the founder being regarded as an incarnation of Siva. The date of -the foundation of this school is not yet determined. It appears to -have been between the second and the fifth century A.D. Nakulísa had -four disciples Kusika, Gárgya, Kárusha, and Maitreya founders of four -branches which spread through the length and breadth of India. Though -no special representatives of this school remain, in spite of their -nominal allegiance to Sankaráchárya the Dasanámis or Atíts are in fact -Nakulísas in their discipline doctrines and habits--applying ashes -over the whole body, planting a linga over the grave of a buried Atít, -and possessing proprietary rights over Saiva temples. The Pásupatas -were ever ready to fight for their school and often helped and served -in the armies of kings who became their disciples. Till a century ago -these unpaid followers recruited the armies of India with celibates -firm and strong in fighting. It was apparently to gain these recruits -that so many of the old rulers of India became followers of the -Pásupata school. To secure their services the rulers had to pay them -special respect. The leaders of these fighting monks were regarded -as pontiffs like the Bappa-páda or Pontiff of the later Valabhi and -other kings. Thus among the later Valabhis Síláditya IV. is called -Bávapádánudhyáta and all subsequent Síládityas Bappapádánudhyáta both -titles meaning Worshipping at the feet of Báva or Bappa. - -This Báva is the popular Prakrit form of the older Prakrit or -desí Bappa meaning Father or worshipful. Bappa is the original -of the Hindustáni and Gujaráti Bává father or elder; it is also a -special term for a head Gosávi or Atít or indeed for any recluse. The -epithet Bappa-pádánudhyáta, Bowing at the feet of Bappa, occurs in the -attributes of several Nepál kings, and in the case of king Vasantasena -appears the full phrase: - - - Parama-daivata-bappa-bhattáraka-mahárája-Srí-pádánudhyáta. - - Falling at the illustrious feet of the great Mahárája Lord Bappa. - - -These Nepál kings were Saivas as they are called parama-máhesvara -in the text of the inscription and like the Valabhi seals their -seals bear a bull. It follows that the term Bappa was applied both -by the Valabhis and the Nepál kings to some one, who can hardly be -the same individual, unless he was their common overlord, which -the distance between the two countries and still more the fact -that his titles are the same as the titles of the Valabhi kings -make almost impossible. In these circumstances the most probable -explanation of the Bappa or Báva of these inscriptions is that it -was applied to Shaivite pontiffs or ecclesiastical dignitaries. The -attribute Parama-daivata The Great Divine prefixed to Bappa in the -inscription of Vasantasena confirms this view. That such royal titles -as Mahárájádhirája, Paramabhattáraka, and Paramesvara are ascribed -to Bappa is in agreement with the present use of Mahárája for all -priestly Bráhmans and recluses and of Bhattáraka for Digambara Jain -priests. Though specially associated with Saivas the title bappa is -applied also to Vaishnava dignitaries. That the term bappa was in -similar use among the Buddhists appears from the title of a Valabhi -vihára Bappapádíyavihára The monastery of the worshipful Bappa that -is Of the great teacher Sthiramati by whom it was built. [283] - -[Origin of the Valabhis.] The tribe or race of Bhatárka the founder -of the Valabhi dynasty is doubtful. None of the numerous Valabhi -copperplates mentions the race of the founder. The Chalukya and -Ráshtrakúta copperplates are silent regarding the Valabhi dynasty. And -it is worthy of note that the Gehlots and Gohils, who are descended -from the Valabhis, take their name not from their race but from king -Guha or Guhasena (A.D. 559-567) the fourth ruler and apparently the -first great sovereign among the Valabhis. These considerations make it -probable that Bhatárka belonged to some low or stranger tribe. Though -the evidence falls short of proof the probability seems strong that -Bhatárka belonged to the Gurjara tribe, and that it was the supremacy -of him and his descendants which gave rise to the name Gurjjara-rátra -the country of the Gurjjaras, a name used at first by outsiders -and afterwards adopted by the people of Gujarát. Except Bhatárka -and his powerful dynasty no kings occur of sufficient importance to -have given their name to the great province of Gujarát. Against their -Gurjara origin it may be urged that the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang -(A.D. 640) calls the king of Valabhi a Kshatriya. Still Hiuen Tsiang's -remark was made more than a century after the establishment of the -dynasty when their rise to power and influence had made it possible -for them to ennoble themselves by calling themselves Kshatriyas -and tracing their lineage to Puránic heroes. That such ennobling -was not only possible but common is beyond question. Many so-called -Rájput families in Gujarát and Káthiáváda can be traced to low or -stranger tribes. The early kings of Nándipurí or Nándod (A.D. 450) -call themselves Gurjjaras and the later members of the same dynasty -trace their lineage to the Mahábhárata hero Karna. Again two of the -Nándod Gurjjaras Dadda II. and Jayabhata II. helped the Valabhis -under circumstances which suggest that the bond of sympathy may have -been their common origin. The present chiefs of Nándod derive their -lineage from Karna and call themselves Gohils of the same stock as -the Bhávnagar Gohils who admittedly belong to the Valabhi stock. This -supports the theory that the Gurjjaras and the Valabhis had a common -origin, and that the Gurjjaras were a branch of and tributary to the -Valabhis. This would explain how the Valabhis came to make grants in -Broach at the time when the Gurjjaras ruled there. It would further -explain that the Gurjjaras were called sámantas or feudatories because -they were under the overlordship of the Valabhis. [284] - -[History.] The preceding chapter shows that except Chandragupta -(A.D. 410) Kumáragupta (A.D. 416) and Skandagupta (A.D. 456) -none of the Guptas have left any trace of supremacy in Gujarát -and Káthiáváda. Of what happened in Gujarát during the forty years -after Gupta 150 (A.D. 469), when the reign of Skandagupta came to -an end nothing is known or is likely to be discovered from Indian -sources. The blank of forty years to the founder Bhatárka (A.D. 509) -or more correctly of sixty years to Dhruvasena (A.D. 526) the first -Valabhi king probably corresponds with the ascendancy of some foreign -dynasty or tribe. All trace of this tribe has according to custom been -blotted out of the Sanskrit and other Hindu records. At the same time -it is remarkable that the fifty years ending about A.D. 525 correspond -closely with the ascendancy in north and north-west India of the great -tribe of Ephthalites or White Huns. As has been shown in the Gupta -Chapter, by A.D. 470 or 480, the White Huns seem to have been powerful -if not supreme in Upper India. In the beginning of the sixth century, -perhaps about A.D. 520, Cosmas Indikopleustes describes the north of -India and the west coast as far south as Kalliena that is Kalyán near -Bombay as under the Huns whose king was Gollas. [285] Not many years -later (A.D. 530) the Hun power in Central India suffered defeat and -about the same time a new dynasty arose in south-east Káthiáváda. - -[First Valabhi Grant, A.D. 526.] The first trace of the new power, -the earliest Valabhi grant, is that of Dhruvasena in the Valabhi or -Gupta year 207 (A.D. 526). In this grant Dhruvasena is described as the -third son of the Senápati or general Bhatárka. Of Senápati Bhatárka -neither copperplate nor inscription has been found. Certain coins -which General Cunningham Arch. Surv. Rept. IX. Pl. V. has ascribed -to Bhatárka have on the obverse a bust, as on the western coins of -Kumáragupta, and on the reverse the Saiva trident, and round the -trident the somewhat doubtful legend in Gupta characters: - - - Rájño Mahákshatri Paramádityabhakta Srí Sarvva-bhattárakasa. - - Of the king the great Kshatri, great devotee of the sun, the - illustrious Sarvva-bhattáraka. - - -This Sarvva seems to have been a Ráshtrakúta or Gurjjara king. His -coins were continued so long in use and were so often copied that in -the end upright strokes took the place of letters. That these coins -did not belong to the founder of the Valabhi dynasty appears not only -from the difference of name between Bhattáraka and Bhatárka but because -the coiner was a king and the founder of the Valabhis a general. - -[Senápati Bhatárka, A.D. 509-520 ?] Of the kingdom which Senápati -Bhatárka overthrew the following details are given in one of his -epithets in Valabhi copperplates: 'Who obtained glory by dealing -hundreds of blows on the large and very mighty armies of the -Maitrakas, who by [The Maitrakas, A.D. 470-509.] force had subdued -their enemies.' As regards these Maitrakas it is to be noted that -the name Maitraka means Solar. The sound of the compound epithet -Maitraka-amitra that is Maitraka-enemy used in the inscription makes -it probable that the usual form Mihira or solar was rejected in favour -of Maitraka which also means solar to secure the necessary assonance -with amitra or enemy. The form Mihira solar seems a Hinduizing or -meaning-making of the northern tribal name Medh or Mehr, the Mehrs -being a tribe which at one time seem to have held sway over the -whole of Káthiáváda and which are still found in strength near the -Barda hills in the south-west of Káthiáváda. [286] The Jethvá chiefs -of Porbandar who were formerly powerful rulers are almost certainly -of the Mehr tribe. They are still called Mehr kings and the Mehrs of -Káthiáváda regard them as their leaders and at the call of their Head -are ready to fight for him. The chief of Mehr traditions describes -the fights of their founder Makaradhvaja with one Mayúradhvaja. This -tradition seems to embody the memory of an historical struggle. The -makara or fish is the tribal badge of the Mehrs and is marked on a -Morbí copperplate dated A.D. 904 (G. 585) and on the forged Dhíníki -grant of the Mehr king Jáíkádeva. On the other hand Mayúradhvaja -or peacock-bannered would be the name of the Guptas beginning with -Chandragupta who ruled in Gujarát (A.D. 396-416) and whose coins have a -peacock on the reverse. The tradition would thus be a recollection of -the struggle between the Mehrs and Guptas in which about A.D. 470 the -Guptas were defeated. The Mehrs seem to have been a northern tribe, -who, the evidence of place names seems to show, passed south through -Western Rájputána, Jaslo, Ajo, Bad, and Koml leaders of this tribe -giving their names to the settlements of Jesalmir, Ajmir, Badmer, and -Komalmer. The resemblance of name and the nearness of dates suggest -a connection between the Mehrs and the great Panjáb conqueror of the -Guptas Mihirakula (A.D. 512-540 ?). If not themselves Húnas the Mehrs -may have joined the conquering armies of the Húnas and passing south -with the Húnas may have won a settlement in Káthiáváda as the Káthis -and Jhádejás settled about 300 years later. After Senápati Bhatárka's -conquests in the south of the Peninsula the Mehrs seem to have retired -to the north of Káthiáváda. - -The above account of the founder of the Valabhis accepts the received -opinion that he was the Senápati or General of the Guptas. The two -chief points in support of this view are that the Valabhis adopted -both the Gupta era and the Gupta currency. Still it is to be noted -that this adoption of a previous era and currency by no means implies -any connection with the former rulers. [287] Both the Gurjjaras -(A.D. 580) and the Chálukyas (A.D. 642) adopted the existing era of -the Traikútakas (A.D. 248-9) while as regards currency the practice -of continuing the existing type is by no means uncommon. [288] In -these circumstances, and seeing that certain of the earlier Valabhi -inscriptions refer to an overlord who can hardly have been a Gupta, -the identification of the king to whom the original Senápati owed -allegiance must be admitted to be doubtful. - -All known copperplates down to those of Dharasena (A.D. 579 the -great grandson of Bhatárka) give a complete genealogy from Bhatárka -to Dharasena. Later copperplates omit all mention of any descendants -but those in the main line. - -[Senápati's Sons.] Senápati Bhatárka had four sons, (1) Dharasena -(2) Dronasimha (3) Dhruvasena and (4) Dharapatta. Of Dharasena the -first son no record has been traced. His name first appears in the -copperplates of his brother Dhruvasena where like his father he is -called Senápati. Similarly of the second son Dronasimha no record -exists except in the copperplates of his brother Dhruvasena. In -these copperplates unlike his father and elder brother Dhruvasena is -called Mahárája and is mentioned as 'invested with royal authority -in person by the great lord, the lord of the wide extent of the whole -world.' This great lord or paramasvámi could not have been his father -Bhatárka. Probably he was the king to whom Bhatárka owed allegiance. It -is not clear where Dronasimha was installed king probably it was in -Káthiáváda from the south-east of which his father and elder brother -had driven back the Mehrs or Maitrakas. [289] - -[Dhruvasena I. A.D. 526-535.] The third son Dhruvasena is the first -of several Valabhis of that name. Three copperplates of his remain: -The Kukad grant dated Gupta 207 (A.D. 526), [290] an unpublished -grant found in Junágadh dated Gupta 210 (A.D. 529), and the Valeh -grant dated Gupta 216 (A.D. 535). [291] One of Dhruvasena's attributes -Parama-bhattáraka-pádánudhyáta, Bowing at the feet of the great lord, -apparently applies to the same paramount sovereign who installed his -brother Dronasimha. The paramount lord can hardly be Dhruvasena's -father as his father is either called Bhatárka without the parama or -more commonly Senápati that is general. Dhruvasena's other political -attributes are Mahárája Great King or Mahásúmanta Great Chief, the -usual titles of a petty feudatory king. In the A.D. 535 plates he -has the further attributes of Mahápratíhára the great doorkeeper -or chamberlain, Mahádandanáyaka [292] the great magistrate, and -Máhákártakritika (?) or great general, titles which seem to show -he still served some overlord. It is not clear whether Dhruvasena -succeeded his brother Dronasimha or was a separate contemporary -ruler. The absence of 'falling at the feet of' or other successional -phrase and the use of the epithet 'serving at the feet of' the great -lord seem to show that his power was distinct from his brothers. In any -case Dhruvasena is the first of the family who has a clear connection -with Valabhi from which the grants of A.D. 526 and 529 are dated. - -In these grants Dhruvasena's father Bhatárka and his elder brothers -are described as 'great Máhesvaras' that is followers of Siva, -while Dhruvasena himself is called Paramabhágavata the great -Vaishnava. It is worthy of note, as stated in the A.D. 535 grant, -that his niece Duddá (or Lulá?) was a Buddhist and had dedicated a -Buddhist monastery at Valabhi. The latest known date of Dhruvasena -is A.D. 535 (G. 216). Whether Dharapatta or Dharapatta's son Guhasena -succeeded is doubtful. That Dharapatta is styled Mahárája and that a -twenty-four years' gap occurs between the latest grant of Dhruvasena -and A.D. 559 the earliest grant of Guhasena favour the succession of -Dharapatta. On the other hand in the A.D. 559 grant all Guhasena's -sins are said to be cleansed by falling at the feet of, that is, -by succeeding, Dhruvasena. It is possible that Dharapatta may have -ruled for some years and Dhruvasena again risen to power. - -[Guhasena, A.D. 539-569.] Of Guhasena (A.D. 539?-569) three plates -and a fragment of an inscription remain. Two of the grants are from -Valeh dated A.D. 559 and 565 (G. 240 and 246) [293]: the third is -from Bhávnagar dated A.D. 567 (G. 248). [294] The inscription is on -an earthen pot found at Valeh and dated A.D. 566 (G. 247). [295] In -all the later Valabhi plates the genealogy begins with Guhasena who -seems to have been the first great ruler of his dynasty. Guhasena is -a Sanskrit name meaning Whose army is like that of Kárttika-svámi: -his popular name was probably Guhila. It appears probable that the -Gohil and Gehlot Rájput chiefs of Káthiáváda and Rájputána, who are -believed to be descendants of the Valabhis, take their name from -Guhasena or Guha, the form Gehloti or Gehlot, Guhila-utta, being -a corruption of Guhilaputra or descendants of Guhila, a name which -occurs in old Rájput records. [296] This lends support to the view -that Guhasena was believed to be the first king of the dynasty. Like -his predecessors he is called Mahárája or great king. In one grant he -is called the great Saiva and in another the great Buddhist devotee -(paramopásaka), while he grants villages to the Buddhist monastery of -his paternal aunt's daughter Duddá. Though a Saivite Guhasena, like -most of his predecessors, tolerated and even encouraged Buddhism. His -minister of peace and war is named Skandabhata. - -The beginning of Guhasena's reign is uncertain. Probably it was not -earlier than A.D. 539 (G. 220). His latest known date is A.D. 567 -(G. 248) but he may have reigned two years longer. - -[Dharasena II. A.D. 569-589.] About A.D. 569 (G. 250) Guhasena was -succeeded by his son Dharasena II. Five of his grants remain, three -dated A.D. 571 (G. 252), [297] the fourth dated A.D. 588 (G. 269), -[298] and the fifth dated A.D. 589 (G. 270). [299] In the first three -grants Dharasena is called Mahárája or great king; in the two later -grants is added the title Mahásámanta Great Feudatory, seeming to show -that in the latter part of his reign Dharasena had to acknowledge as -overlord some one whose power had greatly increased. [300] All his -copperplates style Dharasena II. Parama-máhesvara Great Saiva. A gap -of eighteen years occurs between A.D. 589 Dharasena's latest grant -and A.D. 607 the earliest grant of his son Síláditya. - -[Síláditya I. A.D. 594-609.] Dharasena II. was succeeded by his son -Síláditya I. who is also called Dharmáditya or the sun of religion. - -The Satruñjaya Máhátmya has a prophetic account of one Síláditya -who will be a propagator of religion in Vikrama Samvat 477 -(A.D. 420). This Máhátmya is comparatively modern and is not worthy -of much trust. Vikrama Samvat 477 would be A.D. 420 when no Valabhi -kingdom was established and no Síláditya can have flourished. If the -date 477 has been rightly preserved, and it be taken in the Saka era -it would correspond with Gupta 237 or A.D. 556, that is thirty to -forty years before Síláditya's reign. Although no reliance can be -placed on the date still his second name Dharmáditya gives support -to his identification with the Síláditya of the Máhátmya. - -His grants like many of his predecessors style Síláditya a great -devotee of Siva. Still that two of his three known grants were made -to Buddhist monks shows that he tolerated and respected Buddhism. The -writer of one of the grants is mentioned as the minister of peace -and war Chandrabhatti; the Dútaka or causer of the gift in two of -the Buddhist grants is Bhatta Ádityayasas apparently some military -officer. The third grant, to a temple of Siva, has for its Dútaka -the illustrious Kharagraha apparently the brother and successor of -the king. - -Síláditya's reign probably began about A.D. 594 (G. 275). His latest -grant is dated A.D. 609 (G. 290). [301] - -[Kharagraha, A.D. 610-615.] Síláditya was succeeded by his brother -Kharagraha, of whom no record has been traced. Kharagraha seems to -have been invested with sovereignty by his brother Síláditya who -probably retired from the world. Kharagraha is mentioned as a great -devotee of Siva. - -[Dharasena III. A.D. 615-620.] Kharagraha was succeeded by his son -Dharasena III. of whom no record remains. - -[Dhruvasena II. (Báláditya) A.D. 620-640.] Dharasena III. was succeeded -by his younger brother Dhruvasena II. also called Báláditya or the -rising sun. A grant of his is dated A.D. 629 (G. 310). [302] As -observed before, Dhruvasena is probably a Sanskritised form of the -popular but meaningless Dhruvapatta which is probably the original of -Hiuen Tsiang's T'u-lu-h'o-po-tu, as A.D. 629 the date of his grant -is about eleven years before the time when (640) Hiuen Tsiang is -calculated to have been in Málwa if not actually at Valabhi. If one of -Dhruvasena's poetic attributes is not mere hyperbole, he made conquests -and spread the power of Valabhi. On the other hand the Navsári grant of -Jayabhata III. (A.D. 706-734) the Gurjjara king of Broach states that -Dadda II. of Broach (A.D. 620-650) protected the king of Valabhi who -had been defeated by the great Srí Harshadeva (A.D. 607-648) of Kanauj. - -[Dharasena IV. A.D. 640-649.] Dhruvasena II. was succeeded by -his son Dharasena IV. perhaps the most powerful and independent -of the Valabhis. A copperplate dated A.D. 649 (G. 330) styles him -Parama-bhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, Paramesvara, Chakravartin Great -Lord, King of Kings, Great Ruler, Universal Sovereign. Dharasena -IV.'s successors continue the title of Mahárájádhirája or great ruler, -but none is called Chakravartin or universal sovereign a title which -implies numerous conquests and widespread power. - -Two of Dharasena IV.'s grants remain, one dated A.D. 645 (G. 326) -the other A.D. 649 (G. 330). A grant of his father Dhruvasena dated -A.D. 634 (G. 315) and an unpublished copperplate in the possession of -the chief of Morbí belonging to his successor Dhruvasena III. dated -A.D. 651 (G. 332) prove that Dharasena's reign did not last more than -seventeen years. The well known Sanskrit poem Bhattikávya seems to -have been composed in the reign of this king as at the end of his -work the author says it was written at Valabhi protected (governed) -by the king the illustrious Dharasena. [303] The author's application -to Dharasena of the title Narendra Lord of Men is a further proof of -his great power. - -[Dhruvasena III. A.D. 650-656.] Dharasena IV. was not succeeded by -his son but by Dhruvasena the son of Derabhata the son of Dharasena -IV.'s paternal grand-uncle. Derabhata appears not to have been ruler -of Valabhi itself but of some district in the south of the Valabhi -territory. His epithets describe him as like the royal sage Agastya -spreading to the south, and as the lord of the earth which has for its -two breasts the Sahya and Vindhya hills. This description may apply -to part of the province south of Kaira where the Sahyádri and Vindhya -mountains may be said to unite. In the absence of a male heir in the -direct line, Derabhata's son Dhruvasena appears to have succeeded -to the throne of Valabhi. The only known copperplate of Dhruvasena -III.'s, dated A.D. 651 (G. 332), records the grant of the village of -Pedhapadra in Vanthali, the modern Vanthali in the Navánagar State of -North Káthiáváda. A copperplate of his elder brother and successor -Kharagraha dated A.D. 656 (G. 337) shows that Dhruvasena's reign -cannot have lasted over six years. - -[Kharagraha, A.D. 656-665.] The less than usually complimentary and -respectful reference to Dhruvasena III. in the attributes of Kharagraha -suggests that Kharagraha took the kingdom by force from his younger -brother as the rightful successor of his father. At all events the -succession of Kharagraha to Dhruvasena was not in the usual peaceful -manner. Kharagraha's grant dated A.D. 656 (G. 337) is written by the -Divirapati or Chief Secretary and minister of peace and war Anahilla -son of Skandabhata. [304] The Dútaka or causer of the gift was the -Pramátri or survey officer Sríná. - -[Síláditya III. A.D. 666-675.] Kharagraha was succeeded by Síláditya -III. son of Kharagraha's elder brother Síláditya II. Síláditya -II. seems not to have ruled at Valabhi but like Derabhata to have been -governor of Southern Valabhi, as he is mentioned out of the order -of succession and with the title Lord of the Earth containing the -Vindhya mountain. Three grants of Síláditya III. remain, two dated -A.D. 666 (G. 346) [305] and the third dated A.D. 671 (G. 352). [306] -He is called Parama-bhattáraka Great Lord, Mahárájádhirája Chief King -among Great Kings, and Paramesvara Great Ruler. These titles continue -to be applied to all subsequent Valabhi kings. Even the name Síláditya -is repeated though each king must have had some personal name. - -[Síláditya IV. A.D. 691.] Síláditya III. was succeeded by his son -Síláditya IV. of whom one grant dated A.D. 691 (G. 372) remains. The -officer who prepared the grant is mentioned as the general Divirapati -Srí Haragana the son of Bappa Bhogika. The Dútaka or gift-causer is -the prince Kharagraha, which may perhaps be the personal name of the -next king Síláditya V. - -[Síláditya V. A.D. 722.] Of Síláditya V. the son and successor of -Síláditya IV. two grants dated A.D. 722 (G. 403) both from Gondal -remain. Both record grants to the same person. The writer of both -was general Gillaka son of Buddhabhatta, and the gift-causer of both -prince Síláditya. - -[Síláditya VI. A.D. 760.] Of Síláditya VI. the son and successor of -the last, one grant dated A.D. 760 (G. 441) remains. The grantee is -an Atharvavedi Bráhman. The writer is Sasyagupta son of Emapatha and -the gift-causer is Gánjasáti Srí Jajjar (or Jajjir). - -[Síláditya VII. A.D. 766.] Of Síláditya VII. the son and successor of -the last, who is also called Dhrúbhata (Sk. Dhruvabhata), one grant -dated A.D. 766 (G. 447) remains. - -[Valabhi Family Tree.] The following is the genealogy of the Valabhi -Dynasty: - - - VALABHI FAMILY TREE, A.D. 509-766. - - - A.D. 509. - (Gupta 190?). - | - ------------------------------------------ - | | | | -Dharasena I. Dronasimha. Dhruvasena I. Dharapatta. - A.D. 526. | - (Gupta 207). | - Guhasena - A.D. 559, 565, 567, - (Gupta 240, 246, 248). - | - Dharasena II. - A.D. 571, 588, 589 - (Gupta 252, 269, 270). - | - ----------------+----------------- - | | - Síláditya I. Kharagraha I. - or Dharmáditya I. | - A.D. 605, 609 (Gupta 286, 290). | - | ----------+----- - | | | - | Dharasena III. Dhruvasena II. - Derabhata. or Báláditya, - | A.D. 629 (Gupta 310). - ------------------------------- | - | | | | -Síláditya II. Kharagraha II. Dhruvasena III. Dharasena IV. - | or Dharmáditya II. A.D. 651 (Gupta 332). A.D. 645, 649, - | A.D. 656 (Gupta 337). (Gupta 326, 330). - | -Síláditya III. -A.D. 671 (Gupta 352). - | -Síláditya IV. -A.D. 691, 698 -(Gupta 372 & 379). - | -Síláditya V. -A.D. 722 (Gupta 403). - | -Síláditya VI. -A.D. 760 (Gupta 441). - | -Síláditya VII. -or Dhrúbhata, -A.D. 766 (Gupta 447). - - -[The Fall of Valabhi, A.D. 750-770.] Of the overthrow of Valabhi -many explanations have been offered. [307] The only explanation in -agreement with the copperplate evidence that a Síláditya was ruling at -Valabhi as late as A.D. 766 (Val. Sam. 447) [308] is the Hindu account -preserved by Alberuni (A.D. 1030) [309] that soon after the Sindh -capital Mansúra was founded, say A.D. 750-770, Ranka a disaffected -subject of the era-making Valabhi, with presents of money persuaded -the Arab lord of Mansúra to send a naval expedition against the king -of Valabhi. In a night attack king Valabha was killed and his people -and town were destroyed. Alberuni adds: Men say that still in our -time such traces are left in that country as are found in places -wasted by an unexpected attack. [310] For this expedition against -Valabhi Alberuni gives no date. But as Mansúra was not founded till -A.D. 750 [311] and as the latest Valabhi copperplate is A.D. 766 the -expedition must have taken place between A.D. 750 and 770. In support -of the Hindu tradition of an expedition from Mansúra against Valabhi -between A.D. 750 and 770 it is to be noted that the Arab historians -of Sindh record that in A.D. 758 (H. 140) the Khalif Mansúr sent Amru -bin Jamal with a fleet of barks to the coast of Barada. [312] Twenty -years later A.D. 776 (H. 160) a second expedition succeeded in taking -the town, but, as sickness broke out, they had to return. The question -remains should the word, which in these extracts Elliot reads Barada, -be read Balaba. The lax rules of Arab cursive writing would cause -little difficulty in adopting the reading Balaba. [313] Further it is -hard to believe that Valabhi, though to some extent sheltered by its -distance from the coast and probably a place of less importance than -its chroniclers describe, should be unknown to the Arab raiders of the -seventh and eighth centuries and after its fall be known to Alberuni in -the eleventh century. At the same time, as during the eighth century -there was, or at least as there may have been, [314] a town Barada -on the south-west coast of Káthiáváda the identification of the raids -against Barada with the traditional expedition against Balaba though -perhaps probable cannot be considered certain. Further the statement -of the Sindh historians [315] that at this time the Sindh Arabs also -made a naval expedition against Kandahár seems in agreement with the -traditional account in Tod that after the destruction of Valabhi the -rulers retired to a fort near Cambay from which after a few years -they were driven. [316] If this fort is the Kandahár of the Sindh -writers and Gandhár on the Broach coast about twenty miles south of -Cambay, identifications which are in agreement with other passages, -the Arab and Rájput accounts would fairly agree. [317] - -[The Importance of Valabhi.] The discovery of its lost site; the -natural but mistaken identification of its rulers with the famous -eighth and ninth century (A.D. 753-972) Balharas of Málkhet in the -East Dakhan; [318] the tracing to Valabhi of the Rána of Udepur in -Mewád the head of the Sesodias or Gohils the most exalted of Hindu -families [319]; and in later times the wealth of Valabhi copperplates -have combined to make the Valabhis one of the best known of Gujarát -dynasties. Except the complete genealogy, covering the 250 years -from the beginning of the sixth to the middle of the eighth century, -little is known of Valabhi or its chiefs. The origin of the city and -of its rulers, the extent of their sway, and the cause and date of -their overthrow are all uncertain. The unfitness of the site, the -want of reservoirs or other stone remains, the uncertainty when its -rulers gained an independent position, the fact that only one of them -claimed the title Chakravarti or All Ruler are hardly consistent with -any far-reaching authority. Add to this the continuance of Maitraka -or Mer power in North Káthiáváda, the separateness though perhaps -dependence of Sauráshtra even in the time of Valabhi's greatest power, -[320] the rare mention of Valabhi in contemporary Gujarát grants, -[321] and the absence of trustworthy reference in the accounts of the -Arab raids of the seventh or eighth centuries tend to raise a doubt -whether, except perhaps during the ten years ending 650, Valabhi was -ever of more than local importance. - -[Valabhi and the Gehlots.] In connection with the pride of the Sesodias -or Gohils of Mewád in their Valabhi origin [322] the question who -were the Valabhis has a special interest. The text shows that Pandit -Bhagvánlál was of opinion the Valabhis were Gurjjaras. The text also -notes that the Pandit believed they reached south-east Káthiáváda -by sea from near Broach and that if they did not come to Broach from -Málwa at least the early rulers obtained (A.D. 520 and 526) investiture -from the Málwa kings. Apart from the doubtful evidence of an early -second to fifth century Bála or Valabhi three considerations weigh -against the theory that the Valabhis entered Gujarát from Málwa in -the sixth century. First their acceptance of the Gupta era and of -the Gupta currency raises the presumption that the Valabhis were -in Káthiáváda during Gupta ascendancy (A.D. 440-480): Second that -the Sesodias trace their pedigree through Valabhi to an earlier -settlement at Dhánk in south-west Káthiáváda and that the Válas of -Dhánk still hold the place of heads of the Válas of Káthiáváda: And -Third that both Sesodias and Válas trace their origin to Kanaksen -a second century North Indian immigrant into Káthiáváda combine to -raise the presumption that the Válas were in Káthiáváda before the -historical founding of Valabhi in A.D. 526 [323] and that the city -took its name from its founders the Válas or Bálas. - -Whether or not the ancestors of the Gohils and Válas were settled in -Káthiáváda before the establishment of Valabhi about A.D. 526 several -considerations bear out the correctness of the Rájput traditions -and the Jain records that the Gohils or Sesodias of Mewád came from -Bála or Valabhi in Káthiáváda. Such a withdrawal from the coast, -the result of the terror of Arab raids, is in agreement with the fact -that from about the middle of the eighth century the rulers of Gujarát -established an inland capital at Anahilaváda (A.D. 746). [324] It is -further in agreement with the establishment by the Gohil refugees -of a town Balli in Mewád; with the continuance as late as A.D. 968 -(S. 1024) by the Sesodia chief of the Valabhi title Síláditya or Sail -[325]; and with the peculiar Valabhi blend of Sun and Siva worship -still to be found in Udepur. [326] The question remains how far -can the half-poetic accounts of the Sesodias be reconciled with -a date for the fall of Valabhi so late as A.D. 766. The mythical -wanderings, the caveborn Guha, and his rule at Idar can be easily -spared. The name Gehlot which the Sesodias trace to the caveborn -Guha may as the Bhávnagar Gehlots hold have its origin in Guhasena -(A.D. 559-567) perhaps the first Valabhi chief of more than local -distinction. [327] Tod [328] fixes the first historical date in the -Sesodia family history at A.D. 720 or 728 the ousting of the Mori or -Maurya of Chitor by Bappa or Sail. An inscription near Chitor shows -the Mori in power in Chitor as late as A.D. 714 (S. 770). [329] -By counting back nine generations from Sakti Kumára the tenth from -Bappa whose date is A.D. 1038 Tod fixes A.D. 720-728 as the date when -the Gohils succeeded the Moris. But the sufficient average allowance -of twenty years for each reign would bring Bappa to A.D. 770 or 780 -a date in agreement with a fall of Valabhi between A.D. 760 and 770, -as well as with the statement of Abul Fazl, who, writing in A.D. 1590, -says the Rána's family had been in Mewád for about 800 years. [330] - -[The Válas of Káthiáváda.] The Arab accounts of the surprise-attack -and of the failure of the invaders to make a settlement agree with the -local and Rájputána traditions that a branch of the Valabhi family -continued to rule at Valeh until its conquest by Múla Rája Solankhi -in A.D. 950. [331] Though their bards favour the explanation of Vála -from the Gujaráti valvu return or the Persian válah [332] noble the -family claim to be of the old Valabhi stock. They still have the -tradition they were driven out by the Musalmáns, they still keep up -the family name of Selait or Síláditya. [333] - -The local tradition regarding the settlement of the Válas in the -Balakshetra south of Valabhi is that it took place after the capture of -Valabhi by Múla Rája Solankhi (A.D. 950). [334] If, as may perhaps be -accepted, the present Válas represent the rulers of Valabhi it seems -to follow the Válas were the overlords of Balakshetra at least from -the time of the historical prosperity of Valabhi (A.D. 526-680). The -traditions of the Bábriás who held the east of Sorath show that when -they arrived (A.D. 1200-1250) the Vála Rájputs were in possession -and suggest that the lands of the Válas originally stretched as far -west as Diu. [335] That the Válas held central Káthiáváda is shown by -their possession of the old capital Vanthali nine miles south-west -of Junágadh and by (about A.D. 850) their transfer of that town to -the Chúdásamás. [336] Dhánk, about twenty-five miles north-west of -Junágadh, was apparently held by the Válas under the Jetwas when -(A.D. 800-1200?) Ghumli or Bhumli was the capital of south-west -Káthiáváda. According to Jetwa accounts the Válas were newcomers whom -the Jetwas allowed to settle at Dhánk. [337] But as the Jetwas are -not among the earliest settlers in Káthiáváda it seems more probable -that, like the Chúdásamás at Vanthali, the Jetwas found the Válas -in possession. The close connection of the Válas with the earlier -waves of Káthis is admitted. [338] Considering that the present (1881) -total of Káthiáváda Vála Rájputs is about 900 against about 9000 Vála -Káthis, the Válas, [339] since their loss of power, seem either to -have passed into unnoticeable subdivisions of other Rájput tribes or -to have fallen to the position of Káthis. - -[The Válas and Káthis.] If from the first and not solely since the -fall of Valabhi the Válas have been associated with the Káthis it -seems best to suppose they held to the Káthis a position like that -of the Jetwas to their followers the Mers. According to Tod [340] -both Válas and Káthis claim the title Tata Multánka Rai Lords of -Tata and Multán. The accounts of the different sackings of Valabhi -are too confused and the traces of an earlier settlement too scanty -and doubtful to justify any attempt to carry back Valabhi and the -Válas beyond the Maitraka overthrow of Gupta power in Káthiáváda -(A.D. 470-480). The boast that Bhatárka, the reputed founder of the -house of Valabhi (A.D. 509), had obtained glory by dealing hundreds -of blows on the large and very mighty armies of the Maitrakas who -by force had subdued their enemies, together with the fact that the -Valabhis did and the Maitrakas did not adopt the Gupta era and currency -seem to show the Válas were settled in Káthiáváda at an earlier date -than the Mers and Jetwas. That is, if the identification is correct, -the Válas and Káthis were in Káthiáváda before the first wave of the -White Huns approached. It has been noticed above under Skandagupta -that the enemies, or some of the enemies, with whom, in the early -years of his reign A.D. 452-454, Skandagupta had so fierce a struggle -were still in A.D. 456 a source of anxiety and required the control -of a specially able viceroy at Junágadh. Since no trace of the Káthis -appears in Káthiáváda legends or traditions before the fifth century -the suggestion may be offered that under Vála or Bála leadership -the Káthis were among the enemies who on the death of Kumáragupta -(A.D. 454) seized the Gupta possessions in Káthiáváda. Both Válas -and Káthis would then be northerners driven south from Multán and -South Sindh by the movements of tribes displaced by the advance of -the Ephthalites or White Huns (A.D. 440-450) upon the earlier North -Indian and border settlements of the Yuan-Yuan or Avars. [341] - -[Descent from Kanaksen, A.D. 150.] The Sesodia or Gohil tradition -is that the founder of the Válas was Kanaksen, who, in the second -century after Christ, from North India established his power at -Virát or Dholka in North Gujarát and at Dhánk in Káthiáváda. [342] -This tradition, which according to Tod [343] is supported by at -least ten genealogical lists derived from distinct sources, seems -a reminiscence of some connection between the early Válas and the -Kshatrapas of Junágadh with the family of the great Kushán emperor -Kanishka (A.D. 78-98). Whether this high ancestry belongs of right -to the Válas and Gohils or whether it has been won for them by their -bards nothing in the records of Káthiáváda is likely to be able to -prove. Besides by the Válas Kanaksen is claimed as an ancestor by the -Chávadás of Okhámandal as the founder of Kanakapurí and as reigning in -Krishna's throne in Dwárká. [344]. In support of the form Kanaka for -Kanishka is the doubtful Kanaka-Sakas or Kanishka-Sakas of Varáhamihira -(A.D. 580). [345] The form Kanik is also used by Alberuni [346] for the -famous Vihára or monastery at Pesháwar of whose founder Kanak Alberuni -retails many widespread legends. Tod [347] says; 'If the traditional -date (A.D. 144) of Kanaksen's arrival in Káthiáváda had been only a -little earlier it would have fitted well with Wilson's Kanishka of the -Rája Tarangini.' Information brought to light since Tod's time shows -that hardly any date could fit better than A.D. 144 for some member -of the Kushán family, possibly a grandson of the great Kanishka, -to make a settlement in Gujarát and Káthiáváda. The date agrees -closely with the revolt against Vasudeva (A.D. 123-150), the second -in succession from Kanishka, raised by the Panjáb Yaudheyas, whom the -great Gujarát Kshatrapa Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158), the introducer of -Kanishka's (A.D. 78) era into Gujarát, humbled. The tradition calls -Kanaksen Kosalaputra and brings him from Lohkot in North India. [348] -Kosala has been explained as Oudh and Lohkot as Lahore, but as Kanak -came from the north not from the north-east an original Kushána-putra -or Son of the Kushán may be the true form. Similarly Lohkot cannot be -Lahore. It may be Alberuni's Lauhavar or Lahur in the Káshmir uplands -one of the main centres of Kushán power. [349] - -[Mewád and the Persians.] One further point requires notice, the -traditional connection between Valabhi and the Ránás of Mewád with the -Sassanian kings of Persia (A.D. 250-650). In support of the tradition -Abul Fazl (A.D. 1590) says the Ránás of Mewád consider themselves -descendants of the Sassanian Naushirván (A.D. 531-579) and Tod quotes -fuller details from the Persian history Maaser-al-Umra. [350] No -evidence seems to support a direct connection with Naushirván. [351] -At the same time marriage between the Valabhi chief and Maha Banu -the fugitive daughter of Yezdigerd the last Sassanian (A.D. 651) -is not impossible. [352] And the remaining suggestion that the -link may be Naushirván's son Naushizád who fled from his father in -A.D. 570 receives support in the statement of Procopius [353] that -Naushizád found shelter at Belapatan in Khuzistán perhaps Balapatan in -Gurjaristán. As these suggestions are unsupported by direct evidence, -it seems best to look for the source of the legend in the fire symbols -in use on Káthiáváda and Mewád coins. These fire symbols, though in the -main Indo-Skythian, betray from about the sixth century a more direct -Sassanian influence. The use of similar coins coupled with their common -sun worship seems sufficient to explain how the Agnikulas and other -Káthiáváda and Mewád Rájputs came to believe in some family connection -between their chiefs and the fireworshipping kings of Persia. [354] - -[Válas.] Can the Vála traditions of previous northern settlements be -supported either by early Hindu inscriptions or from living traces in -the present population of Northern India? The convenient and elaborate -tribe and surname lists in the Census Report of the Panjáb, and vaguer -information from Rájputána, show traces of Bálas and Válas among the -Musalmán as well as among the Hindu population of Northern India. [355] -Among the tribes mentioned in Varáha-Mihira's sixth century (A.D. 580) -[356] lists the Váhlikas appear along with the dwellers on Sindhu's -banks. An inscription of a king Chandra, probably Chandragupta and if -so about A.D. 380-400, [357] boasts of crossing the seven mouths of -the Indus to attack the Váhlikas. These references suggest that the -Bálas or Válas are the Válhikas and that the Bálhikas of the Harivamsa -(A.D. 350-500 ?) are not as Langlois supposed people then ruling in -Balkh but people then established in India. [358] Does it follow that -the Válhikas of the inscriptions and the Bálhikas of the Harivamsa -are the Panjáb tribe referred to in the Mahábhárata as the Báhikas or -Bálhikas, a people held to scorn as keeping no Bráhman rites, their -Bráhmans degraded, their women abandoned? [359] Of the two Mahábhárata -forms Báhika and Bálhika recent scholars have preferred Bálhika with -the sense of people of Balkh or Baktria. [360] The name Bálhika might -belong to more than one of the Central Asian invaders of Northern -India during the centuries before and after Christ, whose manner of -life might be expected to strike an Áryávarta Bráhman with horror. The -date of the settlement of these northern tribes (B.C. 180-A.D. 300) -does not conflict with the comparatively modern date (A.D. 150-250) -now generally received for the final revision of the Mahábhárata. [361] -This explanation does not remove the difficulty caused by references -to Báhikas and Bálhikas [362] in Pánini and other writers earlier -than the first of the after-Alexander Skythian invasions. At the -same time as shown in the footnote there seems reason to hold that -the change from the Bákhtri of Darius (B.C. 510) and Alexander the -Great (B.C. 330) to the modern Balkh did not take place before the -first century after Christ. If this view is correct it follows that -if the form Bahlika occurs in Pánini or other earlier writers it is -a mistaken form due to some copyist's confusion with the later name -Bahlika. As used by Pánini the name Báhika applied to certain Panjáb -tribes seems a general term meaning Outsider a view which is supported -by Brian Hodgson's identification of the Mahábhárata Báhikas with -the Bahings one of the outcaste or broken tribes of Nepál. [363] -The use of Báhika in the Mahábhárata would then be due either -to the wish to identify new tribes with old or to the temptation -to use a word which had a suitable meaning in Sanskrit. If then -there is fair ground for holding that the correct form of the name -in the Mahábhárata is Bálhika and that Bálhika means men of Balkh -the question remains which of the different waves of Central Asian -invaders in the centuries before and after Christ are most likely to -have adopted or to have received the title of Baktrians. Between the -second century before and the third century after Christ two sets of -northerners might justly have claimed or have received the title of -Baktrians. These northerners are the Baktrian Greeks about B.C. 180 -and the Yuechi between B.C. 20 and A.D. 300. Yavana is so favourite -a name among Indian writers that it may be accepted that whatever -other northern tribes the name Yavana includes no name but Yavana -passed into use for the Baktrian Greeks. Their long peaceful and -civilised rule (B.C. 130-A.D. 300 ?) from their capital at Balkh -entitles the Yuechi to the name Baktrians or Báhlikas. That the -Yuechi were known in India as Baktrians is proved by the writer of -the Periplus (A.D. 247), who, when Baktria was still under Yuechi -rule, speaks of the Baktrianoi as a most warlike race governed by -their own sovereign. [364] It is known that in certain cases the -Yuechi tribal names were of local origin. Kushán the name of the -leading tribe is according to some authorities a place-name. [365] -And it is established that the names of more than one of the tribes -who about B.C. 50 joined under the head of the Kusháns were taken -from the lands where they had settled. It is therefore in agreement -both with the movements and with the practice of the Yuechi, that, -on reaching India, a portion of them should be known as Báhlikas or -Bálhikas. Though the evidence falls short of proof there seems fair -reason to suggest that the present Rájput and Káthi Válas or Bálas of -Gujarát and Rájputána, through a Sanskritised Váhlika, may be traced -to some section of the Yuechi, who, as they passed south from Baktria, -between the first century before and the fourth century after Christ, -assumed or received the title of men of Balkh. - -One collateral point seems to deserve notice. St. Martin [366] -says: 'The Greek historians do not show the least trace of the name -Báhlika.' Accepting Báhika, with the general sense of Outsider, -as the form used by Indian writers before the Christian era and -remembering [367] Pánini's description of the Málavas and Kshudrakas -as two Báhika tribes of the North-West the fact that Pánini lived -very shortly before or after the time of Alexander and was specially -acquainted with the Panjáb leaves little doubt that when (A.D. 326) -Alexander conquered their country the Malloi and Oxydrakai, that is the -Málavas and Kshudrakas, were known as Báhikas. Seeing that Alexander's -writers were specially interested in and acquainted with the Malloi -and Oxydrakai it is strange if St. Martin is correct in stating that -Greek writings show no trace of the name Báhika. In explanation -of this difficulty the following suggestion may be offered. [368] -As the Greeks sounded their kh (ch) as a spirant, the Indian Báhika -would strike them as almost the exact equivalent of their own word -bakchikos. More than one of Alexander's writers has curious references -to a Bacchic element in the Panjáb tribes. Arrian [369] notices that, -as Alexander's fleet passed down the Jhelum, the people lined the banks -chanting songs taught them by Dionysus and the Bacchantes. According -to Quintus Curtius [370] the name of Father Bacchus was famous among -the people to the south of the Malloi. These references are vague. But -Strabo is definite. [371] The Malloi and Oxydrakai are reported to be -the descendants of Bacchus. This passage is the more important since -Strabo's use of the writings of Aristobulus Alexander's historian and -of Onesikritos Alexander's pilot and Bráhman-interviewer gives his -details a special value. [372] It may be said Strabo explains why the -Malloi and Oxydrakai were called Bacchic and Strabo's explanation is -not in agreement with the proposed Báhika origin. The answer is that -Strabo's explanation can be proved to be in part, if not altogether, -fictitious. Strabo [373] gives two reasons why the Oxydrakai were -called Bacchic. First because the vine grew among them and second -because their kings marched forth Bakkhikôs that is after the Bacchic -manner. It is difficult to prove that in the time of Alexander the -vine did not grow in the Panjáb. Still the fact that the vines of -Nysa near Jalálábád and of the hill Meros are mentioned by several -writers and that no vines are referred to in the Greek accounts of -the Panjáb suggests that the vine theory is an after-thought. [374] -Strabo's second explanation, the Bacchic pomp of their kings, can be -more completely disproved. The evidence that neither the Malloi nor -the Oxydrakai had a king is abundant. [375] That the Greeks knew the -Malloi and Oxydrakai were called Bakkhikoi and that they did not know -why they had received that name favours the view that the explanation -lies in the Indian name Báhika. One point remains. Does any trace -of the original Báhikas or Outsiders survive? In Cutch Káthiáváda -and North Gujarát are two tribes of half settled cattle-breeders -and shepherds whose names Rahbáris as if Rahábaher and Bharváds -as if Baherváda seem like Báhika to mean Outsider. Though in other -respects both classes appear to have adopted ordinary Hindu practices -the conduct of the Bharvád women of Káthiáváda during their special -marriage seasons bears a curiously close resemblance to certain of the -details in the Mahábhárata account of the Báhika women. Colonel Barton -writes: [376] 'The great marriage festival of the Káthiáváda Bharváds -which is held once in ten or twelve years is called the Milkdrinking, -Dudhpíno, from the lavish use of milk or clarified butter. Under the -exciting influence of the butter the women become frantic singing -obscene songs breaking down hedges and spoiling the surrounding -crops.' Though the Bharváds are so long settled in Káthiáváda as to -be considered aboriginals their own tradition preserves the memory of -a former settlement in Márwár. [377] This tradition is supported by -the fact that the shrine of the family goddess of the Cutch Rabáris -is in Jodhpur, [378] and by the claim of the Cutch Bharváds that -their home is in the North-West Provinces. [379] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE CHÁLUKYAS - -(A.D. 634-740.) - - -The Chálukyas conquered their Gujarát provinces from the south after -subduing the Konkan Mauryas of Purí either Rájápurí that is Janjira -or Elephanta in Bombay harbour. The fifth century Váda inscription of -king Suketuvarmman proves that this Maurya dynasty [380] ruled in the -Konkan for at least a century before they came into collision with -the Chálukyas under Kírtivarmman. [381] They were finally defeated -and their capital Purí taken by Chandadanda an officer of Pulakesi -II. (A.D. 610-640). [382] The Chálukyas then pressed northwards, -and an inscription at Aihole in South Bijápur records that as early -as A.D. 634 the kings of Láta, Málava, and Gurjjara submitted to the -prowess of Pulakesi II. (A.D. 610-640). - -[Jayasimhavarmman, A.D. 666-693.] The regular establishment of -Chálukya power in South Gujarát seems to have been the work of -Dhárásraya Jayasimhavarmman son of Pulakesi II. and younger brother of -Vikramáditya Satyásraya (A.D. 670-680). A grant of Jayasimhavarmman's -son Síláditya found in Navsárí describes Jayasimhavarmman as receiving -the kingdom from his brother Vikramáditya. As Jayasimhavarmman is -called Paramabhattáraka Great Lord, he probably was practically -independent. He had five sons and enjoyed a long life, ruling -apparently from Navsárí. Of the five Gujarát Chálukya copperplates -noted below, three are in an era marked Sam. which is clearly -different from the Saka era (A.D. 78) used in the grants of the main -Chálukyas. From the nature of the case the new era of the Gujarát -Chálukyas may be accepted as of Gujarát origin. Grants remain -of Jayasimhavarmman's sons dated S. 421, 443, and 490. [383] This -checked by Vikramáditya's known date (A.D. 670-680) gives an initial -between A.D. 249 and 259. Of the two Gujarát eras, the Gupta-Valabhi -(A.D. 319) and the Traikútaka (A.D. 248-9), the Gupta-Valabhi is -clearly unsuitable. On the other hand the result is so closely -in accord with A.D. 248-9, the Traikútaka epoch, as to place the -correctness of the identification almost beyond question. - -Jayasimhavarmman must have established his power in South Gujarát -before A.D. 669-70 (T. 421), as in that year his son Sryásraya -made a grant as heir apparent. Another plate of Sryásraya found in -Surat shows that in A.D. 691-2 (T. 443) Jayasimhavarmman was still -ruling with Sryásraya as heir apparent. In view of these facts -the establishment of Jayasimhavarmman's power in Gujarát must be -taken at about A.D. 666. The copperplates of his sons and grandson -do not say whom Jayasimhavarmman overthrew. Probably the defeated -rulers were Gurjjaras, as about this time a Gurjjara dynasty held -the Broach district with its capital at Nándípurí the modern Nándod -in the Rájpipla State about thirty-five miles east of Broach. So -far as is known the earliest of the Nándod Gurjjaras was Dadda who -is estimated to have flourished about A.D. 580 (T. 331). [384] The -latest is Jayabhata whose Navsárí copperplate bears date A.D. 734-5 -(T. 486) [385] so that the Gurjjara and Chálukya kingdoms flourished -almost at the same time. It is possible that the power of the earlier -Gurjjara kings spread as far south as Balsár and even up to Konkan -limits. It was apparently from them that, during the reign of his -brother Vikramáditya, Jayasimhavarmman took South Gujarát, driving -the Gurjjaras north of the Tápti and eventually confining them to -the Broach district, the Gurjjaras either acknowledging Chálukya -sovereignty or withstanding the Chálukyas and retaining their small -territory in the Broach district by the help of the Valabhis with -whom they were in alliance. [386] In either case the Chálukya power -seems to have hemmed in the Broach Gurjjaras, as Jayasimhavarmman had -a son Buddhavarmman ruling in Kaira. A copperplate of Buddhavarmman's -son Vijayarája found in Kaira is granted from Vijayapura identified -with Bijápur near Parántij, but probably some place further south, as -the grant is made to Bráhmans of Jambusar. Five copperplates remain -of this branch of the Chálukyas, the Navsárí grant of Sryásraya -Síláditya Yuvarája dated A.D. 669-70 (T. 421); the Surat grant of -the same Síláditya dated A.D. 691-2 (T. 443); the Balsár grant of -Vinayáditya Mangalarája dated A.D. 731 (Saka 653); the Navsárí grant -of Pulakesi Janásraya dated A.D. 738-9 (T. 490); the Kaira grant -of Vijayarája dated Samvatsara 394; and the undated Nirpan grant of -Nágavarddhana Tribhuvanásraya. - -[Sryásraya Síláditya (Heir Apparent), A.D. 669-691.] The first -four grants mention Jayasimhavarmman as the younger brother of -Vikramáditya Satyásraya the son of Pulakesi Satyásraya the conqueror -of Harshavarddhana the lord of the North. Jayasimhavarmman's eldest -son was Sryásraya Síláditya who made his Navsárí grant in A.D. 669-70 -(T. 421); the village granted being said to be in the Navasáriká -Vishaya. Sryásraya's other plate dated A.D. 691-2 (T. 443) grants a -field in the village of Osumbhalá in the Kármaneya Áhára that is the -district of Kámlej on the Tápti fifteen miles north-east of Surat. In -both grants Síláditya is called Yuvarája, which shows that his father -ruled with him from A.D. 669 to A.D. 691. Both copperplates show -that these kings treated as their overlords the main dynasty of the -southern Chálukyas as respectful mention is made in the first plate -of Vikramáditya Satyásraya and in the second of his son Vinayáditya -Satyásraya. Apparently Sryásraya died before his father as the two late -grants of Balsár and Khedá give him no place in the list of rulers. - -[Mangalarája, A.D. 698-731.] Jayasimhavarmman was succeeded by his -second son Mangalarája. A plate of his found at Balsár dated A.D. 731 -(Saka 653) records a grant made from Mangalapurí, probably the same as -Purí the doubtful Konkan capital of the Siláháras. [387] As his elder -brother was heir-apparent in A.D. 691-2 (T. 443), Mangalarája must -have succeeded some years later, say about A.D. 698-9 (T. 450). From -this it may be inferred that the copperplate of A.D. 731 was issued -towards the end of his reign. - -[Pulakesi Janásraya, A.D. 738.] Mangalarája was succeeded by his -younger brother Pulakesi Janásraya. This is the time of Khalif Hashám -(H. 105-125, A.D. 724-743) whose Sindh governor Junaid is recorded -to have sent expeditions against Marmád, Mandal, Dalmaj (Kámlej?), -Bárus, Uzain, Máliba, Baharimad (Mevad?), Al Bailáimán (Bhinmál?), -and Juzr. Though several of these names seem to have been misread and -perhaps misspelt on account of the confusion in the original Arabic, -still Marmád, Mandal, Barus, Uzain, Máliba, and Juzr can easily be -identified with Márvád, Mandal near Viramgám, Bharuch, Ujjain, Málwa, -and Gurjjara. The defeat of one of these raids is described at length -in Pulakesi's grant of A.D. 738-9 (T. 490) which states that the Arab -army had afflicted the kingdoms of Sindhu, Kacchella, Sauráshtra, -Chávotaka, Maurya, and Gurjjara that is Sindh, Kacch, the Chávadás, -the Mauryas of Chitor, [388] and the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál. [389] -Pulakesi was at this time ruling at Navsárí. It is uncertain how much -longer this Chálukya kingdom of Navsárí continued. It was probably -overthrown about A.D. 750 by the Gujarát branch of the Ráshtrakútas -who were in possession in A.D. 757-8. [390] - -[Buddhavarmman, A.D. 713 (?).] The Kaira grant dated 394 gives -in hereditary succession the names Jayasimha, Buddhavarmman, and -Vijayarája. [391] The grant is made from Vijayapura, which, as the late -Colonel West suggested, may be Bijápur near Parántij though this is -far to the north of the otherwise known Chálukya limits. The village -granted is Pariyaya in the Kásákula division. If taken as Traikútaka -the date 394 corresponds to A.D. 642-3. This is out of the question, -since Vijayarája's grand-uncle Vikramáditya flourished between A.D. 670 -and 680. Professor Bhandarkar considers the plate a forgery, but there -seems no sufficient reason for doubting its genuineness. No fault -can be found with the character. It is written in the usual style -of Western Chálukya grants, and contains the names of a number of -Bráhman grantees with minute details of the fields granted a feature -most unusual in a forged grant. In the Gupta era, which equally with -the Traikútaka era may be denoted by the word Sam. and which is -more likely to be in use in North Gujarát the 394 would represent -the fairly probable A.D. 713. Jayasimha may have conquered part of -North Gujarát and sent his son Buddhavarmman to rule over it. - -[Nágavarddhana.] Jayasimha appears to have had a third son -Nágavarddhana ruling in West Násik which was connected with South -Gujarát through Balsár, Párdi, and Penth. The Nirpan grant of -Nágavarddhana is undated, [392] and, though it gives a wrong genealogy, -its seal, the form of composition, the biruda or title of the king, -and the alphabet all so closely agree with the style of the Gujarát -Chálukya plates that it cannot be considered a forgery. - -Not long after A.D. 740 the Chálukyas seem to have been supplanted -in South Gujarát by the Ráshtrakútas. - - -[Chálukya Tree.] CHÁLUKYA FAMILY TREE. - - - Pulakesivallabha Satyásraya, - Conqueror of Harshavarddhana, Lord of the North. - A.D. 610-640. - | - ----------------+----------------- - | | - (Main Chálukyas). (Gujarát Branch). - | | - Vikramáditya Satyásraya, Jayasimhavarmman Dhárásraya, - A.D. 669-680. A.D. 669-691. - | | - Vinayáditya. | - | - --------------------------------------------------+----------------- - | | | | | - (Navsárí.) (Navsárí.) (Kaira.) (Násik.) (Navsárí.) - | | | | | -Síláditya Sryásraya Mangalarája Buddhavarmman. Nágavarddhana. Pulakesi - Yuvarája, or Vijayarája Janásraya, -T. 421 (A.D. 669-70) and Mangalarasaráya, T. 490 -T. 443 (A.D. 691-2). Saka 653 G. 394 - (A.D. 731-2). (A.D. 713). (A.D. 738-9). - - -Vijayarája's grant of the year 394 (A.D. 642-3) is the earliest -trace of Chálukya rule in Gujarát. Dr. Bhagvánlál, who believed in -its genuineness, supposes it to be dated in the Gupta era (G. 394 -= A.D. 714) and infers from it the existence of Chálukya rule far -to the north of Broach. But the most cursory comparison of it with -the Khedá grants of Dadda II. (see Ind. Ant. XIII. 81ff) which are -dated (admittedly in the [so-called] Traikútaka era) 380 and 385 -respectively, shows that a large number of Dadda's grantees reappear -in the Chálukya grant. The date of the Chálukya plate must therefore -be interpreted as a Traikútaka or Chedi date. - -[A.D. 610-640.] This being so, it is clearly impossible to suppose that -Vijayarája's grandfather Jayasimha is that younger son of Pulakesi -II. (A.D. 610-640) who founded the Gujarát branch family. It has -been usually supposed that the Jayasimha of our grant was a younger -brother of Pulakesi II.: but this also is chronologically impossible: -for Jayasimha can hardly have been more than ten years of age in -A.D. 597-98, when his elder brother was set aside as too young -to rule. His son Buddhavarmman could hardly have been born before -A.D. 610, so that Buddhavarmman's son Vijayarája must have made his -grant at the age of twelve at latest. The true solution of the question -seems to be that given by Dr. Bhandárkar in his Early History of the -Deccan (page 42 note 7), namely that the grant is a forgery. To the -reasons advanced by him may be added the fact pointed out by Mr. Fleet -(Ind. Ant. VII. 251) that the grant is a palimpsest, the engraver -having originally commenced it "Svasti Vijayavikshepán Na." It can -hardly be doubted that Na is the first syllable of Nándípurí the -palace of the Gurjjara kings. Many of the grantees were Bráhmans of -Jambusar and subjects of Dadda II. of Broach, whose grants to them -are extant. It seems obvious that Vijayarája's grant was forged in -the interest of these persons by some one who had Gurjjara grants -before him as models, but knew very little of the forms used in the -chancery of the Chálukyas. - -Setting aside this grant, the first genuine trace of Chálukya -rule in Gujarát is to be found in the grant of the Sendraka chief -Nikumbhallasakti, which bears date Sam. 406 (A.D. 654-5) and relates to -the gift to a Bráhman of the village of Balisa (Wanesa) in the Treyanna -(Ten) district. Dr. Bühler has shown (Ind. Ant. XVIII. page 265ff) -that the Sendrakas were a Kánarese family, and that Nikumbhallasakti -must have come to Gujarát as a Chálukya feudatory, though he names -no overlord. He was doubtless subordinate to the Chálukya governor -of Násik. - -The next grant that requires notice is that of Nágavarddhana, -who describes himself distinctly as the son of Pulakesi's brother -Jayasimha, though Dr. Bhagvánlál believed this Jayasimha to be -Pulakesi's son. Mr. Fleet points out other difficulties connected -with this grant, but on the whole decides in favour of its -genuineness (see Ind. Ant. IX. 123). The description of Pulakesi -II. in this grant refers to his victory over Harshavarddhana, but -also describes him as having conquered the three kingdoms of Chera, -Chola, and Pándya by means of his horse of the Chitrakantha breed, -and as meditating on the feet of Sri Nágavarddhana. Now all of these -epithets, except the reference to Harshavarddhana, belong properly, -not to Pulakesi II. but to his son Vikramáditya I. The conquest of the -confederacy of Cholas, Cheras (or Keralas), and Pándyas is ascribed -to Vikramáditya in the inscriptions of his son Vinayáditya (Fleet in -Ind. Ant. X. 134): the Chitrakantha horse is named in Vikramáditya's -own grants (Ind. Ant. VI. 75 &c.) while his meditation upon the feet -of Nágavarddhana recurs in the T. 421 grant of Sryásraya Síláditya -(B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff). This confusion of epithets between Pulakesi -II. and Vikramáditya makes it difficult to doubt that Nágavarddhana's -grant was composed either during or after Vikramáditya's reign, and -under the influence of that king's grants. It may be argued that -even in that case the grant may be genuine, its inconsistencies -being due merely to carelessness. This supposition the following -considerations seem too negative. Pulakesi II. was alive at the time -of Hiuen Tsiang's visit (A.D. 640), but is not likely to have reigned -very much longer. And, as Vikramáditya's reign is supposed to have -begun about A.D. 669-70, a gap remains of nearly thirty years. That -part of this period was occupied by the war with the three kings of -the south we know from Vikramáditya's own grants: but the grant of -Sryásraya Síláditya referred to above seems to show that Vikramáditya -was the successor, not of his father, but of Nágavarddhana upon whose -feet he is described as meditating. It follows that Nágavarddhana -succeeded Pulakesi and preceded Vikramáditya on the imperial throne -of the Chálukyas whereas his grant could not have been composed until -the reign of Vikramáditya. - -Although the grant is not genuine, we have no reason to doubt that -it gives a correct genealogy, and that Nágavarddhana was the son -of Pulakesi's brother Jayasimha and therefore the first cousin of -Vikramáditya. The grant is in the regular Chálukya style, and the -writer, living near the Northern Chálukya capital, Násik, had better -models than the composer of Vijayarája's grant. Both grants may have -been composed about the time when the Chálukya power succumbed to -the attacks of the Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 743).--(A. M. T. J.) - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE GURJJARAS - -(A.D. 580-808.) - - -During Valabhi and Chálukya ascendancy a small Gurjjara kingdom -flourished in and about Broach. As has been noticed in the Valabhi -chapter the Gurjjaras were a foreign tribe who came to Gujarát from -Northern India. All the available information regarding the Broach -Gurjjaras comes from nine copperplates, [393] three of them forged, all -obtained from South Gujarát. These plates limit the regular Gurjjara -territory to the Broach district between the Mahí and the Narbadá, -though at times their power extended north to Khedá and south to the -Tápti. Like the grants of the contemporary Gujarát Chálukyas all the -genuine copperplates are dated in the Traikútaka era which begins in -A.D. 249-50. [394] The Gurjjara capital seems to have been Nándípurí -or Nándor, [395] the modern Nándod the capital of Rájpipla in Rewa -Kántha about thirty-four miles east of Broach. Two of their grants -issue Nándípurítah [396] that is 'from Nándípurí' like the Valabhítah -or 'from Valabhi' of the Valabhi copperplates, a phrase which in both -cases seems to show the place named was the capital since in other -Gurjjara grants the word vásaka or camp occurs. [397] - -[Copperplates.] Though the Gurjjaras held a considerable territory -in South Gujarát their plates seem to show they were not independent -rulers. The general titles are either Samadhigata-panchamahásabada -'He who has attained the five great titles,' or Sámanta Feudatory. In -one instance Jayabhata III. who was probably a powerful ruler is -called Sámantádhipati [398] Lord of Feudatories. It is hard to say to -what suzerain these Broach Gurjjaras acknowledged fealty. Latterly -they seem to have accepted the Chálukyas on the south as their -overlords. But during the greater part of their existence they may -have been feudatories of the Valabhi dynasty, who, as mentioned above -were probably Gurjjaras who passed from Málwa to South Gujarát and -thence by sea to Valabhi leaving a branch in South Gujarát. - -The facts that in A.D. 649 (Valabhi 330) a Valabhi king had a 'camp of -victory' at Broach where Ranagraha's plate [399] shows the Gurjjaras -were then ruling and that the Gurjjara king Dadda II. gave shelter -to a Valabhi king establish a close connection between Valabhi and -the Nándod Gurjjaras. - -Their copperplates and seals closely resemble the plates and seals of -the Gujarát Chálukyas. The characters of all but the forged grants are -like those of Gujarát Chálukya grants and belong to the Gujarát variety -of the Southern India style. At the same time it is to be noted that -the royal signature at the end of the plates is of the northern type, -proving that the Gurjjaras were originally northerners. The language -of most of the grants is Sanskrit prose as in Valabhi plates in a -style curiously like the style of the contemporary author Bána in -his great works the Kádambarí and Harshacharita. From this it may be -inferred that Bána's style was not peculiar to himself but was the -style in general use in India at that time. - -[Gurjjara Tree.] The following is the Gurjjara family tree: - - - Dadda I. A.D. 580. - | - Jayabhata I. A.D. 605. - | - Dadda II. A.D. 633. - | - Jayabhata II. A.D. 655. - | - Dadda III. A.D. 680. - | - Jayabhata III. A.D. 706-734. - - -A recently published grant [400] made by Nirihullaka, the chieftain of -a jungle tribe in the lower valley of the Narbadá, shows that towards -the end of the sixth century A.D. that region was occupied by wild -tribes who acknowledged the supremacy of the Chedi or Kalachuri kings: -a fact which accounts for the use of the Chedi or Traikútaka era -in South Gujarát. Nirihullaka names with respect a king Sankarana, -whom Dr. Bühler would identify with Sankaragana the father of the -Kalachuri Buddhavarmman who was defeated by Mangalísa the Chálukya -about A.D. 600. [401] Sankaragana himself must have flourished -about A.D. 580, and the Gurjjara conquest must be subsequent to this -date. Another new grant, [402] which is only a fragment and contains -no king's name, but which on the ground of date (Sam. 346 = A.D. 594-5) -and style may be safely attributed to the Gurjjara dynasty, shows that -the Gurjjaras were established in the country within a few years of -Sankaragana's probable date. - -A still nearer approximation to the date of the Gurjjara conquest is -suggested by the change in the titles of Dharasena I. of Valabhi, who -in his grants of Samvat 252 [403] (A.D. 571) calls himself Mahárája, -while in his grants of 269 and 270 [404] (A.D. 588 and 589), he adds -the title of Mahásámanta, which points to subjection by some foreign -power between A.D. 571 and A.D. 588. It seems highly probable that this -power was that of the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál; and that their successes -therefore took place between A.D. 580 and 588 or about A.D. 585. - -[Dadda I. C. 585-605 A.D.] The above mentioned anonymous grant of -the year 346 (A.D. 594-95) is ascribed with great probability to -Dadda I. who is known from the two Khedá grants of his grandson -Dadda II. (C. 620-650 A.D.) [405] to have "uprooted the Nága" -who must be the same as the jungle tribes ruled by Nirihullaka -and are now represented by the Náikdás of the Panch Maháls and the -Talabdas or Locals of Broach. The northern limit of Dadda's kingdom -seems to have been the Vindhya, as the grant of 380 (A.D. 628-29) -says that the lands lying around the feet of the Vindhya were for -his pleasure. At the same time it appears that part at least of -Northern Gujarát was ruled by the Mahásámanta Dharasena of Valabhi, -who in Val. 270 (A.D. 589-90) granted a village in the áhára of -Khetaka (Khedá). [406] Dadda is always spoken of as the Sámanta, -which shows that while he lived his territory remained a part of the -Gurjjara kingdom of Bhínmál. Subsequently North Gujarát fell into the -hands of the Málava kings, to whom it belonged in Hiuen Tsiang's time -(C. 640 A.D.). [407] Dadda I. is mentioned in the two Khedá grants of -his grandson as a worshipper of the sun: the fragmentary grant of 346 -(A.D. 594-95) which is attributed to him gives no historical details. - -[Jayabhata I. Vítarága, C. 605-620 A.D.] Dadda I. was succeeded -by his son Jayabhata I. who is mentioned in the Khedá grants as a -victorious and virtuous ruler, and appears from his title of Vítarága -the Passionless to have been a religious prince. - -[Dadda II. Prasántarága, C. 620-650 A.D.] Jayabhata I. was succeeded -by his son Dadda II. who bore the title of Prasántarága the -Passion-calmed. Dadda was the donor of the two Khedá grants of 380 -(A.D. 628-29) and 385 (A.D. 633-34), and a part of a grant made by -his brother Ranagraha in the year 391 (A.D. 639-40) has lately been -published. [408] Three forged grants purporting to have been issued by -him are dated respectively Saka 400 (A.D. 478), Saka 415 (A.D. 493), -and Saka 417 (A.D. 495). [409] Both of the Khedá grants relate to the -gift of the village of Siríshapadraka (Sisodra) in the Akrúresvara -(Anklesvar) vishaya to certain Bráhmans of Jambusar and Broach. In -Ranagraha's grant the name of the village is lost. - -Dadda II.'s own grants describe him as having attained the five great -titles, and praise him in general terms: and both he and his brother -Ranagraha sign their grants as devout worshippers of the sun. Dadda -II. heads the genealogy in the later grant of 456 (A.D. 704-5), -[410] which states that he protected "the lord of Valabhi who had -been defeated by the great lord the illustrious Harshadeva." The event -referred to must have been some expedition of the great Harshavardhana -of Kanauj (A.D. 607-648), perhaps the campaign in which Harsha was -defeated on the Narbadá by Pulakesi II. (which took place before -A.D. 634). The protection given to the Valabhi king is perhaps referred -to in the Khedá grants in the mention of "strangers and suppliants -and people in distress." If this is the case the defeat of Valabhi -took place before A.D. 628-29, the date of the earlier of the Khedá -grants. On the other hand, the phrase quoted is by no means decisive, -and the fact that in Hiuen Tsiang's time Dhruvasena of Valabhi was -son-in-law of Harsha's son, makes it unlikely that Harsha should have -been at war with him. It follows that the expedition referred to may -have taken place in the reign of Dharasena IV. who may have been the -son of Dhruvasena by another wife than Harsha's granddaughter. - -To Dadda II.'s reign belongs Hiuen Tsiang's notice of the kingdom of -Broach (C. 640 A.D.). [411] He says "all their profit is from the sea" -and describes the country as salt and barren, which is still true of -large tracts in the west and twelve hundred years ago was probably -the condition of a much larger area than at present. Hiuen Tsiang -does not say that Broach was subject to any other kingdom, but it -is clear from the fact that Dadda bore the five great titles that -he was a mere feudatory. At this period the valuable port of Broach, -from which all their profit was made, was a prize fought for by all -the neighbouring powers. With the surrounding country of Láta, Broach -submitted to Pulakesi II. (A.D. 610-640): [412] it may afterwards have -fallen to the Málava kings, to whom in Hiuen Tsiang's time (A.D. 640) -both Khedá (K'ie-ch'a) and Ánandapura (Vadnagar) belonged; later it -was subject to Valabhi, as Dharasena IV. made a grant at Broach in -V.S. 330 (A.D. 649-50). [413] - -Knowledge of the later Gurjjaras is derived exclusively from two -grants of Jayabhata III. dated respectively 456 (A.D. 704-5) and -486 (A.D. 734-5). [414] The later of these two grants is imperfect, -only the last plate having been preserved. The earlier grant of 456 -(A.D. 704-5) shows that during the half century following the reign -of Dadda II. the dynasty had ceased to call themselves Gurjjaras, -and had adopted a Puránic pedigree traced from king Karna, a hero of -the Bhárata war. It also shows that from Dadda III. onward the family -were Saivas instead of sun-worshippers. - -[Jayabhata II. C. 650-675 A.D.] The successor of Dadda II. was his -son Jayabhata II. who is described as a warlike prince, but of whom -no historical details are recorded. - -[Dadda III. Báhusaháya, C. 675-700.] Jayabhata's son, Dadda -III. Báhusaháya, is described as waging wars with the great kings -of the east and of the west (probably Málava and Valabhi). He was -the first Saiva of the family, studied Manu's works, and strictly -enforced "the duties of the varnas or castes and of the ásramas -or Bráhman stages." It was probably to him that the Gurjjaras owed -their Puránic pedigree and their recognition as true Kshatriyas. Like -his predecessors, Dadda III. was not an independent ruler. He could -claim only the five great titles, though no hint is given who was his -suzerain. His immediate superior may have been Jayasimha the Chálukya, -who received the province of Láta from his brother Vikramáditya -(c. 669-680 A.D.) [415] - -[Jayabhata III. c. 704-734 A.D.] The son and successor of Dadda -III. was Jayabhata III. whose two grants of 456 (A.D. 704-5) and 486 -(A.D. 734-5) [416] must belong respectively to the beginning and -the end of his reign. He attained the five great titles, and was -therefore a feudatory, probably of the Chálukyas: but his title of -Mahásámantádhipati implies that he was a chief of importance. He -is praised in vague terms, but the only historical event mentioned -in his grants is a defeat of a lord of Valabhi, noted in the grant -of 486 (A.D. 734-5). The Valabhi king referred to must be either -Síláditya IV. (A.D. 691) or Síláditya V. (A.D. 722). During the -reign of Jayabhata III. took place the great Arab invasion which was -repulsed by Pulakesi Janásraya at Navsárí. [417] Like the kingdoms -named in the grant of Pulakesi, Broach must have suffered from this -raid. It is not specially mentioned probably because it formed part -of Pulakesi's territory. - -After A.D. 734-5 no further mention occurs of the Gurjjaras of -Broach. Whether the dynasty was destroyed by the Arabs or by the -Gujarát Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 750) is not known. Later references to -Gurjjaras in Ráshtrakúta times refer to the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál not to -the Gurjjaras of Broach, who, about the time of Dadda III. (C. 675-700 -A.D.), ceased to call themselves Gurjjaras. - - - -A few words must be said regarding the three grants from Iláo, Umetá, -and Bagumrá (Ind. Ant. XIII. 116, VII. 61, and XVII. 183) as their -genuineness has been assumed by Dr. Bühler in his recent paper on -the Mahábhárata, in spite of Mr. Fleet's proof (Ind. Ant. XVIII. 19) -that their dates do not work out correctly. - -Dr. Bhagvánlál's (Ind. Ant. XIII. 70) chief grounds for holding that -the Umetá and Iláo grants (the Bagumrá grant was unknown to him) -were forgeries were: - - -(1) Their close resemblance in palæography to one another and to - the forged grant of Dharasena II. of Valabhi dated Saka 400; -(2) That though they purport to belong to the fifth century they - bear the same writer's name as the Khedá grants of the seventh - century. - - -Further Mr. Fleet (Ind. Ant. XIII. 116) pointed out: - - -(3) That the description of Dadda I. in the Iláo and Umetá - grants agrees almost literally with that of Dadda II. in the - Khedá grants, and that where it differs the Khedá grants have - the better readings. - - -To these arguments Dr. Bühler has replied (Ind. Ant. XVII. 183): - - -(1) That though there is a resemblance between these grants and - that of Dharasena II., still it does not prove more than that the - forger of Dharasena's grant had one of the other grants before him; -(2) That, as the father's name of the writer is not given in the - Khedá grants, it cannot be assumed that he was the same person - as the writer of the Iláo and Umetá grants; and -(3) That genuine grants sometimes show that a description written - for one king is afterwards applied to another, and that good or - bad readings are no test of the age of a grant. - - -It may be admitted that Dr. Bühler has made it probable that the -suspected grants and the grant of Dharasena were not all written by -the same hand, and also that the coincidence in the writer's name is -not of much importance in itself. But the palæographical resemblance -between Dharasena's grant on the one hand and the doubtful Gurjjara -grants on the other is so close that they must have been written at -about the same time. As to the third point, the verbal agreement -between the doubtful grants on the one hand and the Khedá grants -on the other implies the existence of a continuous tradition in the -record office of the dynasty from the end of the fifth till near the -middle of the seventh century. But the Sankhedá grant of Nirihullaka -(Ep. Ind. II. 21) shows that towards the end of the sixth century the -lower Narbadá valley was occupied by jungle tribes who acknowledged -the supremacy of the Kalachuris. Is it reasonable to suppose that -after the first Gurjjara line was thus displaced, the restorers of the -dynasty should have had any memory of the forms in which the first line -drew up their grants? At any rate, if they had, they would also have -retained their original seal, which, as the analogy of the Valabhi -plates teaches us, would bear the founder's name. But we find that -the seal of the Khedá plates bears the name "Sámanta Dadda," who -can be no other than the "Sámanta Dadda" who ruled from C. 585-605 -A.D. It follows that the Gurjjaras of the seventh century themselves -traced back their history in Broach no further than A.D. 585. Again, -it has been pointed out in the text that a passage in the description -of Dadda II. (A.D. 620-650) in the Khedá grants seems to refer to his -protection of the Valabhi king, so that the description must have been -written for him and not for the fifth century Dadda as Dr. Bühler's -theory requires. - -These points coupled with Mr. Fleet's proof (Ind. Ant. XVIII. 91) -that the Saka dates do not work out correctly, may perhaps be -enough to show that none of these three grants can be relied upon as -genuine.--(A. M. T. J.) - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE RÁSHTRAKÚTAS - -(A.D. 743-974.) - - -The Ráshtrakúta connection with Gujarát lasted from Saka 665 to -894 (A.D. 743-974) that is for 231 years. The connection includes -three periods: A first of sixty-five years from Saka 665 to 730 -(A.D. 743-808) when the Gujarát ruler was dependent on the main -Dakhan Ráshtrakúta: a second of eighty years between Saka 730 and 810 -(A.D. 808-888) when the Gujarát family was on the whole independent: -and a third of eighty-six years Saka 810 to 896 (A.D. 888-974) when -the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas again exercised direct sway over Gujarát. - -[Their Origin.] Information regarding the origin of the Ráshtrakútas is -imperfect. That the Gujarát Ráshtrakútas came from the Dakhan in Saka -665 (A.D. 743) is known. It is not known who the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas -originally were or where or when they rose to prominence. Ráthod -the dynastic name of certain Kanauj and Márwár Rájputs represents -a later form of the word Ráshtrakúta. Again certain of the later -inscriptions call the Ráshtrakútas Rattas a word which, so far as form -goes, is hardly a correct Prakrit contraction of Ráshtrakúta. The -Sanskritisation of tribal names is not exact. If the name Ratta was -strange it might be pronounced Ratta, Ratha, or Raddi. This last form -almost coincides with the modern Kánarese caste name Reddi, which, -so far as information goes, would place the Ráshtrakútas among the -tribes of pre-Sanskrit southern origin. - -[Their Name.] If Ratta is the name of the dynasty kúta or kúda may -be an attribute meaning prominent. The combination Ráshtrakúta would -then mean the chiefs or leaders as opposed to the rank and file of the -Rattas. The bardic accounts of the origin of the Ráthods of Kanauj -and Márwár vary greatly. According to a Jain account the Ráthods, -whose name is fancifully derived from the raht or spine of Indra, -are connected with the Yavans through an ancestor Yavanasva prince -of Párlipur. The Ráthod genealogies trace their origin to Kusa son -of Ráma of the Solar Race. The bards of the Solar Race hold them to -be descendants of Hiranya Kasipu by a demon or daitya mother. Like -the other great Rájput families the Ráthods' accounts contain no date -earlier than the fifth century A.D. when (A.D. 470, S. 526) Náin Pál -is said to have conquered Kanauj slaying its monarch Ajipál. [418] The -Dakhan Ráshtrakútas (whose earliest known date is also about A.D. 450) -call themselves of the Lunar Race and of the Yadu dynasty. Such -contradictions leave only one of two origins to the tribe. They were -either foreigners or southerners Bráhmanised and included under the -all-embracing term Rájput. - -[Early Dynasty, A.D. 450-500.] Of the rise of the Ráshtrakútas no -trace remains. The earliest known Ráshtrakúta copperplate is of a -king Abhimanyu. This plate is not dated. Still its letters, its style -of writing, and its lion seal, older than the Garuda mark which the -Ráshtrakútas assumed along with the claim of Yádava descent, leave -no doubt that this is the earliest of known Ráshtrakúta plates. Its -probable date is about A.D. 450. The plate traces the descent of -Abhimanyu through two generations from Mánánka. The details are: - - - Mánánka. - | - Devarája. - | - Bhavishya. - | - Abhimanyu. - - -The grant is dated from Mánapura, perhaps Mánánka's city, probably -an older form of Mányakheta the modern Málkhed the capital of the -later Ráshtrakútas about sixty miles south-east of Sholápur. These -details give fair ground for holding the Mánánkas to be a family -of Ráshtrakúta rulers earlier than that which appears in the usual -genealogy of the later Ráshtrakúta dynasty (A.D. 500-972). - -[The Main Dynasty, A.D. 630-972.] The earliest information regarding -the later Ráshtrakútas is from a comparatively modern, and therefore -not quite trustworthy, Chálukya copperplate of the eleventh century -found by Mr. Wathen. This plate states that Jayasimha I. the earliest -Chálukya defeated the Ráshtrakúta Indra son of Krishna the lord of -800 elephants. The date of this battle would be about A.D. 500. If -historic the reference implies that the Ráshtrakútas were then a well -established dynasty. In most of their own plates the genealogy of the -Ráshtrakútas begins with Govinda about A.D. 680. But that Govinda -was not the founder of the family is shown by Dantidurga's Elura -Dasávatára inscription (about A.D. 750) which gives two earlier -names Dantivarmman and Indra. The founding of Ráshtrakúta power -is therefore of doubtful date. Of the date of its overthrow there -is no question. The overthrow came from the hand of the Western -Chálukya Tailappa in Saka 894 (A.D. 972) during the reign of the last -Ráshtrakúta Kakka III. or Kakkala. - -[Ráshtrakúta Family Tree, A.D. 630-972.] The following is the -Ráshtrakúta family tree: - - - 1 Dantivarmman - | (about A.D. 630). - | - 2 Indra I. - | (about A.D. 655). - | - 3 Govinda I. - | (about A.D. 680). - | - 4 Kakka I. - or Karka I. - | (about A.D. 705). - | - ---------------------------------- - | | | - 5 Indra II. Dhruva. 7 Krishna - (about A.D. 730). | (about A.D. 765). - | Govinda. | - 6 Dantidurga, | | - Dantivarmman Kakka II. | -(Saka 675, A.D. 753). Saka 669 | - (A.D. 747). | - | - ------------------------- - | | - 8 Govinda II. 9 Dhruva, Dhárávarsha, - (about A.D. 780). Nirupama, Dhora, - (about A.D. 795). - | - -------------------------------------- - | | -10 Govinda III. Prabhútavarsha I. Indra (founder of - Vallabhanarendra, Jagattunga Gujarát Branch). - Prithivívallabha, | - (Saka 725, 728, 729, --------------------- - A.D. 803, 806, 807). | | - | II. Karka III. Govinda - 11 Amoghavarsha (Saka 734, 738, 743, Prabhútavarsha, -Sarvva, Durlabha Srívallabha; A.D. 812, 816, 821). (Saka 749, - Lakshmívallabha, | A.D. 827). - Vallabha Skanda, -------------------- -(Saka 773, 799, A.D. 851, 877). | | - | Dantivarmman IV. Dhruva I. - 12 Akálavarsha (?) Dhárávarsha, - Krishna II. Kannara | Nirupama, - (about A.D. 880-911). VII. Akálavarsha-Krishna (Saka 757, - | (Saka 810, A.D. 835). - Jagattunga A.D. 888). | - (did not reign.) V. Akálavarsha - | Subhatunga, - | (A.D. 867). - | | - | VI. Dhruva II. - | (Saka 789, 793, - ---------------------------------- A.D. 867, 871). - | | - 13 Indra III. Prithivívallabha 16 Baddiga - Rattakandarpa, Kirttináráyana | - Nityamvarsha (Saka 836, A.D. 914). ------------------------ - | | | | - ----------------- 17 Krishna 19 Kottiga. Nirupama. - | | (S. 867, 878 | -14 Amoghavarsha 15 Govindarája A.D. 945, 956). Kakkala - Sáhasánka or Karkarája - Suvarnavarsha. (Saka 894, - A.D. 972). - - -[Copperplates.] The earliest Gujarát Ráshtrakúta grant, Kakka's of Saka -669 (A.D. 747), comes from Ántroli-Chároli in Surat. It is written on -two plates in the Valabhi style of composition and form of letters, -and, as in Valabhi grants, the date is at the end. Unlike Valabhi -grants the era is the Saka era. The grant gives the following genealogy -somewhat different from that of other known Ráshtrakúta grants: - - - Kakka. - | - Dhruva. - | - Govinda. - | - Kakka II. (Saka 669, A.D. 747). - - -[Kakka II. A.D. 747.] The plate notices that Kakka the grantor was -the son of Govinda by his wife the daughter of the illustrious -Nágavarmman. Kakka is further described by the feudatory title -'Samadhigatapanchmahásabdah' Holder of the five great names. At the -same time he is also called Paramabhattáraka-Mahárája Great Lord Great -King, attributes which seem to imply a claim to independent power. The -grant is dated the bright seventh of Ásvayuja, Saka 669 (A.D. 747). The -date is almost contemporary with the year of Dantidurga in the Sámangad -plate (A.D. 753). As Dantidurga was a very powerful monarch we may -identify the first Kakka of this plate with Kakka I. the grandfather -of Dantidurga and thus trace from Dhruva Kakka's son a branch of -feudatory Ráshtrakútas ruling in Málwa or Gujarát, whose leaders -were Dhruva, his son Govinda, and Govinda's son Kakka II. Further -Dantidurga's grant shows that he conquered Central Gujarát between -the Mahí and the Narbadá [419] while his Elura Dasávatára inscription -(A.D. 750) shows that he held Láta and Málava. [420] Dantidurga's -conquest of Central Gujarát seems to have been signalised by grants -of land made by his mother in every village of the Mátri division -which is apparently the Mátar táluka of the Kaira district. [421] -It is possible that Dantidurga gave conquered Gujarát to his paternal -cousin's son and contemporary Kakka, the grantor of the Ántroli plate -(A.D. 747), as the representative of a family ruling somewhere -under the overlordship of the main Dakhan Ráshtrakútas. Karka's -Baroda grant [422] (A.D. 812) supports this theory. Dantidurga died -childless and was succeeded by his uncle Krishna. Of this Krishna the -Baroda grant says that he assumed the government for the good of the -family after having rooted out a member of the family who had taken -to mischief-making. It seems probable that Kakka II. the grantor of -the Ántroli plate is the mischief-maker and that his mischief was, -on the death of Dantidurga, the attempt to secure the succession to -himself. Krishna frustrated Kakka's attempt and rooted him out so -effectively that no trace of Kakka's family again appears. - -[Krishna and Govinda II. A.D. 765-795.] From this it follows that, -so far as is known, the Ráshtrakúta conquest of Gujarát begins with -Dantidurga's conquest of Láta, that is South Gujarát between the -Mahí and the Narbadá, from the Gurjjara king Jayabhata whose latest -known date is A.D. 736 or seventeen years before the known date of -Dantidurga. The Gurjjaras probably retired to the Rájpipla hills -and further east on the confines of Málwa where they may have held a -lingering sway. [423] No Gujarát event of importance is recorded during -the reign of Krishna (A.D. 765) or of his son Govinda II. (A.D. 780) -who about A.D. 795 was superseded by his powerful younger brother -Dhruva. [424] - -[Dhruva I. A.D. 795.] Dhruva was a mighty monarch whose conquests -spread from South India as far north as Allahábád. During Dhruva's -lifetime his son Govinda probably ruled at Mayúrakhandi or Morkhanda in -the Násik district and held the Ghát country and the Gujarát coast from -Balsár northwards. Though according to a Kapadvanj grant Govinda had -several brothers the Rádhanpur (A.D. 808) and Van-Dindori (A.D. 808) -grants of his son Govinda III. state that his father, seeing Govinda's -supernatural Krishna-like powers, offered him the sovereignty of the -whole world. Govinda declined, saying, The Kanthiká or coast tract -already given to me is enough. Seeing that Mayúrakhandi or Morkhanda -in Násik was Govinda's capital, this Kanthiká appears to be the coast -from Balsár northwards. - -[Govinda III. A.D. 800-808.] According to Gujarát Govinda's -(A.D. 827-833) Káví grant (A.D. 827), finding his power threatened by -Stambha and other kings, Dhruva made the great Govinda independent -during his own lifetime. This suggests that while Dhruva continued -to hold the main Ráshtrakúta sovereignty in the Dakhan, he probably -invested Govinda with the sovereignty of Gujarát. This fact the Káví -grant (A.D. 827) being a Gujarát grant would rightly mention while -it would not find a place in the Rádhanpur (A.D. 808) and Van-Dindori -(A.D. 808) grants of the main Ráshtrakútas. Of the kings who opposed -Govinda the chief was Stambha who may have some connection with Cambay, -as, during the time of the Anahilaváda kings, Cambay came to be called -Stambha-tírtha instead of by its old name of Gambhútá. According -to the grants the allied chiefs were no match for Govinda. The -Gurjjara fled through fear, not returning even in dreams, and the -Málava king submitted. Who the Gurjjara was it is hard to say. He -may have belonged to some Gurjjara dynasty that rose to importance -after Dantidurga's conquest or the name may mean a ruler of the -Gurjjara country. In either case some North Gujarát ruler is meant -whose conquest opened the route from Broach to Málwa. From Málwa -Govinda marched to the Vindhyas where the king apparently of East -Málwa named Márá Sarva submitted to Govinda paying tribute. From the -Vindhyas Govinda returned to Gujarát passing the rains at Sríbhavana, -[425] apparently Sarbhon in the Ámod táluka of Broach, a favourite -locality which he had ruled during his father's lifetime. After the -rains Govinda went south as far as the Tungabhadra. On starting for -the south Govinda handed Gujarát to his brother Indra with whom begins -the Gujarát branch of the Ráshtrakútas. Several plates distinctly -mention that Indra was given the kingdom of the lord of Láta by -(his brother) Govinda. Other Gujarát grants, apparently with intent -to show that Indra won Gujarát and did not receive it in gift, after -mentioning Sarvva Amoghavarsha as the successor of Govinda (A.D. 818), -state that the king (apparently of Gujarát) was Sarvva's uncle Indra. - -[Indra, A.D. 808-812.] As Govinda III. handed Gujarát to his brother -Indra about Saka 730 (A.D. 808) and as the grant of Indra's son -Karka is dated Saka 734 (A.D. 812) Indra's reign must have been -short. Indra is styled the ruler of the entire kingdom of Látesvara, -[426] the protector of the mandala of Láta given to him by his lord. An -important verse in an unpublished Baroda grant states that Indra chased -the lord of Gurjjara who had prepared to fight, and that he honourably -protected the multitude of Dakhan (Dakshinápatha) feudatories -(mahásámantas) whose glory was shattered by Srívallabha (that is -Sarvva or Amoghavarsha) [427] then heir-apparent of Govinda. That is, -in attempting to establish himself in independent power, Indra aided -certain of the Ráshtrakúta feudatories in an effort to shake off the -overlordship of Amoghavarsha. - -[Karka I. A.D. 812-821.] Indra was succeeded by his son Karka I. who -is also called Suvarnavarsha and Pátálamalla. Karka reversed his -father's policy and loyally accepted the overlordship of the main -Ráshtrakútas. Three grants of Karka's remain, the Baroda grant dated -Saka 734 (A.D. 812), and two unpublished grants from Navsárí and Surat -dated respectively Saka 738 (A.D. 816) and Saka 743 (A.D. 821). Among -Doctor Bhagvánlál's collection of inscriptions bequeathed to the -British Museum the Baroda grant says that Karka's svámi or lord, -apparently Govinda III., made use of Karka's arm to protect the king -of Málava against invasion by the king of Gurjjara who had become -puffed up by conquering the lords of Gauda and Vanga that is modern -Bengal. This powerful Gurjjara king who conquered countries so distant -as Bengal has not been identified. He must have been ruling north -of the Mahí and threatened an invasion of Málwa by way of Dohad. He -may have been either a Valabhi king or one of the Bhinmál Gurjjaras, -who, during the decline of the Valabhis, and with the help of their -allies the Chávadás of Anahilaváda whose leader at this time was -Yog Rája (A.D. 806-841), may have extended their dominion as far -south as the Mahí. As the Baroda plate (A.D. 812) makes no mention -of Amoghavarsha-Sarvva while the Navsárí plate (A.D. 816) mentions -him as the next king after Govinda III. it follows that Govinda -III. died and Amoghavarsha succeeded between A.D. 812 and 816 (S. 734 -and 738). This supports Mr. Fleet's conclusion, on the authority of -Amoghavarsha's Sirur inscription, that he came to the throne in Saka -736 (A.D. 814). At first Amoghavarsha was unable to make head against -the opposition of some of his relations and feudatories, supported, -as noted above, by Karka's father Indra. He seems to have owed his -subsequent success to his cousin Karka whom an unpublished Surat grant -and two later grants (S. 757 and S. 789, A.D. 835 and 867) describe -as establishing Amoghavarsha in his own place after conquering by -the strength of his arm arrogant tributary Ráshtrakútas who becoming -firmly allied to each other had occupied provinces according to their -own will. - -Karka's Baroda plates (S. 734, A.D. 812) record the grant of Baroda -itself called Vadapadraka in the text. Baroda is easily identified -by the mention of the surrounding villages of Jambuváviká the modern -Jámbuváda on the east, of Ankottaka the modern Ákotá on the west, -and of Vaggháchchha perhaps the modern Vághodia on the north. The -writer of the grant is mentioned as the great minister of peace and war -Nemáditya son of Durgabhatta, and the Dútaka or grantor is said to be -Rájaputra that is prince Dantivarmman apparently a son of Karka. The -grantee is a Bráhman originally of Valabhi. - -Karka's Navsárí grant (S. 738, A.D. 816) is made from Khedá and -records the gift of the village of Samípadraka in the country lying -between the Mahí and the Narbadá. The grantee is a South Indian -Bráhman from Bádámi in Bijápur, a man of learning popularly known -as Pandita Vallabharája because he was proficient in the fourteen -Vidyás. The Dútaka of this grant is a South Indian bhata or military -officer named the illustrious Dronamma. - -Karka's Surat grant (S. 743, A.D. 821) is made from the royal camp on -the bank of the Vankiká apparently the Vánki creek near Balsár. It -records the grant of a field in Ambápátaka village near Nágasárika -(Navsárí) to a Jain temple at Nágariká, (Navsárí). The writer of the -grant is the minister of war and peace Náráyana son of Durgabhatta. As -this is the first grant by a Gujarát Ráshtrakúta of lands south of the -Tápti it may be inferred that in return for his support Amoghavarsha -added to Karka's territory the portion of the North Konkan which now -forms Gujarát south of the Tápti. - -[Dantivarmman, Heir Apparent.] According to Karka's Baroda plate -(S. 734, A.D. 812) Karka had a son named Dantivarmman who is mentioned -as the princely Dútaka of the plate. The fact of being a Dútaka implies -that Dantivarmman was then of age. That Dantivarmman was a son of -Karka is supported by Akálavarsha's Bagumrá plate (S. 810, A.D. 888), -where, though the plate is badly composed and the grammar is faulty, -certain useful details are given regarding Dantivarmman who is clearly -mentioned as the son of Karka. Karka had another son named Dhruva, -who, according to three copperplates, succeeded to the throne. But as -Dantivarmman's son's grant is dated Saka 810 or seventy-six years later -than the Baroda plate some error seems to have crept into the genealogy -of the plate. Neither Dantivarmman nor Dhruva seems to have succeeded -their father as according to Govinda's Káví grant (A.D. 827) their -uncle Govinda succeeded his brother Karka. The explanation may be that -Dantivarmman died during his father's lifetime, and that some years -later, after a great yearning for a son, [428] probably in Karka's -old age, a second son Dhruva was born, during whose minority, after -Karka's death, Govinda appears to have temporarily occupied the throne. - -[Govinda, A.D. 827-833.] This Govinda, the brother and successor of -Karka, was also called Prabhútavarsha. One plate of Govinda's Káví -grant is dated Saka 749 (A.D. 827). It gives no details regarding -Govinda. The grant is made from Broach and records the gift of a -village [429] to a temple of the Sun called Jayáditya in Kotipur near -Kápiká that is Káví thirty miles north of Broach. The writer of the -grant is Yogesvara son of Avalokita and the Dútaka or grantor was one -Bhatta Kumuda. As it contains no reference to Govinda's succession -the plate favours the view that Govinda remained in power only during -the minority of his nephew Dhruva. - -[Dhruva I. A.D. 835-867.] This Dhruva, who is also called Nirupama and -Dhárávarsha, is mentioned as ruler in a Baroda grant dated Saka 757 -(A.D. 835). [430] He therefore probably came to the throne either on -attaining his majority in the lifetime of his uncle and predecessor -Govinda or after Govinda's death. Dhruva's Baroda grant (S. 757, -A.D. 835) is made from a place called Sarvvamangalá near Khedá -and records the gift of a village to a Bráhman named Yoga [431] of -Badarasidhi apparently Borsad. The writer of the grant is mentioned -as the minister of peace and war, Náráyana son of Durgabhatta, and -the Dútaka or grantor is the illustrious Devarája. Dhruva seems to -have abandoned his father's position of loyal feudatory to the main -Ráshtrakútas. According to a copperplate dated Saka 832 (A.D. 910) -Vallabha that is Amoghavarsha, also called the illustrious great -Skanda, sent an army and besieged and burned the Kanthiká that is the -coast tract between Bombay and Cambay. In the course of this campaign, -according to Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá grant (S. 789, A.D. 867), [432] -Dhruva died on the field of battle covered with wounds while routing -the army of Vallabha or Amoghavarsha. This statement is supported by -a Kanheri cave inscription which shows that Amoghavarsha was still -alive in Saka 799 (A.D. 877). - -[Akálavarsha, A.D. 867.] Dhruva was succeeded by his son Akálavarsha -also called Subhatunga. A verse in Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá grant (S 789, -A.D. 867) says that Akálavarsha established himself in the territory of -his father, which, after Dhruva's death in battle, had been overrun by -the army of Vallabha and had been distracted by evil-minded followers -and dependants. [433] - -[Dhruva II. A.D. 867.] Akálavarsha was succeeded by his son Dhruva -II. also called Dhárávarsha and Nirupama. Of Dhruva II. two -copperplates remain the published Bagumrá grant dated Saka 789 -[434] (A.D. 867) and an unpublished Baroda grant dated Saka 793 -(A.D. 871). [435] Both plates record that Dhruva crushed certain -intrigues among his relatives or bandhuvarga, and established himself -firmly on the throne. Regarding the troubles at the beginning of his -reign the Bagumrá plate states that on one side Vallabha the head of -the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas was still against him; on another side Dhruva -had to face an army of Gurjjaras instigated by a member of his own -family [436]; thirdly he was opposed by certain of his relatives or -bándhaváh; and lastly he had to contend against the intrigues of -a younger brother or anuja. It further appears from Dhruva II.'s -Bagumrá plate that he checked an inroad by a Mihira king with a -powerful army. This Mihira king was probably a chief of the Káthiáváda -Mehrs who on the downfall of the Valabhis spread their power across -Gujarát. In all these troubles the Bagumrá grant notes that Dhruva -was aided by a younger brother named Govindarája. This Govindarája -is mentioned as appointed by Dhruva the Dútaka of the grant. - -Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá (A.D. 867) grant was made at Bhrigu-Kachchha -or Broach after bathing in the Narbadá. It records the gift to a -Bráhman of the village of Páráhanaka, probably the village of Palsána -[437] twelve miles south-east of Bagumrá in the Balesar subdivision -of the Gáikwár's territory of Surat and Navsárí. Dhruva's Baroda -grant (A.D. 871) was also made at Broach. It is a grant to the god -Kapálesvara Mahádeva of the villages Konvalli and Nakkabhajja both -mentioned as close to the south bank of the Mahí. The facts that the -Bagumrá grant (A.D. 867) transfers a village so far south as Balesar -near Navsárí and that four years later the Baroda grant (A.D. 871) -mentions that Dhruva's territory lay between Broach and the Mahí seem -to prove that between A.D. 867 and 871 the portion of Dhruva's kingdom -south of Broach passed back into the hands of the main Ráshtrakútas. - -[Akálavarsha-Krishna, A.D. 888.] The next and last known Gujarát -Ráshtrakúta king is Akálavarsha-Krishna son of Dantivarmman. A grant of -this king has been found in Bagumrá dated Saka 810 (A.D. 888). [438] -The composition of the grant is so bad and the genealogical verses -after Karka are so confused that it seems unsafe to accept any of its -details except its date which is clearly Saka 810 (A.D. 888). It seems -also improbable that the son of Dantivarmman who flourished in Saka -734 (A.D. 812) could be reigning in Saka 810 (A.D. 888) seventy-six -years later. Still the sixty-three years' reign of the contemporary -Mányakheta Ráshtrakúta Amoghavarsha (S. 736-799, A.D. 814-877) shows -that this is not impossible. - -The grant which is made from Anklesvar near Broach records the gift -to two Bráhmans of the village of Kavithasádhi the modern Kosád four -miles north-east of Surat, described as situated in the Variávi (the -modern Variáv two miles north of Surat) sub-division of 116 villages -in the province of Konkan. The grant is said to have been written -by the peace and war minister the illustrious Jajjaka son of Kaluka, -the Dútaka being the head officer (mahattamasarvádhikári) the Bráhman -Ollaiyaka. [439] This grant seems to imply the recovery by the local -dynasty of some portion of the disputed area to the south of the -Tápti. This recovery must have been a passing success. After Saka 810 -(A.D. 888) nothing is known of the Gujarát Ráshtrakútas. [Main Line -Restored, A.D. 888-974.] And the re-establishment of the power of the -Ráshtrakútas of Mányakheta of the main line in south Gujarát in Saka -836 (A.D. 914) is proved by two copperplates found in Navsárí which -record the grant of villages near Navsárí, in what the text calls -the Láta country, by king Indra Nityamvarsha son of Jagattunga and -grandson of Krishna Akálavarsha. [440] - -That Amoghavarsha's long reign lasted till Saka 799 (A.D. 877) is -clear from the Kanheri cave inscription already referred to. His -reign can hardly have lasted much longer; about Saka 800 (A.D. 878) -may be taken to be its end. - -[Krishna Akálavarsha, A.D. 888-914.] Amoghavarsha was succeeded -by his son Krishna also called Akálavarsha, both his names being -the same as those of the Gujarát Ráshtrakúta king of the same time -(A.D. 888). [441] It has been noted above that, in consequence of -the attempt of Karka's son Dhruva I. (A.D. 835-867) to establish his -independence, Amoghavarsha's relations with the Gujarát Ráshtrakútas -became extremely hostile and probably continued hostile till his death -(A.D. 877). That Amoghavarsha's son Krishna kept up the hostilities -is shown by Indra's two Navsárí plates of Saka 836 (A.D. 914) -which mention his grandfather Krishna fighting with the roaring -Gurjjara. [442] Regarding this fight the late Ráshtrakúta Kardá plate -(S. 891, A.D. 973) further says that Krishna's enemies frightened by -his exploits abandoned Khetaka, that is Khedá, with its Mandala and -its forepart that is the surrounding country. Probably this roaring -Gurjjara or king of Gujarát, was a northern ally called in by some -Ráshtrakúta of the Gujarát branch, perhaps by Krishna's namesake -the donor of the A.D. 888 Bagumrá grant. The Dakhan Krishna seems -to have triumphed over his Gujarát namesake as henceforward South -Gujarát or Láta was permanently included in the territory of the -Dakhan Ráshtrakútas. [443] - -At this time (A.D. 910) a grant from Kapadvanj dated S. 832 (A.D. 910) -and published in Ep. Ind. I. 52ff. states that a mahásámanta or -noble of Krishna Akálavarsha's named Prachanda, with his dandanáyaka -Chandragupta, was in charge of a sub-division of 750 villages in the -Khedá district at Harshapura apparently Harsol near Parántij. The -grant gives the name of Prachanda's family as Bráhma-vaka (?) and -states that the family gained its fortune or Lakshmí by the prowess -of the feet of Akálavarsha, showing that the members of the family -drew their authority from Akálavarsha. The grant mentions four of -Prachanda's ancestors, all of whom have non-Gujarát Kánarese-looking -names. Though not independent rulers Prachanda's ancestors seem to have -been high Ráshtrakúta officers. The first is called Suddha-kkumbadi, -the second his son Degadi, the third Degadi's son Rájahamsa, -the fourth Rájahamsa's son Dhavalappa the father of Prachanda -and Akkuka. The plate describes Rájahamsa as bringing back to his -house its flying fortune as if he had regained lost authority. The -plate describes Dhavalappa as killing the enemy in a moment and then -giving to his lord the Mandala or kingdom which the combined enemy, -desirous of glory, had taken. This apparently refers to Akálavarsha's -enemies abandoning Khetaka with its Mandala as mentioned in the -late Ráshtrakúta Kardá plate (A.D. 973). Dhavalappa is probably -Akálavarsha's general who fought and defeated the roaring Gurjjara, -a success which may have led to Dhavalappa being placed in military -charge of Gujarát. [444] The Kapadvanj (A.D. 910) grant describes -Dhavalappa's son Prachanda with the feudatory title 'Who has obtained -the five great words.' Dr. Bhagvánlál believed Prachanda to be a -mere epithet of Akkuka, and took Chandragupta to be another name -of the same person, but the published text gives the facts as above -stated. The grantee is a Bráhman and the grant is of the village of -Vyághrása, perhaps Vágrá in Broach. [445] The plate describes Akkuka as -gaining glory fighting in the battle field. A rather unintelligible -verse follows implying that at this time the Sella-Vidyádharas, -apparently the North Konkan Siláháras (who traced their lineage from -the Vidyádharas) also helped Akálavarsha against his enemies, [446] -probably by driving them from South Gujarát. The Siláhára king at -this time would be Jhanjha (A.D. 916). - -[Indra Nityamvarsha, A.D. 914.] Krishna or Akálavarsha had a son named -Jagattunga who does not appear to have come to the throne. Other plates -show that he went to Chedi the modern Bundelkhand and remained there -during his father's lifetime. By Lakshmí the daughter of the king -of Chedi, Jagattunga had a son named Indra also called Nityamvarsha -Rattakandarpa. In both of Indra's Navsárí copperplates (A.D. 914) -Indra is mentioned as Pádánudhyáta, Falling at the feet of, that is -successor of, not his father but his grandfather Akálavarsha. [447] -One historical attribute of Indra in both the plates is that "he -uprooted in a moment the Mehr," [448] apparently referring to some -contemporary Mehr king of North Káthiáváda. Both the Navsárí plates -of Saka 836 (A.D. 914) note that the grants were made under peculiar -conditions. The plates say that the donor Indra Nityamvarsha, with -his capital at Mányakheta, had come to a place named Kurundaka for -the pattabandha or investiture festival. It is curious that though -Mányakheta is mentioned as the capital the king is described as having -come to Kurundaka for the investiture. Kurundaka was apparently not -a large town as the plates mention that it was given in grant. [449] -At his investiture Indra made great gifts. He weighed himself against -gold or silver, and before leaving the scales he gave away Kurundaka -and other places, twenty and a half lákhs of dramma coins, and 400 -villages previously granted but taken back by intervening kings. These -details have an air of exaggeration. At the same time gifts of coins -by lákhs are not improbable by so mighty a king as Indra and as to -the villages the bulk of them had already been alienated. The fact of -lavish grants is supported by the finding of these two plates of the -same date recording grants of two different villages made on the same -occasion, the language being the same, and also by a verse in the late -Ráshtrakúta Kardá plate (S. 894, A.D. 972) where Indra is described -as making numerous grants on copperplates and building many temples -of Siva. [450] The date of Indra's grants (S. 836, A.D. 914) is the -date of his investiture and accession. This is probable as the latest -known date of his grandfather Krishna is Saka 833 [451] (A.D. 911) -and we know that Indra's father Jagattunga did not reign. [452] -Umvará and Tenna, the villages granted in the two investiture plates, -are described as situated near Kammanijja the modern Kámlej in the -Láta province. They are probably the modern villages of Umra near -Sáyan four miles west of Kámlej, and of Tenna immediately to the west -of Bárdoli, which last is mentioned under the form Váradapallikâ as -the eastern boundary village. Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá plate (S. 789, -A.D. 867) mentions Tenna as granted by Dhruva I. to a Bráhman named -Dhoddi the father of the Nennapa who is the grantee of Dhruva II.'s -A.D. 867 Bagumrá grant, whose son Siddhabhatta is the grantee of -Indra's A.D. 914 grant. [453] The re-granting of so many villages -points to the re-establishment of the main Ráshtrakúta power and the -disappearance of the Gujarát branch of the Ráshtrakútas. [454] - -Though no materials remain for fixing how long after A.D. 914 Gujarát -belonged to the Mányakheta Ráshtrakútas, they probably continued to -hold it till their destruction in Saka 894 (A.D. 972) by the Western -Chálukya king Tailappa. This is the more likely as inscriptions show -that till then the neighbours of Gujarát, the North Konkan Siláháras, -acknowledged Ráshtrakúta supremacy. - -It is therefore probable that Gujarát passed to the conquering Tailappa -as part of the Ráshtrakúta kingdom. Further, as noted below in Part -II. Chapter II., it seems reasonable to suppose that about Saka -900 (A.D. 978) Tailappa entrusted Gujarát to his general Bárappa -or Dvárappa, who fought with the Solanki Múlarája of Anahilaváda -(A.D. 961-997). - - -[The text does not carry the question of the origin of the Ráshtrakútas -beyond the point that, about the middle of the fifth century A.D., -two tribes bearing the closely associated names Ráthod and Ratta, -the leaders of both of which are known in Sanskrit as Ráshtrakútas, -appeared the first in Upper India the second in the Bombay Karnátak, -and that the traditions of both tribes seem to show they were -either southerners or foreigners Bráhmanised and included under the -all-embracing term Rájput. The Sanskrit form Ráshtrakúta may mean -either leaders of the Ráshtra tribe or heads of the territorial -division named ráshtra. The closely related forms Ráshtrapati -and Grámakúta occur (above page 82) in Valabhi inscriptions. And -Mr. Fleet (Kánarese Dynasties, 32) notices that Ráshtrakúta is -used in the inscriptions of many dynasties as a title equivalent to -Ráshtrapati. Such a title might readily become a family name like that -of the Sáhi Játs of the Panjáb or the Maráthi surnames Patel, Nadkarni, -and Desái. It may be noted that one of the Márwár traditions (Rájputána -Gazetteer, III. 246) connects the word Ráthod with Ráshtra country -making the original form Ráshtravara or World-blessing and referring -to an early tribal guardian Ráshtrasyena or the World-Falcon. It -is therefore possible that the origin of both forms of the name, of -Ráthod as well as of Ráshtrakúta, is the title ruler of a district. At -the same time in the case of the southern Ráshtrakútas the balance of -evidence is in support of a tribal origin of the name. The Rattas of -Saundatti in Belgaum, apparently with justice, claim descent from the -former Ráshtrakúta rulers (Belgaum Gazetteer, 355). Further that the -Ráshtrakútas considered themselves to belong to the Ratta tribe is -shown by Indra Nityamvarsha (A.D. 914) calling himself Rattakandarpa -the Love of the Rattas. The result is thus in agreement with the view -accepted in the text that Ráshtrakúta means leaders of the Ratta -tribe, the form Ráshtra being perhaps chosen because the leaders -held the position of Ráshtrakútas or District Headmen. According to -Dr. Bhandárkar (Deccan History, 9) the tribal name Ratta or Ráshtra -enters into the still more famous Dakhan tribal name Maharátha or -Mahrátta. So far as present information goes both the Rattas and the -Great Rattas are to be traced to the Rástikas mentioned in number -five of Asoka's (B.C. 245) Girnár edicts among the Aparántas or -westerners along with the Petenikas or people of Paithan about forty -miles north-east of Ahmadnagar (Kolhápur Gazetteer, 82). Whether the -Rástika of the edicts is like Petenika a purely local name and if so -why a portion of the north Dakhan should be specially known as the -country or Ráshtra are points that must remain open. [455] - -The explanation that Kúta the second half of Ráshtrakúta, means -chief, has been accepted in the text. This is probably correct. At -the same time the rival theory deserves notice that the name -Ráshtrakúta is formed from two tribal names Kúta representing -the early widespread tribe allied to the Gonds known as Kottas -and Kods in the Central Provinces North Konkan and Delhi (Thána -Gazetteer, XII. Part II. 414). In support of this view it may be -noticed that Abhimanyu's fifth century Ráshtrakúta inscription -(J. Bo. Br. R. As. XVI. 92) refers to the Kottas though as enemies -not allies of the Ráshtrakútas. At the same time certain details in -Abhimanyu's grant favour an early Ráshtrakúta settlement in the Central -Provinces, the probable head-quarters of the Kottas. The grant is dated -from Mánapura and is made to Dakshina Siva of Pethapangaraka which -may be the Great Siva shrine in the Mahádev hills in Hoshangábád, as -this shrine is under the management of a petty chief of a place called -Pagára, and as Mánpur in the Vindhya hills is not far off. Against -the tribal origin of the word Kúta is to be set the fact that the -northern Rattas are also called Ráshtrakútas though any connection -between them and the Kotta tribe seems unlikely. - -The question remains were the southern Rattas or Ráshtrakútas connected -with the northern Ráthods or Ráshtrakútas. If so what was the nature -of the connection and to what date does it belong. The fact that, -while the later southern Ráshtrakútas call themselves Yádavas of the -Lunar race, the northerners claim descent either from Kusa the son of -Ráma or from Hiranyakasipu would seem to prove no connection did not -Abhimanyu's fifth century grant show that in his time the southern -Ráshtrakútas had not begun to claim Yádava descent. That the Márwár -Ráthods trace their name to the ráht or spine of Indra (Tod's Annals, -II. 2), and in a closely similar fashion the Ráth or Rattu Játs of -the Sutlej (Ibbetson's 1881 Census, page 236) explain their name -as stronghanded, and the Rattas of Bijápur (Bijápur Stat. Account, -145) trace their name to the Kánarese ratta right arm, may imply no -closer connection than the common attempt to find a meaning for the -name Ratta in a suitable word of similar sound. A legend preserved -in the Rájputána Gazetteer (III. 246), but not noted by Tod, tells -how Sevji, after (A.D. 1139) the Musalmáns drove his father Jaichand -out of Kanauj (Tod's Annals, I. 88) took Khergad from the Gehlots and -went to the Karnátak. where the Ráthods had ruled before they came -to Kanauj. From the Karnátak Sevji brought the image of the Ráhtod -Ráshtrasyena which is now in the temple of Nágána in Mevád. The -account quoted in the text from Tod (Annals, I. 88) that the Ráthods -who rose to power in Márwár in the thirteenth century belonged to -a royal family who had held Kanauj since the fifth century has not -stood the test of recent inquiry. It is now known that about A.D. 470 -Kanauj was in the hands of the Guptás. That about A.D. 600, according -to the contemporary Sríharshacharita it was ruled by the Maukhari -Grahavarmán who was put to death by a Málwa chief and was succeeded -by Harsha. About A.D. 750, according to the Rájátaranginí, Kanauj was -held by Yasovarmán, and, in the next century, as inscriptions prove by -the family of Bhoja. It was not till about A.D. 1050 that Kanauj was -occupied by the Gáhadavála or Gáharwála family from whom the Ráthods -of Márwár claim descent. [456] If the legendary connection of the -Márwár Ráthods with Kanauj must be dismissed can the Márwár Ráthods be -a branch of the southern Ráshtrakútas who like the Maráthás some 800 -years later spread conquering northwards? Such a northern settlement of -the southern Ráshtrakútas might be a consequence of the victories of -the great Ráshtrakúta Dhruva who according to received opinions about -A.D. 790 conquered as far north as Allahábád. It is beyond question -that southerners or Karnátas were settled in North India between -the seventh and the eleventh centuries. Still the latest information -makes it improbable that Dhruva's conquests extended further north -than Gujarát. Nor has any special connection been traced between the -southern Ráshtrakútas and the middle-age settlements of southerners or -Karnátas in North India. [457] Must therefore the North Indian tribe of -Ráthods be admitted to have its origin as late as the twelfth century, -and further is the North Indian name Ráthod not tribal but derived -from the title head of a district. Several considerations make both -of these solutions unlikely if not impossible. First there is the -remarkably widespread existence of the name Ráhtor, Ratha, or Ratti, -and endless variations of these names, in almost all parts of the -Panjáb, among all castes from the Bráhman to the Baluch, among all -religions Musalmán, Sikh, Jain, and Bráhmanic. [458] No doubt the -practice of a waning tribe adopting the name of a waxing tribe has -always been common. No doubt also the fame of the name during the -last 600 years must have tempted other classes to style themselves -Ráthod. Still it is to be noted: first that (Ibbetson, page 240) -the Ráthods of the Panjáb though widespread are not numerous: and -second that the list of sub-caste-names has this merit that with -a few exceptions the holders of the sub-name are not known by it -but by some general or craft name. The evidence of these sub-caste -or tribal names seems therefore to support the view that some very -large section of the Panjáb population represent an important tribe -or nation of whom the least mixed remnant are perhaps the Ráthis or -lower class Rájputs of Kángra and Chamba (Ibbetson, pages 219 and -251) and from some connection with whom the Márwár Ráthods of the -thirteenth century may have taken their name. Among other traces of -northern Ráshtras in the middle ages may be mentioned the twelfth and -thirteenth century Ráshtrakútas of Badaun in the North-West Provinces -(Kielhorn in Epigraphia Indica, I. 61 and 63) and (A.D. 1150) in -the Kumárapála-Charitra (Tod's Western India, 182) the mention of -Ráshtra-desa near the Sawálak hills. Among earlier and more doubtful -references are the Aratrioi whom probably correctly (since at that -time A.D. 247 one main Roman trade route to Central Asia passed up -the Indus) the author of the Periplus (McCrindle, 120) places between -Abhiria or lower Sindh and Arachosia or south-east Afghanistán that -is in north Sindh or south Panjáb. Another earlier and still more -doubtful reference is Pliny's (A.D. 77) Oraturæ (Hist. Nat. VI. 23) -whom Vivien de St. Martin (Geog. Greque et Latine de l'Inde, 203) -identifies with the Ráthods. The fact that while claiming descent -from Ráma the Márwár Ráthods (Tod's Annals, II. 2 and 5) preserved -the legend that their founder was Yavanaswa from the northern city of -Paralipur supports the view that the tribe to which they belonged was -of non-Indian or Central Asian origin, and that this is the tribe of -whom traces remain in the Ráthi Rájputs of the Kángra hill country -and less purely in the widely spread Ráts, Rattas, and Rátis of the -Panjáb plains. The examples among Panjáb caste names Rora for Arora -(Ibbetson's 1881 Census, page 297), Her for Ahir (Ditto, 230-275), and -Heri for Aheri (Ditto, 310) suggest that the Panjáb Ráthors or Rattas -may be the ancient Arattas whom the Mahábhárata (Chap. VII. Verse -44. J. Bl. Soc. VI. Pt. I. 387 and Vivien de St. Martin Geog. Greque et -Latine de l'Inde, 149) ranks with Prasthalas, Madras, and Gandháras, -Panjáb and frontier tribes, whose identification with the Báhikas -(Karnaparvan, 2063ff.) raises the probability of a common Central Asian -origin. Remembering that the evidence (Kshatrapa Chapter, pages 22 and -33) favours the view that the Kshatrapa family who ruled the Panjáb -between B.C. 70 and A.D. 78 were of the same tribe as Nahápana, and -also that Sháhi is so favourite a prefix in Samudra Gupta's (A.D. 380) -list of Kushán tribes, the suggestion may be offered that Kshaharáta -is the earlier form of Sháharatta and is the tribe of foreigners -afterwards known in the Panjáb as Arattas and of which traces survive -in the present widespread tribal names Ráta, Ratta, Ratha, and Ráthor.] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE MIHIRAS OR MERS. - -A.D. 470-900. - - -That the Guptas held sway in Káthiáváda till the time of Skandagupta -(A.D. 454-470) is proved by the fact that his Sorath Viceroy is -mentioned in Skandagupta's inscription on the Girnár rock. After -Skandagupta under the next known Gupta king Budhagupta (Gupta 165-180, -A.D. 484-499) no trace remains of Gupta sovereignty in Sorath. It is -known that Budhagupta was a weak king and that the Gupta kingdom had -already entered on its decline and lost its outlying provinces. Who -held Suráshtra and Gujarát during the period of Gupta decline until -the arrival and settlement of Bhatkárka in A.D. 514 (Gupta 195) is not -determined. Still there is reason to believe that during or shortly -after the time of Budhagupta some other race or dynasty overthrew the -Gupta Viceroy of these provinces and took them from the Guptas. These -powerful conquerors seem to be the tribe of Maitrakas mentioned -in Valabhi copperplates as people who had settled in Káthiáváda and -established a mandala or kingdom. Though these Maitrakas are mentioned -in no other records from Suráshtra there seems reason to identify the -Maitrakas with the Mihiras the well-known tribe of Mhers or Mers. In -Sanskrit both mitra and mihira are names of the sun, and it would -be quite in agreement with the practise of Sanskrit writers to use -derivatives of the one for those of the other. These Mhers or Mers -are still found in Káthiáváda settled round the Barda hills while -the Porbandar chiefs who are known as Jethvás are recognized as the -head of the tribe. The name Jethvá is not a tribal but a family name, -being taken from the proper or personal name of the ancestor of the -modern chiefs. As the Porbandar chiefs are called the kings of the -Mhers they probably belong to the same tribe, though, being chiefs, -they try, like other ruling families, to rank higher than their tribe -tracing their origin from Hanúmán. Though the Jethvás appear to have -been long ashamed to acknowledge themselves to belong to the Mher -tribe the founders of minor Mher kingdoms called themselves Mher -kings. The Porbandar chiefs have a tradition tracing their dynasty -to Makaradhvaja son of Hanúmán, and there are some Puránic legends -attached to the tradition. The historical kernel of the tradition -appears to be that the Mhers or Jethvás had a makara or fish as their -flag or symbol. One of the mythical stories of Makaradhvaja is that he -fought with Mayúradhvaja. Whatever coating of fable may have overlaid -the story, it contains a grain of history. Mayúradhvaja stands for -the Guptas whose chief symbol was a peacock mayúra, and with them -Makaradhvaja that is the people with the fish-symbol that is the Mhers -had a fight. This fight is probably the historical contest in which -the Mhers fought with and overthrew the Gupta Viceroy of Káthiáváda. - -The Káthiáváda Mhers are a peculiar tribe whose language dress and -appearance mark them as foreign settlers from Upper India. Like the -Málavas, Játs, Gurjjaras, and Pahlavas, the Mhers seem to have passed -through the Punjáb Sindh and North Gujarát into Káthiáváda leaving -settlements at Ajmír, Bádner, Jesalmír, Kokalmír, and Mherváda. How -and when the Mhers made these settlements and entered Káthiáváda is not -known. It may be surmised that they came with Toramána (A.D. 470-512) -who overthrew the Guptas, and advanced far to the south and west in -the train of some general of Toramána's who may perhaps have entered -Suráshtra. This is probable as the date of Toramána who overthrew -Budhagupta is almost the same as that of the Maitrakas mentioned -as the opponents and enemies of Bhatárka. In the time of Bhatárka -(A.D. 509-520?) the Mhers were firmly established in the peninsula, -otherwise they would not be mentioned in the Valabhi grants as -enemies of Bhatárka, a tribe or mandala wielding incomparable -power. As stated above in Chapter VIII. some time after the Mher -settlement and consolidation of power, Bhatárka seems to have come -as general of the fallen Guptas through Málwa and Broach by sea to -East Káthiáváda. He established himself at Valabhi and then gradually -dislodged the Mhers from Sorath until they retired slightly to the -north settling eventually at Morbi, which the Jethvás still recognize -as the earliest seat of their ancestors. At Morbi they appear to have -ruled contemporarily with the Valabhis. In support of this it is to -be noted that no known Valabhi plate records any grant of lands or -villages in Hálár, Machhukántha, or Okhámandal in North Káthiáváda. As -the northmost place mentioned in Valabhi plates is Venuthali known as -Wania's Vanthali in Hálár it may be inferred that not the Valabhis but -the Mhers ruled the north coast of Káthiáváda, probably as feudatories -or subordinates of the Valabhis. On the overthrow of Valabhi about -A.D. 770 the Mhers appear to have seized the kingdom and ruled the -whole of Káthiáváda dividing it into separate chiefships grouped under -the two main divisions of Bardái and Gohelvádia. About A.D. 860 the -Mhers made incursions into Central Gujarát. A copperplate dated Saka -789 (A.D. 847) of the Gujarát Ráshtrakúta king Dhruva describes him -as attacked by a powerful Mihira king whom he defeated. [459] At -the height of their power the Mhers seem to have established their -capital at the fort of Bhumli or Ghumli in the Bardá hills in the -centre of Káthiáváda. The traditions about Ghumli rest mainly on modern -Jethvá legends of no historical interest. The only known epigraphical -record is a copperplate of a king named Jâchikadeva found in the Morbi -district. [460] Unfortunately only the second plate remains. Still the -fish mark on the plate, the locality where it was found, and its date -leave little doubt that the plate belongs to the Makaradhvaja or Jethvá -kings. The date of the grant is 585 Gupta era the 5th Phálguna Sudi -that is A.D. 904, about 130 years after the destruction of Valabhi, -a date with which the form of the letters agrees. - -A similar copperplate in which the king's name appears in the -slightly different form Jáikadeva has been found at Dhiniki in -the same neighbourhood as the first and like it bearing the fish -mark. [461] This copperplate describes the king as ruling at -Bhúmiliká or Bhúmli in Sorath and gives him the high titles of -Parama-bhattáraka-Mahárájádhirája-Paramesvara, that is Great Lord -Great King of Kings Great King, titles which imply wide extent and -independence of rule. This grant purports to be made on the occasion of -a solar eclipse on Sunday Vikrama Samvat 794 Jyeshtha constellation, -the no-moon of the second half of Kárttika. This would be A.D. 738 or -166 years before the Jáchika of the Morbí plate. Against this it is to -be noted that the letters of this plate, instead of appearing as old -as eighth century letters, look later than the letters of the tenth -century Morbí plate. As neither the day of the week, the constellation, -nor the eclipse work out correctly Dr. Bhagvánlál believed the plate -to be a forgery of the eleventh century, executed by some one who had -seen a fish-marked copperplate of Jáchika dated in the Saka era. It -should however be noted that the names of ministers and officers -which the plate contains give it an air of genuineness. Whether the -plate is or is not genuine, it is probably true that Jáikadeva was -a great independent sovereign ruling at Bhúmli. Though the names of -the other kings of the dynasty, the duration of the Bhúmli kingdom, -and the details of its history are unknown it may be noted that the -dynasty is still represented by the Porbandar chiefs. Though at present -Bhúmli is deserted several ruined temples of about the eleventh century -stand on its site. It is true no old inscriptions have been found; -it is not less true that no careful search has been made about Bhúmli. - -Early in the tenth century a wave of invasion from Sindh seems to -have spread over Kacch and Káthiáváda. Among the invading tribes -were the Jádejás of Kacch and the Chúdásamás of Sorath, who like the -Bhattis of Jesalmír call themselves of the Yaduvamsa stock. Doctor -Bhagvánlál held that the Chúdásamás were originally of the Ábhíra -tribe, as their traditions attest connection with the Ábhíras and -as the description of Graharipu one of their kings by Hemachandra -in his Dvyásraya points to his being of some local tribe and not of -any ancient Rájput lineage. Further in their bardic traditions as -well as in popular stories the Chúdásamás are still commonly called -Áhera-ránás. The position of Aberia in Ptolemy (A.D. 150) seems to show -that in the second century the Ahirs were settled between Sindh and -the Panjáb. Similarly it may be suggested that Jádejá is a corruption -of Jaudhejá which in turn comes from Yaudheya (the change of y to -j being very common) who in Kshatrapa Inscriptions appear as close -neighbours of the Ahirs. After the fall of the Valabhis (A.D. 775) -the Yaudheyas seem to have established themselves in Kacch and the -Ahirs settled and made conquests in Káthiáváda. On the decline of -local rule brought about by these incursions and by the establishment -of an Ahir or Chúdásamá kingdom at Junágadh, the Jethvás seem to have -abandoned Bhúmli which is close to Junágadh and gone to Srínagar or -Kántelun near Porbandar which is considered to have been the seat of -Jethvá power before Porbandar. - -A copperplate found at Haddálá on the road from Dholka to Dhandhuka -dated A.D. 917 (Saka 839) shows that there reigned at Vadhwán a -king named Dharanívaráha of the Chápa dynasty, [462] who granted a -village to one Mahesvaráchárya, an apostle of the Ámardáka Sákhá of -Saivism. Dharanívaráha and his ancestors are described as feudatory -kings, ruling by the grace of the feet of the great king of kings the -great lord the illustrious Mahípáladeva. This Mahípála would seem to -be some great king of Káthiáváda reigning in A.D. 917 over the greater -part of the province. Dr. Bhagvánlál had two coins of this king of -about that time, one a copper coin the other a silver coin. The coins -were found near Junágadh. The copper coin, about ten grains in weight, -has one side obliterated but the other side shows clearly the words -Ráná Srí Mahípála Deva. The silver coin, about fourteen grains in -weight, has on the obverse a well-executed elephant and on the reverse -the legend Ráná Srí Mahípála Deva. From the locality where the name -Mahípála appears both in coins and inscriptions, and from the fact -that the more reliable Chúdásamá lists contain similar names, it may -be assumed as probable that Mahípála was a powerful Chúdásamá ruler -of Káthiáváda in the early part of the tenth century. - -After the fall of Valabhi no other reliable record remains of any -dynasty ruling over the greater part of Gujarát. The most trustworthy -and historical information is in connection with the Chávadás of -Anahilapura. Even for the Chávadás nothing is available but scant -references recorded by Jain authors in their histories of the Solankis -and Vághelás. - -[The Chúdásamás, A.D. 900-940.] [The modern traditions of the Chúdásamá -clan trace their origin to the Yádava race and more immediately to the -Samma tribe of Nagar Thatha in Sindh. [463] The name of the family is -said to have been derived from Chúdáchandra the first ruler of Vanthalí -(Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 489). Traces of a different tradition are to -be found in the Tuhfat-ul-Kirám (Elliot, I. 337) which gives a list -of Chúdásamá's ancestors from Nuh (Noah), including not only Krishna -the Yádava but also Ráma of the solar line. In this pedigree the -Musalmán element is later than the others: but the attempt to combine -the solar and lunar lines is a sure sign that the Samma clan was not -of Hindu origin, and that it came under Hindu influence fairly late -though before Sindh became a Musalmán province. This being admitted it -follows that the Sammas were one of the numerous tribes that entered -India during the existence of the Turkish empire in Transoxiana -(A.D. 560-c. 750). In this connection it is noteworthy that some of -the Jáms bore such Turkish names as Tamáchi, Tughlik, and Sanjár. - -The migration of the Sammas to Kacch is ascribed by the Taríkh-i-Tahiri -(A.D. 1621) to the tyranny of the Súmra chiefs. The Sammas found -Kacch in the possession of the Cháwaras, who treated them kindly, -and whom they requited by seizing the fort of Gúntrí by a stratagem -similar to that which brought about the fall of Girnár. - -The date of the Chúdásamá settlement at Vanthalí is usually fixed -on traditional evidence, at about A.D. 875, but there is reason to -think that this date is rather too early. In the first place it -is worthy of notice that Chúdáchandra, the traditional eponym of -the family, is in the Tuhfat-ul-Kirám made a son of Jádam (Yádava) -and only a great-grandson of Krishna himself, a fact which suggests -that, if not entirely mythical, he was at all events a very distant -ancestor of Múlarája's opponent Grahári, and was not an actual ruler of -Vanthalí. As regards Grahári's father Visvavaráha and his grandfather -Múlarája, there is no reason to doubt that they were real persons, -although it is very questionable whether the Chúdásamás were settled -in Káthiáváda in their time. In the first place, the Morbí grant -of Jáikadeva shows that the Jethvás had not been driven southwards -before A.D. 907. Secondly Dharanívaráha's Vadhván grant proves that the -Chápa family of Bhínmál were still supreme in Káthiáváda in A.D. 914: -whereas the Taríkh-i-Tahiri's account of the Chúdásamá conquest -of Kacch implies that the Cháwaras, who must be identified with -the Chápas of Bhínmál, were losing their power when the Chúdásamás -captured Gúntrí, an event which must have preceded the settlement -at Vanthalí in Káthiáváda. Beyond the fact that Múlarája Solanki -transferred the capital to Anahilaváda in A.D. 942, we know nothing -of the events which led to the break-up of the Bhínmál empire. But -it is reasonable to suppose that between A.D. 920 and 940 the Chápas -gradually lost ground and the Chúdásamás were able first to conquer -Sindh and then to settle in Káthiáváda.--A. M. T. J.] - -[Káthiáváda contains three peculiar and associated classes of Hindus, -the Mers, the Jethvás, and the Jhálás. The Mers and the Jethvás stand -to each other in the relation of vassal and lord. The Jhálás are -connected with the Jethvás by origin history and alliance. The bond -of union between the three classes is not only that they seem to be of -foreign that is of non-Hindu origin, but whether or not they belong to -the same swarm of northern invaders, that they all apparently entered -Káthiáváda either by land or sea through Sindh and Kacch. So far -as record or tradition remains the Mers and [The Jethvás.] Jethvás -reached Káthiáváda in the latter half of the fifth century after -Christ, and the Jhálás, and perhaps a second detachment of Mers and -Jethvás, some three hundred years later. [464] The three tribes differ -widely in numbers and in distribution. The ruling Jethvás are a small -group found solely in south-west Káthiáváda. [465] The Jhálás, who -are also known as Makvánas, are a much larger clan. They not only -fill north-east Káthiáváda, but from Káthiáváda, about A.D. 1500, -spread to Rájputána and have there established a second Jháláváda, -[466] where, in reward for their devotion to the Sesodia Rája of -Mewád in his struggles with the Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1580-1600), the -chief was given a daughter of the Udepur family and raised to a high -position among Rájputs. [467] The Mers are a numerous and widespread -race. They seem to be the sixth to tenth century Medhs, Meds, Mands, -or Mins of Baluchistán, South-Sindh, Kacch, and Káthiáváda. [468] -Further they seem to be the Mers of Meváda or Medapatha in Rájputána -[469] and of Mairváda in Málava, [470] and also to be the Musalmán Meos -and Minas of Northern India. [471] In Gujarát their strength is much -greater than the 30,000 or 40,000 returned as [The Mers.] Mers. One -branch of the tribe is hidden under the name Koli; another has -disappeared below the covering of Islám. [472] - -Formerly except the vague contention that the Medhás, Jhetvás, and -Jhála-Makvánás were northerners of somewhat recent arrival little -evidence was available either to fix the date of their appearance in -Káthiáváda or to determine to which of the many swarms of non-Hindu -Northerners they belonged. [473] This point Dr. Bhagvánlál's remarks -in the text go far to clear. The chief step is the identification of -the Mers with the Maitrakas, the ruling power in Káthiáváda between -the decline of the Guptas about A.D. 470 and the establishment of -Valabhi rule about sixty years later. And further that they fought -at the same time against the same Hindu rulers and that both are -described as foreigners and northerners favours the identification -of the [White Húnas.] power of the Maitrakas with the North Indian -empire of the Epthalites, Yethas, or White Húnas. [474] - -Though the sameness in name between the Mihiras and Mihirakula -(A.D. 508-530), the great Indian champion of the White Húnas, may -not imply sameness of tribe it points to a common sun-worship. [475] - -That the Multán sun-worship was introduced under Sassanian influence -is supported by the fact (Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 357) that the -figure of the sun on the fifth century Hindu sun coins is in the -dress of a Persian king; that the priests who performed the Multán -sun-worship were called Magas; and by the details of the dress and -ritual in the account of the introduction of sun-worship given in -the Bhavishya Purána. [476] That the Meyds or Mands had some share in -its introduction is supported by the fact that the Purána names the -third or Sudra class of the sun-worshippers Mandagas. [477] That the -Meyds were associated with the Magas is shown by the mention of the -Magas as Mihiragas. [478] The third class whom the Bhavishya Purána -associates with the introduction of sun-worship are the Mânas who -are given a place between the Magas and the Mands. The association -of the Mânas with the Mihiras or Maitrakas suggests that Mâna is -Mauna a Puránic name for the White Húnas. [479] That the Multán sun -idol of the sixth and seventh centuries was a Húna idol and Multán -the capital of a Húna dynasty seems in agreement with the paramount -position of the Rais of Alor or Rori in the sixth century. Though -their defeat by Yesodharmman of Málwa about A.D. 540 at the battle -of Karur, sixty miles east of Multán, may have ended Húna supremacy -in north and north-west India it does not follow that authority at -once forsook the Húnas. Their widespread and unchallenged dominion -in North India, the absence of record of any reverse later than the -Karur defeat, the hopelessness of any attempt to pass out of India in -the face of the combined Turk and Sassanian forces make it probable -that the Húnas and their associated tribes, adopting Hinduism and -abandoning their claim to supremacy, settled in west and north-west -India. This view finds support in the leading place which the Húnas -and Hára-Húnas, the Maitrakas or Mers, and the Gurjjaras hold in the -centuries that follow the overthrow of the White Húna empire. According -to one rendering of Cosmas [480] (A.D. 525) the chief of Orrhotha or -Sorath in common with several other coast rulers owed allegiance to -Gollas, apparently, as is suggested at page 75 of the text, to Gulla -or Mihirgulla the Indian Emperor of the White Húnas. These details -support the view that the Maitrakas, Mihiras, or Mers who in Cosmas' -time were in power in Káthiáváda, and to whose ascendancy during the -seventh and eighth centuries both the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang -(A.D. 612-640) and the Arab historians of Sindh bear witness, were a -portion of the great White Húna invasion (A.D. 480-530). [481] In the -many recorded swarmings south from Central Asia into Persia and India -no feature is commoner than the leading of the conquered by certain -families of the conquering tribe. Chinese authorities place it beyond -doubt that when, towards the middle of the fifth century A.D., the -White Húnas crossed the Oxus they found in power a cognate tribe of -northerners whose date of settlement on the Indian frontier was less -than a century old. This preceding swarm was the Yuán-Yuán, Var-Var, -or Avár, who, about the close of the fourth century (A.D. 380), had -driven from Balkh southwards into the Kábul valley Kitolo the last -ruler of the long established Yuetchi (B.C. 50-A.D. 380). [482] It -is known that in retreating before the Yuán-Yuán a division of the -Baktrian Yuetchi, under the leadership of Kitolo's son, under the -name of the Kidáras or Little Yuetchi, established their power in -Gandhára and Pesháwar. [483] This Kidára invasion must have driven a -certain share of the people of the Kábul valley to the east of the -Indus. The invasion of the White Húnas a century later, who were -welcomed as allies by some of the Panjáb chiefs, [484] would cause -fresh movements among the frontier tribes. The welcome given to the -Húnas, and the show and dash which marked their century of ascendancy -in India and Persia, make it probable that as leaders they conducted -south as far as Káthiáváda and Málava large bodies of the earlier -northern settlers. To which of the waves of earlier northerners the -Medhs belonged is doubtful. [485] The view held by Pandit Bhagvánlál -that one branch of the Medhs entered India in the first century before -Christ among the tribes of which the great Yuechi were the chief is on -the whole in agreement with General Cunningham's argument that Medus -Hydaspes, Virgil's phrase for the Jhelum, proves that the Medhs were -then (B.C. 40) already settled on its banks. [486] - -Dr. Bhagvánlál's view that the Jethvás are Medhs ennobled by long -overlordship is somewhat doubtfully shared by Colonel Watson [487] -and is not inconsistent with Tod's opinions. [488] Still though the -Hindu ruler-worship, which, as in the case of the Marátha Siváji, -explains the raising to the twice-born of leaders of successful early -and foreign tribes makes it possible that the Jethvás were originally -Mers, it seems on the whole probable that the Jethvás' claim to an -origin distinct from the Mers is well founded. The evidence recorded -by Colonel Tod and the name Jethva led the late Dr. John Wilson to -trace the Jethvás to the Játs or Jits. [489] According to the bards -the name of the Káthiáváda tribe Jethva is derived from Jetha No. 85 -or No. 95 of the Porbandar list, who was probably so called because he -was born under the Jyeshtha constellation. [490] The common practice of -explaining a tribal name by inventing some name-giving chief deprives -this derivation of most of its probability. [491] In the present case -it may further be noticed that the name Jethi is borne by two of the -chiefs earlier than the Jetha referred to. [492] In the absence of -any satisfactory explanation the name Jethva suggests an origin in -Yetha the shortened Chinese form of Ye-ta-i-li-to or Ephthalite the -name of the ruling class of the White Húnas. [493] It is true that so -good an authority as Specht [494] holds that the shortened form Yetha -is peculiar to the Chinese and was never in use. But the form Tetal -or Haital, adopted by Armenian Musalmán and Byzantine historians, -[495] makes probable an Indian Yethál or Jethál if not a Yetha or -Jetha. Nor does there seem any reason why Yetha the Chinese form -of the word should not be more likely to be adopted in India than -the western and otherwise less correct form Tetal or Haithal. In -any case the irregular change from a correct Yethál to an incorrect -Yetha cannot be considered of much importance, if, as seems likely, -the change was made in order to give the word an Indian meaning. [496] -The v in Jethva would come to be added when the origin from a chief -named Jetha was accepted. - -[Jhálás.] Another name for the White Húnas, or for a section of the -White Húna swarm, is preserved by Cosmas [497] in the form Juvia. This -form, if it is not a misreading for Ounia or Húna, suggests Jáuvla -the recently identified name of the tribe ennobled in India by the -great Toramána (A.D. 450-500) and his son Mihirakula (A.D. 500-540), -and of which a trace seems to remain in the Jáwla and Jháwla divisions -of Panjáb Gujjars. [498] This Jáuvla, under such a fire baptism as -would admit the holders of the name among Hindus, might be turned into -Jvála flaming and Jvála be shortened to Jhála. That Jhála was formerly -punningly connected with flame is shewn by a line from the bard Chand, -'The lord of the Ránás the powerful Jhála like a flaming fire.' [499] -That the Káthiáváda bards were either puzzled by the name Jhála or -were unwilling to admit its foreign origin is shewn by the story -preserved in the Rás Málá, [500] that the tribe got the name because -the children of Hirpál Makvána, about to be crushed by an elephant, -were snatched away jhála by their witch-mother. It has been noticed -in the text that the break in Gujarát History between A.D. 480 and -520, agreeing with the term of Húna supremacy in North India, seems -to imply a similar supremacy in Gujarát. The facts that up to the -twelfth century Húnas held a leading place in Gujarát chronicles, -[501] and that while in Rájputána and other parts of Northern India -the traces of Huns are fairly widespread in Gujarát they have almost -if not altogether disappeared, support the view that the Húna strain -in Káthiáváda is hid under the names Mera, Jethva, and Jhála. [502] - - - - - - - - - -PART II. - -THE KINGDOM OF ANAHILAVÁDA. - -A.D. 720-1300. - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE CHÁVADÁS - -(A.D. 720-956.) - -The history embodied in the preceding chapters is more or less -fragmentary, pieced together from coins, stone and copperplate -inscriptions, local traditions, and other similar sources. A history -based on such materials alone must of necessity be imperfect, leaving -blanks which it may be hoped fresh details will gradually fill. - -The rise of the Anahilaváda kingdom (A.D. 720) marks a new period of -Gujarát history regarding which materials are available from formal -historical writings. [503] Though this section of Gujarát history -begins with the establishment of Anahilaváda by the Chávadás -(A.D. 720-956) the details for the earlier portions are very -imperfect being written during the time of the Chálukya or Solanki -(A.D. 957-1242) successors of the Chávadás. The chief sources -of information regarding the earlier period of Chávadá rule are -the opening chapters of the Prabandhachintámani, Vichárasreni, -Sukritasankírtana, and Ratnamálá. [504] - -[Pañchásar, A.D. 788.] Before the establishment of Anahilaváda a small -Chávadá chiefship centred at Pañchásar, now a fair-sized village in -Vadhiár between Gujarát and Kacch. [505] The existence of a Chávadá -chiefship at Pañchásar is proved by the Navsárí grant dated Samvat 490 -(A.D. 788-89) of the Gujarát Chálukya king Pulikesí Janásraya. This -grant in recording the triumphant progress of an army of Tájikas or -Arabs from Sindh to Navsárí and mentioning the kingdoms "afflicted" -by the Arabs, names the Chávotakas next after the kings of Kacch and -Sauráshtra. These Chávotakas can be no other than the Chávadás of -Pañchásar on the borders of Kacch. The Chávadás of Pañchásar do not -appear to have been important rulers. At the most they seem to have -held Vadhiár and part of the north coast of Káthiáváda. Whatever be -the origin of the name Chávadá, which was afterwards Sanskritised -into the highsounding Chápotkata or Strongbow, it does not seem to -be the name of any great dynasty. The name very closely resembles the -Gujaráti Chor (Prakrit Chautá or Choratá) meaning thieves or robbers; -and Jávadá, which is a further corruption of Chávadá, is the word now -in use in those parts for a thief or robber. Except the mention of -the Chávotakas in the Navsárí copperplate we do not find the Chávadás -noticed in any known cotemporary Gujarát copperplates. For this reason -it seems fair to regard them as unimportant rulers over a territory -extending from Pañchásar to Anahilaváda. - -[Jayasekhara, A.D. 696.] The author of the Ratnamálá (C. 1230 -A.D.) says that in A.D. 696 (S. 752) Jayasekhara the Chávadá king of -Pañchásar was attacked by the Chaulukya king Bhuvada of Kalyánakataka -in Kanyákubja or Kanoj and slain by Bhuvada in battle. Before his -death Jayasekhara, finding his affairs hopeless, sent his pregnant -wife Rupasundarí to the forest in charge of her brother Surapála, -one of his chief warriors. After Jayasekhara's death Rupasundarí -gave birth to a son named Vanarája who became the illustrious -founder of Anahilaváda. It is hard to say how much truth underlies -this tradition. In the seventh century not Chaulukya but Pála kings -flourished in Kanoj. No place of importance called Kalyánakataka is -recorded in the Kanoj territory. And though there was a southern -Chálukya kingdom with its capital at Kalyán, its establishment -at Kalyán was about the middle of the eleventh not in the seventh -century. Further the known Dakhan Chálukya lists contain no king -named Bhuvada, unless he be the great Chálukya king Vijayáditya -(A.D. 696-733) also called Bhuvanásraya, who warred in the north and -was there imprisoned but made his escape. The inference is that the -author of the Ratnamálá, knowing the Solankis originally belonged to -a city called Kalyán, and knowing that a Chálukya king named Bhuvada -had defeated the Chávadás may have called Bhuvada king of Kalyánkataka -and identified Kalyánkataka with a country so well known to Puránic -fame as Kanyákubja. This view is supported by the absence in the -Prabandhachintámani and other old records of any mention of an invasion -from Kanoj. It is possible that in A.D. 696 some king Bhuvada of the -Gujarát Chálukyas, of whom at this time branches were ruling as far -north as Kaira, [506] invaded the Chávadás under Jayasekhara. Since -traces of a Chávotaka kingdom remain, at least as late as A.D. 720, -it seems probable that the destruction of Pañchásar was caused not by -Bhuvada in A.D. 696, but in the Arab raid mentioned above whose date -falls about A.D. 720. [507] About A.D. 720 may therefore be taken -as the date of the birth of Vanarája. Merutunga the author of the -Prabandhachintámani tells how Rupasundarí was living in the forest -swinging her son in a hammock, when a Jain priest named Sílagunasúri -noticing as he passed royal marks on the boy bought him from his -mother. The story adds that a nun named Víramatí brought up the boy -whom the sádhu called Vanarája or the forest king. When eight years -old, the priest employed Vanarája to protect his place of worship -from rats. The boy's skill in shooting rats convinced the priest he -was not fit to be a sádhu but was worthy of a kingdom. He therefore -returned the boy to his mother. These details seem invented by the -Jains in their own honour. No mention of any such story occurs in -the Ratnamálá. [508] - -[Vanarája, A.D. 720-780 (?).] In the forests where Vanarája passed -his youth lived his maternal uncle Surapála, one of Jayasekhara's -generals, who, after his sovereign's defeat and death, had -become an outlaw. Vanarája grew up under Surapála's charge. The -Prabandhachintámani records the following story of the origin of -Vanarája's wealth. A Kanyákubja king married Mahánaká the daughter -of a Gujarát king. To receive the proceeds of the marriage cess -which the Gujarát king had levied from his subjects, a deputation -or panchkúla came from Kanyákubja to Gujarát. The deputation made -Vanarája their leader or sellabhrit to realize the proceeds of the -cess. In six months Vanarája collected 24 lákhs of Páruttha drammas -[509] and 4000 horse, which the deputation took and started for -Kanyákubja. Vanarája waylaid and killed them, secured the money -and horses, and remained in hiding for a year. With the wealth thus -acquired Vanarája enrolled an army and established his power assuming -the title of king. [Founding of Anahilaváda, A.D. 746-765.] He fixed -the site of a capital which afterwards rose to be the great city of -Anahilapura. The story of the choice of the site is the usual story -of a hunted hare turning on the hounds showing the place to be the -special nurse of strength and courage. Vanarája is said to have asked -a Bharvád or Shepherd named Anahila son of Sákhadá to show him the -best site. Anahila agreed on condition that the city should be called -by his name. Anahila accordingly showed Vanarája the place where a -hare had attacked and chased a dog. Though much in this tradition is -fabulous the city may have been called after some local chief since -it was popularly known as Anahilaváda (Sk. Anahilaváta) that is the -place of Anahila. In the Prabandhachintámani Merutunga gives A.D. 746 -(S. 802) as the date of the installation of Vanarája, while in his -Vichárasreni the same author gives A.D. 765 (S. 821 Vaisakha Sukla -2) as the date of the foundation of the city. The discrepancy may -be explained by taking A.D. 746 (S. 802) to refer to the date of -Vanarája's getting money enough to fix the site of his capital, and -A.D. 765 (S. 821) to refer to the date of his installation in the -completed Anahilaváda. Local tradition connects the date A.D. 746 -(S. 802) with an image of Ganpati which is said to be as old as -the establishment of the city and to bear the date 802. But as the -letters of the inscription on the image can be made out by ordinary -readers they cannot have been inscribed at nearly so early a date as -802. A.D. 765 (S. 821), the year given in the Vichárasreni, seems the -more probable date for the installation as the Prabandhachintámani -says that Vanarája got himself installed at Anahilapura when he -was about fifty. [510] This accords with the date fixed on other -grounds. Placing Vanarája's birth at about A.D. 720 would make him 44 -in A.D. 765 (S. 821) the date at which according to the Vichárasreni -he was formally installed as sovereign of Anahilaváda. Merutunga in -both his works gives the length of Vanarája's life at 109 and of his -reign at sixty years. The figure 60 seems to mark the length of his -life and not of his reign. So long a reign as sixty years is barely -possible for a sovereign who succeeded late in life, and the 109 -years of his life can hardly be correct. Taking Vanarája's age at -45 when he was installed in A.D. 765 (S. 821) and allowing fifteen -years more to complete the sixty years A.D. 780 (S. 836) would be -the closing year of his reign. - -[Vanarája's Installation.] The Prabandhachintámani narrates -how generously Vanarája rewarded those who had helped him in his -adversity. His installation was performed by a woman named Srí Deví -of Kákara village whom in fulfilment of an early promise Vanarája -had taken to be his sister. [511] The story regarding the promise -is that once when Vanarája had gone with his uncle on a thieving -expedition to Kákara village and had broken into the house of a -merchant he by mistake dipped his hand into a pot of curds. As to -touch curds is the same as to dine at a house as a guest, Vanarája -left the house without taking anything from it. [512] Hearing what -had happened the merchant's sister invited Vanarája as a brother to -dinner and gave him clothes. In return Vanarája promised if he ever -regained his father's kingdom he should receive his installation as -king at her hands. [513] Vanarája chose as minister a Bania named -Jámba. The story is that while Vanarája was looting with two others -he came across a merchant Jámba who had five arrows. Seeing only -three enemies, Jámba broke and threw away two of the arrows, shouting -'One for each of you.' Vanarája admiring his coolness persuaded Jámba -to join his band and found him so useful that he promised to make -him minister. From the absence of any reference to him in these and -similar tales it is probable that his uncle Surapála died before the -installing of Vanarája. Vanarája is said to have built at Anahilváda -a Jain temple of Pañchásará Párasnáth so called because the image was -brought from the old settlement of Pañchásar. Mention of this temple -continues during the Solanki and Vághelá times. - -[His Image.] Vanarája is said to have placed a bowing image of himself -facing the image of Párasnáth. The figure of Vanarája is still shown -at Sidhpur and a woodcut of it is given by the late Mr. Forbes in -his Rás Málá. It is clearly the figure of a king with the umbrella of -state and a nimbus round the head and in the ears the long ornaments -called kundalas noticed by Arab travellers as characteristic of the -Balhara or Ráshtrakúta kings who were cotemporary with Vanarája. [514] -The king wears a long beard, a short waistcloth or dhoti, a waistband -or kammarband, and a shoulder garment or uparna whose ends hang down -the back. Besides the earrings he is adorned with bracelets armlets -and anklets and a large ornament hangs across the chest from the left -shoulder to the right hip. The right hand is held near the chest in -the act of granting protection: and the left hand holds something -which cannot be made out. By his side is the umbrella-bearer and five -other attendants. The statue closely resembles the lifesize figure of -a king of the Solanki period lying in the yard of a temple at Máliá -about twenty-four miles north of Somanátha Patan. At Somanátha Patan -are similar but less rich cotemporary figures of local officers -of the Solankis. Another similar figure of which only the torso -remains is the statue of Anrája the father of Vastupála in a niche -in Vastupála's temple at Girnár. The details of this figure belong -to the Solanki period. - -[Vanarája's Successors, A.D. 780-961.] The lists of Vanarája's -successors vary so greatly in the names, in the order of succession, -and in the lengths of reigns, that little trust can be placed in -them. The first three agree in giving a duration of 196 years to the -Chávadá dynasty after the accession of Vanarája. The accession of the -Solanki founder Múlarája is given in the Vichárasreni at Samvat 1017 -and in the Prabandhachintámani at Samvat 998 corresponding with the -original difference of nineteen years (S. 802 and 821) in the founding -of the city. This shows that though the total duration of the dynasty -was traditionally known to be 196 years the order of succession was -not known and guesses were made as to the duration of the different -reigns. Certain dates fixed by inscriptions or otherwise known to -some compilers and not known to others caused many discrepancies in -the various accounts. - -[Yogarája, A.D. 806-841.] According to the calculations given above -Vanarája's reign lasted to about A.D. 780. Authorities agree that -Vanarája was succeeded by his son Yogarája. The length of Yogarája's -reign is given as thirty-five years by the Prabandhachintámani and the -Ratnamálá, and as twenty-nine by the Vichárasreni. That is according -to the Prabandhachintámani and Ratnamálá his reign closes in A.D. 841 -(S. 897) and according to the Vichárasreni in A.D. 836 (S. 891). On -the whole the Prabandhachintámani date A.D. 841 (S. 897) seems the more -probable. The author of the Vichárasreni may have mistaken the 7 of the -manuscripts for a 1, the two figures in the manuscripts of that date -being closely alike. If A.D. 780 is taken as the close of Vanarája's -reign and A.D. 806 as the beginning of Yogarája's reign an interval -of twenty-six years is left. This blank, which perhaps accounts for -the improbably long reign and life assigned to Vanarája, may have been -filled by the forgotten reign of a childless elder brother of Yogarája. - -Of Yogarája the Prabandhachintámani tells the following -tale. Kshemarája one of Yogarája's three sons reported that several -ships were storm-stayed at Prabhása or Somanátha. The ships had 10,000 -horses, many elephants, and millions of money and treasure. Kshemarája -prayed that he might seize the treasure. Yogarája forbad him. In spite -of their father's orders the sons seized the treasure and brought it -to the king. Yogarája said nothing. And when the people asked him why -he was silent he answered: To say I approve would be a sin; to say I -do not approve would annoy you. Hitherto on account of an ancestor's -misdeeds we have been laughed at as a nation of thieves. Our name was -improving and we were rising to the rank of true kings. This act of -my sons has renewed the old stain. Yogarája would not be comforted -and mounted the funeral pyre. - -[Kshemarája, A.D. 841-880.] According to the Prabandhachintámani in -A.D. 841 (S. 898) Yogarája was succeeded by his son Kshemarája. The -Vichárasreni says that Yogarája was succeeded by Ratnáditya who reigned -three years, and he by Vairisimha who reigned eleven years. Then -came Kshemarája who is mentioned as the son of Yogarája and as coming -to the throne in A.D. 849 (S. 905). The relationship of Yogarája to -Ratnáditya and Vairisimha is not given. Probably both were sons of -Yogarája as the Prabandhachintámani mentions that Yogarája had three -sons. The duration of Kshemarája's reign is given as thirty-nine -years. It is probable that the reigns of the three brothers lasted -altogether for thirty-nine years, fourteen years for the two elder -brothers and twenty-five years for Kshemarája the period mentioned by -the Prabandhachintámani. Accepting this chronology A.D. 880 (S. 936) -will be the date of the close of Kshemarája's reign. - -[Chámunda, A.D. 880-908.] According to the Vichárasreni and the -Sukritasankírtana Kshemarája was succeeded by his son Chámunda. Instead -of Chámunda the Prabandhachintámani mentions Bhúyada perhaps another -name of Chámunda, as in the Prabandhachintámani the name Chámunda -does not occur. The Prabandhachintámani notes that Bhúyada reigned -twenty-nine years and built in Anahilaváda Patan the temple of -Bhúyadeshvar. The Vichárasreni gives twenty-seven years as the length -of Chámunda's reign an insignificant difference of two years. This -gives A.D. 908 (S. 964) as the close of Chámunda's reign according -to the Vichárasreni. - -[Ghaghada, A.D. 908-937.] After Bhúyada the Prabandhachintámani -places Vairisimha and Ratnáditya assigning twenty-five and fifteen -years as the reigns of each. The Vichárasreni mentions as the -successor of Chámunda his son Ghaghada who is called Ráhada in the -Sukritasankírtana. Instead of Ghaghada the Prabandhachintámani gives -Sámantasimha or Lion Chieftain perhaps a title of Ghághada's. The -Vichárasreni gives Ghaghada a reign of twenty-seven years and mentions -as his successor an unnamed son who reigned nineteen years. The -Sukritasankírtana gives the name of this son as Bhúbhata. According -to these calculations the close of Ghághada's reign would be A.D. 936 -(Samvat 965 + 27 = 992). Adding nineteen years for Bhúbhata's reign -brings the date of the end of the dynasty to A.D. 956 (Samvat 993 + 19 -= 1012) that is five years earlier than S. 1017 the date given by the -Vichárasreni. Until some evidence to the contrary is shown Merutunga's -date A.D. 961 (S. 821 + 196 = 1017) may be taken as correct. - -According to the above the Chávadá genealogy stands as follows: - - - Vanarája, born A.D. 720; succeeded A.D. 765; died A.D. 780. - | - Interval of twenty-six years. - | - Yogarája, A.D. 806-841. - | - -----------------------+-------------------- - | | | - Ratnáditya, Vairisimha, Kshemarája, - A.D. 842. A.D. 845. A.D. 856. - | - Chámunda or Bhúyada (?), - A.D. 881. - | - Ghághada or Ráhada, - A.D. 908. - | - Name Unknown, - A.D. 937-961. - - -[The period of Chávadá rule at Anahilaváda is likely to remain obscure -until the discovery of cotemporary inscriptions throws more light upon -it than can be gathered from the confused and contradictory legends -collected by the Solanki historians, none of whom are older than the -twelfth century. For the present a few points only can be regarded -as established: - -(i) The Chávadás, Chávotakas, or Chápotkatas, are connected with -the Chápas of Bhínmál and of Vadhván and are therefore of Gurjjara -race. (Compare Ind. Ant. XVII. 192.) - -(ii) They probably were never more than feudatories of the Bhínmál -kings. - -(iii) Though the legend places the fall of Pañchásar in A.D. 696 -and the foundation of Anahilaváda in A.D. 746, the grant of Pulakesi -Janásraya shows that a Chávadá (Chávotaka) kingdom existed in A.D. 728. - -As regards the chronology of the dynasty, the explanation of the -long life of 110 years ascribed to Vanarája may be that a grandson -of the same name succeeded the founder of the family. The name -of Chámunda has, as Dr. Bühler long ago pointed out, crept in -through some error from the Solanki list. But when the same author -in two different works gives such contradictory lists and dates as -Merutunga does in his Prabandhachintámani and his Vichárasreni, it -is clearly useless to attempt to extract a consistent story from the -chroniclers.--A. M. T. J.] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE CHAULUKYAS OR SOLANKIS - -(A.D. 961-1242) - - -[Authorities.] The next rulers are the Chaulukyas or Solankis -(A.D. 964-1242) whose conversion to Jainism has secured them careful -record by Jain chroniclers. The earliest writer on the Solankis, -the learned Jain priest Hemachandra (A.D. 1089-1173), in his work -called the Dvyásraya, has given a fairly full and correct account -of the dynasty up to Siddharája (A.D. 1143). The work is said to -have been begun by Hemachandra about A.D. 1160, and to have been -finished and revised by another Jain monk named Abhayatilakagani -in A.D. 1255. [515] The last chapter which is in Prakrit deals -solely with king Kumárapála. This work is a grammar rather than a -chronicle, still, though it has little reference to dates, it is a -good collection of tales and descriptions. For chronology the best -guide is the Vichárasreni which its author has taken pains to make the -chief authority in dates. The Vichárasreni was written by Merutunga -about A.D. 1314, some time after he wrote the Prabandhachintámani. - -[The Name Chaulukya.] According to the Vichárasreni after the Chávadás, -in A.D. 961 (Vaishakh Suddha 1017), began the reign of Múlarája the -son of a daughter of the last Chávadá ruler. The name Chaulukya is a -Sanskritised form, through an earlier form Chálukya, of the old names -Chalkya, Chalikya, Chirîkya, Chálukya of the great Dakhan dynasty -(A.D. 552-973), made to harmonise with the Puránic-looking story -that the founder of the dynasty sprang from the palm or chuluka of -Brahma. The form Chaulukya seems to have been confined to authors -and writers. It was used by the great Dakhan poet Bilhana (c. 1050 -A.D.) and by the Anahilaváda chroniclers. In Gujarát the popular -form of the word seems to have been Solaki or Solanki (a dialectic -variant of Chalukya), a name till lately used by Gujarát bards. The -sameness of name seems to show the Dakhan and Gujarát dynasties to -be branches of one stock. No materials are available to trace the -original seat of the family or to show when and whence they came to -Gujarát. The balance of probability is, as Dr. Bühler holds, that -Múlarája's ancestors came from the north. [516] - -[Múlarája, A.D. 961-996.] The Sukritasankírtana says that the last -Chávadá king Bhúbhata was succeeded by his sister's son Múlarája. Of -the family or country of Múlarája's father no details are given. The -Prabandhachintámani calls Múlarája the sister's son of Sámantasimha and -gives the following details. In A.D. 930 of the family of Bhuiyada (who -destroyed Jayasekhara) were three brothers Ráji, Bija, and Dandaka, -who stopped at Anahilaváda on their way back from a pilgrimage to -Somanátha in the guise of Kárpatika or Kápdi beggars. The three -brothers attended a cavalry parade held by king Sámantasimha. An -objection taken by Ráji to some of the cavalry movements pleased -Sámantasimha, who, taking him to be the scion of some noble family, -gave him his sister Líládeví in marriage. Líládeví died pregnant -and the child, which was taken alive from its dead mother's womb was -called Múlarája, because the operation was performed when the Múla -constellation was in power. Múlarája grew into an able and popular -prince and helped to extend the kingdom of his maternal uncle. In -a fit of intoxication Sámantasimha ordered Múlarája to be placed on -the throne. He afterwards cancelled the grant. But Múlarája contended -that a king once installed could not be degraded. He collected troops -defeated and slew his uncle and succeeded to the throne in A.D. 942 -(S. 998). The main facts of this tale, that Múlarája's father was one -Ráji of the Chálukya family, that his mother was a Chávadá. princess, -and that he came to the Chávadá throne by killing his maternal uncle, -appear to be true. That Múlarája's father's name was Ráji is proved by -Dr. Bühler's copperplate of Múlarája. [517] Merutunga's details that -Ráji came in disguise to Anahilaváda, took the fancy of Sámantasimha, -and received his sister in marriage seem fictions in the style common -in the bardic praises of Rájput princes. Dr. Bühler's copperplate -further disproves the story as it calls Múlarája the son of the -illustrious Ráji, the great king of kings Mahárájádhirája, a title -which would not be given to a wandering prince. Ráji appears to have -been of almost equal rank with the Chávadás. The Ratnamálá calls Ráji -fifth in descent from Bhuvada, his four predecessors being Karnáditya, -Chándráditya, Somáditya, and Bhuvanáditya. But the Ratnamálá list is on -the face of it wrong, as it gives five instead of seven or eight kings -to fill the space of over 200 years between Jayasekhara and Múlarája. - -Most Jain chroniclers begin the history of Anahilaváda with Múlarája -who with the Jains is the glory of the dynasty. After taking the -small Chávadá kingdom Múlarája spread his power in all directions, -overrunning Káthiáváda and Kacch on the west, and fighting Bárappa -of Láta or South Gujarát on the south, and Vigraharája king of Ajmir -on the north. The Ajmir kings were called Sapádalaksha. Why they were -so called is not known. This much is certain that Sapádalaksha is the -Sanskrit form of the modern Sewálik. It would seem that the Choháns, -whom the Gujarát Jain chroniclers call Sapádalakshíya, must have -come to Gujarát from the Sewálik hills. After leaving the Sewálik -hills the capital was at Ajmir, which is usually said to have been -first fortified by the Chohán king Ajayapála (A.D. 1174-1177). [518] -This story seems invented by the Choháns. The name Ajmir appears to -be derived from the Mehrs who were in power in these parts between -the fifth and the eighth centuries. The Hammíramahákávya begins the -Chohán genealogy with Vásudeva (A.D. 780) and states that Vásudeva's -fourth successor Ajayapála established the hill fort of Ajmir. About -this time (A.D. 840) the Choháns seem to have made settlements in the -Ajmir country and to have harassed Gujarát. Vigraharája the tenth in -succession from Vásudeva is described as killing Múlarája and weakening -the Gurjjara country. [519] The author of the Prabandhachintámani gives -the following details. The Sapádalaksha or Ajmir king entered Gujarát -to attack Múlarája and at the same time from the south Múlarája's -territory was invaded by Bárappa a general of king Tailapa of -Telingána. [520] Unable to face both enemies Múlarája at his minister's -advice retired to Kanthádurga apparently Kanthkot in Cutch. [521] -He remained there till the Navarátra or Nine-Night festival at the -close of the rains when he expected the Sapádalaksha king would have -to return to Ajmir to worship the goddess Sákambharí when Bárappa -would be left alone. At the close of the rains the Sapádalaksha -king fixed his camp near a place called Sákambharí and bringing the -goddess Sákambharí there held the Nine-Night festival. This device -disappointed Múlarája. He sent for his sámantas or nobles and gave -them presents. He told them his plans and called on them to support -him in attacking the Sapádalaksha king. Múlarája then mounted a female -elephant with no attendant but the driver and in the evening came -suddenly to the Ajmir camp. He dismounted and holding a drawn sword -in his hand said to the doorkeeper 'What is your king doing. Go and -tell your lord that Múlarája waits at his door.' While the attendant -was on his way to give the message, Múlarája pushed him on one side -and himself went into the presence. The doorkeeper called 'Here comes -Múlarája.' Before he could be stopped Múlarája forced his way in and -took his seat on the throne. The Ajmir king in consternation asked -'Are you Múlarája?' Múlarája answered 'I would regard him as a brave -king who would meet me face to face in battle. While I was thinking -no such brave enemy exists, you have arrived. I ask no better fortune -than to fight with you. But as soon as you are come, like a bee falling -in at dinner time, Bárappa the general of king Tailapa of Telingana -has arrived to attack me. While I am punishing him you should keep -quiet and not give me a side blow.' The Ajmir king said, 'Though you -are a king, you have come here alone like a foot soldier, not caring -for your safety. I will be your ally for life.' Múlarája replied -'Say not so.' He refused the Rája's invitation to dine, and leaving -sword in hand mounted his elephant and with his nobles attacked the -camp of Bárappa. Bárappa was killed and eighteen of his elephants and -10,000 of his horses fell into Múlarája's hands. While returning with -the spoil Múlarája received news that the Sapádalaksha king had fled. - -This story of the author of the Prabandhachintámani differs from -that given by the author of the Hammírakávya who describes Múlarája -as defeated and slain. The truth seems to be that the Ajmír king -defeated Múlarája and on Múlarája's submission did not press his -advantage. In these circumstances Múlarája's victory over Bárappa -seems improbable. The Dvyásraya devotes seventy-five verses (27-101) -of its sixth chapter to the contest between Bárappa and Múlarája. The -details may be thus summarised. Once when Múlarája received presents -from various Indian kings Dvárappa [522] king of Látadesa sent an -ill-omened elephant. The marks being examined by royal officers and -by prince Chámunda, they decided the elephant would bring destruction -on the king who kept him. The elephant was sent back in disgrace -and Múlarája and his son started with an army to attack Látadesa and -avenge the insult. In his march Múlarája first came to the Svabhravatí -or Sábarmatí which formed the boundary of his kingdom, frightening -the people. From the Sábarmatí he advanced to the ancient Purí [523] -where also the people became confused. The Láta king prepared for -fight, and was slain by Chámunda in single combat. Múlarája advanced -to Broach where Bárappa who was assisted by the island kings opposed -him. Chámunda overcame them and slew Bárappa. After this success -Múlarája and Chámunda returned to Anahilapura. [524] - -The Dvyásraya styles Bárappa king of Látadesa; the Prabandhachintámani -calls him a general of Tailapa king of Telingána; the Sukritasankírtana -a general of the Kanyákubja king; and the Kírtikaumudí [525] a general -of the Lord of Láta. - -Other evidence proves that at the time of Múlarája a Chaulukya king -named Bárappa did reign in Látadesa. The Surat grant of Kírtirája -grandson of Bárappa is dated A.D. 1018 (Saka 940). This, taking twenty -years to a king, brings Bárappa's date to A.D. 978 (Saka 900), a year -which falls in the reign of Múlarája (A.D. 961-996; S. 1027-1053). The -statement in the Prabandhachintámani that Bárappa was a general of -Tailapa seems correct. The southern form of the name Bárappa supports -the statement. And as Tailapa overthrew the Ráshtrakútas in A.D. 972 -(Saka 894) he might well place a general in military charge of Láta, -and allow him practical independence. This would explain why the -Dvyásraya calls Bárappa king of Látadesa and why the Kírtikaumudí -calls him general of the Lord of Láta. - -One of Múlarája's earliest wars was with Graharipu the Ábhíra -or Chúdásamá ruler of Sorath. [526] According to Múlarája's -bards, the cause of war was Graharipu's oppression of pilgrims to -Prabhása. Graharipu's capital was Vámanasthalí, the modern Vanthalí -nine miles west of Junágadh, and the fort of Durgapalli which Graharipu -is said to have established must be Junágadh itself which was not -then a capital. Graharipu is described as a cow-eating Mlechha and -a grievous tyrant. He is said to have had much influence over Lákhá -son of king Phula of Kacch and to have been helped by Turks and -other Mlechhas. When Múlarája reached the Jambumáli river, he was -met by Graharipu and his army. With Graharipu was Lákhá of Kacch, -the king of Sindh probably a Sumrá, Mewás Bhilas, and the sons of -Graharipu's wife Nílí who had been summoned from near the Bhadar -river by a message in the Yavana language. [527] With Múlarája were -the kings of Siláprastha, [528] of Márwár, of Kásí, of Arbuda or Abu, -and of Srímála or Bhínmál. Múlarája had also his own younger brother -Gangámah, his friend king Revatímitra, and Bhils. It is specially -mentioned that in this expedition Múlarája received no help from -the sons of his paternal uncles Bíja and Dandaka. The fight ended in -Graharipu being made prisoner by Múlarája, and in Lákhá being slain -with a spear. After the victory Múlarája went to Prabhása, worshipped -the linga, and returned to Anahilaváda with his army and 108 elephants. - -According to the author of the Prabandhachintámani Lákhá met his death -in a different contest with Múlarája. Lákhá who is described as the -son of Phuladá, and Kámalatá daughter of Kírttirája a Parmár king, -is said to have been invincible because he was under the protection -of king Yasovarman of Málwa. He defeated Múlarája's army eleven -times. In a twelfth encounter Múlarája besieged Lákhá in Kapilakot, -slew him in single combat, and trod on his flowing beard. Enraged at -this insult to her dead son Lákhá's mother called down on Múlarája's -descendants the curse of the spider poison that is of leprosy. [529] - -Mr. Forbes, apparently from bardic sources, states that on his -wife's death Ráji the father of Múlarája went to the temple of -Vishnu at Dwárká. On his return he visited the court of Lákhá -Phuláni and espoused Lákhá's sister Ráyáji by whom he had a son -named Rákháich. This marriage proved the ruin of Ráji. In a dispute -about precedence Lákhá slew Ráji and many of his Rájput followers, -his wife Ráyáji becoming a Satí. Bíja the uncle of Múlarája urged his -nephew to avenge his father's death and Múlarája was further incited -against Lákhá because Lákhá harboured Rákháich the younger son of -Ráji at his court as a rival to Múlarája. - -According to the Dvyásraya, either from the rising power of his son -or from repentance for his own rough acts, after Chámunda's victory -over Bárappa Múlarája installed him as ruler and devoted himself to -religion and charity. According to the Prabandhachintámani Múlarája -built in Anahilaváda a Jain temple named Múlavasatiká. But as the -Nandi symbol on his copperplate shows that Múlarája was a devoted -Saivite, it is possible that this temple was built by some Jain guild -or community and named after the reigning chief. [530] Múlarája built -a Mahádeva temple called Múlasvámi in Anahilaváda, and, in honour of -Somanátha, he built the temple of Mulesvara at Mandali-nagara where -he went at the bidding of the god. [531] He also built at Anahilaváda -a temple of Mahádeva called Tripurushaprásáda on a site to which the -tradition attaches that seeing Múlarája daily visiting the temple of -Múlanáthadeva at Mandali, Somanátha Mahádeva being greatly pleased -promised to bring the ocean to Anahilaváda. Somanátha came, and the -ocean accompanying the god certain ponds became brackish. In honour -of these salt pools Múlarája built the Tripurushaprásáda. Looking -for some one to place in charge of this temple, Múlarája heard of an -ascetic named Kanthadi at Siddhapura on the banks of the Sarasvatí -who used to fast every other day and on the intervening day lived on -five morsels of food. Múlarája offered this sage the charge of the -temple. The sage declined saying 'Authority is the surest path to -hell.' Eventually Vayajalladeva a disciple of the sage undertook the -management on certain conditions. Múlarája passed most of his days at -the holy shrine of Siddhapura, the modern Sidhpur on the Sarasvatí -about fifteen miles north-east of Anahilaváda. At Sidhpur Múlarája -made many grants to Bráhmans. Several branches of Gujarát Bráhmans, -Audíchyas Srígaudas and Kanojias, trace their origin in Gujarát to -an invitation from Múlarája to Siddhapura and the local Puránas and -Máhátmyas confirm the story. As the term Audíchya means Northerner -Múlarája may have invited Bráhmans from some such holy place as -Kurukshetra which the Audíchyas claim as their home. From Kanyákubja -in the Madhyadesa between the Ganges and the Yamuná another equally -holy place the Kanojías may have been invited. The Srí Gaudas appear -to have come from Bengal and Tirhut. Gauda and Tirhut Bráhmans are -noted Tántriks and Mantrasástris a branch of learning for which both -the people and the rulers of Gujarát have a great fondness. Grants -of villages were made to these Bráhmans. Sidhpur was given to the -Audíchyas, Simhapura or Sihor in Káthiáváda to some other colony, -and Stambhatírtha or Cambay to the Srí Gaudas. At Siddhapura -Múlarája built the famous temple called the Rudramahálaya or the -great shrine of Rudra. According to tradition Múlarája did not -complete the Rudramahálaya and Siddharája finished it. In spite -of this tradition it does not appear that Múlarája died leaving -the great temple unfinished as a copperplate of A.D. 987 (S. 1043) -records that Múlarája made the grant after worshipping the god of the -Rudramahálaya on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the fifteenth -of the dark half of Mágha. It would seem therefore that Múlarája -built one large Rudramahálaya which Siddharája may have repaired or -enlarged. Múlarája is said while still in health to have mounted the -funeral pile, an act which some writers trace to remorse and others -to unknown political reasons. The Vichárasreni gives the length of -Múlarája's reign at thirty-five years A.D. 961-996 (S. 1017-1052); -the Prabandhachintámani begins the reign at A.D. 942 (S. 998) and ends -it at A.D. 997 (S. 1053) that is a length of fifty-five years. [532] -Of the two, thirty-five years seems the more probable, as, if the -traditional accounts are correct, Múlarája can scarcely have been a -young man when he overthrew his uncle's power. - -[Chámunda, A.D. 997-1010.] Of Múlarája's son and successor -Chámunda no historical information is available. The author of -the Prabandhachintámani assigns him a reign of thirteen years. The -author of the Dvyásraya says that he had three sons Vallabha Rája, -Durlabha Rája, and Nága Rája. According to one account Chámunda -installed Vallabha in A.D. 1010 (S. 1066) and went on pilgrimage to -Benares. On his passage through Málwa Muñja the Málwa king carried -off Chámunda's umbrella and other marks of royalty. [533] Chámunda -went on to Benares in the guise of a hermit. On his return he prayed -his son to avenge the insult offered by the king of Málwa. Vallabha -started with an army but died of small-pox. The author of the -Prabandhachintámani gives Chámunda a reign of six months, while the -author of the Vichárasreni entirely drops his name and gives a reign of -fourteen years to Vallabha made up of the thirteen years of Chámunda -and the six months of Vallabha. This seems to be a mistake. It would -seem more correct, as is done in several copperplate lists, to omit -Vallabha, since he must have reigned jointly with his father and his -name is not wanted for purposes of succession. The Vichárasreni and -the Prabandhachintámani agree in ending Vallabha's reign in A.D. 1010 -(S. 1066). The author of the Dvyásraya states that Chámunda greatly -lamenting the death of Vallabha installed Vallabha's younger brother -Durlabha, and himself retired to die at Suklatírtha on the Narbadá. - -[Durlabha, A.D. 1010-1022.] Durlabha whom the Sukritasankírtana -also calls Jagatjhampaka or World Guardian came to the throne in -A.D. 1010 (S. 1066). The Prabandhachintámani gives the length of his -reign at eleven years and six months while the Vichárasreni makes -it twelve years closing it in A.D. 1022 (S. 1078). The author of -the Dvyásraya says that along with his brother Nága Rája, Durlabha -attended the Svayamvara or bridegroom-choosing of Durlabha Deví the -sister of Mahendra the Rája of Nadol in Márwár. The kings of Anga, -Kásí, Avantí, Chedí, Kuru, Húna, Mathurá, Vindhya, and Andhra were -also present. [534] The princess chose Durlabha and Mahendra gave his -younger sister Lakshmí to Durlabha's brother Nága Rája. The princess' -choice of Durlabha drew on him the enmity of certain of the other kings -all of whom he defeated. The brothers then returned to Anahilaváda -where Durlabha built a lake called Durlabhasarovara. The author of the -Prabandhachintámani says that Durlabha gave up the kingdom to his son -(?) Bhíma. [535] He also states that Durlabha went on pilgrimage and -was insulted on the way by Muñja king of Málwa. This seems the same -tale which the Dvyásraya tells of Chámunda. Since Muñja cannot have -been a cotemporary of Durlabha the Dvyásraya's account seems correct. - -[Bhíma I. A.D. 1022-1064.] Durlabha was succeeded by his nephew Bhíma -the son of Durlabha's younger brother Nága Rája. The author of the -Dvyásraya says that Durlabha wishing to retire from the world offered -the kingdom to his nephew Bhíma; that Bhíma declined in favour of his -father Nága Rája; that Nága Rája refused; that Durlabha and Nága Rája -persuaded Bhíma to take the government; and that after installing -Bhíma the two brothers died together. Such a voluntary double death -sounds unlikely unless the result was due to the machinations of -Bhíma. The Prabandhachintámani gives Bhíma a reign of fifty-two -years from A.D. 1022 to 1074 (S. 1078-1130), while the Vichárasreni -reduces his reign to forty-two years placing its close in A.D. 1064 -(S. 1120). Forty-two years would seem to be correct as another copy -of the Prabandhachintámani has 42. - -Two copperplates of Bhíma are available one dated A.D. 1030 (S. 1086) -eight or nine years after he came to the throne, the other from Kacch -in A.D. 1037 (S. 1093). - -Bhíma seems to have been more powerful than either of his -predecessors. According to the Dvyásraya his two chief enemies were -the kings of Sindh and of Chedí or Bundelkhand. He led a victorious -expedition against Hammuka the king of Sindh, who had conquered the -king of Sivasána and another against Karna king of Chedí who paid -tribute and submitted. The Prabandhachintámani has a verse, apparently -an old verse interpolated, which says that on the Málwa king Bhoja's -death, while sacking Dhárápuri, Karna took Bhíma as his coadjutor, and -that afterwards Bhíma's general Dámara took Karna captive and won from -him a gold mandapiká or canopy and images of Ganesa and Nílakanthesvara -Mahádeva. Bhíma is said to have presented the canopy to Somanátha. - -When Bhíma was engaged against the king of Sindh, Kulachandra the -general of the Málwa king Bhoja with all the Málwa feudatories, invaded -Anahilaváda, sacked the city, and sowed shell-money at the gate where -the time-marking gong was sounded. So great was the loss that the -'sacking of Kulachandra' has passed into a proverb. Kulachandra also -took from Anahilaváda an acknowledgment of victory or jayapatra. On his -return Bhoja received Kulachandra with honour but blamed him for not -sowing salt instead of shell-money. [536] He said the shell-money is -an omen that the wealth of Málwa will flow to Gujarát. An unpublished -inscription of Bhoja's successor Udayáditya in a temple at Udepur -near Bhilsá confirms the above stating that Bhíma was conquered by -Bhoja's officers. [537] - -The Solanki kings of Anahilapura being Saivites held the god Somanátha -of Prabhása in great veneration. The very ancient and holy shrine -of Prabhása has long been a place of special pilgrimage. As early as -the Yádavas of Dwárká, [538] pilgrimages to Prabhása are recorded but -the Mahábhárata makes no mention either of Somanátha or of any other -Saivite shrine. The shrine of Somanátha was probably not established -before the time of the Valabhis (A.D. 480-767). As the Valabhi kings -were most open-handed in religious gifts, it was probably through their -grants that the Somanátha temple rose to importance. The Solankis were -not behind the Valabhis in devotion to Somanátha. To save pilgrims from -oppression Múlarája fought Graharipu the Ábhíra king of Sorath. [539] -Múlarája afterwards went to Prabhása and also built temples in Gujarát -in honour of the god Somanátha. As Múlarája's successors Chámunda -and Durlabha continued firm devotees of Somanátha during their reigns -(A.D. 997-1022) the wealth of the temple must have greatly increased. - -[Mahmúd's Invasion, A.D. 1024.] No Gujarát Hindu writer refers to the -destruction of the great temple soon after Bhíma's accession. [540] -But the Musalmán historians place beyond doubt that in A.D. 1024 -the famous tenth raid of [Somanátha, A.D. 1024.] Mahmúd of Ghazni, -ended in the destruction and plunder of Somanátha. [541] - -Of the destruction of Somanátha the earliest Musalmán account, of -Ibn Asír (A.D. 1160-1229), supplies the following details: In the -year A.D. 1024 (H. 414) Mahmúd captured several forts and cities -in Hind and he also took the idol called Somanátha. This idol was -the greatest of all the idols of Hind. At every eclipse [542] the -Hindus went on pilgrimage to the temple, and there congregated to -the number of a hundred thousand persons. According to their doctrine -of transmigration the Hindus believe that after separation from the -body the souls of men meet at Somanátha; and that the ebb and flow -of the tide is the worship paid to the best of its power by the sea -to the idol. [543] All that is most precious in India was brought to -Somanátha. The temple attendants received the most valuable presents, -and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 villages. [544] -In the temple were amassed jewels of the most exquisite quality and -of incalculable value. The people of India have a great river called -Ganga to which they pay the highest honour and into which they cast -the bones of their great men, in the belief that the deceased will thus -secure an entrance to heaven. Though between this river and Somanátha -is a distance of about 1200 miles (200 parasangs) water was daily -brought from it to wash the idol. [545] Every day a thousand Bráhmans -performed the worship and introduced visitors. [546] The shaving of -the heads and beards of pilgrims employed three hundred barbers. [547] -Three hundred and fifty persons sang and danced at the gate of the -temple, [548] every one receiving a settled daily allowance. When -Mahmúd was gaining victories and demolishing idols in North India, -the Hindus said Somanátha is displeased with these idols. If Somanátha -had been satisfied with them no one could have destroyed or injured -them. When Mahmúd heard this he resolved on making a campaign to -destroy Somanátha, believing that when the Hindus saw their prayers -and imprecations to be false and futile they would embrace the Faith. - -So he prayed to the Almighty for aid, and with 30,000 horse besides -volunteers left Ghazni on the 10th Sha'bán (H. 414, A.D. 1024). He took -the road to Multán and reached it in the middle of Ramzán. The road -from Multán to India lay through a barren desert without inhabitants -or food. Mahmúd collected provisions for the passage and loading -30,000 camels with water and corn started for Anahilaváda. After he -had crossed the desert he perceived on one side a fort full of people -in which place there were wells. [549] The leaders came to conciliate -him, but he invested the place, and God gave him victory over it, -for the hearts of the people failed them through fear. He brought -the place under the sway of Islám, killed the inhabitants, and broke -in pieces their images. His men carrying water with them marched for -Anahilaváda, where they arrived at the beginning of Zílkáda. - -The Chief of Anahilaváda, called Bhím, fled hastily, and abandoning -his city went to a certain fort for safety and to prepare for -war. Mahmúd pushed on for Somanátha. On his march he came to several -forts in which were many images serving as chamberlains or heralds -of Somanátha. These Mahmúd called Shaitán or devils. He killed the -people, destroyed the fortifications, broke the idols in pieces, -and through a waterless desert marched to Somanátha. In the desert -land he met 20,000 fighting men whose chiefs would not submit. He sent -troops against them, defeated them, put them to flight, and plundered -their possessions. From the desert he marched to Dabalwárah, [550] -two days' journey from Somanátha. The people of Dabalwárah stayed -in the city believing that the word of Somanátha would drive back -the invaders. Mahmúd took the place, slew the men, plundered their -property, and marched to Somanátha. - -Reaching Somanátha on a Thursday in the middle of Zílkáda Mahmúd -beheld a strong fortress built on the sea-shore, so that its walls -were washed by the waves. [551] From the walls the people jeered at -the Musalmáns. Our deity, they said, will cut off the last man of you -and destroy you all. On the morrow which was Friday the assailants -advanced to the assault. When the Hindus saw how the Muhammadans -fought they abandoned their posts and left the walls. The Musalmáns -planted their ladders and scaled the walls. From the top they raised -their war-cry, and showed the might of Islám. Still their loss was -so heavy that the issue seemed doubtful. A body of Hindus hurried -to Somanátha, cast themselves on the ground before him, and besought -him to grant them victory. Night came on and the fight was stayed. - -Early next morning Mahmúd renewed the battle. His men made greater -havoc among the Hindus till they drove them from the town to the house -of their idol Somanátha. At the gate of the temple the slaughter was -dreadful. Band after band of the defenders entered the temple and -standing before Somanátha with their hands clasped round their necks -wept and passionately entreated him. Then they issued forth to fight -and fought till they were slain. The few left alive took to the sea -in boats but the Musalmáns overtook them and some were killed and -some were drowned. - -The temple of Somanátha rested on fifty-six pillars of teakwood -covered with lead. [552] The idol was in a dark chamber. The height -of the idol was five cubits and its girth three cubits. This was what -appeared to the eye; two cubits were hidden in the basement. It had no -appearance of being sculptured. Mahmúd seized it, part of it he burnt, -and part he carried with him to Ghazni, where he made it a step at the -entrance of the Great Mosque. [553] The dark shrine was lighted by -exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain of gold -200 mans in weight. To the chain bells were fastened. And when each -watch of the night was over the chain was shaken and the ringing of -the bells roused a fresh party of Bráhmans to carry on the worship. In -the treasury which was near the shrine were many idols of gold and -silver. Among the treasures were veils set with jewels, every jewel -of immense value. What was found in the temple was worth more than -two millions of dinárs. Over fifty thousand Hindus were slain. [554] - -After the capture of Somanátha, Mahmúd received intelligence that -Bhím the chief of Anahilaváda had gone to the fort of Khandahat, -[555] about 240 miles (40 parasangs) from Somanátha between that -place and the desert. Mahmúd marched to Khandahat. When he came -before it he questioned some men who were hunting as to the tide. He -learned that the ford was practicable, but that if the wind blew a -little the crossing was dangerous. Mahmúd prayed to the Almighty and -entered the water. He and his forces passed safely and drove out the -enemy. From Khandahat he returned intending to proceed against Mansúra -in central Sindh, whose ruler was an apostate Muhammadan. At the news -of Mahmúd's approach the chief fled into the date forests. Mahmúd -followed, and surrounding him and his adherents, many of them were -slain, many drowned, and few escaped. Mahmúd then went to Bhátiá, -and after reducing the inhabitants to obedience, returned to Ghazni -where he arrived on the 10th Safar 417 H. (A.D. 1026). - -The Rauzatu-s-safá of Mirkhand supplements these details with the -following account of Mahmúd's arrangements for holding Gujarát: -'It is related that when Sultán Mahmúd had achieved the conquest of -Somanátha he wished to fix his residence there for some years because -the country was very extensive and possessed many advantages among -them several mines which produced pure gold. Indian rubies were brought -from Sarandíp, one of the dependencies of the kingdom of Gujarát. His -ministers represented to Mahmúd that to forsake Khurásán which had -been won from his enemies after so many battles and to make Somanátha -the seat of government was very improper. At last the king made up -his mind to return and ordered some one to be appointed to hold and -carry on the administration of the country. The ministers observed -that as it was impossible for a stranger to maintain possession he -should assign the country to one of the native chiefs. The Sultán -accordingly held a council to settle the nomination, in concurrence -with such of the inhabitants as were well disposed towards him. Some -of them represented to him that amongst the ancient royal families no -house was so noble as that of the Dábshilíms of whom only one member -survived, and he had assumed the habit of a Bráhman, and was devoted -to philosophical pursuits and austerity.' [556] - -That Mahmúd should have found it necessary to appoint some local -chief to keep order in Gujarát is probable. It is also probable that -he would choose some one hostile to the defeated king. It has been -suggested above that Bhíma's uncle Durlabha did not retire but was -ousted by his nephew and that the story of Vallabha and Durlabha -dying together pointed to some usurpation on the part of Bhíma. The -phrase the Dábshilíms seems to refer either to Durlabhasena or his -son. Whoever was chosen must have lost his power soon after Mahmúd's -departure. [557] - -[Bhíma I. A.D. 1022-1064.] An inscription at Somanátha shows that soon -after Mahmúd was gone Bhímadeva began to build a temple of stone in -place of the former temple of brick and wood. - -A few years later Bhíma was on bad terms with Dhandhuka the Paramára -chief of Ábu, and sent his general Vimala to subdue him. Dhandhuka -submitted and made over to Vimala the beautiful Chitrakûta peak of -Ábu, where, in A.D. 1032 (S. 1088), Vimala built the celebrated Jain -temples known as Vimalavasahi still one of the glories of Ábu. [558] - -Bhíma had three wives Udayámatí who built a step-well at Anahilaváda, -Bukuládeví, and another. These ladies were the mothers of Karna, -Kshemarája, and Múlarája. Of the three sons Múlarája, though his -mother's name is unknown, was the eldest and the heir-apparent. Of -the kindly Múlarája the author of the Prabandhachintámani tells the -following tale: In a year of scarcity the Kutumbikas or cultivators -of Vishopaka and Dandáhi found themselves unable to pay the king his -share of the land-produce. Bhímarája sent a minister to inquire and -the minister brought before the king all the well-to-do people of the -defaulting villages. One day prince Múlarája saw these men talking -to one another in alarm. Taking pity on them he pleased the king by -his skilful riding. The king asked him to name a boon and the prince -begged that the demand on the villagers might be remitted. The boon was -granted, the ryots went home in glee, but within three days Múlarája -was dead. Next season yielded a bumper harvest, and the people came -to present the king with his share for that year as well as with the -remitted share for the previous year. Bhímdev declined to receive the -arrears. A jury appointed by the king settled that the royal share -of the produce for both years should be placed in the king's hands -for the erection of a temple called the new Tripurushaprásáda for -the spiritual welfare of prince Múlarája. [559] - -Bhíma reigned forty-two years. Both the Prabandhachintámani and -the Vichárasreni mention Karna as his successor. According to the -Dvyásraya Bhíma, wishing to retire to a religious life, offered the -succession to Kshemarája. But Kshemarája also was averse from the -labour of ruling and it was settled that Karna should succeed. - -Bhíma died soon after and Kshemarája retired to a holy place on the -Sarasvatí named Mundakesvara not far from Anahilaváda. Karna is said -to have granted Dahithalí a neighbouring village to Devaprasáda the -son of Kshemarája that he might attend on his father in his religious -seclusion. But as the Kumárapálacharita mentions Kshemarája being -settled at Dahithalí as a ruler not as an ascetic it seems probable -that Dahithalí was granted to Kshemarája for maintenance as villages -are still granted to the bháyás or brethren of the ruler. - -[Karna, A.D. 1064-1094.] Karna who came to the throne in A.D. 1064 -(S. 1120) had a more peaceful reign than his predecessors. He was able -to build charitable public works among them a temple called Karna-meru -at Anahilaváda. His only war was an expedition against Áshá Bhil, -chief of six lákhs [560] of Bhils residing at Áshápallí the modern -village of Asával near Ahmadábád. [561] Áshá was defeated and slain. In -consequence of an omen from a local goddess named Kochharva, [562] -Karna built her a temple in Asával and also built temples to Jayantí -Deví and Karnesvara Mahádeva. He made a lake called Karnaságara and -founded a city called Karnávatí which he made his capital. - -Karna had three ministers Muñjála, Sántu, and Udaya. Udaya was a -Srímálí Vániá of Márwár, who had settled in Anahilaváda and who was -originally called Udá. Sántu built a Jain temple called Sántu-vasahi -and Udá built at Karnávatí a large temple called Udaya-varáha, -containing seventy-two images of Tirthankars, twenty-four past -twenty-four present and twenty-four to come. By different wives Udá -had five sons, Áhada or Asthada, Cháhada, Báhada, Ámbada, and Sollá, -of whom the last three were half brothers of the first two. [563] -Except Sollá, who continued a merchant and became very wealthy, all -the sons entered the service of the state and rose to high stations -during the reign of Kumárapála. - -In late life Karna married Miyánalladeví daughter of Jayakesi son of -Subhakesi king of the Karnátaka. According to the Dvyásraya a wandering -painter showed Karna the portrait of a princess whom he described -as daughter of Jayakesi the Kadamba king [564] of Chandrapura [565] -in the Dakhan, and who he said had taken a vow to marry Karna. In -token of her wish to marry Karna the painter said the princess had -sent Karna an elephant. Karna went to see the present and found on -the elephant a beautiful princess who had come so far in the hope -of winning him for a husband. According to the Prabandhachintámani -Karna found the princess ugly and refused to marry her. On this the -princess with eight attendants determined to burn themselves on a -funeral pyre and Udayámatí Karna's mother also declared that if he -did not relent she too would be a sacrifice. Under this compulsion -Karna married the princess but refused to treat her as a wife. The -minister Muñjála, learning from a kañchukí or palace-servant that the -king loved a certain courtezan, contrived that Miyánalladeví should -take the woman's place, a device still practised by ministers of native -states. Karna fell into the snare and the queen became pregnant by him, -having secured from the hand of her husband his signet ring as a token -which could not be disclaimed. Thus in Karna's old age Miyánalladeví -became the mother of the illustrious Siddharája Jayasimha, who, -according to a local tradition quoted by Mr. Forbes, first saw the -light at Pálanpur. [566] When three years old the precocious Siddharája -climbed and sat upon the throne. This ominous event being brought to -the king's notice he consulted his astrologers who advised that from -that day Siddharája should be installed as heir-apparent. - -The Gujarát chronicles do not record how or when Karna died. It appears -from a manuscript that he was reigning in A.D. 1089 (S. 1145). [567] -The Hammíramahákávya says 'The illustrious Karnadeva was killed in -battle by king Dussala of Sákambharí,' and the two appear to have been -cotemporaries. [568] The author of the Dvyásraya says that Karna died -fixing his thoughts on Vishnu, recommending to Siddharája his cousin -Devaprasáda son of Kshemarája. According to the Prabandhachintámani -Vichárasreni and Sukritasankírtana Karna died in A.D. 1094 (S. 1150). - -[Siddharája Jayasingha, A.D. 1094-1143.] As, at the time of his -father's death, Siddharája was a minor [569] the reins of government -must have passed into the hands of his mother Miyánalladeví. That -the succession should have been attended with struggle and intrigue -is not strange. According to the Dvyásraya Devaprasáda, the son -of Kshemarája burned himself on the funeral pile shortly after -the death of Karna, an action which was probably the result of -some intrigue regarding the succession. Another intrigue ended in -the death of Madanapála brother of Karna's mother queen Udayámatí, -at the hands of the minister Sántu, who along with Muñjála and Udá, -helped the queen-mother Miyánalladeví during the regency. Muñjála and -Sántu continued in office under Siddharája. Another minister built a -famous Jain temple named Mahárájabhuvana in Sidhpur at the time when -Siddharája built the Rudramálá. An inscription from a temple near -Bhadresar in Kacch dated A.D. 1139 (S. 1195 Áshádha Vad 10, Sunday), -in recording grants to Audíchya Bráhmans to carry on the worship in an -old temple of Udalesvara and in a new temple of Kumárapálesvara built -by Kumárapála son of the great prince Ásapála, [570] notes that Dádáka -was then minister of Siddharája. Among his generals the best known was -a chief named Jagaddeva (Jag Dev), commonly believed to be a Paramára, -many of whose feats of daring are recorded in bardic and popular -romances. [571] Though Jag Dev is generally called a Paramára nothing -of his family is on record. The author of the Prabandhachintámani -describes Jagaddeva as a thrice valiant warrior held in great respect -by Siddharája. After Siddharája's death Jagaddeva went to serve king -Permádi to whose mother's family he was related. [572] Permádi gave -him a chiefship and sent him to attack Málava. - -When Siddharája attained manhood his mother prepared to go in great -state on pilgrimage to Somanátha. She went with rich offerings as -far as Báhuloda apparently the large modern village of Bholáda on -the Gujarát-Káthiáváda frontier about twenty-two miles south-west of -Dholká. At this frontier town the Anahilaváda kings levied a tax on -all pilgrims to Somanátha. Many of the pilgrims unable to pay the -tax had to return home in tears. Miyánalladeví was so saddened by -the woes of the pilgrims that she stopped her pilgrimage and returned -home. Siddharája met her on the way and asked her why she had turned -back. Miyánalladeví said, I will neither eat nor go to Somanátha -until you order the remission of the pilgrim tax. Siddharája called -the Bholáda treasurer and found that the levy yielded 72 lákhs a -year. [573] In spite of the serious sacrifice Siddharája broke the -board authorizing the levy of the tax and pouring water from his -hand into his mother's declared that the merit of the remission was -hers. The queen went to Somanátha and worshipped the god with gold -presenting an elephant and other gifts and handing over her own weight -in money. - -According to the Prabandhachintámani while Miyánalladeví and -Siddharája were on pilgrimage Yasovarman king of Málwa continually -harassed the Gurjjara-Mandala. Sántu who was in charge of the kingdom -asked Yasovarman on what consideration he would retire. Yasovarman -said he would retire if Siddharája gave up to him the merit of the -pilgrimage to Somesvara. Sántu washed his feet and taking water in -his hand surrendered to Yasovarman the merit of Siddharája, on which, -according to his promise, Yasovarman retired. On his return Siddharája -asked Sántu what he meant by transferring his sovereign's merit to a -rival. Sántu said, 'If you think my giving Yasovarman your merit has -any importance I restore it to you.' [574] This curious story seems -to be a Jain fiction probably invented with the object of casting -ridicule on the Bráhmanical doctrine of merit. Yasovarman was not a -cotemporary of Siddharája. The Málwa king referred to is probably -Yasovarman's predecessor Naravarman, of whom an inscription dated -A.D. 1134 (S. 1190) is recorded. [575] - -Under the name Sadharo Jesingh, Siddharája's memory is fresh in -Gujarát as its most powerful, most religious, and most charitable -ruler. Almost every old work of architectural or antiquarian interest -in Gujarát is ascribed to Siddharája. In inscriptions he is styled The -great king of kings, The great lord, The great Bhattáraka, The lord -of Avantí, The hero of the three worlds, The conqueror of Barbaraka, -The universal ruler Siddha, The illustrious Jayasimhadeva. Of these -the commonest attributes are Siddhachakravartín the Emperor of Magic -and Siddharája the Lord of Magic, titles which seem to claim for -the king divine or supernatural powers. [576] In connection with his -assumption of these titles the Kumárapálaprabandha, the Dvyásraya, -and the Prabandhachintámani tell curious tales. According to the -Dvyásraya, the king wandering by night had subdued the Bhútas, Sákinís, -and other spirits. He had also learnt many mantras or charms. From -what he saw at night he would call people in the day time and say 'You -have such a cause of uneasiness' or 'You have such a comfort.' Seeing -that he knew their secrets the people thought that the king knew the -hearts of all men and must be the avatára of some god. A second story -tells how Siddharája helped a Nága prince and princess whom he met by -night on the Sarasvatí. [577] According to a third story told in the -Kumárapálaprabandha two Yoginís or nymphs came from the Himálayas and -asked the king by what mystic powers he justified the use of the title -Siddharája. The king agreed to perform some wonders in open court -in the presence of the nymphs. With the help of a former minister, -Haripála, the king had a dagger prepared whose blade was of sugar and -its handle of iron set with jewels. When the king appeared in court -to perform the promised wonders a deputation of ambassadors from king -Permádi of Kalyánakataka [578] was announced. The deputation entered -and presented the prepared dagger as a gift from their lord. The king -kept the prepared dagger and in its stead sent all round the court -a real dagger which was greatly admired. After the real dagger had -been seen and returned the king said: I will use this dagger to show -my mystic powers, and in its place taking the false dagger ate its -sugar blade. When the blade was eaten the minister stopped the king -and said Let the Yoginís eat the handle. The king agreed and as the -Yoginís failed to eat the handle which was iron the superiority of -the king's magic was proved. - -A fourth story in the Dvyásraya tells that when the king was planning -an invasion of Málwa a Yoginí came from Ujjain to Patan and said -'O Rája, if you desire great fame, come to Ujjain and humbly entreat -Kálika and other Yoginís and make friends with Yasovarman the Rája -of Ujjain.' The king contemptuously dismissed her, saying, 'If you -do not fly hence like a female crow, I will cut off your nose and -ears with this sword.' - -So also the king's acts of prowess and courage were believed to -be due to magical aid. According to the common belief Siddharája -did his great acts of heroism by the help of a demon named Bábaro, -whom he is said to have subdued by riding on a corpse in a burying -ground. The story in the Prabandhachintámani is similar to that -told of the father of Harshavardhana who subdued a demon with the -help of a Yogí. It is notable that the story had passed into its -present form within a hundred years of Siddharája's death. Somesvara -in his Kírtikaumudí says, 'This moon of kings fettered the prince of -goblins Barbaraka in a burial-place, and became known among the crowd -of kings as Siddharája.' Older records show that the origin of the -story, at least of the demon's name, is historical being traceable to -one of Siddharája's copperplate attributes Barbaraka-jishnu that is -conqueror of Barbaraka. The Dvyásrayakosha represents this Barbara -as a leader of Rákshasas or Mlechhas, who troubled the Bráhmans at -Srísthala-Siddhapura. Jayasimha conquered him and spared his life at -the instance of his wife Pingaliká. Afterwards Barbara gave valuable -presents to Jayasimha and 'served him as other Rájputs.' [579] -Barbaraka seems to be the name of a tribe of non-Áryans whose modern -representatives are the Bábariás settled in South Káthiáváda in the -province still known as Bábariáváda. - -A Dohad inscription of the time of Siddharája dated A.D. 1140 -(S. 1196) says of his frontier wars: 'He threw into prison the lords -of Suráshtra and Málwa; he destroyed Sindhurája and other kings; he -made the kings of the north bear his commands.' The Suráshtra king -referred to is probably a ruler of the Áhír or Chúdásamá tribe whose -head-quarters were at Junágadh. According to the Prabandhachintámani -Siddharája went in person to subdue Noghan or Navaghani the Áhír -ruler of Suráshtra; he came to Vardhamánapura that is Vadhván and -from Vadhván attacked and slew Noghan. Jinaprabhasúri the author -of the Tírthakalpa says of Girnár that Jayasimha killed the king -named Khengár and made one Sajjana his viceroy in Suráshtra. So many -traditions remain regarding wars with Khengár that it seems probable -that Siddharája led separate expeditions against more than one king of -that name. According to tradition the origin of the war with Khengár -was a woman named Ránakadeví whom Khengára had married. Ránakadeví -was the daughter of a potter of Majevádi village about nine miles -north of Junágadh, so famous for her beauty that Siddharája determined -to marry her. Meanwhile she had accepted an offer from Khengár whose -subject she was and had married him. Siddharája enraged at her marriage -advanced against Khengár, took him prisoner, and annexed Sorath. That -Khengár's kingdom was annexed and Sajjana, mentioned by Jinaprabhasúri, -was appointed Viceroy is proved by a Girnár inscription dated A.D. 1120 -(S. 1176). - -An era called the Simha Samvatsara connected with the name of Jayasimha -and beginning with A.D. 1113-1114 (S. 1169-70), occurs in several -inscriptions found about Prabhása and South Káthiáváda. This era was -probably started in that year in honour of this conquest of Khengár -and Sorath. [580] The earliest known mention of the Simha Samvatsara -era occurs in a step-well at Mángrol called the Sodhali Váv. The -inscription is of the time of Kumárapála and mentions Sahajiga the -father of Múlaka the grantor as a member of the bodyguard of the -Chálukyas. The inscription states that Sahajiga had several sons -able to protect Sauráshtra, one of whom was Somarája who built the -temple of Sahajigesvara, in the enclosure of the Somanátha temple at -Prabhása; another was Múlaka the náyaka of Suráshtra, who is recorded -to have made grants for the worship of the god by establishing cesses -in Mangalapura or Mángrol and other places. The inscription is dated -A.D. 1146 (Monday the 13th of the dark half of Asvín Vikrama S. 1202 -and Simha S. 32). This inscription supports the view that the Simha -era was established by Jayasimha, since if the era belonged to some -other local chief, no Chálukya viceroy would adopt it. The Simha era -appears to have been kept up in Gujarát so long as Anahilapura rule -lasted. The well known Verával inscription of the time of Arjunadeva -is dated Hijri 662, Vikrama S. 1320, Valabhi S. 945, Simha S. 151, -Sunday the 13th of Áshádha Vadi. This inscription shows that the -Simha era was in use for a century and a half during the sovereignty -of Anahilaváda in Suráshtra. - -Regarding Sajjana Siddharája's first viceroy in Suráshtra, the -Prabandhachintámani says that finding him worthy the king appointed -Sajjana the dandádhipati of Suráshtradesa. Without consulting his -master Sajjana spent three years' revenue in building a stone temple of -Neminátha on Girnár instead of a wooden temple which he removed. In -the fourth year the king sent four officers to bring Sajjana to -Anahilaváda. The king called on Sajjana to pay the revenues of the -past three years. In reply Sajjana asked whether the king would -prefer the revenue in cash or the merit which had accrued from -spending the revenue in building the temple. Preferring the merit -the king sanctioned the spending of the revenues on the Tírtha and -Sajjana was reappointed governor of Sorath. [581] This stone temple of -Sajjana would seem to be the present temple of Neminátha, though many -alterations have been made in consequence of Muhammadan sacrilege and -a modern enclosure has been added. The inscription of Sajjana which -is dated A.D. 1120 (S. 1176) is on the inside to the right in passing -to the small south gate. It contains little but the mention of the -Sádhu who was Sajjana's constant adviser. On his return from a second -pilgrimage to Somanátha Siddharája who was encamped near Raivataka that -is Girnár expressed a wish to see Sajjana's temple. But the Bráhmans -envious of the Jains persuaded the king that as Girnár was shaped like -a ling it would be sacrilege to climb it. Siddharája respected this -objection and worshipped at the foot of the mountain. From Girnár -he went to Satruñjaya. Here too Bráhmans with drawn swords tried to -prevent the king ascending the hill. Siddharája went in disguise at -night, worshipped the Jain god Ádísvara with Ganges water, and granted -the god twelve neighbouring villages. On the hill he saw so luxuriant -a growth of the sállaki a plant dear to elephants, that he proposed -to make the hill a breeding place for elephants a second Vindhya. He -was reminded what damage wild elephants would cause to the holy place -and for this reason abandoned his plan. - -Siddharája's second and greater war was with Málwa. The cotemporary -kings of Málwa were the Paramára ruler Naravarman who flourished from -A.D. 1104 to 1133 (S. 1160-1189) and his son and successor Yasovarman -who ruled up to A.D. 1143 (S. 1199) the year of Siddharája's death As -the names of both these kings occur in different accounts of this war, -and, as the war is said to have lasted twelve years, it seems that -fighting began in the time of Naravarman and that Siddharája's final -victory was gained in the time of Yasovarman in Siddharája's old age -about A.D. 1134 (S. 1190). This view is supported by the local story -that his expedition against Yasovarman was undertaken while Siddharája -was building the Sahasralinga lake and other religious works. It is not -known how the war arose but the statement of the Prabandhachintámani -that Siddharája vowed to make a scabbard of Yasovarman's skin seems to -show that Siddharája received grave provocation. Siddharája is said -to have left the building of the Sahasralinga lake to the masons and -architects and himself to have started for Málwa. The war dragged on -and there seemed little hope of victory when news reached Siddharája -that the three south gates of Dhárá could be forced. With the help -of an elephant an entrance was effected. Yasovarman was captured and -bound with six ropes, and, with his captured enemy as his banner -of victory, Siddharája returned to Anahilapura. He remembered his -vow, but being prevented from carrying it out, he took a little of -Yasovarman's skin and adding other skin to it made a scabbard. The -captured king was thenceforward kept in a cage. It was this complete -conquest and annexation of Málwa that made Siddharája assume the style -of Avantínátha 'Lord of Avantí,' which is mentioned as his biruda or -title in most of the Chaulukya copperplates. [582] Málwa henceforward -remained subject to Anahilaváda. On the return from Málwa an army of -Bhíls who tried to block the way were attacked by the minister Sántu -and put to flight. - -Siddharája's next recorded war is with king Madanavarman the Chandela -king of Mahobaka the modern Mahobá in Bundelkhand. Madanavarman, of -whom General Cunningham has found numerous inscriptions dating from -A.D. 1130 to 1164 (S. 1186-1220), [583] was one of the most famous -kings of the Chandela dynasty. An inscription of one of his successors -in Kálanjar fort records that Madanavarman 'in an instant defeated -the king of Gurjjara, as Krishna in former times defeated Kamsa, [584] -a statement which agrees with the Gujarát accounts of the war between -him and Jayasimha. In this conflict the Gujarát accounts do not seem -to show that Siddharája gained any great victory; he seems to have -been contented with a money present. The Kírtikaumudí states that the -king of Mahobaka honoured Siddharája as his guest and paid a fine and -tribute by way of hospitality. The account in the Kumárapálacharita -suggests that Siddharája was compelled to come to terms and make -peace. According to the Kírtikaumudí, and this seems likely, Siddharája -went from Dhárá to Kálanjara. The account in the Prabandhachintámani -is very confused. According to the Kumárapálacharita, on Siddharája's -way back from Dhárá at his camp near Patan a bard came to the court -and said to the king that his court was as wonderful as the court of -Madanavarman. The bard said that Madanavarman was the king of the city -of Mahobaka and most clever, wise, liberal, and pleasure-loving. The -king sent a courtier to test the truth of the bard's statement. The -courtier returned after six months declaring that the bard's account -was in no way exaggerated. Hearing this Siddharája at once started -against Mahobaka and encamping within sixteen miles of the city sent -his minister to summon Madanavarman to surrender. Madanavarman who -was enjoying himself took little notice of the minister. This king, -he said, is the same who had to fight twelve years with Dhárá; if, -as is probable, since he is a kabádi or wild king, he wants money, -pay him what he wants. The money was paid. But Siddharája was so -struck with Madanavarman's indifference that he would not leave until -he had seen him. Madanavarman agreed to receive him. Siddharája went -with a large bodyguard to the royal garden which contained a palace -and enclosed pleasure-house and was guarded by troops. Only four -of Siddharája's guards were allowed to enter. With these four men -Siddharája went in, was shown the palace garden and pleasure-houses -by Madanavarman, was treated with great hospitality, and on his return -to Patan was given a guard of 120 men. - -The Dvyásraya says that after his conquest of Ujjain Siddharája seized -and imprisoned the king of a neighbouring country named Sim. We have -no other information on this point. - -The Dohad inscription dated A.D. 1140 mentions the destruction of -Sindhurája that is the king of Sindh and other kings. The Kírtikaumudí -also mentions the binding of the lord of Sindhu. Nothing is known -regarding the Sindh war. The Kírtikaumudí mentions that after a -war with Arnorája king of Sámbhar Siddharája gave his daughter to -Arnorája. This seems to be a mistake as the war and alliance with -Arnorája belong to Kumárapála's reign. - -Siddharája, who like his ancestors was a Saiva, showed his zeal for -the faith by constructing the two grandest works in Gujarát the -Rudramahálaya at Sidhpur and the Sahasralinga lake at Patan. The -Jain chroniclers always try to show that Siddharája was favourably -inclined to Jainism. But several of his acts go against this claim -and some even show a dislike of the Jains. It is true that the Jain -sage Hemáchárya lived with the king, but the king honoured him as a -scholar rather than as a Jain. On the occasion of the pilgrimage to -Somanátha the king offered Hemáchárya a palanquin, and, as he would -not accept the offer but kept on walking, the king blamed him calling -him a learned fool with no worldly wisdom. Again on one occasion while -returning from Málwa Siddharája encamped at a place called Srínagara, -where the people had decorated their temples with banners in honour -of the king. Finding a banner floating over a Jain temple the king -asked in anger who had placed it there, as he had forbidden the use -of banners on Jain shrines and temples in Gujarát. On being told that -it was a very old shrine dating from the time of Bharata, the king -ordered that at the end of a year the banner might be replaced. This -shows the reverse of a leaning to Jainism. Similarly, according to the -Prabandhachintámani, Hemáchárya never dared to speak to the king in -favour of Jainism but used to say that all religions were good. This -statement is supported by the fact that the opening verses of all -works written by Hemáchárya in the time of Siddharája contain no -special praise of Jain deities. - -So great is Siddharája's fame as a builder that almost every old work -in Gujarát is ascribed to him. Tradition gives him the credit of the -Dabhoi fort which is of the time of the Vághelá king Víradhavala, -A.D. 1220-1260. The Prabandhachintámani gives this old verse -regarding Siddharája's public works: 'No one makes a great temple -(Rudramahálaya), a great pilgrimage (to Somanátha), a great Ásthána -(darbár hall), or a great lake (Sahasralinga) such as Siddharája -made.' [585] Of these the Rudramahálaya, though very little is -left, from its size and the beauty of its carving, must have been -a magnificent work the grandest specimen of the architecture of the -Solanki period. The remains of the Sahasralinga lake at Anahilapura -show that it must have been a work of surprising size and richness -well deserving its title of mahásarah or great lake. Numerous other -public works are ascribed to Siddharája. [586] - -At this period it seems that the kings of Gujarát Sámbhar and other -districts, seeing the great reputation which his literary tastes had -gained for Bhoja of Dhárá used all to keep Pandits. Certain carvings -on the pillars of a mosque at the south-west of the modern town of -Dhárá show that the building almost as it stands was the Sanskrit -school founded by Bhoja. The carvings in question are beautifully cut -Sanskrit grammar tables. Other inscriptions in praise of Naravarman -show that Bhoja's successors continued to maintain the institution. In -the floor of the mosque are many large shining slabs of black marble, -the largest as much as seven feet long, all of them covered with -inscriptions so badly mutilated that nothing can be made out of -them except that they were Sanskrit and Prakrit verses in honour of -some prince. On a rough estimate the slabs contain as many as 4000 -verses. [587] According to the old saying any one who drank of the -Sarasvatí well in Dhárá became a scholar. Sarasvatí's well still exists -near the mosque. Its water is good and it is still known as Akkal-kui -or the Well of Talent. As in Dhárá so in Ajmir the Arháí-dinká -Jhopdá mosque is an old Sanskrit school, recent excavations having -brought to light slabs with entire dramas carved on them. So also the -Gujarát kings had their Pandits and their halls of learning. Srípála, -Siddharája's poet-laureate, wrote a poetical eulogium or prasasti on -the Sahasralinga lake. According to the Prabandhachintámani Siddharája -gathered numerous Pandits to examine the eulogium. As has already -been noticed Siddharája's constant companion was the great scholar -and Jain áchárya Hemachandra also called Hemáchárya, who, under the -king's patronage, wrote a treatise on grammar called Siddhahema, -and also the well-known Dvyásrayakosha which was intended to teach -both grammar and the history of the Solankis. Hemachandra came into -even greater prominence in the time of Kumárapála, when he wrote -several further works and became closely connected with the state -religion. Several stories remain of Siddharája assembling poets, -and holding literary and poetic discussions. - -Record is preserved of a sabhá or assembly called by the king to -hear discussions between a Svetámbara Jaina áchárya named Bhattáraka -Devasúri and a Digambara Jaina áchárya named Kumudachandra who had come -from the Karnátak. Devasúri who was living and preaching in the Jain -temple of Arishtanemi at Karnávatí, [588] that is the modern Ahmadábád, -was there visited by Kumudachandra. Devasúri treated his visitor with -little respect telling him to go to Patan and he would follow and hold -a religious discussion or váda. Kumudachandra being a Digambara or -skyclad Jaina went naked to Patan and Siddharája honoured him because -he came from his mother's country. Siddharája asked Hemachandra to -hold a discussion with Kumudachandra and Hemachandra recommended that -Devasúri should be invited as a worthy disputant. At a discussion held -before a meeting called by the king Kumudachandra was vanquished, -probably because the first principle of his Digambara faith that no -woman can attain nirvána, was insulting to the queen-mother, and the -second that no clothes-wearing Jain can gain mukti or absorption, -was an insult to the Jain ministers. The assembly, like Bráhmanical -sabhás at the present day, appears to have declined into noise and -Siddharája had to interfere and keep order. Devasúri was complimented -by the king and taken by one Áhada with great honour to his newly -built Jaina temple. [589] - -[Kumárapála, A.D. 1143-1174.] In spite of prayers to Somanátha, -of incantations, and of gifts to Bráhmans, Siddharája Jayasimha -had no son. The throne passed into the line of Tribhuvanapála -the great-grandson of Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1074-62) who was -ruling as a feudatory of Siddharája at his ancestral appanage -of Dahithalí. Tribhuvanapála's pedigree is Bhímadeva I.; his son -Kshemarája by Bakuládeví a concubine; his son Haripála; his son -Tribhuvanapála. By his queen Kásmíradeví Tribhuvanapála had three sons -Mahípála, Kírttipála, and Kumárapála, and two daughters Premaladeví -and Devaladeví. Premaladeví was married to one of Siddharája's -nobles a cavalry general named Kánhada or Krishnadeva: Devaladeví was -married to Arnorája [590] or Anarája king of Sákambhari or Sámbhar, -the Ánalladeva of the Hammíramahákávya. Kumárapála himself was -married by his father to one Bhupáladeví. According to the Dvyásraya, -Tribhuvanapála was on good terms with Siddharája serving him and going -with him to war. The Kumárapálacharita also states that Kumárapála -used to attend the court of Siddharája. But from the time he came to -feel that he would have no son and that the bastard Kumárapála would -succeed him Siddharája became embittered against Kumárapála. According -to the Jain chronicles Siddharája was told by the god Somanátha, -by the sage Hemachandra, by the goddess Ambiká of Kodinár, [591] and -by astrologers that he would have no son and that Kumárapála would -be his successor. According to the Kumárapálacharita so bitter did -his hate grow that Siddharája planned the death of Tribhuvanapála -and his family including Kumárapála. Tribhuvanapála was murdered -but Kumárapála escaped. Grieved at this proof of the king's hatred -Kumárapála consulted his brother-in-law Krishnadeva who advised him -to leave his family at Dahithalí and go into exile promising to keep -him informed of what went on at Anahilapura. Kumárapála left in the -disguise of a jatádhári or recluse and escaped the assassins whom the -king had ordered to slay him. After some time Kumárapála returned -and in spite of his disguise was recognized by the guards. They -informed the king who invited all the ascetics in the city to a -dinner. Kumárapála came but noticing that the king recognized him in -spite of his disguise, he fled. The king sent a trusted officer with -a small force in pursuit. Kumárapála persuaded some husbandmen, the -chief of whom was Bhímasimha, to hide him in a heap of thorns. The -pursuers failing to find him returned. At night Kumárapála was let -out bleeding from the thorns, and promised the husbandmen that the -day would come when their help would be rewarded. He then shaved his -topknot or jatá and while travelling met with a lady named Devasrí of -Udambara village who pitying him took him into her chariot and gave him -food. Kumárapála promised to regard her as a sister. He then came to -Dahithalí where the royal troops had already arrived. Siddharája sent -an army which invested the village leaving Kumárapála without means -of escape. He went to a potter named Sajjana or Alinga who hid him in -the flues of his brick-kiln throwing hay over him. The troops searched -the village, failed to find Kumárapála, and retired. The potter then -helped Kumárapála from his hiding place and fed him. A former friend -named Bosari joined Kumárapála and they went away together Kumárapála -commending his family to the care of Sajjana. On the first day they -had no food. Next day Bosari went to beg and they together ate the food -given to Bosari in a monastery or math where they slept. In time they -came to Cambay where they called upon Hemáchárya and asked him their -future. Hemáchárya knew and recognized Kumárapála. Kumárapála asked -when fate would bless him. Before Hemáchárya could reply Udayana, -one of the king's ministers, came. Hemáchárya said to Udayana, -'This is Kumárapála who shall shortly be your king.' Hemáchárya -also gave Kumárapála a writing stating that he would succeed to the -throne. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and -promised to follow his advice. Udayana took him to his house and -gave him food and clothes. Siddharája came to know of this and sent -his soldiers who began to search. Kumárapála returned to Hemáchárya -who hid him in a cellar covering its door with manuscripts and palm -leaves. The soldiers came but failed to search under the manuscripts -and returned. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and -said he owed him two great debts one for telling him the day on which -he would come to the throne; the other for saving his life. Kumárapála -left Cambay at midnight, the minister Udayana supplying him with -provisions. From Cambay he went to Vatapadrapura probably Baroda, -where feeling hungry he entered the shop of a Vánia named Katuka -and asked for parched gram. The Vánia gave the gram and seeing that -Kumárapála had no money accepted his promise of future payment. From -Baroda he came to Bhrigukachh or Broach where he saw a soothsayer and -asked him his future. The soothsayer, seeing the bird kali-deví perched -on the temple flagstaff, said 'You will shortly be king.' Kumárapála -shaved his matted hair and went from Broach to Ujjain where he met -his family. But as here too the royal troops followed him he fled to -Kolhápura where he came across a Yogí who foretold his succession -to a throne and gave him two spells or mantras. From Kolhápura -Kumárapála went to Káñchí or Conjeveram and from there to the city -of Kálambapattana. [592] The king of Kálambapattana Pratápasimha -received him like an elder brother and brought him into his city, -built a temple of Sivananda Kumárapálesvara in his honour, and even -issued a coin called a Kumárapála. From Kálambapattana Kumárapála -went to Chitrakúta or Chitor and from there to Ujjain whence he took -his family to Siddhapura going on alone to Anahilapura to see his -brother-in-law Krishnadeva. According to the Vichárasreni Siddharája -died soon after in A.D. 1143 on the 3rd of Kárttika Suddha Samvat 1199. - -In the dissensions that followed the king's death -Kumárapála's interests were well served by his brother-in-law -Krishnadeva. Eventually the names of three candidates, Kumárapála and -two others, were laid before the state nobles sitting in council to -determine who should be king. Of the three candidates the two others -were found wanting, and Kumárapála was chosen and installed according -to the Vichárasreni on the 4th of Márgasírsha Suddha and according -to the Kumárapálaprabandha on the 4th of Márgasírsha Vadhya. At the -time of his succession, according to the Prabandhachintámani and the -Kumárapálaprabandha, Kumárapála was about fifty years of age. - -On his accession Kumárapála installed his wife Bhupáladeví his anointed -queen or pattaráni; appointed Udayana who had befriended him at Cambay -minister; Báhada or Vágbhata son of Udayana [593] chief councillor -or mahámátya; and Alinga second councillor or mahápradhána. Áhada -or Árabhatta, apparently another son of Udayana, did not acknowledge -Kumárapála and went over to Arnorája Ánáka or Ano king of Sapádalaksha -or the Sámbhar territory who is probably the same as the Ánalladeva -of the Hammíramahákávya. [594] - -The potter Sajjana was rewarded with a grant of seven hundred villages -near Chitrakúta or Chitoda fort in Rájputána, and the author of -the Prabandhachintámani notices that in his time the descendants of -the potter ashamed of their origin called themselves descendants of -Sagara. Bhímasimha who hid Kumárapála in the thorns was appointed head -of the bodyguard; Devasrí made the sister's mark on the royal forehead -at the time of Kumárapála's installation and was granted the village of -Devayo; [595] and Katuka the Vániá of Baroda, who had given Kumárapála -parched gram was granted the village of Vatapadra or Baroda. Bosari -Kumárapála's chief companion was given Látamandala, which seems to -mean that he was appointed viceroy of Láta or South Gujarát. - -Kanhada or Krishnadeva Kumárapála's brother-in-law and adviser -overvaluing his great services became arrogant and disobedient -insulting the king in open court. As remonstrance was of no avail -the king had Krishnadeva waylaid and beaten by a band of athletes and -taken almost dying to his wife the king's sister. From this time all -the state officers were careful to show ready obedience. - -The old ministry saw that under so capable and well served a ruler -their power was gone. They accordingly planned to slay the king -and place their own nominee on the throne. The king heard of the -plot: secured the assassins: and employed them in murdering the -conspirators. According to the Prabandhachintámani, Áhada or Árabhatta -who had gone over to the Sámbhar king and was in charge of the Sámbhar -infantry, bribed the local nobles as a preliminary to a war which he -had planned against Kumárapála. He so far succeeded as to bring Ána -or Ánáka the Sámbhar king with the whole of his army to the borders -of Gujarát to fight Kumárapála. Kumárapála went to meet Ánáka. But, -in consequence of intrigues, in the battle that followed the Gujarát -army did not obey orders. Kumárapála advanced in front on an elephant, -and Báhada trying to climb on Kumárapála's elephant was thrown to the -ground and slain. Ánáka was also pierced with arrows and the Sámbhar -army was defeated and plundered of its horses. [596] - -The Dvyásraya, probably by the aid of the author's imagination, -gives a fuller account of this war. One fact of importance recorded -in the Dvyásraya is that Ánáka though defeated was not slain, and, to -bring hostilities to an end, gave his daughter Jalhaná to Kumárapála -in marriage. [597] The Kumárapálacharita calls the Sámbhar king -Arnorája and says that it was Kumárapála who invaded the Sámbhar -territory. According to this account Kumárapála went to Chandrávatí -near Ábu and taking its Paramára king Vikramasimha with him marched -to Sákambhari or Sámbhar and fought Arnorája who was defeated but not -killed. Kumárapála threatened to cut out Arnorája's tongue but let -him go on condition that his people wore a headdress with a tongue on -each side. Arnorája is said to have been confined in a cage for three -days and then reinstalled as Kumárapála's feudatory. Vikramasimha of -Chandrávatí, who in the battle had sided with Arnorája, was punished -by being disgraced before the assembled seventy-two feudatories at -Anahilaváda and was sent to prison, his throne being given to his -nephew Yasodhavala. After his victory over Arnorája Kumárapála fought, -defeated, and, according to the Kírtikaumudí, beheaded Ballála king -of Málwa who had invaded Gujarát. The result of this contest seems to -have been to reduce Málwa to its former position of dependence on the -Anahilaváda kings. More than one inscription of Kumárapála's found in -the temple of Udayáditya as far north as Udayapura near Bhilsa shows -that he conquered the whole of Málwa, as the inscriptions are recorded -by one who calls himself Kumárapála's general or dandanáyaka. [598] - -Another of Kumárapála's recorded victories is over Mallikárjuna -said to be king of the Konkan who we know from published lists of -the North Konkan Siláháras flourished about A.D. 1160. The author -of the Prabandhachintámani says this war arose from a bard of king -Mallikárjuna speaking of him before king Kumárapála as Rájapitámaha or -grandfather of kings. [599] Kumárapála annoyed at so arrogant a title -looked around. Ámbadá, [600] one of the sons of Udayana, divining the -king's meaning, raised his folded hands to his forehead and expressed -his readiness to fight Mallikárjuna. The king sent him with an army -which marched to the Konkan without halting. At the crossing of the -Kaláviní it was met and defeated by Mallikárjuna. Ámbadá returned in -disgrace and shrouding himself, his umbrella and his tents in crape -retreated to Anahilaváda. The king finding Ámbada though humiliated -ready to make a second venture gave him a larger and better appointed -force. With this army Ámbadá again started for the Konkan, crossed the -Kaláviní, attacked Mallikárjuna, and in a hand-to-hand fight climbed -his elephant and cut off his head. This head cased in gold with other -trophies of the war he presented to the king on his triumphant return -to Anahilapura. The king was greatly pleased and gave Ámbadá the -title of Rájapitámaha. Of this Mallikárjuna two stone inscriptions -have been found one at Chiplún dated A.D. 1156 (Saka 1078) the other -at Bassein dated A.D. 1160 (Saka 1082). If the story that Mallikárjuna -was slain is true the war must have taken place during the two years -between A.D. 1160 and 1162 (Saka 1082, 1084) which latter is the -earliest known date of Mallikárjuna's successor Aparáditya. - -The Kumárapálacharita also records a war between Kumárapála and -Samara king of Suráshtra or south Káthiáváda, the Gujarát army being -commanded by Kumárapála's minister Udayana. The Prabandhachintámani -gives Sausara as the name of the Suráshtra king [601]: possibly he -was some Gohilvád Mehr chief. Udayana came with the army to Vadhwán, -and letting it advance went to Pálitána. While he was worshipping at -Pálitána, a mouse carried away the burning wick of the lamp. Reflecting -on the risk of fire in a wooden temple Udayana determined to rebuild -the temple of stone. In the fight with Sausara the Gujarát army was -defeated and Udayana was mortally wounded. [602] Before Udayana died -he told his sons that he had meant to repair the temple of Ádísvara -on Satruñjaya and the Sakuniká Vihára at Broach and also to build -steps up the west face of Girnár. His sons Báhada and Ámbadá promised -to repair the two shrines. Subsequently both shrines were restored, -Kumárapála and Hemáchárya and the council of Anahilapura attending -at the installation of Suvrittinátha in the Sakuniká Vihára. The -Girnár steps were also cut, according to more than one inscription -in A.D. 1166 (S. 1222). [603] This war and Udayana's death must -have occurred about A.D. 1149 (S. 1205) as the temple of Ádnátha -was finished in A.D. 1156-57 (S. 1211). Báhada also established near -Satruñjaya a town called Báhadapura and adorned it with a temple called -Tribhuvanapálavasati. [604] After the fight with Sausara Kumárapála -was threatened with another war by Karna [605] king of Dáhala or -Chedi. Spies informed the king of the impending invasion as he was -starting on a pilgrimage to Somanátha. Next day he was relieved from -anxiety by the news that while sleeping on an elephant at night king -Karna's necklace became entangled in the branch of a banyan tree, -and the elephant suddenly running away, the king was strangled. - -The Prabandhachintámani records an expedition against Sámbhar which -was entrusted to Cháhada a younger brother of Báhada. Though Cháhada -was known to be extravagant, the king liked him, and after giving him -advice placed him in command. On reaching Sámbhar Cháhada invested the -fort of Bábránagar but did not molest the people as on that day 700 -brides had to be married. [606] Next day the fort was entered, the city -was plundered, and the supremacy of Kumárapála was proclaimed. This -Bábránagar has not been identified. There appears to be some -confusion and the place may not be in Sámbhar but in Bábariáváda in -Káthiáváda. Cháhada returned triumphant to Patan. The king expressed -himself pleased but blamed Cháhada for his lavish expenditure and -conferred on him the title of Rája-gharatta the King-grinder. - -Though the Gujarát chronicles give no further details an inscription -in the name of Kumárapála in a temple at Udepur near Bhilsa dated -A.D. 1166 records that on Monday, Akshaya tritiyá the 3rd of Vaisákh -Sud (S. 1222), Thakkara Cháhada granted half the village of Sangaváda -in the Rangáriká district or bhukti. Just below this inscription is -a second also bearing the name of Kumárapála. The year is lost. But -the occasion is said to be an eclipse on Thursday the 15th of Paush -Sudi when a gift was made to the god of Udayapura by Yasodhavala the -viceroy of Kumárapála. [607] - -Similar inscriptions of Kumárapála's time and giving his name occur -near the ruined town of Kerádu or Kiráta-Kúpa near Bálmer in Western -Rájputána. The inscriptions show that Kumárapála had another Amátya or -minister there, and that the kings of the country round Kerádu had been -subject to Gujarát since the time of Siddharája Jayasimha. Finally -the inscription of Kumárapála found by Colonel Tod in a temple of -Brahma on the pinnacle of Chitoda fort [608] shows that his conquests -extended as far as Mewáda. - -According to the Kumárapálachintámani Kumárapála married one Padmávatí -of Padmapura. The chronicler describes the city as to the west of -the Indus. Perhaps the lady belonged to Padmapura, a large town -in Kashmír. Considering his greatness as a king and conqueror the -historical record of Kumárapála is meagre and incomplete. Materials -may still come to light which will show his power to have been -surprisingly widespread. - -Mr. Forbes [609] records the following Bráhmanical tradition of a -Mewáda queen of Kumárapála, which has probably been intentionally -omitted by the Jain chroniclers. - -Kumárapála, says the Bráhman tradition, had wedded a Sisodaní Ráni, -a daughter of the house of Mewáda. At the time that the sword went for -her the Sisodaní heard that the Rája had made a vow that his wives -should receive initiation into the Jain religion at Hemáchárya's -convent before entering the palace. The Ráni refused to start for -Patan until she was satisfied she would not be called on to visit the -Áchárya's convent. Jayadeva Kumárapála's household bard became surety -and the queen consented to go to Anahilapura. Several days after her -arrival Hemáchárya said to the Rája 'The Sisodaní Ráni has never come -to visit me.' Kumárapála told her she must go. The Ráni refused and -fell ill, and the bard's wives went to see her. Hearing her story they -disguised her as one of themselves and brought her privately home to -their house. At night the bard dug a hole in the wall of the city, -and taking the Ráni through the hole started with her for Mewáda. When -Kumárapála became aware of the Ráni's flight he set off in pursuit -with two thousand horse. He came up with the fugitives about fifteen -miles from the fort of Idar. The bard said to the Ráni, 'If you can -enter Idar you are safe. I have two hundred horse with me. As long -as a man of us remains no one shall lay hands on you.' So saying -he turned upon his pursuers. But the Ráni's courage failed and she -slew herself in the carriage. As the fight went on and the pursuers -forced their way to the carriage, the maids cried 'Why struggle more, -the Ráni is dead.' Kumárapála and his men returned home. [610] - -The Paramára chiefs of Chandrávatí near Ábu were also feudatories -of Kumárapála. It has been noted that to punish him for siding with -Arnorája of Sámbhar Kumárapála placed Vikrama Simha the Chandrávatí -chief in confinement and set Vikrama's nephew Yasodhavala on his -throne. That Kumárapála conquered the chiefs of Sámbhar and Málwa is -beyond question. Among his names is the proud title Avantí-nátha Lord -of Málwa. - -The Kumárapálaprabandha gives the following limits of Kumárapála's -sway. The Turushkas or Turks on the north; the heavenly Ganges on -the east; the Vindhya mountains on the south; the Sindhu river on -the west. [611] Though in tradition Kumárapála's name does not -stand so high as a builder as the name of Siddharája Jayasimha -he carried out several important works. The chief of these was -the restoring and rebuilding of the great shrine of Somesvara or -Somanátha Patan. According to the Prabandhachintámani when Kumárapála -asked Devasúri the teacher of Hemáchárya how best to keep his name -remembered Devasúri replied: Build a new temple of Somanátha fit to -last an age or yuga, instead of the wooden one which is ruined by the -ocean billows. Kumárapála approved and appointed a building committee -or pañchakula headed by a Bráhman named Ganda Bháva Brihaspati -the state officer at Somanátha. At the instance of Hemáchárya the -king on hearing the foundations were laid vowed until the temple -was finished he would keep apart from women and would take neither -flesh nor wine. In proof of his vow he poured a handful of water over -Nílakantha Mahádeva, probably his own royal god. After two years the -temple was completed and the flag hoisted. Hemáchárya advised the -king not to break his vow until he had visited the new temple and -paid his obeisance to the god. The king agreed and went to Somanátha, -Hemáchárya preceding him on foot and promising to come to Somanátha -after visiting Satruñjaya and Girnár. On reaching Somanátha the king -was received by Ganda-Brihaspati his head local officer and by the -building committee, and was taken in state through the town. At the -steps of the temple the king bowed his head to the ground. Under the -directions of Ganda-Brihaspati he worshipped the god, made gifts of -elephants and other costly articles including his own weight in coin, -and returned to Anahilapura. - -It is interesting to know that the present battered sea-shore temple -of Somanátha, whose garbhágára or shrine has been turned into a mosque -and whose spire has been shattered, is the temple of whose building -and consecration the above details are preserved. This is shown by -the style of the architecture and sculpture which is in complete -agreement with the other buildings of the time of Kumárapála. [612] - -Kumárapála's temple seems to have suffered in every subsequent -Muhammadan invasion, in Alaf Khan's in A.D. 1300, in Mozaffar's in -A.D. 1390, in Mahmúd Begada's about A.D. 1490, and in Muzaffar II.'s -about A.D. 1530. Time after time no sooner had the invader passed than -the work of repair began afresh. One of the most notable restorations -was by Khengár IV. (A.D. 1279-1333) a Chúdásamá king of Junágadh who -is mentioned in two Girnár inscriptions as the repairer of Somanátha -after its desecration by Alá-ud-dín Khilji. The latest sacrilege, -including the turning of the temple into a mosque, was in the time -of the Ahmadábád king Muzaffar Sháh II. (A.D. 1511-1535). Since then -no attempt has been made to win back the god into his old home. - -In the side wall near the door of the little shrine of Bhadrakáli -in Patan a broken stone inscription gives interesting details of the -temple of Somanátha. Except that the right hand corners of some of the -lines are broken, the inscription is clear and well preserved. It is -dated A.D. 1169 (Valabhi 850). It records that the temple of the god -Somesa was first of gold built by Soma; next it was of silver built -by Rávana; afterwards of wood built by Krishna; and last of stone -built by Bhímadeva. The next restoration was through Ganda-Brihaspati -under Kumárapála. Of Ganda-Brihaspati it gives these details. He was -a Kanyákubja or Kanoj Bráhman of the Pásupata school, a teacher of -the Málwa kings, and a friend of Siddharája Jayasimha. He repaired -several other temples and founded several other religious buildings -in Somanátha. He also repaired the temple of Kedáresvara in Kumaon -on learning that the Khasa king of that country had allowed it to -fall into disrepair. After the time of Kumárapála the descendants of -Ganda-Brihaspati remained in religious authority in Somanátha. - -Kumárapála made many Jain benefactions. [613] He repaired the temple -of Ságala-Vasahiká at Stambha-tírtha or Cambay where Hemáchárya -received his initiation or díkshá. In honour of the lady who gave him -barley flour and curds he built a temple called the Karambaka-Vihára -in Patan. He also built in Patan a temple called the Mouse or -Mushaka-Vihára to free himself from the impurity caused by killing a -mouse while digging for treasure. At Dhandhuka Hemáchárya's birthplace -a temple called the Jholiká-Vihára or cradle temple was built. Besides -these Kumárapála is credited with building 1444 temples. - -Though Kumárapála was not a learned man, his ministers were men -of learning, and he continued the practice of keeping at his court -scholars especially Sanskrit poets. Two of his leading Pandits were -Rámachandra and Udayachandra both of them Jains. Rámachandra is often -mentioned in Gujaráti literature and appears to have been a great -scholar. He was the author of a book called the Hundred Accounts or -Prabandhasata. After Udayana's death Kumárapála's chief minister was -Kapardi a man of learning skilled in Sanskrit poetry. And all through -his reign his principal adviser was Hemachandra or Hemáchárya probably -the most learned man of his time. Though Hemáchárya lived during the -reigns both of Siddharája and of Kumárapála, only under Kumárapála -did he enjoy political power as the king's companion and religious -adviser. What record remains of the early Solankis is chiefly due -to Hemachandra. - -The Jain life of Hemáchárya abounds in wonders. Apart from the magic -and mystic elements the chief details are: Cháchiga a Modh Vánia -of Dhandhuka [614] in the district of Ardháshtama had by his wife -Páhiní [615] of the Chámunda gotra, a boy named Chángodeva who was -born A.D. 1089 (Kartik fullmoon Samvat 1145). A Jain priest named -Devachandra Áchárya (A.D. 1078-1170; S. 1134-1226) came from Patan -to Dhandhuka and when in Dhandhuka went to pay his obeisance at the -Modh Vasahiká. While Devachandra was seated Chángodeva came playing -with other boys and went and sat beside the áchárya. Struck with the -boy's audacity and good looks the áchárya went with the council of the -village to Cháchiga's house. Cháchiga was absent but his wife being a -Jain received the áchárya with respect. When she heard that her son -was wanted by the council, without waiting to consult her husband, -she handed the boy to the áchárya who carried him off to Karnávatí -and kept him there with the sons of the minister Udayana. Cháchiga, -disconsolate at the loss of his son, went in quest of him vowing to -eat nothing till the boy was found. He came to Karnávatí and in an -angry mood called on the áchárya to restore him his son. Udayana was -asked to interfere and at last persuaded Cháchiga to let the boy stay -with Devachandra. - -In A.D. 1097, when Chángodeva was eight years old Cháchiga -celebrated his son's consecration or díkshá and gave him the name of -Somachandra. As the boy became extremely learned Devachandra changed -his name to Hemachandra the Moon of gold. In A.D. 1110 (S. 1166) -at the age of 21, his mastery of all the Sástras and Siddhántas was -rewarded by the dignity of Súri or sage. Siddharája was struck with -his conversation and honoured him as a man of learning. Hemachandra's -knowledge, wisdom and tact enabled him to adhere openly to his Jain -rules and beliefs though Siddharája's dislike of Jain practices was -so great as at times to amount to insult. After one of their quarrels -Hemáchárya kept away from the king for two or three days. Then the -king seeing his humility and his devotion to his faith repented -and apologised. The two went together to Somanátha Patan and there -Hemáchárya paid his obeisance to the linga in a way that did not -offend his own faith. During Siddharája's reign Hemáchárya wrote his -well known grammar with aphorisms or sútras and commentary or vritti -called Siddha-Hemachandra, a title compounded of the king's name and -his own. As the Bráhmans found fault with the absence of any detailed -references to the king in the work Hemachandra added one verse at -the end of each chapter in praise of the king. During Siddharája's -reign he also wrote two other works, the Haimínámamálá, "String -of Names composed by Hema(chandra)" or Abhidhánachintámani and the -Anekárthanámamálá, a Collection of words of more than one meaning. He -also began the Dvyásrayakosha [616] or Double Dictionary being both -a grammar and a history. In spite of his value to Kumárapála, in -the beginning of Kumárapála's reign Hemáchárya was not honoured as -a spiritual guide and had to remain subordinate to Bráhmans. When -Kumárapála asked him what was the most important religious work -he could perform Hemáchárya advised the restoring of the temple of -Somanátha. Still Hemáchárya so far won the king to his own faith that -till the completion of the temple he succeeded in persuading the -king to take the vow of ahimsá or non-killing which though common -to both faiths is a specially Jain observance. Seeing this mark -of his ascendancy over the king, the king's family priest and other -Bráhmans began to envy and thwart Hemáchárya. On the completion of the -temple, when the king was starting for Somanátha for the installation -ceremony, the Bráhmans told him that Hemáchárya did not mean to go -with him. Hemáchárya who had heard of the plot had already accepted -the invitation. He said being a recluse he must go on foot, and that -he also wanted to visit Girnár, and from Girnár would join the king -at Somanátha. His object was to avoid travelling in a palanquin with -the king or suffering a repetition of Siddharája's insult for not -accepting a pálkí. Soon after reaching Somanátha Kumárapála asked -after Hemáchárya. The Bráhmans spread a story that he had been -drowned, but Hemáchárya was careful to appear in the temple as the -king reached it. The king saw him, called him, and took him with him -to the temple. Some Bráhmans told the king that the Jain priest would -not pay any obeisance to Siva, but Hemáchárya saluted the god in the -following verse in which was nothing contrary to strict Jainism: -'Salutation to him, whether he be Brahma, Vishnu, Hara, or Jina, -from whom have fled desires which produce the sprouts of the seed of -worldliness.' [617] After this joint visit to Somanátha Hemachandra -gained still more ascendancy over the king, who appreciated his -calmness of mind and his forbearance. The Bráhmans tried to prevent -the growth of his influence, but in the end Hemachandra overcame -them. He induced the king to place in the sight of his Bráhmanical -family priests an image of Sántinátha Tírthankara among his family -gods. He afterwards persuaded Kumárapála publicly to adopt the Jain -faith by going to the hermitage of Hemachandra and giving numerous -presents to Jain ascetics. Finally under his influence Kumárapála put -away all Bráhmanical images from his family place of worship. Having -gone such lengths Kumárapála began to punish the Bráhmans who insulted -Hemachandra. A Bráhman named Vámarási, a Pandit at the royal court, -who composed a verse insulting Hemachandra, lost his annuity and was -reduced to beggary, but on apologising to Hemachandra the annuity was -restored. Another Bráhmanical officer named Bháva Brihaspati, who was -stationed at Somanátha, was re-called for insulting Hemachandra. But -he too on apologising to Hemachandra was restored to Somanátha. Under -Hemachandra's influence Kumárapála gave up the use of flesh and wine, -ceased to take pleasure in the chase, and by beat of drum forbade -throughout his kingdom the taking of animal life. He withdrew their -licenses from hunters, fowlers and fishermen, and forced them to adopt -other callings. To what lengths this dread of life-taking was carried -appears from an order that only filtered water was to be given to -all animals employed in the royal army. Among the stories told of the -king's zeal for life-saving is one of a Bania of Sámbhar who having -been caught killing a louse was brought in chains to Anahilaváda, -and had his property confiscated and devoted to the building at -Anahilaváda of a Louse Temple or Yúká-Vihára. According to another -story a man of Nador in Márwár was put to death by Kelhana the chief -of Nador to appease Kumárapála's wrath at hearing that the man's wife -had offered flesh to a field-god or kshetrapála. Hemachandra also -induced the king to forego the claim of the state to the property of -those who died without a son. - -During Kumárapála's reign Hemachandra wrote many well known Sanskrit -and Prakrit works on literature and religion. Among these are the -Adhyátmopanishad or Yogasástra a work of 12,000 verses in twelve -chapters called Prakásas, the Trisáshthisálákápurushacharitra or lives -of sixty-three Jain saints of the Utsarpiní and Avasarpiní ages; -the Parisishtaparvan, a work of 3500 verses being the life of Jain -Sthaviras who flourished after Mahávíra; the Prákrita Sabdánusásana -or Prákrit grammar; the Dvyásraya [618] a Prakrit poem written with -the double object of teaching grammar and of giving the history -of Kumárapála; the Chhandonusásana a work of about 6000 verses on -prosody; the Lingánusásana a work on genders; the Desínámamálá in -Prakrit with a commentary a work on local and provincial words; -and the Alankárachúdámani a work on rhetoric. Hemachandra died in -A.D. 1172 (S. 1229) at the age of 84. The king greatly mourned his -loss and marked his brow with Hemachandra's ashes. Such crowds came -to share in the ashes of the pyre that the ground was hollowed into -a pit known as the Haima-Khadda or Hema's Pit. - -Kumárapála lived to a great age. According to the author of the -Prabandhachintámani he was fifty when he succeeded to the throne, and -after ruling about thirty-one years died in A.D. 1174 (S. 1230). He is -said to have died of lúta a form of leprosy. Another story given by the -Kumárapálaprabandha is that Kumárapála was imprisoned by his nephew and -successor Ajayapála. The Kumárapálaprabandha gives the exact length of -Kumárapála's reign at 30 years 8 months and 27 days. If the beginning -of Kumárapála's reign is placed at the 4th Magsar Sud Samvat 1299, -the date of the close, taking the year to begin in Kártika, would be -Bhádrapada Suddha Samvat 1229. If with Gujarát almanacs the year is -taken to begin in Áshádha, the date of the close of the reign would be -Bhádrapada of Samvat 1230. It is doubtful whether either Samvat 1229 or -1230 is the correct year, as an inscription dated Samvat 1229 Vaishákha -Suddha 3rd at Udayapura near Bhilsá describes Ajayapála Kumárapála's -successor as reigning at Anahilapura. This would place Kumárapála's -death before the month of Vaishákha 1229 that is in A.D. 1173. [619] - -[Ajayapála, A.D. 1174-1177.] As Kumárapála had no son he was succeeded -by Ajayapála the son of his brother Mahípála. [620] According to -the Kumárapálaprabandha Kumárapála desired to give the throne to -his daughter's son Pratápamalla, but Ajayapála raised a revolt and -got rid of Kumárapála by poison. The Jain chroniclers say nothing -of the reign of Ajayapála because he was not a follower of their -religion. The author of the Sukritasankírtana notices a small silver -canopy or pavilion shown in Ajayapála's court as a feudatory's gift -from the king of Sapádalaksha [621] or Sewálik. The author of the -Kírtikaumudí dismisses Ajayapála with the mere mention of his name, -and does not even state his relationship with Kumárapála. According to -the Prabandhachintámani Ajayapála destroyed the Jain temples built by -his uncle. He showed no favour to Ámbadá and Kumárapála's other Jain -ministers. Ajayapála seems to have been of a cruel and overbearing -temper. He appointed as his minister Kapardi because he was of the -Bráhmanical faith. [622] But considering his manners arrogant he -ordered him to be thrown into a caldron of boiling oil. On another -occasion he ordered the Jain scholar Rámachandra to sit on a red-hot -sheet of copper. One of his nobles Ámra-bhata or Ámbadá refused to -submit to the king, saying that he would pay obeisance only to Vítarája -or Tírthankara as god, to Hemachandra as guide, and to Kumárapála as -king. Ajayapála ordered the matter to be settled by a fight. Ámbadá -brought some of his followers to the drum-house near the gate, and -in the fight that followed Ámbadá was killed. In A.D. 1177 (S. 1233), -after a short reign of three years, Ajayapála was slain by a doorkeeper -named Vijjaladeva who plunged a dagger into the king's heart. [623] - -[Múlarája II., A.D. 1177-1179.] Ajayapála was succeeded by his son -Múlarája II. also called Bála Múlarája as he was only a boy when -installed. His mother was Náikídeví the daughter of Paramardi, -apparently the Kádamba king Permádi or Siva Chitta who reigned -from A.D. 1147 to 1175 (S. 1203-1231). [624] The authors of -the Kírtikaumudí [625] and the Sukritasankírtana say that even -in childhood Múlarája II. dispersed the Turushka or Muhammadan -army. [626] The Prabandhachintámani states that the king's mother -fought at the Gádaráraghatta and that her victory was due to a sudden -fall of rain. Múlarája II. is said to have died in A.D. 1179 (S. 1235) -after a reign of two years. - -[Bhíma II. A.D. 1179-1242.] Múlarája II. was succeeded by Bhíma II. The -relationship of the two is not clearly established. Mr. Forbes makes -Bhíma the younger brother of Ajayapála. But it appears from the -Kírtikaumudí and the Sukritasankírtana that Bhíma was the younger -brother of Múlarája. The Sukritasankírtana after concluding the -account of Múlarája, [627] calls Bhíma 'asya bandhu' 'his brother,' -and the Kírtikaumudí, after mentioning the death of Múlarája, says -that Bhíma his younger brother 'anujanmásya' became king. [628] -Múlarája we know came to the throne as a child. Of Bhíma also -the Kírtikaumudí says that he came to the throne while still in -his childhood, and this agrees with the statements that he was -the younger brother of Múlarája. Bhíma probably came to the throne -A.D. 1178 (S. 1234). There is no doubt he was reigning in A.D. 1179 -(S. 1235), as an inscription in the deserted village of Kerálu near -Bálmer of Anahilaváda dated A.D. 1179 (S. 1235) states that it was -written 'in the triumphant reign of the illustrious Bhímadeva.' [629] -A further proof of his reigning in A.D. 1179 (S. 1235) and of his -being a minor at that time is given in the following passage from the -Tabakát-i-Násirí: In A.D. 1178 (Hijri 574) the Ráí of Nahrwálá Bhímdeo, -was a minor, but he had a large army and many elephants. In the day -of battle the Muhammadans were defeated and the Sultán was compelled -to retreat. [630] Merutunga says that Bhíma reigned from A.D. 1179 -(S. 1235) for sixty-three years that is up to A.D. 1242 (S. 1298), -and this is borne out by a copperplate of Bhíma which bears date -A.D. 1240 (S. 1296 [631] Márgha Vadi 14th Sunday [632]). - -Bhíma was nicknamed Bholo the Simpleton. The chroniclers of this -period mention only the Vághelás and almost pass over Bhíma. The -author of the Kírtikaumudí says 'the kingdom of the young ruler was -gradually divided among powerful ministers and provincial chiefs'; and -according to the Sukritasankírtana 'Bhíma felt great anxiety on account -of the chiefs who had forcibly eaten away portions of the kingdom.' It -appears that during the minority, when the central authority was weak, -the kingdom was divided among nobles and feudatories, and that Bhíma -proved too weak a ruler to restore the kingly power. Manuscripts and -copperplates show that Bhímadeva was ruling at Anahilaváda in S. 1247, -1251, 1261, 1263, and 1264, [633] and copperplates dated S. 1283, 1288, -1295, and 1296 have also been found. Though Bhíma in name enjoyed a -long unbroken reign the verses quoted above show that power rested -not with the king but with the nobles. It appears from an inscription -that in A.D. 1224 (S. 1280) a Chálukya noble named Jayantasimha was -supreme at Anahilaváda though he mentions Bhíma and his predecessors -with honour and respect. [634] - -It was probably by aiding Bhíma against Jayantasimha that the Vághelás -rose to power. According to the chroniclers the Vághelás succeeded -in the natural course of things. According to the Sukritasankírtana -Kumárapála appeared to his grandson Bhíma and directed him to appoint -as his heir-apparent Víradhavala son of Lavanaprasáda and grandson of -Arnorája the son of Dhavala king of Bhimapalli. Next day in court, -in the presence of his nobles, when Lavanaprasáda and Víradhavala -entered the king said to Lavanaprasáda: Your father Arnorája seated -me on the throne: you should therefore uphold my power: in return I -will name your son Víradhavala my heir-apparent. [635] The author of -the Kírtikaumudí notes that Arnorája son of Dhavala, opposing the -revolution against Bhíma, cleared the kingdom of enemies, but at -the cost of his own life. The author then describes Lavanaprasáda -and Víradhavala as kings. But as he gives no account of their rise -to supremacy, it seems probable that they usurped the actual power -from Bhíma though till A.D. 1242 (S. 1295) Bhíma continued to be -nominal sovereign. - -Bhíma's queen was Líládeví the daughter of a Chohán chief named -Samarasimha. [636] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE VÁGHELÁS - -(A.D. 1219-1304). - - -[Arnorája, A.D. 1170-1200.] While Bhímadeva II. (A.D. 1179-1242) -struggled to maintain his authority in the north, the country between -the Sábarmatí and the Narbadá in the south as well as the districts -of Dholká and Dhandhuká in the south-west passed to the Vághelás a -branch of the Solankis sprung from Ánáka or Arnorája, the son of the -sister of Kumárapála's (A.D. 1143-1173) mother. In return for services -to Kumárapála, [637] Ánáka, with the rank of a noble or Sámanta, had -received the village of Vyághrapalli or Vághelá, the Tiger's Lair, -about ten miles south-west of Anahilaváda. It is from this village -that the dynasty takes its name of Vághela. - -[Lavanaprasáda, A.D. 1200-1233.] Ánáka's son Lavanaprasáda, -who is mentioned as a minister of Bhímadeva II. (A.D. 1179-1242) -[638] held Vághelá and probably Dhavalagadha or Dholká about thirty -miles to the south-west. The Kírtikaumudí or Moonlight of Glory, -the chief cotemporary chronicle, [639] describes Lavanaprasáda as a -brave warrior, the slayer of the chief of Nadulá the modern Nándol -in Márwár. "In his well-ordered realm, except himself the robber -of the glory of hostile kings, robbers were unknown. The ruler -of Málava invading the kingdom turned back before the strength of -Lavanaprasáda. The southern king also when opposed by him gave up the -idea of war." The ruler of Málava or Málwa referred to was Sohada -or Subhatavarman. [640] The southern king was the Devagiri Yádava -Singhana II. (A.D. 1209-1247). [641] - -Lavanaprasáda married Madanarájñí and by her had a son named -Víradhavala. As heir apparent Víradhavala, who was also called -Víra Vághelá or the Vághelá hero, [642] rose to such distinction -as a warrior that in the end Lavanaprasáda abdicated in his -favour. Probably to reconcile the people to his venturing to oppose -his sovereign Bhímadeva, Lavanaprasáda gave out that in a dream the -Luck of Anahilaváda appeared bewailing her home with unlighted shrines, -broken walls, and jackal-haunted streets, and called on him to come to -her rescue. [643] Though he may have gone to the length of opposing -Bhímadeva by force of arms, Lavanaprasáda was careful to rule in -his sovereign's name. Even after Lavanaprasáda's abdication, though -his famous minister Vastupála considered it advisable, Víradhavala -refused to take the supreme title. It was not until the accession -of Víradhavala's son Vísaladeva that the head of the Vághelás -took any higher title than Ránaka or chieftain. Lavanaprasáda's -religious adviser or Guru was the poet Somesvara the author of the -Kírtikaumudí and of the Vastupálacharita or Life of Vastupála, both -being biographical accounts of Vastupála. The leading supporters both -of Lavanaprasáda and of Víradhavala were their ministers the two Jain -brothers Vastupála and Tejahpála the famous temple-builders on Ábu, -Satruñjaya, and Girnár. According to one account Tejahpála remained -at court, while Vastupála went as governor to Stambhatírtha or Cambay -where he redressed wrongs and amassed wealth. [644] - -One of the chief times of peril in Lavanaprasáda's reign was the -joint attack of the Devagiri Yádava Singhana or Sinhana from the -south and of four Márwár chiefs from the north. Lavanaprasáda and -his son Víradhavala in joint command marched south to meet Singhana -at Broach. While at Broach the Vághelás' position was made still more -critical by the desertion of the Godhraha or Godhrá chief to Málwa and -of the Láta or south Gujarát chief to Singhana. Still Lavanaprasáda -pressed on, attacked Singhana, and gave him so crushing a defeat, that, -though Lavanaprasáda had almost at once to turn north to meet the Málwa -army, Singhana retired without causing further trouble. [645] Somesvara -gives no reason for Singhana's withdrawal beyond the remark 'Deer do -not follow the lion's path even when the lion has left it.' The true -reason is supplied by a Manuscript called Forms of Treaties. [646] -The details of a treaty between Sinhana and Lavanaprasáda under date -Samvat 1288 (A.D. 1232) included among the Forms seem to show that the -reason why Sinhana did not advance was that Lavanaprasáda and his son -submitted and concluded an alliance. [647] In this copy of the treaty -Sinhanadeva is called the great king of kings or paramount sovereign -Mahárájádhirája, while Lavanaprasáda, Sanskritised into Lavanyáprasáda -is called a Rána and a tributary chief Mahámandalesvara. The place -where the treaty was concluded is styled "the victorious camp," -and the date is Monday the fullmoon of Vaisákha in the year Samvat -1288 (A.D. 1232). The provisions are that, as before, each of the -belligerents should confine himself to his own territory; neither of -them should invade the possessions of the other; if a powerful enemy -attacked either of them, they should jointly oppose him; if only a -hostile general led the attack, troops should be sent against him; -and if from the country of either any noble fled into the territory of -the other taking with him anything of value he should not be allowed -harbourage and all valuables in the refugee's possession should be -restored. [648] His good fortune went with Lavanaprasáda in his attack -on the Márwár chiefs whom he forced to retire. Meanwhile Sankha [649] -who is described as the son of the ruler of Sindh but who seems to -have held territory in Broach, raised a claim to Cambay and promised -Vastupála Lavanaprasáda's governor, that, if Vastupála declared in -his favour [650], he would be continued in his government. Vastupála -rejected Sankha's overtures, met him in battle outside of Cambay, and -forced him to retire. In honour of Vastupála's victory the people of -Cambay held a great festival when Vastupála passed in state through -the city to the shrine of the goddess Ekalla Víra outside of the -town. [651] - -Another of the deeds preserved in the Forms is a royal copperplate -grant by Lavanaprasáda or Lávanyaprasáda of a village, not named, for -the worship of Somanátha. Lavanaprasáda is described as the illustrious -Ránaka, [652] the great chief, the local lord or Mandalesvara, -the son of the illustrious Ránaka Ánalde born in the illustrious -pedigree of the Chaulukya dynasty. The grant is noted as executed in -the reign of Bhímadeva II. [653] while one Bhábhuya was his great -minister. Though Bhímadeva was ruling in A.D. 1232 (Samvat 1288) -Lavanaprasáda apparently had sufficient influence to make grants of -villages and otherwise to act as the real ruler of Gujarát. It was -apparently immediately after this grant (A.D. 1232?) that Lavanaprasáda -abdicated in favour of Víradhavala. [654] - -[Víradhavala, A.D. 1233-1238.] Soon after his accession Víradhavala, -accompanied by his minister Tejahpála, started on an expedition against -his wife's brothers Sángana and Chamunda the rulers of Vámanasthalí or -Vanthalí near Junágadh. As in spite of their sister's advice Sángana -and Chamunda refused to pay tribute the siege was pressed. Early -in the fight the cry arose 'Víradhavala is slain.' But on his -favourite horse Uparavata, Víradhavala put himself at the head of -his troops, slew both the brothers, and gained the hoarded treasure -of Vanthalí. [655] In an expedition against the chief of Bhadresvara, -probably Bhadresar in Kacch, Víradhavala was less successful and was -forced to accept the Kacch chief's terms. The chroniclers ascribe -this reverse to three Rájput brothers who came to Víradhavala's court -and offered their services for 3,00,000 drammas (about £7500). "For -3,00,000 drammas I can raise a thousand men" said Víradhavala, and -the brothers withdrew. They went to the court of the Bhadresar chief, -stated their terms, and were engaged. The night before the battle the -brothers sent to Víradhavala saying 'Keep ready 3000 men, for through -a triple bodyguard we will force our way.' The three brothers kept -their word. They forced their way to Víradhavala, dismounted him, -carried off his favourite steed Uparavata, but since they had been -his guests they spared Víradhavala's life. [656] - -Another of Víradhavala's expeditions was to East Gujarát. Ghughula, -chief of Godraha or Godhrá, plundered the caravans that passed -through his territory to the Gujarát ports. When threatened with -punishment by Víradhavala, Ghughula in derision sent his overlord -a woman's dress and a box of cosmetics. The minister Tejahpála, who -was ordered to avenge this affront, dispatched some skirmishers ahead -to raid the Godhra cattle. Ghughula attacked the raiders and drove -them back in such panic that the main body of the army was thrown -into disorder. The day was saved by the prowess of Tejahpála who -in single combat unhorsed Ghughula and made him prisoner. Ghughula -escaped the disgrace of the woman's dress and the cosmetic box with -which he was decorated by biting his tongue so that he died. The -conquest of Ghughula is said to have spread Víradhavala's power to -the borders of Maháráshtra. [657] The chroniclers relate another -success of Víradhavala's against Muizz-ud-dín apparently the famous -Muhammad Gori Sultán Muizz-ud-dín Bahramsháh, the Sultán of Delhi -(A.D. 1191-1205) [658] who led an expedition against Gujarát. The -chief of Ábu was instructed to let the Musalmán force march south -unmolested and when they were through to close the defiles against -their return. The Gujarát army met the Musalmáns and the Ábu troops -hung on their rear. The Musalmáns fled in confusion and cartloads of -heads were brought to Víradhavala in Dholká. The chronicles give the -credit of this success to Vastupála. They also credit Vastupála with -a stratagem which induced the Sultán to think well of Víradhavala -and prevented him taking steps to wipe out the disgrace of his -defeat. Hearing that the Sultán's mother, or, according to another -story, the Sultán's religious adviser, was going from Cambay to Makka -Vastupála ordered his men to attack and plunder the vessels in which -the pilgrimage was to be made. On the captain's complaint Vastupála -had the pirates arrested and the property restored. So grateful was -the owner, whether mother or guide, that Vastupála was taken to Delhi -and arranged a friendly treaty between his master and the Sultán. [659] - -Their lavish expenditure on objects connected with Jain worship make -the brothers Vastupála and Tejahpála the chief heroes of the Jain -chroniclers. They say when the Musalmán trader Sayad was arrested at -Cambay his wealth was confiscated. Víradhavala claimed all but the -dust which he left to Vastupála. Much of the dust was gold dust and a -fire turned to dust more of the Sayad's gold and silver treasure. In -this way the bulk of the Sayad's wealth passed to Vastupála. This -wealth Vastupála and his brother Tejahpála went to bury in Hadálaka in -Káthiáváda. In digging they chanced to come across a great and unknown -treasure. According to the books the burden of their wealth so preyed -on the brothers that they ceased to care for food. Finding the cause -of her husband Tejahpála's anxiety Anupamá said 'Spend your wealth -on a hill top. All can see it; no one can carry it away.' According -to the chroniclers it was this advice, approved by their mother and -by Vastupála's wife Lalitádeví, that led the brothers to adorn the -summits of Ábu, Girnár, and Satruñjaya with magnificent temples. - -The Satruñjaya temple which is dedicated to the twenty-third -Tírthankara Neminátha is dated A.D. 1232 (Samvat 1288) and has an -inscription by Somesvara, the author of the Kírtikaumudí telling how -it was built. The Girnár temple, also dedicated to Neminátha, bears -date A.D. 1232 (Samvat 1288). The Ábu temple, surpassing the others -and almost every building in India in the richness and delicacy of -its carving, is dedicated to Neminátha and dated A.D. 1231 (Samvat -1287). Such was the liberality of the brothers that to protect them -against the cold mountain air each of their masons had a fire near -him to warm himself and a hot dinner cooked for him at the close of -the day. The finest carvers were paid in silver equal in weight to -the dust chiselled out of their carvings. [660] - -The author Somesvara describes how he twice came to the aid of his -friend Vastupála. On one occasion he saved Vastupála from a prosecution -for peculation. The second occasion was more serious. Simha the -maternal uncle of king Vísaladeva whipped the servant of a Jain -monastery. Enraged at this insult to his religion Vastupála hired -a Rájput who cut off Simha's offending hand. The crime was proved -and Vastupála was sentenced to death. But according to the Jains -the persuasions of Somesvara not only made the king set Vastupála -free, but led him to upbraid his uncle for beating the servant of -a Jain monastery. Soon after his release Vastupála was seized with -fever. Feeling the fever to be mortal he started for Satruñjaya but -died on the way. His brother Tejahpála and his son Jayantapála burned -his body on the holy hill, and over his ashes raised a shrine with the -name Svargárohanaprásáda The shrine of the ascent into Heaven. [661] - -In A.D. 1238 six years after his father's withdrawal from power -Víradhavala died. One hundred and eighty-two servants passed with -their lord through the flames, and such was the devotion that Tejahpála -had to use force to prevent further sacrifices. [662] - -[Vísaladeva, A.D. 1243-1261.] Of Víradhavala's two sons, Vírama Vísala -and Pratápamalla, Vastupála favoured the second and procured his -succession according to one account by forcing the old king to drink -poison and preventing by arms the return to Anahilaváda of the elder -brother Vírama who retired for help to Jábálipura (Jabalpur). Besides -with his brother's supporters Vísala had to contend with Tribhuvanapála -the representative of the Anahilaváda Solankis. Unlike his father and -his grandfather Vísala refused to acknowledge an overlord. By A.D. 1243 -he was established as sovereign in Anahilaváda. A later grant A.D. 1261 -(Samvat 1317) from Kadi in North Gujarát shows that Anahilaváda was -his capital and his title Mahárájádhirája King of Kings. According -to his copperplates Vísaladeva was a great warrior, the crusher of -the lord of Málwa, a hatchet at the root of the turbulence of Mewád, -a volcanic fire to dry up Singhana of Devagiri's ocean of men. [663] -Vísaladeva is further described as chosen as a husband by the daughter -of Karnáta [664] and as ruling with success and good fortune in -Anahilaváda with the illustrious Nágada as his minister. [665] The -bards praise Vísaladeva for lessening the miseries of a three years -famine, [666] and state that he built or repaired the fortifications -of Vísalanagara in East and of Darbhavatí or Dabhoi in South Gujarát. - -[Arjunadeva, A.D. 1262-1274.] During Vísaladeva's reign Vághela power -was established throughout Gujarát. On Vísaladeva's death in A.D. 1261 -the succession passed to Arjunadeva the son of Vísaladeva's younger -brother Pratápamalla. [667] Arjunadeva proved a worthy successor and -for thirteen years (A.D. 1262-1274; Samvat 1318-1331) maintained his -supremacy. Two stone inscriptions one from Verával dated A.D. 1264 -(Samvat 1320) the other from Kacch dated A.D. 1272 (Samvat 1328) -show that his territory included both Kacch and Káthiáváda, and an -inscription of his successor Sárangadeva shows that his power passed -as far east as Mount Ábu. - -The Verával inscription of A.D. 1264 (Samvat 1320), which is in the -temple of the goddess Harsutá, [668] describes Arjunadeva as the king -of kings, the emperor (chakravartin) of the illustrious Chaulukya -race, who is a thorn in the heart of the hostile king Nihsankamalla, -the supreme lord, the supreme ruler, who is adorned by a long line of -ancestral kings, who resides in the famous Anahillapátaka. The grant -allots certain income from houses and shops in Somanátha Patan to a -mosque built by Piroz a Muhammadan shipowner of Ormuz which is then -mentioned as being under the sway of Amír Rukn-ud-dín. [669] The grant -also provides for the expenses of certain religious festivals to be -celebrated by the Shiite sailors of Somanátha Patan, and lays down that -under the management of the Musalmán community of Somanátha any surplus -is to be made over to the holy districts of Makka and Madina. The grant -is written in bad Sanskrit and contains several Arabic Persian and -Gujaráti words. Its chief interest is that it is dated in four eras, -"in 662 of the Prophet Muhammad who is described as the teacher of -the sailors, who live near the holy lord of the Universe that is -Somanátha; in 1320 of the great king Vikrama; in 945 of the famous -Valabhi; and in 151 of the illustrious Simha." The date is given in -these four different eras, because the Muhammadan is the donor's era, -the Samvat the era of the country, the Valabhi of the province, and the -Simha of the locality. [670] The Kacch inscription is at the village -of Rav about sixty miles east of Bhúj. It is engraved on a memorial -slab at the corner of the courtyard wall of an old temple and bears -date A.D. 1272 (Samvat 1328). It describes Arjunadeva as the great -king of kings, the supreme ruler, the supreme lord. It mentions the -illustrious Máladeva as his chief minister and records the building -of a step-well in the village of Rav. [671] - -[Sárangadeva, A.D. 1275-1296.] Arjunadeva was succeeded by his -son Sárangadeva. According to the Vichárasreni Sárangadeva -ruled for twenty-two years from A.D. 1274 to 1296 (Samvat -1331-1353). Inscriptions of the reign of Sárangadeva have been found -in Kacch and at Ábu. The Kacch inscription is on a pália or memorial -slab now at the village of Khokhar near Kanthkot which was brought -there from the holy village of Bhadresar about thirty-five miles -north-east of Mándvi. It bears date A.D. 1275 (Samvat 1332) and -describes Sárangadeva as the great king of kings, the supreme ruler, -the supreme lord ruling at Anahillapátaka with the illustrious Máladeva -as his chief minister. [672] The Ábu inscription dated A.D. 1294 -(Samvat 1350) in the temple of Vastupála regulates certain dues -payable to the Jain temple and mentions Sárangadeva as sovereign of -Anahillapátaka and as having for vassal Vísaladeva ruler of the old -capital of Chandrávati about twelve miles south of Mount Ábu. [673] -A third inscription dated A.D. 1287 (Samvat 1343), originally from -Somanátha, is now at Cintra in Portugal. It records the pilgrimages and -religious benefactions of one Tripurántaka, a follower of the Nakulísá -Pásupata sect, in the reign of Sárangadeva, whose genealogy is given. A -manuscript found in Ahmadábád is described as having been finished on -Sunday the 3rd of the dark fortnight of Jyeshtha in the Samvat year -1350, in the triumphant reign of Sárangadeva the great king of kings, -while his victorious army was encamped near Ásápalli (Ahmadábád). [674] - -[Karnadeva, A.D. 1296-1304.] Sárangadeva's successor Karnadeva -ruled for eight years A.D. 1296-1304 (Samvat 1352-1360). Under this -weak ruler, who was known as Ghelo or the Insane, Gujarát passed -into Musalmán hands. In A.D. 1297 Alaf Khán the brother of the -Emperor Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1296-1317) with Nasrat Khán led an -expedition against Gujarát. They laid waste the country and occupied -Anahilaváda. Leaving his wives, children, elephants, and baggage -Karnadeva fled to Ramadeva the Yádava chief of Devagiri. [675] All his -wealth fell to his conquerors. Among the wives of Karnadeva who were -made captive was a famous beauty named Kauládeví, who was carried to -the harem of the Sultán. In the plunder of Cambay Nasrat Khán took a -merchant's slave Malik Káfur who shortly after became the Emperor's -chief favourite. From Cambay the Muhammadans passed to Káthiáváda and -destroyed the temple of Somanátha. In 1304 Alaf Khán's term of office -as governor of Gujarát was renewed. According to the Mirát-i-Ahmadí -after the renewal of his appointment, from white marble pillars taken -from many Jain temples, Alaf Khán constructed at Anahilaváda the Jáma -Masjid or general mosque. - -In A.D. 1306 the Cambay slave Káfur who had already risen to be -Sultán Alá-ud-dín's chief favourite was invested with the title -of Malik Naib and placed in command of an army sent to subdue the -Dakhan. Alaf Khán, the governor of Gujarát, was ordered to help Malik -Káfur in his arrangements. At the same time Kauládeví persuaded the -Emperor to issue orders that her daughter Devaladeví should be sent -to her to Delhi. Devaladeví was then with her father the unfortunate -Karnadeva in hiding in Báglán in Násik. Malik Káfur sent a messenger -desiring Karnadeva to give up his daughter. Karnadeva refused and Alaf -Khán was ordered to lead his army to the Báglán hills and capture the -princess. While for two months he succeeded in keeping the Muhammadan -army at bay, Karnadeva received and accepted an offer for the hand of -Devaladeví from the Devagiri Yádava chief Sankaradeva. On her way to -Devagiri near Elura Devaladeví's escort was attacked by a party of -Alaf Khán's troops, and the lady seized and sent to Delhi where she -was married to prince Khizar Khán. Nothing more is known of Karnadeva -who appears to have died a fugitive. - -Though the main cities and all central Gujarát passed under Musalmán -rule a branch of the Vághelás continued to hold much of the country -to the west of the Sábarmatí, while other branches maintained their -independence in the rugged land beyond Ambá Bhawání between Vírpur -on the Mahí and Posiná at the northmost verge of Gujarát. [676] - - - GENEALOGY OF THE VÁGHELÁS. - - Dhavala, - A.D. 1160 - Married Kumárapála's Aunt. - | - Arnorája, - A.D. 1170 - Founder of Vághela. - | - Lavanaprasáda, - A.D. 1200 - Chief of Dholká. - | - Víradhavala, - A.D. 1233-1238 - Chief of Dholká. - | - Vísaladeva, - A.D. 1243-1261 - King of Anahilaváda. - | - Arjunadeva, - A.D. 1262-1274. - | - Sárangadeva, - A.D. 1274-1295. - | - Karnadeva or Ghelo, - A.D. 1296-1304. - - - - - - - - - -PART II. - -MUSALMÁN GUJARÁT. - -A.D. 1297-1760. - - -This history of Musalmán Gujarát is based on translations of the -Mirat-i-Sikandari (A.D. 1611) and of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (A.D. 1756) -by the late Colonel J. W. Watson. Since Colonel Watson's death in -1889 the translations have been revised and the account enriched by -additions from the Persian texts of Farishtah and of the two Mirats -by Mr. Fazl Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat. A careful comparison has also -been made with other extracts in Elliot's History of India and in -Bayley's History of Gujarát. - - - - - - - - -MUSALMÁN GUJARÁT. - -A.D. 1297-1760. - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Muhammadan rule in Gujarát lasted from the conquest of the province by -the Dehli emperor Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1295-1315), shortly before -the close of the thirteenth century A.D., to the final defeat of the -Mughal viceroy Momín Khán by the Maráthás and the loss of the city -of Áhmedábád at the end of February 1758. - -This whole term of Musalmán ascendancy, stretching over slightly more -than four and a half centuries, may conveniently be divided into three -parts. The First, the rule of the early sovereigns of Dehli, lasting -a few years more than a century, or, more strictly from A.D. 1297 to -A.D. 1403; the Second, the rule of the Áhmedábád kings, a term of -nearly a century and three-quarters, from A.D. 1403 to A.D. 1573; -the Third, the rule of the Mughal Emperors, when, for little less -than two hundred years, A.D. 1573-1760, Gujarát was administered by -viceroys of the court of Dehli. - -[Territorial Limits.] In the course of these 450 years the -limits of Gujarát varied greatly. In the fourteenth century the -territory nominally under the control of the Musalmán governors -of Pátan (Anahilaváda) extended southwards from Jhálor, about -fifty miles north of Mount Abu, to the neighbourhood of Bombay, -and in breadth from the line of the Málwa and Khándesh hills to -the western shores of peninsular Gujarát. [677] The earlier kings -of Áhmedábád (A.D. 1403-1450), content with establishing their -power on a firm footing, did not greatly extend the limits of their -kingdom. Afterwards, during the latter part of the fifteenth and the -beginning of the sixteenth centuries (A.D. 1450-1530), the dominions -of the Áhmedábád kings gradually spread till they included large tracts -to the east and north-east formerly in the possession of the rulers of -Khándesh and Málwa. Still later, during the years of misrule between -A.D. 1530 and A.D. 1573, the west of Khándesh and the north of the -Konkan ceased to form part of the kingdom of Gujarát. Finally, under -the arrangements introduced by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1583, more -lands were restored to Málwa and Khándesh. With the exception of Jhálor -and Sirohi on the north, Dungarpur and Bánsváda on the north-east, -and Alirájpur on the east, since handed to Rájputána and Central India, -the limits of Gujarát remain almost as they were laid down by Akbar. - -[Sorath.] Though, under the Musalmáns, peninsular Gujarát did not -bear the name of Káthiáváda, it was then, as at present, considered -part of the province of Gujarát. During the early years of Musalmán -rule, the peninsula, together with a small portion of the adjoining -mainland, was known as Sorath, a shortened form of Saurâshtra, the -name originally applied by the Hindus to a long stretch of sea-coast -between the banks of the Indus and Daman. [678] Towards the close of -the sixteenth century the official use of the word Sorath was confined -to a portion, though by much the largest part, of the peninsula. At -the same time, the name Sorath seems then, and for long after, to have -been commonly applied to the whole peninsula. For the author of the -Mirat-i-Áhmedi, writing as late as the middle of the eighteenth century -(A.D. 1756: A.H. 1170), speaks of Sorath as divided into five districts -or zilláhs, Hálár, Káthiáváda, Gohilváda, Bábriáváda, and Jetváda, -and notices that though Navánagar was considered a separate district, -its tribute was included in the revenue derived from Sorath. [679] -In another passage the same writer thus defines Sauráshtra: - - - Sauráshtra or Sorath comprehends the Sarkár of Sorath the Sarkár - of Islámnagar or Navánagar and the Sarkár of Kachh or Bhujnagar. - It also includes several zillahs or districts, Naiyad which they - call Jatwár, Hálár or Navánagar and its vicinity, Káthiáváda, - Gohilváda, Bábriáváda, Chorvár, Panchál, Okhágir in the - neighbourhood of Jagat otherwise called Dwárka, Prabhás Khetr or - Pátan Somnáth and its neighbourhood, Nághír also called Sálgogha, - and the Nalkántha. [680] - - -The present Sorath stretches no further than the limits of Junágadh, -Bántwa, and a few smaller holdings. - -[Káthiáváda.] The name Káthiáváda is of recent origin. It was not -until after the establishment of Musalmán power in Gujarát that -any portion of the peninsula came to bear the name of the tribe of -Káthis. Even as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, the -name Káthiáváda was applied only to one of the sub-divisions of the -peninsula. In the disorders which prevailed during the latter part of -the eighteenth century, the Káthis made themselves conspicuous. As it -was from the hardy horsemen of this tribe that the tribute-exacting -Maráthás met with the fiercest resistance, they came to speak of the -whole peninsula as the land of the Káthis. This use was adopted by -the early British officers and has since continued. - -[Under the kings, 1403-1573.] Under the Áhmedábád kings, as it still -is under British rule, Gujarát was divided politically into two main -parts; one, called the khálsah or crown domain administered directly -by the central authority; the other, on payment of tribute in service -or in money, left under the control of its former rulers. The amount -of tribute paid by the different chiefs depended, not on the value of -their territory, but on the terms granted to them when they agreed to -become feudatories of the kings of Áhmedábád. Under the Gujarát Sultáns -this tribute was occasionally collected by military expeditions headed -by the king in person and called mulkgíri or country-seizing circuits. - -[States.] The internal management of the feudatory states was -unaffected by their payment of tribute. Justice was administered -and the revenue collected in the same way as under the Anahilapur -kings. The revenue consisted, as before, of a share of the crops -received in kind, supplemented by the levy of special cesses, trade, -and transit dues. The chief's share of the crops differed according -to the locality; it rarely exceeded one-third of the produce, it -rarely fell short of one-sixth. From some parts the chief's share -was realised directly from the cultivator by agents called mantris; -from other parts the collection was through superior landowners. [681] - -[Districts.] The Áhmedábád kings divided the portion of their territory -which was under their direct authority into districts or sarkárs. These -districts were administered in one of two ways. They were either -assigned to nobles in support of a contingent of troops, or they were -set apart as crown domains and managed by paid officers. The officers -placed in charge of districts set apart as [Crown Lands.] crown domains -were called muktia. [682] Their chief duties were to preserve the peace -and to collect the revenue. For the maintenance of order, a body of -soldiers from the army head-quarters at Áhmedábád was detached for -service in each of these divisions, and placed under the command of -the district governor. At the same time, in addition to the presence -of this detachment of regular troops, every district contained certain -fortified outposts called thánás, varying in number according to the -character of the country and the temper of the people. These posts -were in charge of officers called thánadárs subordinate to the district -governor. They were garrisoned by bodies of local soldiery, for whose -maintenance, in addition to money payments, a small assignment of -land was set apart in the neighbourhood of the post. On the arrival -of the tribute-collecting army the governors of the districts through -which it passed were expected to join the main body with their local -contingents. At other times the district governors had little control -over the feudatory chiefs in the neighbourhood of their charge. - -[Fiscal.] For fiscal purposes each district or sarkár was distributed -among a certain number of sub-divisions or parganáhs, each under a -paid official styled ámil or tahsildár. These sub-divisional officers -realised the state demand, nominally one-half of the produce, by -the help of the headmen of the villages under their charge. In the -sharehold and simple villages of North Gujarát these village headmen -were styled patels or according to Musalmán writers mukaddams and -in the simple villages of the south they were known as desáis. They -arranged for the final distribution of the total demand in joint -villages among the shareholders, and in simple villages from the -individual cultivators. [683] The sub-divisional officer presented a -statement of the accounts of the villages in his sub-division to the -district officer, whose record of the revenue of his whole district was -in turn forwarded to the head revenue officer at court. As a check on -the internal management of his charge, and especially to help him in -the work of collecting the revenue, with each district governor was -associated an accountant. Further that each of these officers might -be the greater check on the other, king Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) -enforced the rule that when the governor was chosen from among the -royal slaves the accountant should be a free man, and that when -the accountant was a slave the district governor should be chosen -from some other class. This practise was maintained till the end of -the reign of Muzaffar Sháh (A.D. 1511-1525), when, according to the -Mirat-i-Áhmedi, the army became much increased, and the ministers, -condensing the details of revenue, farmed it on contract, so that many -parts formerly yielding one rupee now produced ten, and many others -seven eight or nine, and in no place was there a less increase than -from ten to twenty per cent. Many other changes occurred at the same -time, and the spirit of innovation creeping into the administration -the wholesome system of checking the accounts was given up and mutiny -and confusion spread over Gujarát. [684] - -[Assigned Lands.] The second class of directly governed districts -were the lands assigned to nobles for the maintenance of contingents -of troops. As in other parts of India, it would seem that at first -these assignments were for specified sums equal to the pay of the -contingent. When such assignments were of long standing, and were large -enough to swallow the whole revenue of a district, it was natural to -simplify the arrangement by transferring the collection of the revenue -and the whole management of the district to the military leader of -the contingent. So long as the central power was strong, precautions -were doubtless taken to prevent the holder of the grant from unduly -rackrenting his district and appropriating to himself more than the -pay of the troops, or from exercising any powers not vested in the -local governors of districts included within the crown domains. As in -other parts of India, those stipulations were probably enforced by the -appointment of certain civil officers directly from the government to -inspect the whole of the noble's proceedings, as well in managing his -troops as in administering his lands. [685] The decline of the king's -power freed the nobles from all check or control in the management -of their lands. And when, in A.D. 1536, the practice of farming was -introduced into the crown domains, it would seem to have been adopted -by the military leaders in their lands, and to have been continued -till the annexation of Gujarát by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1573. - -[Under the Mughals, A.D. 1573-1760.] It was the policy of Akbar -rather to improve the existing system than to introduce a new form of -government. After to some extent contracting the limits of Gujarát -he constituted it a province or sûbah of the empire, appointing to -its [Administration.] government an officer of the highest rank with -the title of sûbahdár or viceroy. As was the case under the Áhmedábád -kings, the province continued to be divided into territories managed by -feudatory chiefs, and [Crown Lands.] districts administered by officers -appointed either by the court of Dehli or by the local viceroy. The -head-quarters of the army remained at Áhmedábád, and detachments -were told off and placed under the orders of the officers in charge -of the directly administered divisions. These district governors, as -before, belonged to two classes, paid officers responsible for the -management of the crown domains and military leaders in possession -of lands assigned to them in pay of their contingent of troops. The -governors of the crown domains, who were now known as faujdárs or -commanders, had, in addition to the command of the regular troops, -the control of the outposts maintained within the limits of their -charge. Like their predecessors they accompanied the viceroy in his -yearly circuit for the collection of tribute. - -As a check on the military governors and to help them in collecting the -revenue, the distinct class of account officers formerly established -by king Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) was again introduced. The head -of this branch of the administration was an officer, second in -rank to the viceroy alone, appointed direct from the court of Dehli -with the title of diván. Besides acting as collector-general of the -revenues of the province, this officer was also the head of its civil -administration. His title diván is generally translated minister. And -though the word minister does not express the functions of the office, -which corresponded more nearly with those of a chief secretary, it -represents with sufficient accuracy the relation in which the holder -of the office of diván generally stood to the viceroy. - -[Revenue Officials.] For its revenue administration each district -or group of districts had its revenue officials called amíns who -corresponded to the collector of modern times. There were also amíns -in the customs department separate from those whose function was to -control and administer the land revenue. Beneath the amín came the -ámil [686] who carried on the actual collection of the land revenue -or customs in each district or parganáh, and below the ámil were the -fáîls, mushrifs, or kárkúns that is the revenue clerks. The ámil -corresponded to the modern mámlatdár, both terms meaning him who -carries on the amal or revenue management. In the leading ports the -ámil of the customs was called mutasaddi that is civil officer. - -[Village Officers.] The ámil or mámlatdár dealt directly with the -village officials, namely with the mukaddam or headman, the patwári -or lease manager, the kánúngo or accountant, and the haváldár or -grain-yard guardian. The haváldár superintended the separation of the -government share of the produce; apportioned to the classes subject to -forced labour their respective turns of duty; and exercised a general -police superintendence by means of subordinates called pasáitás -or vartaniás. In ports under the mutasaddi was a harbour-master -or sháh-bandar. - -[Desáis.] Crown sub-divisions had, in addition, the important class -called desáis. The desáis' duty appears at first to have been to -collect the salámi or tribute due by the smaller chiefs, landholders, -and vántádárs or sharers. For this, in Akbar's time, the desái received -a remuneration of 2 1/2 per cent on the sum collected. Under the -first viceroy Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh (A.D. 1573-1575) this percentage -was reduced to one-half of its former amount, and in later times -this one-half was again reduced by one-half. Though the Muhammadan -historians give no reason for so sweeping a reduction, the cause -seems to have been the inability of the desáis to collect the tribute -without the aid of a military force. Under the new system the desái -seems merely to have kept the accounts of the tribute due, and the -records both of the amount which should be levied as tribute and of -other customary rights of the crown. In later times the desáis were to -a great extent superseded by the district accountants or majmudárs, and -many desáis, especially in south Gujarát, seem to have sunk to patels. - -[Land Tax.] Up to the viceroyalty of Mírza Ísa Tarkhán -(A.D. 1642-1644), the land tax appears to have been levied from the -cultivator in a fixed sum, but he was also subject to numerous other -imposts. Land grants in wazífah carried with them an hereditary title -and special exemption from all levies except the land tax. The levy -in kind appears to have ceased before the close of Mughal rule. In -place of a levy in kind each village paid a fixed sum or jama through -the district accountant or majmudár who had taken the place of the -desái. As in many cases the jama really meant the lump sum at which -the crown villages were assessed and farmed to the chiefs and patels, -on the collapse of the empire many villages thus farmed to chiefs and -landlords were retained by them with the connivance of the majmudárs -desáis and others. - -[Justice.] The administration of justice seems to have been very -complete. In each kasbah or town kázis, endowed with glebe lands in -addition to a permanent salary, adjudicated disputes among Muhammadans -according to the laws of Islám. Disputes between Muhammadans and -unbelievers, or amongst unbelievers, were decided by the department -called the sadárat, the local judge being termed a sadr. The decisions -of the local kázis and sadrs were subject to revision by the kázi or -sadr of the súbah who resided at Áhmedábád. And as a last resort the -Áhmedábád decisions were subject to appeal to the Kázi-ul-Kuzzát and -the Sadr-ûs-Sudûr at the capital. - -[Fiscal.] The revenue appears to have been classed under four -main heads: 1. The Khazánah-i-Ámirah or imperial treasury which -comprehended the land tax received from the crown parganáhs or -districts, the tribute, the five per cent customs dues from infidels, -the import dues on stuffs, and the sáyer or land customs including -transit dues, slave market dues, and miscellaneous taxes. 2. The -treasury of arrears into which were paid government claims in arrear -either from the ámils or from the farmers of land revenue; takávi -advances due by the raiyats; and tribute levied by the presence of a -military force. 3. The treasury of charitable endowments. Into this -treasury was paid the 2 1/2 per cent levied as customs dues from -Muhammadans. [687] The pay of the religious classes was defrayed from -this treasury. 4. The treasury, into which the jaziah or capitation -tax levied from zimmís or infidels who acknowledged Muhammadan rule, -was paid. The proceeds were expended in charity and public works. After -the death of the emperor Farrukhsiyar (A.D. 1713-1719), this source -of revenue was abolished. The arrangements introduced by Akbar in -the end of the sixteenth century remained in force till the death of -Aurangzíb in A.D. 1707. Then trouble and perplexity daily increased, -till in A.D. 1724-25, Hamíd Khán usurped the government lands, and, -seeking to get rid of the servants and assignments, gradually obtained -possession of the records of the registry office. The keepers of the -records were scattered, and yearly revenue statements ceased to be -received from the districts. [688] - -[Assigned Lands.] Akbar continued the system of assigning lands to -military leaders in payment of their contingents of troops. Immediately -after the annexation in A.D. 1573, almost the whole country was divided -among the great nobles. [689] Except that the revenues of certain -tracts were set aside for the imperial exchequer the directly governed -districts passed into the hands of military leaders who employed their -own agents to collect the revenue. During the seventeenth century -the practice of submitting a yearly record of their revenues, and -the power of the viceroy to bring them to account for misgovernment, -exercised a check on the management of the military leaders. And -during this time a yearly surplus revenue of £600,000 (Rs. 60,00,000) -from the assigned and crown lands was on an average forwarded from -Gujarát to Dehli. In the eighteenth century the decay of the viceroy's -authority was accompanied by the gradually increased power of the -military leaders in possession of assigned districts, till finally, -as in the case of the Nawábs of Broach and Surat, they openly claimed -the position of independent rulers. [690] - -[Minor Offices.] Of both leading and minor officials the Mirat-i-Áhmedi -supplies the following additional details. The highest officer who -was appointed under the seal of the minister of the empire was the -provincial diván or minister. He had charge of the fiscal affairs -of the province and of the revenues of the khálsa or crown lands, -and was in some matters independent of the viceroy. Besides his -personal salary he had 150 sawárs for two provincial thánás Arjanpur -and Khambália. Under the diván the chief officers were the píshkár -diván his first assistant, who was appointed under imperial orders -by the patent of the diván, the daroghah or head of the office, -and the sharf or mushrif and tehwildár of the daftar khánáhs, who -presided over the accounts with munshis and muharrirs or secretaries -and writers. The kázis, both town and city, with the sanction of the -emperor were appointed by the chief law officer of the empire through -the chief law officer of the province. They were lodged by the state, -paid partly in cash partly in land, and kept up a certain number of -troopers. In the kázis' courts wakíls or pleaders and muftís or law -officers drew 8 as. to Re. 1 a day. Newly converted Musalmáns also -drew 8 as. a day. The city censor or muhtasib had the supervision -of morals and of weights and measures. He was paid in cash and land, -and was expected to keep up sixty troopers. The news-writer, who was -sometimes also bakhshi or military paymaster, had a large staff of -news-writers called wákiâh-nigár who worked in the district courts and -offices as well as in the city courts. He received his news-reports -every evening and embodied them in a letter which was sent to court by -camel post. A second staff of news-writers called sawáníhnigár reported -rumours. A third set were the harkárás on the viceroy's staff. Postal -chaukis or stations extended from Áhmedábád to the Ajmír frontier, -each with men and horse ready to carry the imperial post which reached -Sháh Jehánábád or Dehli in seven days. A line of posts also ran south -through Broach to the Dakhan. The faujdárs or military police, who -were sometimes commanders of a thousand and held estates, controlled -both the city and the district police. The kotwál or head of the city -night-watch was appointed by the viceroy. He had fifty troopers and -a hundred foot. In the treasury department were the amín or chief, -the dároghah, the mushrif, the treasurer, and five messengers. In the -medical department were a Yúnáni or Greek school and a Hindu physician, -two under-physicians on eight and ten annas a day, and a surgeon. The -yearly grant for food and medicine amounted to Rs. 2000. [691] - -[Land Tenures.] Besides the class of vernacular terms that belong -to the administration of the province, certain technical words -connected with the tenure of land are of frequent occurrence in this -history. For each of these, in addition to the English equivalent -which as far as possible has been given in the text, some explanation -seems necessary. During the period to which this history refers, -the superior holders of the land of the province belonged to two main -classes, those whose claims dated from before the Musalmán conquest -and those whose interest in the land was based on a Musalmán grant. By -the Musalmán historians, landholders of the first class, who were -all Hindus, are called zamíndárs, while landholders of the second -class, Musalmáns as a rule, are spoken of as jágírdárs. Though the -term zamíndár was used to include the whole body of superior Hindu -landholders, in practice a marked distinction was drawn between the -almost independent chief, who still enjoyed his Hindu title of rája, -rával, ráv, or jám, and the petty claimant to a share in a government -village, who in a Hindu state would have been known as a garásiá. [692] - -[Hereditary Hindu Landholders.] The larger landholders, who had -succeeded in avoiding complete subjection, were, as noticed above, -liable only for the payment of a certain fixed sum, the collection of -which by the central power in later times usually required the presence -of a military force. With regard to the settlement of the claims of the -smaller landholders of the superior class, whose estates fell within -the limits of the directly administered districts, no steps seem to -have been taken till the reign of Áhmed Sháh I. (A.D. 1411-1443). About -the year A.D. 1420 the peace of his kingdom was so broken by agrarian -disturbances, that Áhmed Sháh agreed, on condition of their paying -tribute and performing military service, to re-grant to the landholders -of the zamíndár class as hereditary possessions a one-fourth share -of their former village lands. The portion so set apart was called -vánta or share, and the remainder, retained as state land, was called -talpat. This agreement continued till, in the year A.D. 1545, during -the reign of Mahmúd Sháh II. (A.D. 1536-1553), an attempt was made -to annex these private shares to the crown. This measure caused much -discontent and disorder. It was reversed by the emperor Akbar who, -as part of the settlement of the province in A.D. 1583, restored -their one-fourth share to the landholders, and, except that the -Maráthás afterwards levied an additional quit-rent from these lands, -the arrangements then introduced have since continued in force. [693] - -[Levies.] During the decay of Musalmán rule in Gujarát in the first -half of the eighteenth century, shareholders of the garásia class -in government villages, who were always ready to increase their -power by force, levied many irregular exactions from their more -peaceful neighbours, the cultivators or inferior landholders. These -levies are known as vol that is a forced contribution or pál that -is protection. All have this peculiar characteristic that they were -paid by the cultivators of crown lands to petty marauders to purchase -immunity from their attacks. They in no case partook of the nature of -dues imposed by a settled government on its own subjects. Tora garás, -more correctly toda garás, is another levy which had its origin in -eighteenth century disorder. It was usually a readymoney payment taken -from villages which, though at the time crown or khálsa, had formerly -belonged to the garásia who exacted the levy. Besides a readymoney -payment contributions in kind were sometimes exacted. - -[Service Lands.] The second class of superior landholders were those -whose title was based on a Musalmán grant. Such grants were either -assignments of large tracts of land to the viceroy, district-governors, -and nobles, to support the dignity of their position and maintain -a contingent of troops, or they were allotments on a smaller scale -granted in reward for some special service. Land granted with these -objects was called jágír, and the holder of the land jágírdár. In -theory, on the death of the original grantee, such possessions were -strictly resumable; in practice they tended to become hereditary. No -regular payments were required from holders of jágírs. Only under -the name of peshkash occasional contributions were demanded. These -occasional contributions generally consisted of such presents as a -horse, an elephant, or some other article of value. They had more of -the nature of a freewill offering than of an enforced tribute. Under -the Musalmáns contributions of this kind were the only payments -exacted from proprietors of the jágírdár class. But the Maráthás, -in addition to contributions, imposed on jágírdárs a regular tribute, -similar to that paid by the representatives of the original class of -superior Hindu landholders. - -Under Musalmán rule great part of Gujarát was always in the hands -of jágírdárs. So powerful were they that on two occasions under -the Áhmedábád kings, in A.D. 1554 and A.D. 1572, the leading nobles -distributed among themselves the entire area of the kingdom. [694] -Again, during the eighteenth century, when Mughal rule was on the -decline, the jágírdárs by degrees won for themselves positions of -almost complete independence. [695] - -[Condition of Gujarát, A.D. 1297-1760.] The changes in the extent of -territory and in the form of administration illustrate the effect of -the government on the condition of the people during the different -periods of Musalmán rule. The following summary of the leading -characteristics of each of the main divisions of the four-and-a-half -centuries of Musalmán ascendancy may serve as an introduction to the -detailed narrative of events. - -[Under the Early Viceroys, 1297-1403.] On conquering Gujarát in -A.D. 1297 the Musalmáns found the country in disorder. The last kings -of Anahilapur or Pátan, suffering under the defects of an incomplete -title, held even their crown lands with no firmness of grasp, and had -allowed the outlying territory to slip almost entirely from their -control. Several of the larger and more distant rulers had resumed -their independence. The Bhíls and Kolis of the hills, forests, and -rough river banks were in revolt. And stranger chiefs, driven south by -the Musalmán conquests in Upper India, had robbed the central power -of much territory. [696] The records of the early Musalmán governors -(A.D. 1297-1391) show suspicion on the side of the Dehli court and -disloyalty on the part of more than one viceroy, much confusion -throughout the province, and little in the way of government beyond -the exercise of military force. At the same time, in spite of wars and -rebellions, the country, in parts at least, seems to have been well -cultivated, and trade and manufactures to have been flourishing. [697] - -[Under the Kings, 1403-1573.] The period of the rule of the Áhmedábád -kings (A.D. 1403-1573) contains two divisions, one lasting from -A.D. 1403 to A.D. 1530, on the whole a time of strong government and -of growing power and prosperity; the other the forty-three years from -A.D. 1530 to the conquest of the province by the emperor Akbar in -A.D. 1573, a time of disorder and misrule. In A.D. 1403 when Gujarát -separated from Dehli the new king held but a narrow strip of plain. On -the north were the independent chiefs of Sirohi and Jhálor, from whom -he occasionally levied contributions. On the east the Rája of Ídar, -another Rájput prince, was in possession of the western skirts of -the hills and forests, and the rest of that tract was held by the -mountain tribes of Bhils and Kolis. On the west the peninsula was -in the hands of nine or ten Hindu tribes, probably tributary, but by -no means obedient. [698] In the midst of so unsettled and warlike a -population, all the efforts of Muzaffar I., the founder of the dynasty, -were spent in establishing his power. It was not until the reign of his -successor Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) that steps were taken to settle the -different classes of the people in positions of permanent order. About -the year A.D. 1420 two important measures were introduced. Of these one -assigned lands for the support of the troops, and the other recognised -the rights of the superior class of Hindu landholders to a portion of -the village lands they had formerly held. The effect of these changes -was to establish order throughout the districts directly under the -authority of the crown. And though, in the territories subject to -feudatory chiefs, the presence of an armed force was still required -to give effect to the king's claims for tribute, his increasing power -and wealth made efforts at independence more hopeless, and gradually -secured the subjection of the greater number of his vassals. During the -latter part of the fifteenth and the first quarter of the sixteenth -century the power of the Áhmedábád kings was at its height. At that -time their dominions included twenty-five divisions or sarkárs. Among -nine of these namely Pátan, Áhmedábád, Sunth, Godhra, Chámpáner, -Baroda, Broach, Nándod or Rájpípla, and Surat the central plain was -distributed. In addition in the north were four divisions, Sirohi, -Jhálor, Jodhpur, and Nágor now in south-west and central Rájputána; -in the north-east two, Dúngarpur and Bánsváda, now in the extreme -south of Rájputána; in the east and south-east three, Nandurbár now in -Khándesh, Mulher or Báglán now in Násik, and Rám Nagar or Dharampur -now in Surat; in the south four, Danda-Rájapuri or Janjira, Bombay, -Bassein, and Daman now in the Konkan; in the west two, Sorath and -Navánagar now in Káthiáváda; and Kachh in the north-west. Besides -the revenues of these districts, tribute was received from the rulers -of Ahmednagar, Burhánpur, Berár, Golkonda, and Bijápur, and customs -dues from twenty-five ports on the western coast of India and from -twenty-six foreign marts, some of them in India and others in the -Persian Gulf and along the Arabian coast. [699] The total revenue from -these three sources is said in prosperous times to have amounted to a -yearly sum of £11,460,000 (Rs. 11,46,00,000). Of this total amount the -territorial revenue from the twenty-five districts yielded £5,840,000 -(Rs. 5,84,00,000), or slightly more than one-half. Of the remaining -£5,620,000 (Rs. 5,62,00,000) about one-fifth part was derived from -the Dakhan tribute and the rest from customs-dues. [700] - -The buildings at Áhmedábád, and the ruins of Chámpáner and Mehmúdábád, -prove how much wealth was at the command of the sovereign and his -nobles, while the accounts of travellers seem to show that the private -expenditure of the rulers was not greater than the kingdom was well -able to bear. The Portuguese traveller Duarte Barbosa, who was in -Gujarát between A.D. 1511 and A.D. 1514, found the capital Chámpáner a -great city, in a very fertile country of abundant provisions, with many -cows sheep and goats and plenty of fruit, so that it was full of all -things. [701] Áhmedábád was still larger, very rich and well supplied, -embellished with good streets and squares, with houses of stone and -cement. It was not from the interior districts of the province that -the Áhmedábád kings derived the chief part of their wealth, but from -those lying along the coast, which were enriched by manufactures and -commerce. [702] So it was that along the shores of the gulf of Cambay -and southward as far as Bombay the limit of the Gujarát kingdom, -besides many small sea-ports, Barbosa chooses out for special mention -twelve 'towns of commerce, very rich and of great trade.' Among these -was Diu, off the south coast of Káthiáváda, yielding so large a revenue -to the king as to be 'a marvel and amazement.' And chief of all Cambay, -in a goodly, fertile, and pretty country full of abundant provisions; -with rich merchants and men of great prosperity; with craftsmen and -mechanics of subtle workmanship in cotton, silk, ivory, silver, and -precious stones; the people well dressed, leading luxurious lives, -much given to pleasure and amusement. [703] - -The thirty-eight years between the defeat of king Bahádur by the -emperor Humáyún in A.D. 1535 and the annexation of Gujarát by Akbar -in A.D. 1573 was a time of confusion. Abroad, the superiority of -Gujarát over the neighbouring powers was lost, and the limits of the -kingdom shrank; at home, after the attempted confiscation (A.D. 1545) -of their shares in village lands the disaffection of the superior -landowners became general, and the court, beyond the narrow limits -of the crown domains, ceased to exercise substantial control over -either its chief nobles or the more turbulent classes. In spite -of these forty years of disorder, the province retained so much of -its former prosperity, that the boast of the local historians that -in A.D. 1573 Gujarát was in every respect allowed to be the finest -country in Hindustán is supported by the details shortly afterwards -(A.D. 1590) given by Abul Fazl in the Áin-i-Akbari. The high road -from Pátan to Baroda was throughout its length of 150 miles (100 kos) -lined on both sides with mango trees; the fields were bounded with -hedges; and such was the abundance of mango and other fruit trees -that the whole country seemed a garden. The people were well housed -in dwellings with walls of brick and mortar and with tiled roofs; -many of them rode in carriages drawn by oxen; the province was famous -for its painters, carvers, inlayers, and other craftsmen. [704] - -[Under the Mughals, 1573-1760.] Like the period of the rule of the -Áhmedábád kings, the period of Mughal rule contains two divisions, -a time of good government lasting from A.D. 1573 to A.D. 1700, and a -time of disorder from A.D. 1700 to A.D. 1760. Under the arrangements -introduced by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1583, the area of the province -was considerably curtailed. Of its twenty-five districts nine were -restored to the states from which the vigour of the Áhmedábád kings -had wrested them; Jálor and Jodhpur were transferred to Rájputána; -Nágor to Ajmír; Mulher and Nandurbár to Khándesh; Bombay, Bassein, and -Daman were allowed to remain under the Portuguese; and Danda-Rájapuri -(Jinjira) was made over to the Nizámsháhi (A.D. 1490-1595) rulers of -the Dakhan Ahmednagar. Of the remaining sixteen, Sirohi, Dungarpur, and -Bánsváda now in Rájputána, Kachh, Sûnth in Rewa Kántha, and Rámnagar -(Dharampur) in Surat were, on the payment of tribute, allowed to -continue in the hands of their Hindu rulers. The ten remaining -districts were administered directly by imperial officers. But as -the revenues of the district of Surat had been separately assigned -to its revenue officer or mutasaddi, only nine districts with 184 -sub-divisions or parganáhs were entered in the collections from the -viceroy of Gujarát. These nine districts were in continental Gujarát, -Pátan with seventeen sub-divisions, Áhmedábád with thirty-three, -Godhra with eleven, Chámpáner with thirteen, Baroda with four, Broach -with fourteen, and Rájpipla (Nándod) with twelve. In the peninsula were -Sorath with sixty-two and Navánagar with seventeen sub-divisions. This -lessening of area seems to have been accompanied by even more than a -corresponding reduction in the state demand. Instead of £5,840,050 -(Rs. 5,84,00,500), the revenue recovered in A.D. 1571, two years -before the province was annexed, under the arrangement introduced -by the emperor Akbar, the total amount, including the receipts from -Surat and the tribute of the six feudatory districts, is returned at -£1,999,113 (Rs. 1,99,91,130) or little more than one-third part of -what was formerly collected. [705] - -According to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi this revenue of £1,999,113 -(Rs. 1,99,91,130) continued to be realised as late as the reign -of Muhammad Sháh (A.D. 1719-1748). But within the next twelve -years (A.D. 1748-1762) the whole revenue had fallen to £1,235,000 -(Rs. 1,23,50,000). Of £1,999,113 (Rs. 1,99,91,130), the total -amount levied by Akbar on the annexation of the province, £520,501 -(Rs. 52,05,010), or a little more than a quarter, were set apart for -imperial use and royal expense; £55,000 (Rs. 5,50,000) were assigned -for the support of the viceroy and the personal estates of the nobles, -and the remainder was settled for the pay of other officers of rank -and court officials. Nearly £30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000) were given away -as rewards and pensions to religious orders and establishments. [706] - -Besides lightening the state demand the emperor Akbar introduced -three improvements: (1) The survey of the land; (2) The payment -of the headmen or mukaddams of government villages; and (3) The -restoration to small superior landholders of the share they formerly -enjoyed in the lands of government villages. The survey which was -entrusted to Rája Todar Mal, the revenue minister of the empire, -was completed in A.D. 1575. The operations were confined to a small -portion of the whole area of the province. Besides the six tributary -districts which were unaffected by the measure, Godhra in the east, -the western peninsula, and a large portion of the central strip of -directly governed lands were excluded, so that of the 184 sub-divisions -only 64 were surveyed. In A.D. 1575, of 7,261,849 acres (12,360,594 -bighás), the whole area measured, 4,920,818 acres (8,374,498 bighás) -or about two-thirds were found to be fit for cultivation, and the -remainder was waste. In those parts of the directly governed districts -where the land was not measured the existing method of determining -the government share of the produce either by selecting a portion -of the field while the crop was still standing, or by dividing the -grain heap at harvest time, was continued. In surveyed districts the -amount paid was determined by the area and character of the land under -cultivation. Payment was made either in grain or in money, according -to the instructions issued to the revenue-collectors, 'that when it -would not prove oppressive the value of the grain should be taken -in ready money at the market price.' [707] The chief change in the -revenue management was that, instead of each year calculating the -government share from the character of the crop, an uniform demand -was fixed to run for a term of ten years. - -Another important effect of this survey was to extend to cultivators in -simple villages the proprietary interest in the soil formerly enjoyed -only by the shareholders of joint villages. By this change the power -of the military nobles to make undue exactions from the cultivators in -their assigned lands was to some extent checked. It was, perhaps, also -an indirect effect of this more definite settlement of the crown demand -that the revenue agents of government and of the holders of assigned -lands, finding that the revenues could be realised without their help, -refused to allow to the heads of villages certain revenue dues which, -in return for their services, they had hitherto enjoyed. Accordingly, -in A.D. 1589-90, these heads of villages appealed to government and -Akbar decided that in assigned districts as well as in the crown -domains from the collections of government lands two-and-a-half per -cent should be set apart as a perquisite for men of this class. [708] - -When the heads of villages laid their own private grievance before -government, they also brought to its notice that the Koli and Rájput -landowners, whose shares in government villages had been resumed by -the crown in A.D. 1545, had since that time continued in a state of -discontent and revolt and were then causing the ruin of the subjects -and a deficiency in the government collections. An inquiry was -instituted, and, to satisfy the claims of landowners of this class, -it was agreed that, on furnishing good security for their conduct -and receiving the government mark on their contingent of cavalry, -they should again be put in possession of a one-fourth share of the -land of government villages. While the province was managed agreeably -to these regulations, says the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, its -prosperity continued to increase. [709] - -Though these measures did much to check internal disorder, Gujarát, for -several years after it came under Mughal control, continued disturbed -by insurrections among the nobles, and so imperfectly protected from -the attacks of foreign enemies that between the years A.D. 1573 and -1609 each of its three richest cities, Áhmedábád Cambay and Surat, was -in turn taken and plundered. [710] During the rest of the seventeenth -century, though the country was from time to time disturbed by Koli -and Rájput risings, and towards the end of the century suffered much -from the raids of the Maráthás, the viceroys were, on the whole, -able to maintain their authority, repressing the outbreaks of the -disorderly classes, and enforcing the imperial claims for tribute on -the more independent feudatory chiefs. Throughout the greater part -of the seventeenth century the general state of the province seems -to have been prosperous. Its cities were the wonder of European -travellers. Surat, which only since the transfer of Gujarát to the -Mughal empire had risen to hold a place among its chief centres -of trade, was, in A.D. 1664, when taken by Shiváji, rich enough -to supply him with plunder in treasure and precious stones worth a -million sterling [711]; and at that time Cambay is said to have been -beyond comparison greater than Surat, and Áhmedábád much richer and -more populous than either. [712] - -From the beginning of the eighteenth century disorder increased. Unable -to rely for support on the imperial court, the viceroys failed to -maintain order among the leading nobles, or to enforce their tribute -from the more powerful feudatories. And while the small Koli and -Rájput landholders, freed from the control of a strong central power, -were destroying the military posts, taking possession of the state -share of village lands, and levying dues from their more peaceful -neighbours, the burden of the Marátha tribute was year by year growing -heavier. During the last ten years of Musalmán rule so entirely did -the viceroy's authority forsake him, that, according to the author -of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, when the great landholders refused to pay -their tribute, the viceroy had no power to enforce payment. And so -faithless had the great landowners become that the viceroy could not -pass the city gate without an escort. [713] - -The above summary contains frequent references to three classes -of zamíndárs: (1) The zamíndárs of the self-governed states; (2) -The greater zamíndárs of the crown districts; and (3) The lesser -zamíndárs of the crown districts. - -[Self-governed Zamíndárs.] In the case of the zamíndárs of -self-governed states the principle was military service and no -tribute. The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi says that finally the -zamíndárs of the self-governed states ceased to do service. In spite -of this statement it seems probable that some of this class served -almost until the complete collapse of the empire, and that tribute -was rarely levied from them by an armed force. In the Mirat-i-Áhmedi -account of the office of súbahdár or názim sûbah the following passage -occurs: When occasion arose the názims used to take with their armies -the contingents of the Ránás of Udepur Dúngarpur and Bánsváda, which -were always permanently posted outside their official residences -(in Áhmedábád). This shows that these great zamíndárs had official -residences at the capital, where probably their contingents were -posted under wakíls or agents. It therefore seems probable that their -tribute too would be paid through their representatives at the capital -and that a military force was seldom sent against them. Accordingly -notices of military expeditions in the tributary sarkárs are rare -though they were of constant occurrence in the crown districts. - -[Crown Zamíndárs.] The position of the zamíndárs of the khálsa or -crown districts was very different from that of the zamíndárs of -self-governed territories. The khálsa zamíndárs had been deprived of -the greater portion of their ancestral estates which were administered -by the viceregal revenue establishment. In some instances their -capitals had been annexed. Even if not annexed the capital was the -seat of faujdár who possessed the authority and encroached daily on -the rights and privileges of the chieftain. The principal chiefs in -this position were those of Rájpípla and Ídar in Gujarát and the -Jám of Navánagar in Káthiáváda. Of the three, Rájpipla had been -deprived of his capital Nándod and of all the fertile districts, -and was reduced to a barren sovereignty over rocks, hills and Bhíls -at Rájpípla. Ídar had suffered similar treatment and the capital was -the seat of a Muhammadan faujdár. Navánagar, which had hitherto been -a tributary sarkár, was during the reign of Aurangzíb made a crown -district. But after Aurangzíb's death the Jám returned to his capital -and again resumed his tributary relations. - -[Smaller Zamíndárs.] The lesser holders, including grásiás wántádárs -and others, had suffered similar deprivation of lands and were subject -to much encroachment from the government officials. Throughout the -empire widespread discontent prevailed among subordinate holders -of this description as well as among all the zamíndárs of the crown -districts, so that the successes of Shiváji in the Dakhan found ardent -sympathisers even in Gujarát. When the zamíndárs saw that this Hindu -rebel was strong enough to pillage Surat they began to hope that a -day of deliverance was near. The death of Aurangzíb (A.D. 1707) was -the signal for these restless spirits to bestir themselves. When the -Maráthás began regular inroads they were hailed as deliverers from -the yoke of the Mughal. The Rájpípla chief afforded them shelter and -a passage through his country. The encouragement to anarchy given by -some of the Rájput viceroys who were anxious to emancipate themselves -from the central control further enabled many chieftains girásiás -and others to absorb large portions of the crown domains, and even -to recover their ancient capitals. Finally disaffected Muhammadan -faujdárs succeeded in building up estates out of the possessions -of the crown and founding the families which most of the present -Muhammadan chieftains of Gujarát represent. - -[Marátha Ascendancy, 1760-1802.] When the imperial power had been -usurped by the Marátha leaders, the chiefs who had just shaken off -the more powerful Mughal yoke were by no means disposed tamely to -submit to Marátha domination. Every chief resisted the levy of tribute -and Momín Khán reconquered Áhmedábád. In this struggle the Maráthás -laboured under the disadvantage of dissensions between the Peshwa and -the Gáikwár. They were also unaware of the actual extent of the old -imperial domain and were ignorant of the amount of tribute formerly -levied. They found that the faujdárs, who, in return for Marátha -aid in enabling them to absorb the crown parganáhs, had agreed to -pay tribute, now joined the zamíndárs in resisting Marátha demands, -while with few exceptions the desáis and majmudárs either openly allied -themselves with the zamíndárs or were by force or fraud deprived of -their records. [Gáikwár Saved by British Alliance, 1802.] So serious -were the obstacles to the collection of the Marátha tribute that, -had it not been for the British alliance in A.D. 1802, there seems -little doubt that the Gáikwár would have been unable to enforce -his demands in his more distant possessions. The British alliance -checked the disintegration of the Gáikwár's power, and the permanent -settlement of the tribute early in this century enabled that chief -to collect a large revenue at a comparatively trifling cost. Not -only were rebels like Malhárráo and Kánoji suppressed, but powerful -servants like Vithalráv Deváji, who without doubt would have asserted -their independence, were confirmed in their allegiance and the rich -possessions they had acquired became part of the Gáikwár's dominions. - -[Power of Chiefs.] It must not be supposed that while the larger -chiefs were busy absorbing whole parganáhs the lesser chiefs were more -backward. They too annexed villages and even Mughal posts or thánáhs, -while wántádárs or sharers absorbed the talpat or state portion, and, -under the name of tora garás, [714] daring spirits imposed certain -rights over crown villages once their ancient possessions, or, under -the name of pál or vol, enforced from neighbouring villages payments -to secure immunity from pillage. Even in the Baroda district of the -thirteen Mughal posts only ten now belong to the Gáikwár, two having -been conquered by girásiás and one having fallen under Broach. In -Sauráshtra except Ránpur and Gogha and those in the Amreli district, -not a single Mughal post is in the possession either of the British -Government or of the Gáikwár. A reference to the Mughal posts in other -parts of Gujarát shows that the same result followed the collapse of -Musalmán power. - -[Power of Local Chiefs.] Since the introduction of Musalmán rule in -A.D. 1297 each successive government has been subverted by the ambition -of the nobles and the disaffection of the chiefs. It was thus that -the Gujarát Sultáns rendered themselves independent of Dehli. It was -thus that the Sultán's territories became divided among the nobles, -whose dissensions reduced the province to Akbar's authority. It was -thus that the chiefs and local governors, conniving at Marátha inroads, -subverted Mughal rule. Finally it was thus that the Gáikwár lost his -hold of his possessions and was rescued from ruin solely by the power -of the British. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -EARLY MUSALMÁN GOVERNORS. - -A.D. 1297-1403. - - -[Alá-ud-dín Khilji Emperor, 1295-1315.] Except the great expedition -of Mahmúd Ghaznawi against Somnáth in A.D. 1024 [715]; the defeat -of Muhammad Muiz-ud-dín or Shaháb-ud-dín Ghori by Bhím Dev II. of -Anahilaváda about A.D. 1178 [716]; and the avenging sack of Anahilaváda -and defeat of Bhím by Kutb-ud-dín Eibak in A.D. 1194, until the reign -of Alá-ud-dín Khilji in A.D. 1295-1315, Gujarát remained free from -Muhammadan interference. [717] [Ulugh Khán, 1297-1317.] In A.D. 1297, -Ulugh Khán, general of Alá-ud-dín and Nasrat Khán Wazír were sent -against Anahilaváda. They took the city expelling Karan Wághela, -usually called Ghelo The Mad, who took refuge at Devgadh with Rámdeva -the Yádav sovereign of the north Dakhan. [718] They next seized Khambát -(the modern Cambay), and, after appointing a local governor, returned -to Dehli. From this time Gujarát remained under Muhammadan power, and -Ulugh Khán, a man of great energy, by repeated expeditions consolidated -the conquest and established Muhammadan rule. The Kánaddeva Rása says -that he plundered Somnáth, and there is no doubt that he conquered -Jhálor (the ancient Jhálindar) from the Songarha Choháns. [719] -After Ulugh Khán had governed Gujarát for about twenty years, at the -instigation of Malik Káfur, he was recalled and put to death by the -emperor Alá-ud-dín. [720] - -[Ain-ul-Mulk Governor, 1318.] Ulugh Khán's departure shook Muhammadan -power in Gujarát, and Kamál-ud-dín, whom Mubárak Khilji sent to quell -the disturbances, was slain in battle. Sedition spread till Ain-ul-Mulk -Multáni arrived with a powerful army, defeated the rebels and [Order -Established, 1318.] restored order. He was succeeded by Zafar Khán, -who after completing the subjection of the country was recalled, -and his place supplied by Hisám-ud-dín Parmár. [721] This officer, -showing treasonable intentions, was imprisoned and succeeded by Malik -Wájid-ud-dín Kuraishi, who was afterwards ennobled by the title of -Táj or Sadr-ul-Mulk. Khusraw Khán Parmár was then appointed governor, -but it is not clear whether he ever joined his appointment. The -next governor to whom reference is made is [Táj-ul-Mulk Governor, -1320.] Táj-ul-Mulk, who about A.D. 1320, was, for the second time, -chosen as governor by Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín Tughlak. He was succeeded -by Malik Mukbil, who held the titles of Khán Jahán and Náib-i-Mukhtár, -and who was appointed by [Muhammad Tughlak Emperor, 1325-1351.] Sultán -Muhammad Tughlak, A.D. 1325-1351. Subsequently the same emperor granted -the government of Gujarát to Áhmad Ayáz, Malik Mukbil continuing to -act as his deputy. Afterwards when Áhmad Ayáz, who received the title -of Khwájah Jahán, proceeded as governor to Gujarát, Malik Mukbil -acted as his minister. And about A.D. 1338, when Khwájah Jahán was -sent against the emperor's nephew Karshásp and the Rája of Kampila -[722] who had sheltered him, Malik Mukbil succeeded to the post of -governor. On one occasion between Baroda and Dabhoi Malik Mukbil, -who was escorting treasure and a caravan of merchants to Dehli, was -plundered by some bands of the Amíráni Sadah or Captains of Hundreds -freelances and freebooters, most of them New Musalmáns or Mughal -converts, and the rest Turk and Afghán adventurers. This success -emboldened these banditti and for several years they caused loss -and confusion in Gujarát. At last, about A.D. 1346, being joined by -certain Muhammadan nobles and Hindu chieftains, they broke into open -rebellion and defeated one Ázíz, who was appointed by the emperor to -march against them. [The Emperor Quells an Insurrection, 1347.] In -the following year, A.D. 1347, Muhammad Tughlak, advancing in person, -defeated the rebels, and sacked the towns of Cambay and Surat. During -the same campaign he drove the Gohil chief Mokheráji out of his -stronghold on Piram Island near Gogha on the Gulf of Cambay, and then, -landing his forces, after a stubborn conflict, defeated the Gohils, -killing Mokheráji and capturing Gogha. Afterwards Muhammad Tughlak left -for Daulatábád in the Dakhan, and in his absence the chiefs and nobles -under Malik Túghán, a leader of the Amíráni Sadah, again rebelled, -and, obtaining possession of Pátan, imprisoned Muîzz-ud-dín the -viceroy. The insurgents then plundered Cambay, and afterwards laid -siege to Broach. Muhammad Tughlak at once marched for Gujarát and -relieved Broach, Malik Túghán retreating to Cambay, whither he was -followed by Malik Yúsuf, whom the emperor sent in pursuit of him. In -the battle that ensued near Cambay, Malik Yúsuf was defeated and slain, -and all the prisoners, both of this engagement and those who had been -previously captured, were put to death by Malik Túghán. Among the -prisoners was Muîzz-ud-dín, the governor of Gujarát. Muhammad Tughlak -now marched to Cambay in person, whence Malik Túghán retreated to -Pátan, pursued by the emperor, who was forced by stress of weather -to halt at Asáwal. [723] Eventually the emperor came up with Malik -Túghán near Kadi and gained a complete victory, Malik Túghán fleeing -to Thatha in Sindh. [Subdues Girnár and Kachh, 1350.] To establish -order throughout Gujarát Muhammad Tughlak marched against Girnár, -[724] reduced the fortress, [725] and levied tribute from the chief -named Khengár. He then went to Kachh, and after subduing that country -returned to Sorath. At Gondal he contracted a fever, and before he -was entirely recovered, he advanced through Kachh into Sindh with the -view of subduing the Sumra chief of Thatha, who had sheltered Malik -Túghán. Before reaching Thatha he succumbed to the fever, and died -in the spring of A.D. 1351. Shortly before his death he appointed -Nizám-ul-Mulk to the government of Gujarát. - -[Fírúz Tughlak Emperor, 1351-1388.] In A.D. 1351, Fírúz Tughlak -succeeded Muhammad Tughlak on the throne of Dehli. Shortly after -his accession the emperor marched to Sindh and sent a force against -Malik Túghán. About A.D. 1360 he again advanced to Sindh against Jám -Bábunia. From Sindh he proceeded to Gujarát, where he stayed for some -months. [Zafar Khan Governor, 1371.] Next year, on leaving for Sindh -for the third time, he bestowed the government of Gujarát on Zafar -Khán in place of Nizám-ul-Mulk. On Zafar Khán's death, in A.D. 1373 -according to Farishtah and A.D. 1371 according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, -he was succeeded by his son Daryá Khán who appears to have governed -by a deputy named Shams-ud-dín Anwar Khán. In A.D. 1376, besides -presents of elephants horses and other valuables, one Shams-ud-dín -Dámghání offered a considerable advance on the usual collections -from Gujarát. As Daryá Khán would not agree to pay this sum he was -displaced and Shams-ud-dín Dámghání was appointed governor. Finding -himself unable to pay the stipulated amount this officer rebelled -and withheld the revenue. Fírúz Tughlak sent an army against him, -and by the aid of the chieftains and people, whom he had greatly -oppressed, Shams-ud-dín was slain. The government of the province -was then entrusted to Farhat-ul-Mulk Rásti Khán. [Farhat-ul-Mulk -Governor, 1376-1391.] In about A.D. 1388, a noble named Sikandar -Khán was sent to supersede Farhat-ul-Mulk, but was defeated and -slain by him. As the emperor Fírúz Tughlak died shortly after -no notice was taken of Farhat-ul-Mulk's conduct and in the short -reign of Fírúz's successor Ghiás-ud-dín Tughlak, no change was made -in the government of Gujarát. During the brief rule of Abu Bakr, -Farhat-ul-Mulk continued undisturbed. [Muhammad Tughlak II. Emperor, -1391-1393.] But in A.D. 1391, on the accession of Násir-ud-dín Muhammad -Tughlak II., a noble of the name of Zafar Khán was appointed governor -of Gujarát, and despatched with an army to recall or, if necessary, -expel Farhat-ul-Mulk. - -This Zafar Khán was the son of Wajíh-ul-Mulk, of the Tánk tribe of -Rájputs who claim to be of Suryavansi descent and together with the -Gurjjaras appear from very early times to have inhabited the plains -of the Punjáb. Of Wajíh-ul-Mulk's rise to power at the Dehli court -the following story is told. Before he sat on the throne of Dehli, -Fírúz Tughlak, when hunting in the Punjáb, lost his way and came to a -village near Thánesar, held by chieftains of the Tánk tribe. He was -hospitably entertained by two brothers of the chief's family named -Sáháran and Sádhu, and became enamoured of their beautiful sister. When -his hosts learned who the stranger was, they gave him their sister in -marriage and followed his fortunes. Afterwards Fírúz persuading them -to embrace Islám, conferred on Saháran the title of Wajíh-ul-Mulk, -and on Sádhu the title of Shamshír Khán. Finally, in A.D. 1351, when -Fírúz Tughlak ascended the throne, he made Shamshír Khán and Zafar -Khán, the son of Wajíh-ul-Mulk, his cup-bearers, and raised them to -the rank of nobles. - -[Zafar Khán Governor, 1391-1403.] In A.D. 1391, on being appointed -viceroy, Zafar Khán marched without delay for Gujarát. In passing -Nágor [726] he was met by a deputation from Cambay, complaining of -the tyranny of Rásti Khán. Consoling them, he proceeded to Pátan, the -seat of government, and thence marched against Rásti Khán. [Battle of -Jitpur; Farhat-ul-Mulk Slain, 1391.] The armies met near the village of -Khambhoi, [727] a dependency of Pátan, and Farhat-ul-Mulk Rásti Khán -was slain and his army defeated. To commemorate the victory, Zafar -Khán founded a village on the battle-field, which he named Jítpur -(the city of victory), and then, starting for Cambay, redressed the -grievances of the people. - -[Zafar Khán Attacks Ídar, 1393.] Zafar Khán's first warlike expedition -was against the Ráv of Ídar, [728] who, in A.D. 1393, had refused to -pay the customary tribute, and this chief he humbled. The contemporary -histories seem to show that the previous governors had recovered -tribute from all or most of the chiefs of Gujarát except from the Ráv -of Junágadh [729] and the Rája of Rájpípla, [730] who had retained -their independence. Zafar Khán now planned an expedition against the -celebrated Hindu shrine of Somnáth, but, hearing that Ádil Khán of -Ásír-Burhánpur had invaded Sultánpur and Nandurbár, [731] he moved his -troops in that direction, and Ádil Khán retired to Ásir. [732] [Exacts -Tribute from Junágadh, 1394.] In A.D. 1394, he marched against the Ráv -of Junágadh and exacted tribute. Afterwards, proceeding to Somnáth, -he destroyed the temple, built an Assembly Mosque, introduced Islám, -left Musalmán law officers, and established a thána or post in the -city of Pátan Somnáth or Deva Pátan. He now heard that the Hindus of -Mándu [733] were oppressing the Muslims, and, accordingly, marching -thither, he beleaguered that fortress for a year, but failing to take -it contented himself with accepting the excuses of the Rája. From Mándu -he performed a pilgrimage to Ajmír. [734] Here he proceeded against -the chiefs of Sámbhar and Dandwána, and then attacking the Rájputs -of Delváda and Jháláváda, [735] he defeated them, and returned to -Pátan in A.D. 1396. About this time his son Tátár Khán, leaving his -baggage in the fort of Pánipat, [736] made an attempt on Dehli. But -Ikbál Khán took the fort of Pánipat, captured Tátár Khán's baggage, -and forced him to withdraw to Gujarát. [Lays Siege to Ídar Fort, -1397.] In A.D. 1397, with the view of reducing Ídar, Zafar Khán -besieged the fort, laying waste the neighbouring country. Before he -had taken the fort Zafar Khán received news of Timúr's conquests, -and concluding a peace with the Ídar Rája, returned to Pátan. [737] -In A.D. 1398, hearing that the Somnáth people claimed independence, -Zafar Khán led an army against them, defeated them, and [Establishes -Islám at Somnáth, 1398.] established Islám on a firm footing. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -ÁHMEDÁBÁD KINGS. - -A.D. 1403-1573. - - -The rule of the Áhmedábád kings extends over 170 years and includes the -names of fifteen sovereigns. The period may conveniently be divided -into two parts. The first, lasting for a little more than a century -and a quarter, when, under strong rulers, Gujarát rose to consequence -among the kingdoms of Western India; the second, from A.D. 1536 to -A.D. 1573, an evil time when the sovereigns were minors and the wealth -and supremacy of Gujarát were wasted by the rivalry of its nobles. - -The date on which Zafar Khán openly threw off his allegiance to -Dehli is doubtful. Farishtah says he had the Friday prayer or khutbah -repeated in his name after his successful campaign against Jháláváda -and Delváda in A.D. 1396. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari he -maintained a nominal allegiance till A.D. 1403 when he formally -invested his son Tátár Khán with the sovereignty of Gujarát, under -the title of Násir-ud-dín Muhammad Sháh. - -[Muhammad I. 1403-1404.] On ascending the throne in A.D. 1403, Muhammad -Sháh made Asáwal his capital, and, after humbling the chief of Nándod -or Nádot in Rájpipla, marched against Dehli by way of Pátan. On -his way to Pátan the king sickened and died. His body was brought -back to Pátan, and the expedition against Dehli came to nothing. It -seems probable that this is a courtly version of the tale; the fact -being that in A.D. 1403 Tátár Khán imprisoned his father at Asáwal, -and assumed the title of Muhammad Sháh, and that Tátár Khán's death -was caused by poison administered in the interest, if not at the -suggestion, of his father Zafar Khán. [738] - -[Zafar Khán reigns as Muzaffar, 1407-1419.] After the death of Muhammad -Sháh, Zafar Khán asked his own younger brother Shams Khán Dandáni -to carry on the government, but he refused. Zafar Khán accordingly -sent Shams Khán Dandáni to Nágor in place of Jalál Khán Khokhar, -and in A.D. 1407-8, at Bírpur, at the request of the nobles and -chief men of the country, himself formally mounted the throne and -assumed the title of Muzaffar Sháh. At this time Álp Khán, son of -Diláwar Khán of Málwa, was rumoured to have poisoned his father -and ascended the throne with the title of Sultán Hushang Ghori. On -hearing this Muzaffar Sháh marched against Hushang and besieged him -in Dhár. [739] On reducing Dhár Muzaffar handed Hushang to the charge -of his brother Shams Khán, on whom he conferred the title of Nasrat -Khán. Hushang remained a year in confinement, and Músa Khán one of -his relations usurped his authority. On hearing this, Hushang begged -to be released, and Muzaffar Sháh not only agreed to his prayer, -but sent his grandson Áhmed Khán with an army to reinstate him. This -expedition was successful; the fortress of Mándu was taken and the -usurper Músa Khán was put to flight. Áhmed Khán returned to Gujarát -in A.D. 1409-10. Meanwhile Muzaffar advancing towards Dehli to aid -Sultán Mahmúd (A.D. 1393-1413), prevented an intended attack on that -city by Sultán Ibráhím of Jaunpur. On his return to Gujarát Muzaffar -led, or more probably despatched, an unsuccessful expedition against -Kambhkot. [740] In the following year (A.D. 1410-11), to quell a rising -among the Kolis near Asával, Muzaffar placed his grandson Áhmed Khán in -command of an army. Áhmed Khán camped outside of Pátan. He convened -an assembly of learned men and asked them whether a son was not -bound to exact retribution from his father's murderer. The assembly -stated in writing that a son was bound to exact retribution. Armed -with this decision, Áhmed suddenly entered the city, overpowered -his grandfather, and forced him to drink poison. The old Khán said: -'Why so hasty, my boy. A little patience and power would have come -to you of itself.' He advised Áhmed to kill the evil counsellors of -murder and to drink no wine. Remorse so embittered Áhmed's after-life -that he was never known to laugh. - -[Ahmed I. 1411-1441.] On his grandfather's death, Áhmed succeeded with -the title of Násir-ud-dunya Wad-dín Abúl fateh Áhmed Sháh. Shortly -after Áhmed Sháh's accession, his cousin Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán, -governor of Baroda, allying himself with Hisám or Nizám-ul-Mulk -Bhandári and other nobles, collected an army at Nadiád in Kaira, and, -laying claim to the crown, defeated the king's followers. Jívandás, -one of the insurgents, proposed to march upon Pátan, but as the -others refused a dispute arose in which Jívandás was slain, and -the rest sought and obtained Áhmed Sháh's forgiveness. Moid-ud-dín -Fírúz Khán went to Cambay and was there joined by Masti Khán, son of -Muzaffar Sháh, who was governor of Surat: on the king's advance they -fled from Cambay to Broach, to which fort Áhmed Sháh laid siege. As -soon as the king arrived, Moid-ud-dín's army went over to the king, -and Masti Khán also submitted. After a few days Áhmed Sháh sent for and -forgave Moid-ud-dín, and returned to Asáwal victorious and triumphant. - -[Builds Áhmedábád, 1413.] In the following year (A.D. 1413-14) [741] -Áhmed Sháh defeated Ása Bhíl, chief of Asáwal, and, finding the site of -that town suitable for his capital, he changed its name to Áhmedábád, -and busied himself in enlarging and fortifying the city. [742] During -this year Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán and Masti Khán again revolted, and, -joining the Ídar Rája, took shelter in that fortress. [Defeats the -Ídar Chief, 1414.] A force under Fateh Khán was despatched against -the rebels, and finally Fírúz Khán and the Ídar Rája were forced to -flee by way of Kherálu a town in the district of Kadi. Moid-ud-dín -now persuaded Rukn Khán governor of Modása, fifty miles north of -Áhmedábád, to join. They united their forces with those of Badri-ûlá, -Masti Khán, and Ranmal Rája of Ídar and encamped at Rangpura an Ídar -village about five miles from Modása and began to strengthen Modása and -dig a ditch round it. The Sultán camped before the fort and offered -favourable terms. The besieged bent on treachery asked the Sultán to -send Nizám-ul-Mulk the minister and certain other great nobles. The -Sultán agreed, and the besieged imprisoned the envoys. After a three -days' siege Modása fell. Badri-ûlá and Rukn Khán were slain, and Fírúz -Khán and the Rája of Ídar fled. The imprisoned nobles were released -unharmed. The Rája seeing that all hope of success was gone, made his -peace with the king by surrendering to him the elephants, horses and -other baggage of Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán and Masti Khán, who now fled -to Nágor, where they were sheltered by Shams Khán Dandáni. Áhmed Sháh -after levying the stipulated tribute departed. Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán -was afterwards slain in the war between Shams Khán and Rána Mokal of -Chitor. [Suppresses a Revolt, 1414.] In A.D. 1414-15 Uthmán Áhmed and -Sheikh Malik, in command at Pátan, and Sulaimán Afghán called Ázam -Khán, and Ísa Sálár rebelled, and wrote secretly to Sultán Hushang of -Málwa, inviting him to invade Gujarát, and promising to seat him on -the throne and expel Áhmed Sháh. They were joined in their rebellion -by Jhála Satarsálji [743] of Pátdi and other chiefs of Gujarát. Áhmed -Sháh despatched Latíf Khán and Nizám-ul-Mulk against Sheikh Malik and -his associates, while he sent Imád-ul-Mulk against Sultán Hushang, -who retired, and Imád-ul-Mulk, after plundering Málwa, returned to -Gujarát. Latíf Khán, pressing in hot pursuit of Satarsál and Sheikh -Malik, drove them to Sorath. The king returned with joyful heart -to Áhmedábád. - -[Spread of Islám, 1414.] Though, with their first possession of -the country, A.D. 1297-1318, the Muhammadans had introduced their -faith from Pátan to Broach, the rest of the province long remained -unconverted. By degrees, through the efforts of the Áhmedábád kings, -the power of Islám became more directly felt in all parts of the -province. Many districts, till then all but independent, accepted -the Musalmán faith at the hands of Áhmed Sháh, and agreed to the -payment of a regular tribute. In A.D. 1414 he led an army against -the Ráv of Junágadh and defeated him. The Ráv retired to the hill -fortress of Girnár. Áhmed Sháh, though unable to capture the hill, -gained the fortified citadel of Junágadh. Finding further resistance -vain, the chief tendered his submission, and Junágadh was admitted -among the tributary states. This example was followed by the -greater number of the Sorath chiefs, who, for the time, resigned -their independence. Sayad Ábûl Khair and Sayad Kásim were left to -collect the tribute, and Áhmed Sháh returned to Áhmedábád. Next year -he marched against Sidhpur, [744] and in A.D. 1415 advanced from -Sidhpur to Dhár in Málwa. [Áhmed I. Quells a Second Revolt, 1416.] At -this time the most powerful feudatories were the Ráv of Junágadh, -the Rával of Chámpáner, [745] the Rája of Nándod, the Ráv of Ídar, -and the Rája of Jháláváda. Trimbakdás of Chámpáner, Púnja of Ídar, -Siri of Nándod, and Mandlik of Jháláváda, alarmed at the activity -of Áhmed Sháh and his zeal for Islám, instigated Sultán Hushang of -Málwa to invade Gujarát. Áhmed Sháh promptly marched to Modása, [746] -forced Sultán Hushang of Málwa to retire, and broke up the conspiracy, -reproving and pardoning the chiefs concerned. About the same time the -Sorath chiefs withheld their tribute, but the patience and unwearied -activity of the king overcame all opposition. When at Modása Áhmed -heard that, by the treachery of the son of the governor, Násír of Asír -and Gheirát or Ghazni Khán of Málwa had seized the fort of Thálner in -Sirpur in Khándesh, and, with the aid of the chief of Nándod, were -marching against Sultánpur and Nandurbár. Áhmed sent an expedition -against Nasír of Asír under Malik Mahmúd Barki or Turki. When the -Malik reached Nándod he found that Gheirat Khán had fled to Málwa and -that Nasír had retired to Thálner. The Malik advanced, besieged and -took Thálner, capturing Nasír whom Áhmed forgave and dignified with -the title of Khán. [747] - -After quelling these rebellions Áhmed Sháh despatched Nizám-ul-Mulk -to punish the Rája of Mandal near Viramgám, and [Expedition against -Málwa, 1417.] himself marched to Málwa against Sultán Hushang, whom -he defeated, capturing his treasure and elephants. In A.D. 1418, -in accordance with his policy of separately engaging his enemies, -[Attacks Chámpáner, 1418.] Áhmed Sháh marched to chastise Trimbakdas -of Chámpáner, and though unable to take the fortress he laid waste -the surrounding country. In A.D. 1419 he ravaged the lands round -Sankheda [748] and built a fort there and a mosque within the fort; -he also built a wall round the town of Mángni, [749] and then marched -upon Mándu. On the way ambassadors from Sultán Hushang met him suing -for peace, and Áhmed Sháh, returning towards Chámpáner, again laid -waste the surrounding country. During the following year (A.D. 1420) -he remained in Ahmedábád bringing his own dominions into thorough -subjection by establishing fortified posts and by humbling the chiefs -and destroying their strongholds. Among other works he built the forts -of Dohad [750] on the Málwa frontier and of Jítpur in Lúnáváda. [751] -In A.D. 1421 he repaired the fort in the town of Kahreth, otherwise -called Meimún in Lúnáváda, which had been built by Ulugh Khán Sanjar -in the reign of Sultán Alá-ud-dín (A.D. 1295-1315) and changed the -name to Sultánpur. [War with Málwa, 1422.] He next advanced against -Málwa and took the fort of Mesar. After an unsuccessful siege of -Mándu he went to Ujjain. [752] From Ujjain he returned to Mándu, -and failing to capture Mándu, he marched against Sárangpur. [753] -Sultán Hushang sent ambassadors and concluded a peace. In spite of the -agreement, while Áhmed Sháh was returning to Gujarát, Sultán Hushang -made a night attack on his army and caused much havoc. Áhmed Sháh, -collecting what men he could, waited till dawn and then fell on and -defeated the Málwa troops, who were busy plundering. Sultán Hushang -took shelter in the fort of Sárangpur to which Áhmed Sháh again laid -siege. Failing to take the fort Áhmed retreated towards Gujarát, -closely followed by Sultán Hushang, who was eager to wipe out his -former defeat. On Hushang's approach, Áhmed Sháh, halting his troops, -joined battle and repulsing Hushang returned to Áhmedábád. - -[Defeats the Ídar Chief, 1425.] In A.D. 1425 Áhmed Sháh led an army -against Ídar, defeating the force brought to meet him and driving their -leader to the hills. Ídar was always a troublesome neighbour to the -Áhmedábád kings and one difficult to subdue, for when his country was -threatened, the chief could retire to his hills, where he could not -easily be followed. As a permanent check on his movements, Áhmed Sháh, -in A.D. 1427, built the fort of Ahmednagar, [754] on the banks of the -Háthmati, eighteen miles south-west of Ídar. In the following year the -Ídar chief, Ráv Púnja, attacked a foraging party and carried off one of -the royal elephants. He was pursued into the hills and brought to bay -in a narrow pathway at the edge of a steep ravine. Púnja was driving -back his pursuers when the keeper of the Sultán's elephant urged his -animal against the Ráv's horse. The horse swerving lost his foothold -and rolling down the ravine destroyed himself and his rider. [755] - -During the two following years Áhmed Sháh abstained from foreign -conquests, devoting himself to improving his dominions and to working -out a system of paying his troops. The method he finally adopted was -payment half in money and half in land. This arrangement attached the -men to the country, and, while keeping them dependent on the state, -enabled them to be free from debt. Further to keep his officials in -check he arranged that the treasurer should be one of the king's slaves -while the actual paymaster was a native of the particular locality. He -also appointed ámils that is sub-divisional revenue officers. After Ráv -Púnja's death Áhmed Sháh marched upon Ídar, and did not return until -Ráv Púnja's son agreed to pay an annual tribute of £300 (Rs. 3000). In -the following year, according to Farishtah (II. 369) in spite of the -young chiefs promise to pay tribute, Áhmed Sháh attacked Ídar, took the -fort, and built an assembly mosque. Fearing that their turn would come -next the chief of Jháláváda and Kánha apparently chief of Dungarpur -fled to Nasír Khán of Asír. Nasír Khán gave Kánha a letter to Áhmed -Sháh Báhmani, to whose son Alá-ud-dín Násír's daughter was married, -and having detached part of his own troops to help Kánha they plundered -and laid waste some villages of Nandurbár and Sultánpur. Sultán Áhmed -sent his eldest son Muhammad Khán with Mukarrabul Mulk and others to -meet the Dakhanis who were repulsed with considerable loss. On this -Sultán Áhmed Báhmani, under Kadr Khán Dakhani, sent his eldest son -Alá-ud-dín and his second son Khán Jehán against the Gujarátis. Kadr -Khán marched to Daulatábád and joining Nasír Khán and the Gujarát -rebels fought a great battle near the pass of Mánek Púj, six miles -south of Nándgaon in Násik. The confederates were defeated with great -slaughter. The Dakhan princes fled to Daulatábád and Kánha and Nasír -Khán to Kalanda near Chálisgaum in south Khándesh. - -[Recovers Máhim, 1429;] In the same year (A.D. 1429), on the death of -Kutub Khán the Gujarát governor of the island of Máhim, now the north -part of the island of Bombay, [756] Áhmed Sháh Báhmani smarting under -his defeats, ordered Hasan Izzat, otherwise called Malik-ut-Tujjár, -to the Konkan and by the Malik's activity the North Konkan passed -to the Dakhanis. On the news of this disaster Áhmed Sháh sent his -youngest son Zafar Khán, with an army under Malik Iftikhár Khán, to -retake Máhim. A fleet, collected from Diu Gogha and Cambay sailed to -the Konkan, attacked Thána [757] by sea and land, captured it, and -regained possession of Máhim. In A.D. 1431 Áhmed Sháh advanced upon -Chámpáner, and Áhmed Sháh Bahmani, anxious to retrieve his defeat at -Máhim, marched an army into [and Báglán, 1431.] Báglán [758] and laid -it waste. This news brought Áhmed Sháh back to Nandurbár. Destroying -Nándod he passed to Tambol, a fort in Báglán which Áhmed Sháh Báhmani -was besieging, defeated the besiegers and relieved the fort. He then -went to Thána, repaired the fort, and returned to Gujarát by way of -Sultánpur and Nandurbár. In A.D. 1432, after contracting his son Fateh -Khán in marriage with the daughter of the Rái of Máhim to the north -of Bassein Áhmed Sháh marched towards Nágor, and exacted tribute and -presents from the Rával of Dúngarpur. [759] From Dúngarpur he went -to Mewár, enforcing his claims on Búndi and Kota, two Hára Rájput -states in south-east Rájputána. He then entered the Delváda country, -levelling temples and destroying the palace of Rána Mokalsingh, -the chief of Chitor. Thence he invaded Nágor in the country of the -Ráthods, who submitted to him. After this he returned to Gujarát, -and during the next few years was warring principally in Málwa, where, -according to Farishtah, his army suffered greatly from pestilence and -famine. Áhmed died in A.D. 1441 in the fifty-third year of his life and -the thirty-third of his reign and was buried in the mausoleum in the -Mánek Chauk in Áhmedábád. His after-death title is Khûdaigán-i-Maghfûr -the Forgiven Lord in token that, according to his merciful promise, -Allah the pitiful, moved by the prayer of forty believers, had spread -his forgiveness over the crime of Áhmed's youth, a crime bewailed by -a lifelong remorse. - -Sultán Áhmed is still a name of power among Gujarát Musalmáns. He -is not more honoured for his bravery, skill, and success as a war -leader than for his piety and his justice. His piety showed itself in -his respect for three great religious teachers Sheikh Rukn-ud-dín the -representative of Sheikh Moín-ud-dín the great Khwájah of Ajmír, Sheikh -Áhmed Khattu who is buried at Sarkhej five miles west of Áhmedábád, -and the Bukháran Sheikh Burhán-ud-dín known as Kutbi Álam the father -of the more famous Sháh Álam. Of Áhmed's justice two instances are -recorded. Sitting in the window of his palace watching the Sábarmati -in flood Áhmed saw a large earthen jar float by. The jar was opened -and the body of a murdered man was found wrapped in a blanket. The -potters were called and one said the jar was his and had been sold -to the headman of a neighbouring village. On inquiry the headman -was proved to have murdered a grain merchant and was hanged. The -second case was the murder of a poor man by Áhmed's son-in-law. The -Kázi found the relations of the deceased willing to accept a blood -fine and when the fine was paid released the prince. Áhmed hearing -of his son-in-law's release said in the case of the rich fine is no -punishment and ordered his son-in-law to be hanged. [760] - -[Muhammad II. 1441-1452.] Áhmed Sháh was succeeded by his generous -pleasure-loving son Muhammad Sháh, Ghiás-ud-dunya Wad-dín, also styled -Zarbaksh the Gold Giver. In A.D. 1445 Muhammad marched against Bír -Rái of Ídar, but on that chief agreeing to give him his daughter in -marriage, he confirmed him in the possession of his state. His next -expedition was against Kánha Rái of Dúngarpur, who took refuge in the -hills, but afterwards returned, and paying tribute, was given charge -of his country. Muhammad married Bíbi Mughli, daughter of Jám Júna -of Thatha in Sindh. She bore a son, Fateh Khán, who was afterwards -Sultán Mahmúd Begada. In A.D. 1450, Muhammad marched upon Chámpáner, -and took the lower fortress. Gangádás of Chámpáner had a strong ally -in Sultán Mahmúd Khilji, the ruler of Málwa, and on his approach -Muhammad Sháh retired to Godhra, [761] and Mahmúd Khilji continued -his march upon Gujarát at the head of 80,000 horse. Muhammad Sháh was -preparing to fly to Diu, when the nobles, disgusted at his cowardice, -caused him to be poisoned. Muhammad Sháh's after-death title is -Khûdáigán-i-Karím the Gracious Lord. - -[Kutb-ud-dín, 1451-1459.] In A.D. 1451 the nobles placed Muhammad's -son Jalál Khán on the throne with the title of Kutb-ud-dín. Meanwhile -Sultán Mahmúd of Málwa had laid siege to Sultánpur. [762] Malik -Alá-ud-dín bin Sohráb Kutb-ud-dín's commander surrendered the fort, -and was sent with honour to [War with Málwa, 1451.] Málwa and appointed -governor of Mándu. Sultán Mahmúd, marching to Sársa-Pálri, summoned -Broach, then commanded by Sídi Marján on behalf of Gujarát. The Sídi -refused, and fearing delay, the Málwa Sultán after plundering Baroda -proceeded to Nadiád, whose Bráhmans astonished him by their bravery -in killing a mad elephant. Kutb-ud-dín Sháh now advancing met Sultán -Mahmúd at [Battle of Kapadvanj, 1454.] Kapadvanj, [763] where, after a -doubtful fight of some hours, he defeated Sultán Mahmúd, though during -the battle that prince was able to penetrate to Kutb-ud-dín's camp and -carry off his crown and jewelled girdle. The Mirat-i-Sikandari ascribes -Kutb-ud-dín's victory in great measure to the gallantry of certain -inhabitants of Dholka [764] called Darwáziyahs. Muzaffar Khán, who is -said to have incited the Málwa Sultán to invade Gujarát, was captured -and beheaded, and his head was hung up at the gate of Kapadvanj. On -his return from Kapadvanj Kutb-ud-dín built the magnificent Hauzi Kutb -or Kánkariya Tank about a mile to the south of Áhmedábád. According -to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 50-57) this war between -Málwa and Gujarát was controlled by the spiritual power of certain -holy teachers. The war was brought on by the prayers of Sheikh Kamál -Málwi, whose shrine is in Áhmedábád behind Khudáwand Khán's mosque -near Sháh-i-Álam's tomb, who favoured Málwa. Kutb-ud-dín's cause was -aided by the blessing of Kutbi Álam who sent his son the famous Sháh -Álam time after time to persuade Kamál to be loyal to Gujarát. At last -Kamál produced a writing said to be from heaven giving the victory to -Málwa. The young Sháh Álam tore this charter to shreds, and, as no evil -befel him, Kamál saw that his spiritual power paled before Sháh Álam -and fell back dead. Sháh Álam against his will accompanied Kutb-ud-dín -some marches on his advance to Kapadvanj. Before leaving the army -Sháh Álam blessed a mean camp elephant and ordered him to destroy the -famous Málwa champion elephant known as the Butcher. He also, against -his wish for he knew the future, at the Sultán's request bound his -own sword round Kutb-ud-dín's waist. In the battle the commissariat -elephant ripped the Butcher and some years later Kutb-ud-dín by -accident gashed his knee with the saint's sword and died. - -[War with Nágor, 1454-1459.] In the same year Sultán Mahmúd Khilji -attempted to conquer Nágor then held by Fírúz Khán, a cousin of the -Áhmedábád Sultán. Kutb-ud-dín Sháh despatched an army under the command -of Sayad Atáulláh, and, as it drew near Sámbhar, [765] the Málwa Sultán -retired and shortly after Fírúz Khán died. Kúmbha Rána of Chitor [766] -now began interfering in the Nágor succession on behalf of Shams Khán, -who had been dispossessed by his brother Mujáhid Khán, and expelled -Mujáhid. But as Shams Khán refused to dismantle the fortifications -of Nágor, the Chitor chief collected an army to capture Nágor, while -Shams Khán repaired to Kutb-ud-dín Sháh for aid and gave that sovereign -his daughter in marriage. Upon this Kutb-ud-dín sent Rái Anupchand -Mánek and Malik Gadái with an army to Nágor to repulse the Rána of -[War with Chitor, 1455-1459.] Chitor. In a battle near Nágor the -Gujarát troops were defeated, and the Rána after laying waste the -neighbourhood of that city, returned to Chitor. In A.D. 1455-56, -to avenge this raid, Kutb-ud-dín Sháh marched against Chitor. On -his way the Devra Rája of Sirohi [767] attended Kutb-ud-dín Sháh's -camp, praying him to restore the fortress of Ábu, [768] part of the -ancestral domain of Sirohi, which the Rána of Chitor had wrested -from his house. The king ordered one of his generals, Malik Shaâbán, -to take possession of Ábu and restore it to the Devra chieftain, -while he himself continued to advance against Kumbhalmer. Malik -Shaâbán was entangled in the defiles near Ábu, and defeated with -great slaughter, and shortly after Kutb-ud-dín Sháh, making a truce -with Chitor, retired to his own country. On his return the Málwa -sovereign proposed that they should unite against Chitor, conquer the -Rána's territories, and divide them equally between them. Kutb-ud-dín -agreed and in A.D. 1456-57 marched against the Rána by way of Ábu, -which fortress he captured and handed to the Devra Rája. [769] Next, -advancing upon Kumbhalmer, he plundered the country round, and then -turned towards Chitor. On his way to Chitor, he was met by the Rána, -and a battle was fought, after which the Rána fell back on his capital, -and was there besieged by the Gujarát army. The siege was not pressed, -and, on the Rána agreeing to pay tribute and not to harass Nágor, -Kutb-ud-dín withdrew to Gujarát, where he gave himself up to licentious -excess. Meanwhile, the Rána by ceding Mandisor [770] to Málwa, came -to terms with the Sultán of Mándu, and within three months attacked -Nágor. Kutb-ud-dín Sháh, though so overcome with drink as to be unable -to sit his horse, mustered his troops and started in a palanquin. As -soon as the Rána heard that the Gujarát army was in motion he retired, -and the king returned to Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1458, he again led an -army by way of Sirohi and Kumbhalmer against Chitor, and laid waste -the country. Soon after his return, according to one account by an -accidental sword wound, according to another account poisoned by -his wife, Kutb-ud-dín died in May A.D. 1459 after a reign of seven -years and seven days. He was brave with a sternness of nature, which, -under the influence of wine, amounted to fierceness. His after-death -title is Sultán-i-Gházi the Warrior King. - -[Mahmúd I. (Begada), 1459-1513.] On the death of Kutb-ud-dín Sháh, -the nobles raised to the throne his uncle Dáúd, son of Áhmed Sháh. But -as Dáúd appointed low-born men to high offices and committed other -foolish acts, he was deposed, and in A.D. 1459 his half-brother Fateh -Khán the son of Muhammad Sháh, son of Áhmed Sháh by Bíbi Mughli a -daughter of Jám Júna of Thatha in Sindh, was seated on the throne at -the age of little more than thirteen with the title of Mahmúd Sháh. - -The close connection of Fateh Khán with the saintly Sháh Álam -is a favourite topic with Gujarát historians. According to the -Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 66-70) of his two daughters Jám -Júna intended Bíbi Mughli the more beautiful for the Saint and Bíbi -Mirghi the less comely for the Sultán. By bribing the Jám's envoys -the king secured the prettier sister. The enraged Saint was consoled -by his father who said: My son, to you will come both the cow and the -calf. After Muhammad II.'s death, fear of Kutb-ud-dín's designs against -the young Fateh Khán forced Bíbi Mughli to seek safety with her sister, -and on her sister's death she married the Saint. Kutb-ud-dín made -several attempts to seize Fateh Khán. But by the power of the Saint -when Kutb-ud-dín attempted to seize him, Fateh Khán in body as well -as in dress became a girl. According to one account Kutb-ud-dín met -his death in an attempt to carry off Fateh Khán. As he rode into the -Saint's quarter Death in the form of a mad camel met the king. The -king struck at the phantom, and his sword cleaving the air gashed -his knee. This was the Saint's sword, which against his will, for he -knew it would be the death of the king, Kutb-ud-dín forced Sháh Álam -to bind round him before the battle of Kapadvanj. - -[Defeats a Conspiracy, 1459.] The death of his uncle, the late Sultán -Dáúd, who had become a religious devotee, relieved Fateh Khán of one -source of danger. Shortly after certain of the nobles including Seiful -Mulk, Kabír-ud-dín Sultáni surnamed Akd-ul-Mulk, Burhán-ul-Mulk and -Hisám-ul-Mulk represented to the Sultán that the minister Shaâbán -Imád-ul-Mulk contemplated treason and wished to set his son on the -throne. Having seized and imprisoned the minister in the Bhadra citadel -and set five hundred of their trusted retainers as guards over him, -the rebels retired to their homes. At nightfall Abdulláh, the chief -of the elephant stables, going to the young Sultán represented to him -that the nobles who had imprisoned Imád-ul-Mulk were the real traitors -and had determined to place Habíb Khán, an uncle of the Sultán's, on -the throne. The Sultán consulting his mother and some of his faithful -friends ordered Abdulláh at daybreak to equip all his elephants in -full armour and draw them up in the square before the Bhadra. He -then seated himself on the throne and in a voice of feigned anger -ordered one of the courtiers to bring out Shaâbán Imád-ul-Mulk, -that he might wreak his vengeance upon him. As these orders were -not obeyed the Sultán rose, and walking up the Bhadra called: "Bring -out Shaâbán!" The guards brought forth Imád-ul-Mulk, and the Sultán -ordered his fetters to be broken. Some of the nobles' retainers made -their submission to the Sultán, others fled and hid themselves. In -the morning, hearing what had happened, the refractory nobles marched -against the Sultán. Many advised the Sultán to cross the Sábarmati -by the postern gate and retire from the city, and, after collecting -an army, to march against the nobles. Giving no ear to these counsels -the young Sultán ordered Abdulláh to charge the advancing nobles with -his six hundred elephants. The charge dispersed the malcontents who -fled and either hid themselves in the city or betook themselves to -the country. Some were killed, some were trampled by the Sultán's -orders under the elephants' feet, and one was pardoned. [771] His -religious ardour, his love of justice, his bravery, and his wise -measures entitle Mahmúd to the highest place among the Gujarát -kings. One of the measures which the Mirat-i-Sikandari specially -notices is his continuance of land grants to the son of the holder, -and in cases where there was no male issue of half the grant to the -daughter. His firm policy of never ousting the landholder except for -proved oppression or exaction was productive of such prosperity that -the revenue increased two, three and in some cases tenfold. The roads -were safe from freebooters and trade was secure. A rule forbidding -soldiers to borrow money at interest is favourably noticed. [Improves -the Soldiery, 1459-1461.] A special officer was appointed to make -advances to needy soldiers with the power to recover from their pay -in fixed instalments. [772] Mahmúd also devoted much attention to the -culture of fruit trees. [773] In A.D. 1461, or A.D. 1462 according to -Farishtah, Nizám Sháh Báhmani (A.D. 1461-1463), king of the Dakhan, -whose country had been invaded by Sultán Mahmúd Khilji of Málwa, -applied for help to the Gujarát king. [Helps the King of the Dakhan, -1461.] Mahmúd Sháh at once started to Nizám Sháh's aid, and on his way -receiving another equally pressing letter from the Dakhan sovereign, -and being joined by the Báhmani general Khwájáh Jehán Gáwán, he -pushed on with all speed by way of Burhánpur. [774] When Sultán Mahmúd -Khilji heard of his approach, he retired to his own country by way of -Gondwána, [775] from thirst and from the attacks of the Gonds, losing -5000 to 6000 men. The king of Gujarát, after receiving the thanks of -the Dakhan sovereign, returned to his own dominions. In A.D. 1462 -Sultán Mahmúd Khilji made another incursion into the Dakhan at the -head of 90,000 horse, plundering and laying waste the country as far -as Daulatábád. Again the Dakhan sovereign applied for help to Mahmúd -Sháh, and on hearing of Mahmúd's advance the Málwa Sultán retired a -second time to his own dominions. Mahmúd Sháh now wrote to the Málwa -Sultán to desist from harassing the Dakhan, threatening, in case of -refusal, to march at once upon Mándu. His next expedition was against -the pirate zamíndárs of the hill fort of Barûr and the bandar of Dûn -or Dáhánu, whose fort he took, and after imposing an annual tribute -allowed the chief to continue to hold his hundred villages. [776] - -[Expedition against Junágadh, 1467.] Mahmúd Sháh next turned -his thoughts to the conquest of the mountain citadel of Girnár in -central Káthiáváda. [777] In A.D. 1467 he made an attack on the fort -of Junágadh, and receiving the submission of Ráv Mandlik, the local -ruler, returned to his capital. In the following year, hearing that -the Junágadh chief continued to visit his idol temple in state with -a golden umbrella and other ensigns of royalty, Mahmúd despatched -an army to Junágadh, and the chief sent the obnoxious umbrella to -the king, accompanied by fitting presents. In A.D. 1469 Mahmúd once -more sent an army to ravage Sorath, with the intention of finally -conquering both Junágadh and Girnár. While Mahmúd was on the march -the Ráv Mandlik suddenly joined him, and asking why the Sultán was -so bent on his destruction when he had committed no fault, agreed -to do whatever Mahmúd might command. The king replied there is no -fault like infidelity, and ordered the Ráv to embrace Islám. The -chief, now thoroughly alarmed, fled by night and made his way into -Girnár. [Capture of Girnár, 1472.] In A.D. 1472-73 after a siege of -nearly two years, forced by the failure of his stores, he quitted -the fort and handing the keys to the king, repeated after him the -Muhammadan profession of faith. Though the Ráv's life was spared -Sorath from this date became a crown possession, and was governed -by an officer appointed by the king and stationed at Junágadh. At -the close of the war Mahmúd Sháh repaired the fort Jehánpanáh, the -present outer or town wall of Junágadh, and, charmed with the beauty -of the neighbourhood, settled sayads and learned men at Junágadh and -other towns in Sorath. He induced the nobles to build houses, himself -raised a palace and made the new city his capital under the name of -Mustafábad and enforced his claims as overlord on all the neighbouring -chiefs. It is true that in the times of Áhmed Sháh these chieftains, -including even the Junágadh Ráv himself, had paid tribute. But Mahmúd -established Áhmedábád rule so firmly that the duty of collecting -the tribute was entrusted to an officer permanently settled in the -country. The author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari dilates on the dense -woods round Junágadh, full of mango, ráen, jámbu, gúlar, ámli, and -áonla [778] trees, and notes that this forest tract was inhabited by -a wild race of men called Khánts. [779] - -[Disturbances in Chámpáner, 1472.] During Mahmúd Sháh's prolonged -absence from his capital, Malik Jamál-ud-dín was appointed governor -of Áhmedábád, with the title of Muháfiz Khán that is Care-taker. At -this time Jesingh, son of Gangádás the chief of Chámpáner, harassed -the country round Pávágad. The king appointed Bahá-ul-Mulk, who had -the title of Imád-ul-Mulk, to the command of Sankheda; Malik Sárang -Kiwám-ul-Mulk to the command of Godhra; and Táj Khán bin Sálár to the -command of Norkha and Dákhna on the Máhi. In consequence of these -precautions Jesingh abstained from rebellion. At this time the Ráv -Mandlik received the title of Khán Jahán, and lands were bestowed on -him, while the golden idols, which had been taken from the Junágadh -temples, were broken and distributed among the soldiers. - -[Conquest of Kachh.] Mahmúd Sháh's next expedition was against -the turbulent inhabitants of the confines of Sindh. These were -Jádejás, though they are described as Rájputs of the Sumra and Sodha -tribes. [780] They appear to have readily submitted, and to have -voluntarily sent men to Junágadh to be instructed in Islám and to -settle in Gujarát. Shortly afterwards they again became troublesome, -and the king advancing into Kachh completely defeated them. About -this time a learned man, Mulla Mahmúd Samarkandi, on his way from -the Dakhan to Central Asia, complained to the king that he had been -robbed by the pirates of Jagat or Dwárka. [781] On hearing of this -outrage Mahmúd Sháh marched to [Jagat Destroyed.] Jagat, took the fort, -and destroyed the idol temples. The pirates, in the first instance, -retired to the island of Shankhodára or Bet, but from this, too, after -a stout resistance they were driven with great slaughter. The king -built a mosque at Jagat, entrusted the government to Farhat-ul-Mulk, -and himself returned to Junágadh. Before this Dwárka had never been -conquered. Bhím, the Rájá of Dwárka, was sent to Muháfiz Khán, the -governor of Áhmedábád, with orders that he was to be hewn in pieces -and a piece fastened to every gate of the city. After settling the -affairs of Sorath, the king turned his face towards Áhmedábád. On the -way hearing that a fleet of Malabár craft were annoying the Gujarát -ports, he marched to Gogha, equipped a fleet to oppose the pirates, -and stopping at Cambay returned to Áhmedábád. - -[Conspiracy, 1480.] In A.D. 1480, when Mahmúd Sháh was at Junágadh, -Khudáwand Khán and others, who were weary of the king's constant -warfare, incited his eldest son Áhmed to assume royal power. But -Imád-ul-Mulk, by refusing to join, upset their plans, and on the king's -return the conspiracy was stamped out. In the previous year (A.D. 1479) -Mahmúd Sháh sent an army to ravage Chámpáner, which he was determined -to conquer. About this time, hearing that the neighbourhood was -infested with robbers, he founded the city of Mehmúdábád on the banks -of the Vátrak, about eighteen miles south of Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1482 -there was a partial famine in Gujarát, and the Chámpáner country being -exempt from scarcity the commandant of Morámli or Rasúlábád, a post in -the Gáckwár's Sáonli district on the Chámpáner frontier, made several -forays across the border. In return the chief attacked the commandant -and defeated him, killing most of his men and capturing two elephants -and several horses. On hearing this Mahmúd Sháh set out for Baroda with -a powerful army. When Mahmúd reached Baroda the Rával of [War against -Chámpáner, 1482-1484.] Chámpáner, becoming alarmed, sent ambassadors -and sued for forgiveness. The king rejected his overtures, saying: -'Except the sword and the dagger no message shall pass between me and -you.' [782] The Rával made preparations for a determined resistance, -and sent messengers to summon Ghiás-ud-dín Khilji of Málwa to his -aid. To prevent this junction Mahmúd Sháh entrusted the siege to his -nobles and marched to Dohad, on which Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín withdrew -to Mándu. On his return from Dohad the Sultán began building a Jáma -Mosque at Chámpáner to show that he would not leave the place till he -had taken the hill-fort of Pávágad. After the siege had lasted more -than twenty months (April 1483-December 1484), the Musalmáns noticed -that for an hour or two in the morning most of the Rájputs were off -duty bathing and dressing. A morning assault was planned and the first -gate carried. Then Malik Ayáz Sultáni finding a practicable breach -passed through with some of his men and took the great gate. The -Rával and his Rájputs, throwing their women children and valuables -into a huge fire, rushed out in a fierce but unavailing charge. [783] - -[Capture of Pávágad, 1484.] The Rával and his minister Dúngarshi fell -wounded into the conqueror's hands, and, on refusing to embrace Islám, -were put to death. The Rával's son, who was entrusted to Seif-ul-Mulk, -and instructed by him in the Muhammadan religion, afterwards, in -the reign of Muzaffar Sháh (A.D. 1523-1526), was ennobled by the -title of Nizám-ul-Mulk. On the capture of Pávágad in A.D. 1484, -Mahmúd Sháh built a wall round the town of Chámpáner, and made it -his capital under the name of Muhammadábád. Under Mahmúd's orders -the neighbourhood became stocked with mangoes, pomegranates, figs, -grapes, sugarcane, plantains, oranges, custard apples, khirnis or ráens -(Mimusops indica or hexandra), jackfruit, and cocoapalms, as well as -with roses, chrysanthemums, jasmins, champás, and sweet pandanus. A -sandal grove near Chámpáner is said to have had trees large enough to -help the Musalmán nobles to build their mansions. At the instance of -the Sultán a Khurásáni beautified one of the gardens with fountains -and cascades. A Gujaráti named Hálur learning the principle improved -on his master's design in a garden about four miles west of Chámpáner, -which in his honour still bears the name Hálol. [784] - -In Mahmúd's reign an instance is mentioned of the form of compensation -known as valtar. Some merchants bringing horses and other goods for -sale from Irák and Khurásán were plundered in Sirohi limits. The king -caused them to give in writing the price of their horses and stuffs, -and paying them from his own treasury recovered the amount from the -Rája of Sirohi. - -[The Khándesh Succession, 1508.] In A.D. 1494-95 Mahmúd went against -Bahádur Khán Gíláni, a vassal of the Bahmanis, who from Goa and Dábhol -[785] had so harassed the Gujarát harbours that, from the failure of -the supply of betelnut, coriander seed had to be eaten with betel -leaves. The Bahmani Sultán, fearing the consequences to himself, -marched against Bahádur Khán, and, capturing him alive, struck off -his head, and sent it to the Gujarát monarch, who returned to his -own country. In A.D. 1499-1500, hearing that Násir-ud-dín of Málwa -had killed his father Ghiás-ud-dín and seated himself on the throne, -the Sultán prepared to advance against him, but was appeased by -Násir-ud-dín's humble attitude. The next seven years passed without -any warlike expedition. In A.D. 1507, near Daman on his way to Cheul, -Mahmúd heard of the victory gained at Cheul over the Portuguese by the -Gujarát squadron under Malik Ayáz Sultáni, in concert with the Turkish -fleet. [786] In A.D. 1508 Mahmúd succeeded in placing his nephew Mirán -Muhammad Ádil Khán Fárúki on the throne of Ásir-Burhánpur. From 1508 -Mahmúd remained at his capital till his death in December A.D. 1513 -at the age of sixty-seven years and three months, after a reign of -fifty-four years and one month. Mahmúd was buried at Sarkhej, [787] -and received the after-death title of Khúdáigán-i-Halím or the Meek -Lord. Immediately before his death Sultán Mahmúd was informed that -Sháh Ismáil Safawi of Persia had sent him a friendly embassy headed by -Yádgár Beg Kazil-básh. As the Kazil-báshes were known to be Shíahs the -Sultán, who was a staunch Sunni, prayed that he might not be forced to -see a Shíah's face during his last days. His prayer was heard. He died -before the Persian embassy entered the city. [788] During the last -days of Sultán Mahmúd, Sayad Muhammad of Jaunpur, who claimed to be -the Mahdi or Messiah, came from Jaunpur and lodged in Tájkhán Sálár's -mosque near the Jamálpur gate of Áhmedábád. His sermons drew crowds, -and were so persuasive that he gained a large body of followers, -who believed his eloquence to be due to hál or inspiration. Mahmúd's -ministers persuaded him not to see the Jaunpur preacher. - -Mahmúd Begada's court was adorned by several pious and high-minded -nobles. In life they vied with one another in generous acts; and -after death, according to the Persian poet Urfi, they left their -traces in the characters and carvings of stone walls and marble -piles. First among these nobles the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, -132, 142) mentions Dáwar-ul-Mulk, whose god-fearing administration -made his estates so prosperous that they were coveted by princes of -the blood. As Thánadár of Amron in north Káthiáváda, he spread the -light of Islám from Morvi to Bhúj, and after his death his fame as a -spirit-ruling guardian drew hosts of sick and possessed to his shrine -near Morvi. The second was Malik Ayáz, governor of Diu, who built the -strong fortress afterwards reconstructed by the Portuguese. He also -built a tower on an under-water rock, and from the tower drew a massive -iron chain across the mouth of the harbour. A substantial bridge -over the creek, that runs through the island of Diu, was afterwards -destroyed by the Portuguese. The third was Khudáwand Khán Alím, the -founder of Alímpura a suburb to the south of Áhmedábád, adorned with -a mosque of sandstone and marble. He introduced the cultivation of -melons figs and sugarcane into Gujarát from Bijápur. The fourth was -Imád-ul-Mulk Asas who founded Ísanpur, a suburb between Sháh Álam's -suburb of Islámpur and Batwa, and planted along the road groves of -khirnis and mangoes. The fifth was Tájkhán Sálár, so loved of his -peers that after his death none of them would accept his title. The -sixth was Malik Sárang Kiwám-ul-Mulk, a Rájput by birth, the founder of -the suburb of Sárangpur and its mosque to the east of Áhmedábád. The -seventh and eighth were the Khurásáni brothers Aâzam and Moâzzam, who -built a cistern, a mosque, and a tomb between Áhmedábád and Sarkhej. - -Besides Khalíl Khán, who succeeded him, Mahmúd had three sons: Muhammad -Kála, Ápá Khán, and Áhmed Khán. Kála, son of Ráni Rúp Manjhri died -during his father's lifetime as did his mother, who was buried in Mánek -Chauk in Áhmedábád in the building known as the Ráni's Hazíra. The -second son Ápá Khán was caught trespassing in a noble's harím, and -was ordered by the Sultán to be poisoned. The third son was the Áhmed -Khán whom Khudáwand Khán sought to raise to the throne during Sultán -Mahmúd's lifetime. - -[Muzaffar II. 1513-1526.] Muhammad was succeeded by Khalíl Khán, the -son of Ráni Hírábái the daughter of a Rájput chieftain named Nága Rána -who lived on the bank of the Mahi. On ascending the throne, at the age -of twenty-seven, Khalíl adopted the title of Muzaffar Sháh. For some -time before his father's death, Prince Khalíl Khán had been living at -Baroda and shortly after his accession he visited that neighbourhood, -and founded a town which he named Daulatábád. In A.D. 1514 Ráv Bhím, -the son of Ráv Bhán of Ídar, [Expedition against Ídar, 1514.] defeated -Ain-ul-Mulk, governor of Pátan, who was coming to Áhmedábád to pay -his respects to the king. This officer had turned aside to punish the -Ráv for some disturbance he had created, but failing in his purpose, -was himself defeated. On the approach of Muzaffar Sháh, Ídar was -abandoned by the Ráv, who made his peace with difficulty and only -by agreeing to pay a heavy tribute. Meanwhile the king marched to -Godhra, and so to Málwa by way of Dohad, whose fort he caused to be -repaired, and soon after went on to Dhár. After a short stay in Málwa, -thinking it mean to take advantage of the distracted condition of -Mahmúd of Málwa, who was at war with his nobles, Muzaffar returned -to Muhammadábád (Chámpáner). At this time Ráimal, nephew of the late -Ráv Bhím of Ídar, expelled the Ráv's son Bhármal by the aid of his -father-in-law Rána Sánga of Chitor, and succeeded to the chieftainship -of Ídar. The king was displeased at the interference of the Rána, and -directed Nizám Khán, the governor of Ahmednagar, to expel Ráimal and -reinstate Bhármal. Nizám Khán took Ídar and gave it to Bhármal. Ráimal -betook himself to the hills where Nizám Khán incautiously pursuing and -engaging him lost many men. When the rains were over the Sultán visited -Ídar. Shortly after, Nizám Khán, the governor of Ahmednagar, fell sick -and was called to court. He left Ídar in charge of Zahír-ul-Mulk at -the head of a hundred horse. Ráimal made a sudden raid on Ídar and -killed Zahír-ul-Mulk and twenty-seven of his men. On hearing of this -reverse Sultán Muzaffar ordered Nizám Khán to destroy Bíjápur. [789] -[Disturbances in Málwa, 1517.] In A.D. 1517, the nobles of Málwa -besought Muzaffar's interference, alleging that the Hindu minister -Medáni Rái was planning to depose the Málwa Sultán, Mahmúd Khilji, -and usurp the throne. Muzaffar Sháh promised to come to their help, -and shortly after Sultán Mahmúd Khilji, escaping from the surveillance -of Medáni Rái, himself sought the aid of the Gujarát monarch. In -A.D. 1518 Muzaffar Sháh marched by Godhra into Málwa, and on his -arrival at Dhár, that town was evacuated by Medáni Rái. The Gujarát -king next besieged Mándu and Medáni Rái summoned the Chitor Rána to his -aid. [Capture of Mándu, 1518.] When the Rána had reached Sárangpur, -Muzaffar Sháh detaching a force caused the Rána to retire, while the -Gujarát soldiers exerted themselves so strenuously that they captured -Mándu, recovering the girdle which Kutb-ud-dín had lost at the battle -of Kapadvanj. This conquest virtually placed Málwa in Muzaffar's power, -but he honourably restored the kingdom to Sultán Mahmúd Khilji, and, -withdrawing to Gujarát, proceeded to Muhammadábád. In A.D. 1519, news -was received of the defeat and capture of Sultán Mahmúd Khilji by -the Rána of Chitor. Muzaffar Sháh sent a force to protect Mándu. But -the Rána, who distinguished himself by releasing the Sultán of Málwa -and keeping his son in his stead as a hostage, enjoyed continued good -fortune. Some time before these events a bhát or bard in the presence -of Nizám Khán, the governor of Ídar, boasted that the Rána of [War with -Chitor, 1519.] Chitor would never fail to help Rána Ráimal of Ídar. The -angry governor said 'Whose dog is Rána Sánga to help Ráimal while we -are here.' Nizám Khán called a dog Sánga, chained him in the fort, and -dared the Rána to carry him away. His successes enabled Sánga to answer -the challenge. In consequence of dissensions at head-quarters Nizám -Khán withdrew to Ahmednagar leaving a small garrison in Ídar. When Rána -Sánga appeared before Ídar the garrison resisted but were slain to a -man. The Rána advanced to Ahmednagar and severely defeated Nizám Khán -who withdrew to Áhmedábád, while the Rána plundered Vishálnagar. [790] -In A.D. 1521, Malik Ayáz Sultáni, the governor of [The Rána of Chitor -Submits, 1521.] Sorath, was sent with a large and carefully equipped -force to revenge this inroad. Dissensions between Malik Ayáz and the -Gujarát nobles prevented this expedition doing more than burn and -despoil both Dungarpur and Bánsváda. Muzaffar Sháh, greatly displeased -with the result, was preparing to march against Chitor, when he was -dissuaded by a submissive embassy from that chief, who sent his son -to Áhmedábád with valuable presents for the king. Shortly afterwards, -on the death of Malik Ayáz, Muzaffar Sháh confirmed his elder son Malik -Is-hák in his father's rank and possessions. Malik Is-hák remained in -Sorath which was confirmed as his jágir. In the following year the -Sultán went about his dominions strengthening his frontier posts, -especially the fort of Modása, which he rebuilt. About A.D. 1524 -prince Báhádur Khán, ostensibly dissatisfied with the smallness of -his estates but really to remove himself from the jealousy of his -brother Sikandar who being appointed heir-apparent was seeking his -life, left Gujarát and withdrew to Hindustán. King Muzaffar, after -formally appointing his son Sikandar Khán his heir, [Dies, 1526.] died -at Áhmedábád in A.D. 1526, after a reign of fourteen years and nine -months. Muzaffar was buried in the shrine of Sheikh Áhmed Khattu -at Sarkhej near his father's grave. He was the most learned and one -of the most pious of the Áhmedábád Sultáns. So extreme an abstainer -was he that not only during his whole life did he eschew intoxicating -drugs and liquor but he never again rode a favourite horse because the -horse was cured by a draught of wine. He was an accomplished musician, -a finished horseman, a practised swordsman, and withal so modest and -humble in his dress and temper that observing once to a favourite -page how simple and yet graceful his own turban was the boy laughed: -'Ay, if the turbans of Mullahs and Bohoras are graceful, then is -your Majesty's.' The Sultán said 'I should have been proud to have my -turban likened to a Mullah's, why compare it with the headdress of a -schismatic Bohora.' Muzaffar was careful never to pain the feelings of -those around him. He suspected Kiwám-ul-Mulk who was in charge of his -drinking water but contented himself with breathing over the water one -of the verses of the Kurâán which make poison harmless. [791] During -his reign cultivation increased so much in Jháláváda that it became -necessary to reserve certain waste land for pasture. In 1526 the rains -held off so long that famine began to rage. The Sultán exclaimed, -'Oh Allah! If thou scourgest the country for the sins of its king -take his life and spare thy creatures.' The prayer was heard and the -soul of the guardian Sultán passed in a flood of gracious rain. [792] - -[Sikandar, 1526.] After Sikandar Sháh had been in power a few months -he was murdered by Imád-ul-Mulk Khush Kadam, who seated a younger -brother of Sikandar's, named Násir Khán, on the throne with the title -of [Mahmúd II. 1526.] Mahmúd II. and governed on his behalf. The only -event of Sikandar's reign was the destruction of an army sent against -his brother Latíf Khán who was helped by Rána Bhím of Munga. [793] -The nobles deserted Imád-ul-Mulk's cause, and prince [Bahádur, -1527-1536.] Báhádur Khán, returning to Gujarát from Hindustán, -was joined by many supporters prominent among whom was Táj Khán, -proprietor of Dhandhuka. Bahádur marched at once on Chámpáner, captured -and executed Imád-ul-Mulk and poisoning Násir Khán ascended the throne -in A.D. 1527 with the title of Bahádur Sháh. His brother Latíf Khán, -aided by Rája Bhím of the Kohistan or hill land of Pál, [794] now -asserted his claim to the throne. He was defeated, and fell wounded -into the hands of the Gujarát army and died of his wounds and was -buried at Hálol. Rája Bhím was slain. As Bhím's successor Ráisingh -plundered Dohad, a large force was sent against him, commanded -by Táj Khán, who laid waste Ráisingh's country and dismantled his -forts. Soon after Bahádur Sháh visited Cambay, and found that Malik -Is-hák the governor of Sorath had, in the interests of the Portuguese, -attempted to seize Diu but had been repulsed by the Gujarát admiral -Mahmúd Áka. The Sultán entrusted Diu to Kiwám-ul-Mulk and Junágadh to -Mujáhid Khán Bhíkan and returned to Áhmedábád. In 1527 he enforced -tribute from Ídar and the neighbouring country. During one of his -numerous expeditions he went to hunt in Nándod and received the -homage of the Rája. [Portuguese Intrigues, 1526.] As the Portuguese -were endeavouring to establish themselves on the coast of Sorath, -and, if possible, to obtain Diu, the king was constantly at Cambay -Diu and Gogha to frustrate their attempts, and he now directed the -construction of the fortress of Broach. At this time Muhammad Khán, -ruler of Asír and Burhánpur, requested Bahádur's aid on behalf of -Imád-ul-Mulk, ruler of Berár. Bahádur Sháh started at once and at -Nandurbár was joined by Muhammad Khán Asíri, and thence proceeded -to Burhánpur, where he was met by Imád Sháh from Gávalgad. [Khándesh -Affairs, 1528.] After certain successes he made peace between Burhán -Nizám Sháh and Imád Sháh Gávali, and returned to Gujarát. Jám Fírúz -the ruler of Tatha in Sindh now sought refuge with Bahádur Sháh -from the oppression either of the Ghoris or of the Mughals and was -hospitably received. In A.D. 1528 Bahádur made an expedition into the -Dakhan which ended in a battle at Daulatábád. The issue of this battle -seems to have been unfavourable as hardly any reference to the campaign -remains. Next year (A.D. 1529) at the request of Jaâfar or Khizr Khán, -son of Imád Sháh Gávali, who was sent to Gujarát to solicit Bahádur's -help, he again marched for the Dakhan. As he passed through Muler -Biharji the Rája of Báglán gave him his daughter in marriage and in -return received the title of Bahr Khán. From Báglán Bahr Khán was -told off to ravage Cheul which by this time had fallen into the hands -of the Portuguese. Bahádur himself advanced to Ahmednagar, took the -fort and destroyed many of the buildings. Purandhar also was sacked -of its stores of gold. [795] From Ahmednagar Bahádur Sháh passed to -Burhánpur, and there his general Kaisar Khán gained a victory over -the united forces of Nizám Sháh, Malik Beríd, and Ain-ul-Mulk. After -having the public sermon read in his name both in Ahmednagar and in -Burhánpur Bahádur returned to Gujarát and for some time refrained -from interfering in the affairs of the Dakhan. - -[Turks at Diu, 1526-1530.] Between A.D. 1526 and 1530 certain Turks -under one Mústafa came to Gujarát, traders according to one account -according to another part of a Turkish fleet expected to act against -the Portuguese. Diu was assigned them as a place of residence and the -command of the island was granted to Malik Túghán, son of Malik Ayáz, -the former governor. In A.D. 1530 the king marched to Nágor, and gave -an audience both to Prathiráj Rája of Dúngarpur and to the ambassadors -from Rána Ratansi of Chitor. The Rána's ambassadors complained -of encroachments on Chitor by Mahmúd of Málwa. Mahmúd promised to -appear before Bahádur to explain the alleged encroachments. Bahádur -waited. At last as Mahmúd failed to attend Bahádur said he would go -and meet Mahmúd. He invested Mándu and received with favour certain -deserters from Mahmúd's army. The fortress fell and Sultán Mahmúd and -his seven sons were captured. The success of the siege was due to -Bahádur's personal prowess. [Capture of Mándu, 1530.] He scaled an -almost inaccessible height and sweeping down from it with a handful -of men took the fort, a feat which for daring and dash is described -as unsurpassed in the history of Musalmán Gujarát. [796] After passing -the rainy season at Mándu Bahádur Sháh went to Burhánpur to visit his -nephew Mirán Muhammad Sháh. At Burhánpur Bahádur under the influence -of the great priest-statesman Sháh Táhir, was reconciled with Burhán -Nizám and gave him the royal canopy he had taken from Málwa. Bahádur -offered Sháh Táhir the post of minister. Sháh Táhir declined saying he -must make a pilgrimage to Makkah. He retired to Ahmednagar and there -converted Burhán Nizám Sháh to the Shíâh faith. [797] In the same year, -hearing that Mánsingji, Rája of Halvad, [798] had killed the commandant -of Dasáda Bahádur despatched Khán Khánán against him. Víramgám and -Mándal were reft from the Jhála chieftains, and ever after formed part -of the crown dominions. When Sultán Mahmúd Khilji and his sons were -being conveyed to the fortress of Chámpáner, Ráisingh, Rája of Pál, -endeavoured to rescue them. The attempt failed, and the prisoners were -put to death by their guards. In A.D. 1531, on Bahádur's return from -Burhánpur to Dhár, hearing that Silehdi the Rájput chief of Ráisin in -east Málwa kept in captivity certain Muhammadan women who had belonged -to the harím of Sultán Násir-ud-dín of Málwa, Bahádur marched against -him and forced him to surrender and embrace Islám. The chief secretly -sent to the Rána of Chitor for aid and delayed handing over Ráisin. On -learning this Bahádur despatched a force to keep Chitor in check and -pressed the siege. At his own request, Silehdi was sent to persuade -the garrison to surrender. But their reproaches stung him so sharply, -that, joining with them, and after burning their women and children, -they sallied forth sword in hand and were all slain. Ráisin fell into -Bahádur's hands, and this district together with those of Bhilsa and -Chanderi were entrusted to the government of Sultán Álam Lodhi. The -king now went to Gondwána to hunt elephants, and, after capturing many, -employed his army in reducing Gágraun and other minor fortresses. [799] -In A.D. 1532 he advanced against Chitor, but raised the siege on -receiving an enormous ransom. Shortly afterwards his troops took the -strong fort of Rantanbhur. [800] About this time on receipt of news -that the Portuguese were usurping authority the Sultán repaired to -Diu. Before he arrived the Portuguese had taken to flight, leaving -behind them an enormous gun which the Sultán ordered to be dragged -to Chámpáner. - -[Quarrel with Humáyún, 1532.] Before A.D. 1532 was over Bahádur -Sháh quarrelled with Humáyún, emperor of Delhi. The original -ground of quarrel was that Bahádur Sháh had sheltered Sultán -Muhammad Zamán Mírza the grandson of a daughter of the emperor Bábar -(A.D. 1482-1530). Humáyún's anger was increased by an insolent answer -from the Gujarát king. Without considering that he had provoked a -powerful enemy, Bahádur Sháh again laid siege to Chitor, and though -he heard that Humáyún had arrived at Gwálior, he would not desist -from the siege. [Fall of Chitor, 1535.] In March 1535 Chitor fell -into the hands of the Gujarát king but near Mandasúr his army was -shortly afterwards routed by Humáyún. According to one account, -the failure of the Gujarát army was due to Bahádur and his nobles -being spell-bound by looking at a heap of salt and some cloth soaked -in indigo which were mysteriously left before Bahádur's tent by an -unknown elephant. The usual and probably true explanation is that -Rúmi Khán the Turk, head of the Gujarát artillery, betrayed Bahádur's -interest. [801] Still though Rúmi Khán's treachery may have had a share -in Bahádur's defeat it seems probable that in valour, discipline, -and tactics the Gujarát army was inferior to the Mughals. [Mughal -Conquest of Gujarát, 1535.] Bahádur Sháh, unaccustomed to defeat, -lost heart and fled to Mándu, which fortress was speedily taken by -Humáyún. From Mándu the king fled to Chámpáner, and finally took refuge -in Diu. Chámpáner fell to Humáyún, and the whole of Gujarát, except -Sorath, came under his rule. At this time Sher Sháh Súr revolted, -in Bihár and Jaunpur, and Humáyún returned to Agra to oppose him -leaving his brother Hindál Mírza in Áhmedábád, Kásam Beg in Broach, -and Yádgár Násir Mírza in Pátan. [Are Driven Out, 1536.] As soon as -Humáyún departed, the country rose against the Mughals, and his old -nobles requested the king to join them. Bahádur joined them, and, -defeating the Mughals at Kaníj near Mahmúdábád, expelled them from -Gujarát. During Humáyún's time of success Bahádur Sháh, being forced to -court the [The Portuguese at Diu, 1536.] Portuguese, had granted them -leave to erect a factory in Diu. Instead of a factory the Portuguese -built a fort. When he recovered his kingdom, Bahádur, repenting of -his alliance with the Portuguese, went to Sorath to persuade an -army of Portuguese, whom he had asked to come to his assistance, -to return to Goa. When the Portuguese arrived at Diu five or six -thousand strong the Sultán hoping to get rid of them by stratagem, -repaired to Diu and endeavoured to get the viceroy into his power. The -viceroy excused himself, and in return invited the king to visit his -ship. [Death of Bahádur, 1536.] Bahádur agreed, and on his way back -was attacked and slain, in the thirty-first year of his life and the -eleventh of his reign. According to the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari -the reason of Bahádur's assassination was that a paper from him to -the kings of the Dakhan, inviting them to join him in an alliance -against the Portuguese, had fallen into the hands of the Portuguese -viceroy. Whatever may have been the provocation or the intention, the -result seems to show that while both sides had treacherous designs -neither party was able to carry out his original plan, and the end -was unpremeditated, hurried on by mutual suspicions. [802] Up to the -defeat of Sultán Bahádur by Humáyún, the power of Gujarát was at its -height. Cadets of noble Rájput houses, Prithiráj, the nephew of Rána -Sánga of Chitor, and Narsingh Deva the cousin of the Rája of Gwálior, -were proud to enrol themselves as the Sultán's vassals. The Rája of -Baglána readily gave Bahádur Sháh his daughter. Jám Fírúz of Tatha in -Sindh and the sons of Bahlúl Lodhi were suppliants at his court. Málwa -was a dependency of Gujarát and the Nizám Sháhis of Ahmednagar and -Nasírkhan of Burhánpur acknowledged him as overlord, while the Fárúkis -of Khándesh were dependent on Bahádur's constant help. [803] - -[Muhammad II. (Ásíri), 1536.] On the death of king Bahádur in -A.D. 1536, the nobles of Gujarát invited his sister's son Muhammad Sháh -Ásíri to succeed him. Muhammad Sháh died shortly after his accession, -and the nobles conferred the crown on Mahmúd Khán, son of Latíf Khán, -brother of Bahádur Sháh, and he ascended the throne in A.D. 1536, -when only eleven years of age. The government of the country was -carried on by Darya Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk, who kept the king under -strict surveillance. Darya Khán resolved to overthrow Imád-ul-Mulk -and acquire supreme power. With this object he obtained an order from -the king, whom, on the pretence of a hunting expedition, he removed -from Áhmedábád, directing Imád-ul-Mulk to retire to his estates in -Jháláváda. Six months later, taking the Sultán with him, Darya Khán -led an army into Jháláváda, and defeating Imád-ul-Mulk in a battle at -Pátri, fifty two miles west of Áhmedábád, pursued him to Burhánpur, -and there defeated Imád-ul-Mulk's ally the ruler of Khándesh and -forced Imád-ul-Mulk to fly to Málwa. [804] After this success Darya -Khán became absorbed in pleasure, and resigned the management of the -kingdom to Álam Khán Lodhi. The king, dissembling his dissatisfaction -at the way he was treated, pretended to take no interest in affairs -of state. Álam Khán Lodhi, seeing the carelessness of Darya Khán, -began to entertain ambitious designs, and retiring to his estate of -Dhandhúka invited the king to join him. Mahmúd Sháh, believing him -to be in earnest, contrived to escape from surveillance and joined -Álam Khán. [Escapes from Control.] On discovering the king's flight, -Darya Khán raised to the throne a descendant of Áhmed Sháh by the -title of Muzaffar Sháh, and striking coin in his name set out with -an army towards Dhandhúka. Álam Khán and the king met him at Dhúr in -Dholka, and a battle was fought in which Mahmúd and Álam Khán were -defeated. The king fled to Ránpur, and thence to Páliád, while Álam -Khán fled to Sádra. Darya Khán occupied Dhandhuka; but his men, -dissatisfied at being placed in opposition to the king, rapidly -deserted, some joining Álam Khan and some Mahmúd Sháh. Soon after the -king joined Álam Khan and marched on Áhmedábád, whither Darya Khán -had preceded them. The citizens closed the gates against Darya Khán, -but he forced an entry by way of the Burhánpur wicket. Hearing of -the king's approach Darya Khán fled to Mubárak Sháh at Burhánpur, -leaving his family and treasure in the fortress of Chámpáner. - -[Chooses Evil Favourites.] The king entered Áhmedábád, and soon -after captured Chámpáner. Álam Khán now obtained the recall of -Imád-ul-Mulk, who received a grant of Broach and the port of -Surat. Shortly afterwards Mahmúd Sháh began to show favour to men -of low degree, especially to one Charji, a birdcatcher, whom he -ennobled by the title of Muháfiz Khán. Charji counselled Mahmúd to -put to death Sultán Alá-ud-dín Lodhi and Shujáât Khán, two of the -principal nobles; and the king, without consulting his ministers, -caused these men to be executed. The nobles joining together besieged -Mahmúd Sháh in his palace, and demanded that Muháfiz Khán should be -surrendered to them, but the king refused to give him up. The nobles -then demanded an audience, and this the king granted, Muháfiz Khán, -though warned of his danger, being foolishly present. On entering the -royal presence Álam Khán signalled to his followers to slay Muháfiz, -and he was killed in spite of the king's remonstrances. Mahmúd then -attempted to kill himself, but was prevented and placed under guard, -and the chief nobles took it in turn to watch him. Strife soon -arose between Álam Khán and Mujáhid Khán and his brother, and the -two latter nobles contrived the king's escape and sacked the houses -of Álam Khán and his followers. Álam Khán escaped to Pethápur in -the Mahi Kántha. He then joined Darya Khán, whom he called from the -Dakhan, and obtained help in money from Imád-ul-Mulk of Surat and -from Álp Khán of Dholka. Imád-ul-Mulk wrote to the Sultán asking -forgiveness for the rebels. [Quarrels among the Nobles.] But before -the Sultán, who was mercifully disposed, could grant them pardon, -Álam Khán and Darya Khán again committed themselves by acts of open -revolt. The Sultán displeased with the part Imád-ul-Mulk had taken -in the rising summoned him to Chámpáner where, with the Sultán's -connivance, his camp was given over to pillage. The Sultán disclaimed -all knowledge of this attack and at Imád-ul-Mulk's request allowed -him to go on pilgrimage to Makkah. In A.D. 1545 as he was preparing -to start for Makkah Imád-ul-Mulk was killed. He was succeeded in -Surat by Khudáwand Khán Rúmi, who had held Surat under him, and -who, in spite of Portuguese opposition and intrigue, had five years -before completed the building of Surat Castle. [805] Meanwhile Álam -Khán and Darya Khán were driven from Gujarát and forced to take -shelter with the sovereign of Dehli. The king now appointed as his -own minister Afzal Khán, the minister of the late Bahádur Sháh, -and though Afzal Khán lived in retirement, his counsel was taken -on measures of importance. Other great nobles were Sayad Mubárak, -Fateh Khán Baloch, and Abdul Karím Khán, who received the title of -Ítimád Khán, and was so entirely in the Sultán's confidence that -he was admitted to the harem. Mahmúd now consulted Ásif Khán as to -the propriety of conquering Málwa. [Disturbances, 1545.] Ásif Khán -advised him rather to deprive the Rájput chiefs and proprietors of -their wántas or hereditary lands. The attempt to follow this advice -stirred to resistance the chief men of Ídar, Sirohi, Dúngarpur, -Bánsváda, Lúnáváda, Rájpípla, Dohad, and the banks of the Mahi. The -king strengthened his line of outposts, establishing one at Sirohi and -another at Ídar, besides fresh posts in other places. At the same time -he began to persecute the Hindus, allowing them to be killed on the -slightest pretence, branding Rájputs and Kolis, forcing them to wear -a red rag on the right sleeve, forbidding them to ride in Áhmedábád, -and punishing the celebration of Holi and Diwáli. [806] In A.D. 1554 -Burhán, a servant of the king's, conceived the idea of killing him -and reigning in his stead. [Death of Mahmúd, 1554.] He accordingly -gave his master an intoxicating drug, and when he was overcome with -sleep stabbed him to the heart. Then summoning the principal nobles -in the king's name, he put to death Ásaf Khán the prime minister and -twelve others, and endeavoured to have himself accepted as Sultán. No -one aided him; even his accomplices deserted him. Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, -[807] Ulugh Khán, and others joined to oppose him, and when marching -against them he was cut down by Shirwán Khán. Mahmúd's persecutions had -raised such bitter hate among the Hindus, that they regarded Burhán -as a saviour, and after Burhán's death are said to have made a stone -image of him and worshipped it. [808] Mahmúd moved his capital from -Áhmedábád to Mehmudábád, eighteen miles south of Áhmedábád where he -built a palace and enclosed a deer park. At each corner of the park he -raised a palace the stone walls and ceilings of which were ornamented -with beautiful and precious gold traceries and arabesques. [809] His -strict regard for public morals led him to forbid Muhammadan women -visiting saints' tombs as the practice gave rise to irregularities. He -died at the age of twenty-eight after a reign of eighteen years. - -[Ahmed II. 1554-1561.] On the death of Burhán, the nobles elected -as sovereign a descendant of the stock of Áhmed Sháh of the name -of Áhmed Khán, and proclaimed him king by the title of Áhmed Sháh -II. At the same time they agreed that, as the king was young, [Ítimád -Khán Regent.] Ítimád Khán should carry on the government and they -further divided the country among themselves, each one undertaking -to protect the frontiers and preserve the public peace. Mubárak Sháh -of Khándesh, considering this a good opportunity, preferred a claim -to the crown and marched to the frontier. An army led by the chief -Gujarát nobles and accompanied by the young king met the invaders at -the village of Ránpur Kotriá in Broach, the Gujarát army encamping -on the north bank and the Khándesh army on the south bank of the -Narbada. Násir-ul-Mulk, one of the Gujarát nobles, taking certain -of his friends into his confidence, determined to remain neutral -till the battle was over and then to fall on the exhausted troops -and possess himself of both kingdoms. Sayad Mubárak, a descendant of -the saint Sháhi Álam, who led the van of the Gujarát army, becoming -aware of Násir-ul-Mulk's design opened communications with Mubárak -Sháh of Khándesh and induced him to withdraw. [810] Násir-ul-Mulk, -who still aspired to supreme power, gaining several nobles to his -side near Baroda, surprised and defeated the forces of Ítimád Khán -and Sayad Mubárak. The Sayad withdrew to his estate of Kapadvanj and -he was joined by Ítimád Khán, while Násir-ul-Mulk, taking Sultán -Áhmed with him to Áhmedábád, assumed the entire government of the -country. After a short time he assembled an army and marched against -Sayad Mubárak and Ítimád Khán encamping at Kamand, the village now -called Od Kámod, ten miles north-east of Áhmedábád at the head of -50,000 horse. Ítimád feared to attack so strong a force. But Sayad -Mubárak, who knew of the defection of Ulugh Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk, -surprised Násir-ul-Mulk's army at night. During the confusion Ulugh -Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk, disgusted with the assumption of Násir-ul-Mulk, -deserted him and bringing the young Sultán with them joined Sayad -Mubárak and Ítimád Khán. Násir-ul-Mulk was forced to fly, and after -a short time died in the mountains of Pál. [811] Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk, -Fateh Khán Balúch, and Hasan Khán Dakhani now set up another king, a -descendant of Áhmed, named Sháhu. A battle was fought near Mehmúdábád -in which Sháhu and his supporters were defeated and Hasan Khán Dakhani -was slain. Before the battle Fateh Khán Balúch had been induced to -forsake Sháhu, and Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk, taking Sháhu with him, fled. The -nobles now divided Gujarát into the following shares: - - -[Partition of the Province.] - - Áhmed Sháh for Private Áhmedábád and the Daskrohi sub-division. - Purse - Ítimád Khán and Party Kádi, Jháláváda, Pitlád, Nadiád, Bhil, - Rádhanpur, Sami, Múnjpur, Godhra, and - Sorath. - Sayad Mubárak and Party Pátan and Cambay, with its Chorási or 84 - villages, Dholka, Gogha, and Dhandhúka. - Chámpáner, Sarnál, Bálásinor, and - Kapadvanj. - Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi and Broach, Baroda, and Surat as far as the - Party Sultánpur-Nandurbár frontier. - Nobles under Ítimád Khán Modása and surrounding districts. - - -Of these shares Ítimád Khán bestowed the country of Sorath on Tátár -Khán Ghori; the districts of Rádhanpur, Sami, and Múnjpur on Fateh -Khán Balúch; Nadiád on Malik-ush-Shark, and some of the dependencies of -Jháláváda on Álaf Khán Habshi. Sayad Mubárak conferred the territory of -Pátan on Músa Khán and Sher Khán Fauládi, Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi bestowed -the district of Baroda on Álaf Khán Habshi and the port of Surat on -his wife's brother Khudáwand Khán Rúmi. - -[Dissensions.] About this time (A.D. 1552) Álam Khán returned, and, -through the influence of Sayad Mubárak, was allowed to remain. The -Sayad gave him and Ázam Humáyún Chámpáner, and Ítimád Khán gave -Godhra to Álp Khán Khatri, a follower of Álam Khán. Álam Khán and -Ítimád Khán shortly after expelled Álaf Khán Habshi from Jháláváda, -and he fled to Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi at Broach, and at his intercession -Álaf Khán received the Bhil district. Álam Khán's success tempted him -to try and get rid of Ítimád Khán and govern in his stead. Ítimád -Khán, discovering his intention, made him leave the city and live -in his own house in the Asáwal suburb. Álam Khán now made overtures -to Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi and became very friendly with him. One day Álam -Khán proposed to get rid of Ítimád Khán; but seeing that Imád-ul-Mulk -Rúmi did not take to his proposal, he next endeavoured to ruin Sayad -Mubárak. But when the Gujarát army marched against him the Sayad -made peace, and Álam Khán's intrigues being apparent, he was attacked -and compelled to fly. He now went to Berár and sought aid of Mubárak -Sháh, who marched an army towards the Gujarát frontier. The Gujarát -nobles, taking Áhmed Sháh with them, advanced to oppose him, and he -retired. Álam Khán now repaired to Sher Khán Fauládi at Pátan, and -they together seized Ítimád Khán's district of Kadi, but, through the -exertions of Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk, Álam Khán was slain and Sher Khán forced -to retire to Pátan. Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi and Ítimád Khán now carried -on the government, but dissension springing up between them, Ítimád -Khán fled to Mubárak Sháh in Khándesh, and induced him to lead an army -against Gujarát. The nobles, fearing this combination, made peaceful -overtures and it was eventually settled that the lands of [Sultánpur -and Nandurbár handed to Khándesh, 1560.] Sultánpur and Nandurbár should -be given to Mubárak Sháh, and that Ítimád Khán should be restored to -his former position. Since this date the districts of Sultánpur and -Nandurbár have been permanently severed from Gujarát and have formed -a part of Khándesh, to which province they now belong. Áhmed Sháh, -finding himself more strictly guarded than ever, contrived to flee -to Sayad Mubárak at Sayadpur, who, though vexed at his coming, would -not refuse him shelter. At this time Háji Khán, a Dehli noble, on his -way from Chitor to help Humáyún, passed through Gujarát with a well -equipped force, and arrived at Pátan. The Gujarát nobles, especially -Ítimád Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, conceiving that he came at the -Sayad's invitation, and that the flight of the king was part of the -[Defeat and Death of Sayad Mubárak.] plot, determined to crush the -Sayad ere Háji Khán could join him, and on their march to Sayadpur -meeting Sayad Mubárak near Mehmúdábád defeated him. The Sayad fell -and was buried on the field of battle. His estates were resumed, -though eventually Dholka was restored to his son Sayad Mírán. - -[Death of Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi.] The army and the two protectors -returned to Áhmedábád. Dissensions again sprang up between them, and -Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi summoned to his aid his son Changíz Khán from Broach, -while Ítimád Khán sent for Tátár Khán Ghori from Sorath. Tátár Khán -arrived first and Ítimád Khán further strengthened by contingents -from the Fauládis of Pátan and Fateh Khán Balúch from Rádhanpur -ordered Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi to return to his estate; and he, seeing it -would be useless for him to contend against so overwhelming a force, -retired to his possessions at Broach. Shortly after, having marched -against Surat at the request of the inhabitants who were wearied of -the tyranny of Khudáwand Khán, he was decoyed by that chief to an -entertainment and was there assassinated. His son Changíz Khán marched -against Surat to take vengeance for his father's death, and, finding -the fortress too strong for him, summoned to his aid the Portuguese, -to whom, as the price of their assistance, he [Daman District ceded -to the Portuguese, 1550.] surrendered the districts of Daman and -Sanján. [812] The Portuguese, bringing a strong fleet up the Tápti, -cut off the supplies, and Khudáwand Khán was forced to surrender, and -was slain by Changíz Khán in revenge for his father's death. Shortly -afterwards Changíz Khán quarrelled with Jhujhár Khán Habshi of Baroda -because the Habshi had installed his nephew, son of Alif Khán Habshi, -without consulting Changíz. Jhujhár and his nephew being defeated -fled to Ítimád Khán, who allotted them a grant of land. At this time -Fateh Khán Balúch, the proprietor of Rádhanpur and Sami, was Ítimád -Khán's chief supporter, and with his assistance Ítimád Khán marched -to besiege Changíz Khán in Broach. Tátár Khán Ghori and other nobles, -fearing lest Ítimád Khán should become too powerful, endeavoured to -make peace. As their efforts failed, Tátár Khán wrote to the Fauládis -to attack Fateh Khán Balúch. They did so, and Fateh Khán, after -being defeated near Rádhanpur, took refuge in the fort of Fatehkot -or Dhúlkot, which is close to the town. Ítimád Khán raised the siege -of Broach and came to Áhmedábád, where he busied himself in checking -the intrigues of king Áhmed, who was doing all in his power to become -independent. [Assassinated, 1560.] Finally, in A.D. 1560-61, at the -instigation of Wajíh-ul-Mulk and Razí-ul-Mulk Ítimád Khán caused -Áhmed II. to be assassinated. The murder took place in the house -of Wajíh-ul-Mulk. The Sultán's body was thrown on the sands of the -Sábarmati and the story circulated that the Sultán had been killed -by robbers. Áhmed's nominal reign had lasted about eight years. - -[Muzaffar III. 1561-1572.] Ítimád Khán then raised to the throne a -youth, whom he styled Muzaffar Sháh III., and who, he asserted, was -a posthumous [A Minor.] son of Mahmúd Sháh, [813] and then marched -towards Pátan to take his revenge on the Fauládis for their attack on -Fateh Khán Balúch. The nobles unwilling to crush the Fauládis, fearing -lest their turn might come next, entered into secret correspondence -with them, and withdrew when battle was joined. The nobles were now -independent in their respective jágirs, in which according to the -Tabakát-i-Akbari they allowed no interference though still owning -nominal allegiance to the throne. [814] Ítimád Khán, forced to return -unsuccessful to Áhmedábád, with a view of again attacking the Fauládis, -summoned Tátár Khán Ghori from Junágadh. The nobles remained aloof, -and even Tátár Khán Ghori made excuses, which so exasperated Ítimád -Khán that he sought to slay him. Tátár Khán escaped to Sorath, -and there openly sided with the Fauládis. Sayad Mírán also left -Áhmedábád for his estate at Dholka, and joining Tátár Khán at Ránpur -they both went over to the Fauládis at Pátan. [Ítimád Khán and the -Fauládis.] Meanwhile Ítimád Khán, again collecting an army, marched -once more towards Pátan. He was met by the Fauládis near the village -of Jhotáná, about thirty miles south of Pátan, where he was defeated -and compelled to return to Áhmedábád. Sayad Mírán now intervened and -made peace. Ítimád Khán still thirsting for revenge on the Fauládis, -invited Changíz Khán, son of Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, to the capital, and by -courteous treatment induced him to join in another expedition against -the Fauládis. Like the other nobles Changíz Khán was lukewarm; and -as Músa Khán Fauládi died while Ítimád Khán was marching on Pátan, -Changíz Khán assigned this as a reason for not proceeding further, -averring that it was not fit to war with people in misfortune. Ítimád -Khán perforce returned to Áhmedábád. - -Though Ítimád Khán had disgusted the nobles, both by causing the -assassination of Áhmed Sháh and by his enmity with the Fauládis, -as he had charge of Muzaffar Sháh and possession of the capital, the -government of the country was in his hands. [The Mírzás, 1571.] At this -time the Mírzás, [815] who were the sons of Sultán Hussain of Khurásán, -quarrelling with Jalál-ul-dín Muhammad Akbar, entered Gujarát, and -joined Changíz Khán. Changíz Khán now proposed to Sher Khán Fauládi -that they should expel Ítimád Khán and divide Gujarát between them, -the capital and the country south of the Sábarmati falling to the share -of Changíz Khán, and that to the north to Sher Khán Fauládi. Sher Khán -agreed, and Changíz Khán joining him they marched on Áhmedábád. Sayad -Mirán induced Sher Khán to stay in Kadi. But Changíz Khán refused to -listen to him, and a [They Defeat Ítimád Khán.] battle was fought -between him, Ítimád Khán, and the Sayad on the right bank of the -Khári about eight miles south of Áhmedábád. Ítimád Khán was defeated, -and fled with the king to Modása, while Changíz Khán took possession -of the capital. Sher Khán Fauládi now advanced to the Sábarmati, and, -after dividing the province as had been agreed, Sher Khán retired to -Kadi. Ítimád Khán entreated Mírán Muhammad Sháh, king of Khándesh, to -march to his aid, and Changíz Khán invited Ítimád Khán to return. He -came to Mehmudábád, where hearing that Muhammad Sháh had sustained -a defeat and retired to his own country, he took Muzaffar Sháh with -him and returned through Modása to Dungarpur. Changíz Khán remained in -Áhmedábád, and Sher Khán withdrew to Kadi. After this success all the -chief nobles of Gujarát, including the Habshis, joined Changíz Khán, -who was now at the zenith of his power, and began to think of subduing -Sher Khán Fauládi, who on his part was anxious and fearful. At this -time Bijli Khán a Habshi eunuch who was offended with Changíz Khán, -because he had resumed the grant of Cambay, persuaded Álíf Khán and -Jhujhár Khán Habshi that Changíz Khán had determined to kill them. The -Habshi Kháns, resolving to be beforehand, invited Changíz Khán, with -whom they were intimate, to play a game of chaugán or polo. [816] -Changíz agreed and when near the Farhat-ul-Mulk mosque, between the -Bhadar and the Three Gates, Álíf Khán, after making Jhujhár Khán -a signal, attracted Changíz Khán's notice to the horse on which he -was riding saying it was the best of the last batch imported from -the Persian Gulf. [Death of Changíz Khán.] As Changíz Khán turned -to look at the horse, Jhujhár Khán cut him down. The Habshis now -plundered Changíz Khán's house, while the Mírzás, mounting, went -south and took possession of Broach, Baroda, and Chámpáner. Sher -Khán advanced from Kadi, and ordered the Habshis to hand him over -Áhmedábád. While treating with him the Habshis secretly summoned -Ítimád Khán, who, returning with Muzaffar Sháh, entered the city. It -was arranged that Ítimád Khán should take the place of Changíz Khán, -and that the division of Gujarát between Changíz Khán and Sher Khán -should be maintained. Ítimád Khán found the Habshis so domineering -that he withdrew from public affairs. Afterwards Álaf Khán and Jhujhár -Khán, quarrelling over the division of Changíz Khán's property, Álaf -Khán left Áhmedábád and joined Sher Khán, who, advancing from Kadi, -laid siege to Áhmedábád. Ítimád Khán now sought aid from the Mírzás, -and Mírza Ibráhím Husain marched from Broach and harassed Sher Khán's -army with his Mughal archers. - -[Ítimád Khán and the Emperor Akbar, 1572.] At the same time Ítimád -Khán turned for help to the emperor Akbar, who, glad of any pretext -for driving the Mírzás from their place of refuge in Gujarát, was -not slow in availing himself of Ítimád Khán's proposal. Early in July -1572 he started for Áhmedábád, and with his arrival in the province, -the history of Gujarát as a separate kingdom comes to an end. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -MUGHAL VICEROYS. - -A.D. 1573-1758. - - -[Akbar Emperor, 1573-1605.] To the nobles thus fighting among -themselves, news was brought that the emperor Akbar was at -Dísa. Ibráhím Husain Mírza returned to Broach and the army of the -Fauládis dispersed. From Dísa the imperial troops advanced to Pátan and -thence to Jhotána thirty miles south of Pátan. Sultán Muzaffar, who -had separated from the Fauládis, fell into the hands of the emperor, -who granted him his life but placed him under charge of one of his -nobles named Karam Áli. [817] When the imperial army reached Kadi, -Ítimád Khán, Ikhtiyár Khán, Álaf Khán, and Jhujhár Khán met Akbar and -Sayad Hámid also was honoured with an audience at Hájipur. [818] The -emperor imprisoned Álaf Khán and Jhujhár Khán Habshi and encouraged -the other Gujarát nobles. Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk now fled to Lunáváda, and -the emperor, fearing that others of the Gujarát nobles might follow his -example, sent Ítimád Khán to Cambay and placed him under the charge of -Shahbáz Khán Kambo. [819] From Áhmedábád Akbar advanced to Cambay. At -this time Ibráhím Mírza held Baroda, Muhammad Husain Mírza held Surat, -and Sháh Mírza held Chámpáner. On leaving Cambay to expel the Mírzas, -Akbar appointed Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh his first viceroy of Gujarát. At -Baroda Akbar heard that Ibráhím Mírza had treacherously killed Rustam -Khán Rúmi, who was Changíz Khán's governor of Broach. The emperor -recalled the detachment he had sent against Surat, and overtaking -the Mírza at Sarnál or Thásra on the right bank of the Mahi about -twenty-three miles north-east of Nadiád, after a bloody conflict routed -him. The Mírza fled by Ahmednagar to Sirohi, and Akbar rejoined his -camp at Baroda. The emperor now sent a force under Sháh Kuli Khán to -invest the fort of Surat, and following in person pitched his camp -at Gopi Tálao, a suburb of that city. After an obstinate defence of -one month and seventeen days, the garrison under Hamzabán, a slave -of Humáyún's who had joined the Mírzás, surrendered. Hamzabán was -in treaty with the Portuguese. Under his invitation a large party of -Portuguese came to Surat during the siege, but seeing the strength of -the imperial army, represented themselves as ambassadors and besought -the honour of an interview. [820] [Akbar captures Broach and Surat, -and advances to Áhmedábád, 1573.] While at Surat the emperor received -from Bihár or Vihárji the Rája of Baglána, Sharfuddín Husain Mírza -whom the Rája had captured. [821] After the capture of Surat, the -emperor ordered the great Sulaimáni cannon which had been brought -by the Turks with the view of destroying the Portuguese forts and -left by them in Surat, to be taken to Ágra. Surat was placed in the -charge of Kalíj Khán. The emperor now advanced to Áhmedábád, where -the mother of Changíz Khán came and demanded justice on Jhujhár -Khán for having wantonly slain her son. As her complaint was just, -the emperor ordered Jhujhár Khán to be thrown under the feet of an -elephant. Muhammad Khán, son of Sher Khán Fauládi, who had fled to -the Ídar hills, now returned and took the city of Pátan, besieging -the imperial governor, Sayad Áhmed Khán Bárha, in the citadel. At -this time Mírza Muhammad Husain was at Ránpur near Dhandhúka. When -Sher Khán Fauládi, who had taken refuge in Sorath, heard of Muhammad -Khán's return to Pátan, he met Mírza Muhammad Husain, and uniting -their forces they joined Muhammad Khán at Pátan. The viceroy Mírza -Âzíz Kokaltásh with other nobles marched against them, and after a -hard-fought battle, in which several of the imperial nobles were -slain, Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh was victorious. Sher Khán again took -refuge in Sorath, and his son fled for safety to the Ídar hills, -while the Mírza withdrew to the Khándesh frontier. As the conquest -of Gujarát was completed, Akbar returned to Agra. - -From A.D. 1573, the date of its annexation as a province of the -empire, to A.D. 1758, the year of the final capture of Áhmedábád -by the Maráthás, Gujarát remained under the government of officers -appointed by the court of Dehli. Like the rule of the Áhmedábád kings, -this term of 184 years falls into two periods: the first of 134 years -from A.D. 1573 to the death of Aurangzíb in A.D. 1707, a time on the -whole of public order and strong government; the second from A.D. 1707 -to A.D. 1758, fifty-one years of declining power and growing disorder. - - - - -SECTION I.--A.D. 1573-1707. - -[Mirza Âzíz First Viceroy, 1573-1575.] Before leaving Gujarát -Akbar placed the charge of the province in the hands of Mírza Âzíz -Kokaltásh. [822] At the same time the emperor rewarded his supporters -by grants of land, assigning Áhmedábád with Pitlád and several other -districts to the viceroy Mírza Âzíz, Pátan to the Khán-i-Kalán Mír -Muhammad Khán, and Baroda to Nawáb Aurang Khán. Broach was given to -Kutb-ud-dín Muhammad, and Dholka Khánpur and Sami were confirmed to -Sayad Hámid and Sayad Mahmúd Bukhári. As soon as the emperor was gone -Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk and Muhammad Khán, son of Sher Khán, who had taken -shelter in the Ídar hills, issued forth, and the viceroy marched to -Ahmednagar to hold them in check. Mírza Muhammad Husain advancing -rapidly from the Nandurbár frontier, took the fort of Broach, -and went thence to Cambay which he found abandoned by its governor -Husain Khán Karkaráh, while he himself marched to Ahmednagar and Ídar -against Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk. The viceroy ordered Sayad Hámid Bukhári, -Nawáb Naurang Khán, and others to join Kutb-ud-dín Muhammad Khán. They -went and laid siege to Cambay, but Mírza Muhammad managed to evacuate -the town and join Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk and Muhammad Khán. After several -unsuccessful attempts to scatter the enemy the viceroy retired to -Áhmedábád, and the rebels laid siege to the city. Kutb-ud-dín Khán, -Sayad Mírán, and others of the imperial party succeeded in entering -the city and joining the garrison. [Insurrection Quelled by Akbar, -1573.] After the siege had lasted two months, Akbar, making his -famous 600 mile (400 kos) march in nine days from Agra, arrived -before Áhmedábád, and, at once engaging the enemy, totally defeated -them with the loss of two of their leaders Mírza Muhammad Husain -and Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk. - -On the day before the battle Akbar consulting a Hazára Afghán versed -in drawing omens from sheeps' shoulder-blades, was told that victory -was certain, but that it would be won at the cost of the life of one -of his nobles. Seif Khán, brother of Zein Khán Koka, coming in prayed -that he should be chosen to receive the crown of martyrdom. At the end -of the day the only leading noble that was killed was Seif Khán. [823] - -After only eleven days' stay, Akbar again entrusting the government -of Gujarát to Mírza Âzíz Koka, returned to Agra. Mírza Âzíz Koka -did not long continue viceroy. In A.D. 1575, in consequence of some -dispute with the emperor, he retired into private life. [Mírza Khán -Second Viceroy, 1575-1577.] On his resignation Akbar conferred the -post of viceroy on Mírza Khán, son of Behrám Khán, who afterwards -rose to the high rank of Khán Khánán or chief of the nobles. As -this was Mírza Khán's first service, and as he was still a youth, he -was ordered to follow the advice of the deputy viceroy, Wazír Khán, -in whose hands the administration of the province remained during -the two following years. [Survey by Rája Todar Mal.] Soon after the -insurrection of 1573 was suppressed the emperor sent Rája Todar Mal -to make a survey settlement of the province. In A.D. 1575 after the -survey was completed Wajíh-ul-Mulk Gujaráti was appointed díwán or -minister. Some historians say that in A.D. 1576 Wazír Khán relieved -Mírza Âzíz Koka as viceroy, but according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi Mirza -Khán held office with Wazír Khán as his deputy. One Prágdás, a Hindu, -succeeded Wajíh-ul-Mulk as díwán. Troops were sent to reduce the Nándod -and Ídar districts, and the fort of Sirohi was captured by Tarsu Khán, -the military governor of Pátan. Afterwards, through the intervention -of Pahár Khán Jálori, the Sirohi Rája, at an interview with Rája Todar -Mal, presented £6000 (Rs. 12,000) and other articles and was allowed -to serve the provincial governor of Gujarát with 1500 horse. [824] - -During Wazír Khán's administration Muzaffar Husain Mírza, son of -Ibráhím Husain Mírza, raised an insurrection in Gujarát. This Mírza -Muzaffar was as an infant carried to the Dakhan from Surat shortly -before its investment by Akbar. He lived peacefully till under the -influence of an ambitious retainer Mihr Ali by name, he gathered an -army of adventurers and entered Nandurbár. Wazír Khán distrusting -his troops shut himself in a fortress, and wrote to Rája Todar Mal, -who was in Pátan settling revenue affairs. The Mírza defeated the -imperial forces in Nandurbár and failing to get possession of Cambay -marched straight to Áhmedábád. On the advance of Rája Todar Mal the -Mírza fell back on Dholka. The Rája and the Khán pursuing defeated -him, and he retired to Junágadh. The Rája then withdrew, but the -Mírza again advanced and besieged him in Áhmedábád. In an attempt to -escalade the city wall Mihr Ali was killed. Muzaffar Mírza withdrew -to Khándesh and the insurrection came to an end. - -[Shaháb-ud-dín Third Viceroy, 1577-1583.] In the end of A.D. 1577, -as Wazír Khán's management was not successful, the post of viceroy -was conferred upon Shaháb-ud-dín Áhmed Khán, the governor of -Málwa. Shaháb-ud-dín's first step was to create new military posts -and strengthen the old ones. At this time Fateh Khán Shirwáni, -the commander of Amín Khán Ghori's army, quarrelled with his -chief, and, coming to Shaháb-ud-dín, offered to capture the fort of -Junágadh. [Sends a Force against Junágadh.] Shaháb-ud-dín entertained -his proposal, and sent his nephew Mírza Khán and 4000 horse with -him. When the troops crossed the Sorath frontier, they were met -by envoys from Amín Khán, agreeing, in his name, to pay tribute -and surrender the country, provided he were permitted to retain -the fortress of Junágadh and were allotted a sufficient grant of -land. Mírza Khán rejected these proposals and continued his march -against Junágadh. Amín Khán made a vigorous resistance and applied -for aid to the Jám of Navánagar. At this juncture Fateh Khán died, -and Mírza Khán went and besieged Mángrúl. The Jám's minister Isá -now joined Amín Khán with 4000 horse, and he, quitting Junágadh, -marched to Mángrúl. [825] On their approach Mírza Khán retired to -the town of Kodinár [826] followed by Amín Khán. Here a pitched -battle was fought, and Mírza Khán was defeated with the loss of his -baggage. Many of his men were slain, and he himself, being wounded, -escaped with difficulty to Áhmedábád. Shaháb ud-dín, who had meanwhile -been giving his attention to revenue matters, and to the more correct -measurement of the lands of the province, was rudely recalled from -these peaceful occupations by his nephew's defeat. At the same time -news was brought of the escape of the former king, Muzaffar Khán, who, -eluding the vigilance of the imperial servants, appeared in Gujarát in -A.D. 1583. Muzaffar remained for some time in the Rájpípla country, -and thence came to one Lúna or Lúmbha Káthi, at the village of Khíri -in the district of Sardhár in Sorath. - -[Ítimád Khán Gujaráti Fourth Viceroy, 1583-4.] Before he could march -against Muzaffar, Shaháb-ud-dín was recalled, and in A.D. 1583 or -1584 [827] Ítimád Khán Gujaráti was appointed viceroy. At this time -a party of 700 or 800 Mughals, called Wazír Khánis, separating from -Shaháb-ud-dín, remained behind in hope of being entertained by the new -viceroy. As Ítimád Khán declared that he was unable to take them into -his service, they went off in a body and joined Muzaffar at Khíri, -and he with them and three or four thousand Káthi horse marched at -once on Áhmedábád. On hearing this Ítimád Khán, leaving his son Sher -Khán in Áhmedábád, followed Shaháb-ud-dín to Kadi, and entreated -him to return. Shaháb-ud-dín at first affected indifference telling -Ítimád that as he had given over charge he had no more interest -in the province. After two days he consented to return if Ítimád -stated in writing that the country was on the verge of being lost -and that Ítimád being unable to hold it was obliged to relinquish -charge to Shaháb-ud-dín. Ítimád Khán made the required statement and -Shaháb-ud-dín returned with him. [828] [Muzaffar captures Áhmedábád, -1583.] Meanwhile Muzaffar Sháh reached Áhmedábád, which was weakly -defended, and in A.D. 1583, after a brief struggle, took possession of -the city. While the siege of Áhmedábád was in progress Shaháb-ud-dín -and Ítimád Khán were returning, and were within a few miles of the -city, when news of its capture reached them. They continued their -advance, but had barely arrived at Áhmedábád when Muzaffar Sháh -totally defeated them taking all their baggage. Seeing the issue of -the fight, most of their army went over to Muzaffar Sháh, and the -viceroy and Shaháb-ud-dín with a few men fled to Pátan. Kutb-ud-dín -Muhammad Khán Atkah, one of the imperial commanders, who was on the -Khándesh frontier, now advanced by forced marches to Baroda. Muzaffar -marched against him with a large army, recently strengthened by the -union of the army of Sayad Daulát ruler of Cambay. Kutb-ud-dín threw -himself into Baroda, and, in spite of the treachery of his troops, -defended the city for some time. At last, on Muzaffar's assurance -that his life should be spared Kutb-ud-dín repaired to the enemies' -camp to treat for peace. On his arrival he was treated with respect, -but next day was treacherously put to death. The fort of Broach was -also at this time traitorously surrendered to Muzaffar by the slaves -of the mother of Naurang Khán, fief-holder of the district. - -[Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán (Khán Khánán) Fifth Viceroy 1583-1587.] On -learning of the Gujarát insurrection the emperor, at the close -of A.D. 1583, conferred the government of the province on Mírza -Abdúr-Rahím Khán, son of Behrám Khán, who had formerly (A.D. 1575) -acted as viceroy. Muzaffar, who was still at Broach, hearing of -the advance of the new viceroy with a large army, returned rapidly -to Áhmedábád, and in A.D. 1584 fought a pitched battle with Mírza -Abdúr-Rahím Khán between Sirkhej and Sháh Bhíkan's tomb. [829] In this -engagement [Defeat of Muzaffar, 1584.] Muzaffar was entirely defeated, -and fled to Cambay pursued by Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán. Muzaffar now -hearing that Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán had been joined by Naurang Khán -and other nobles with the imperial army from Málwa, quitted Cambay, -and made for his old place of shelter in Rájpípla. Finding no rest -in Rájpípla, after fighting and losing another battle in the Rájpípla -hills, he fled first to Pátan and then to Ídar, and afterwards again -repaired to Lúmbha Káthi in Khiri. In reward for these two victories, -the emperor bestowed on Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán the title of Khán -Khánán. Broach now submitted, and Muzaffar sought shelter with Amín -Khán Ghori at Junágadh, by whom he was allotted the waste town of -Gondal as a residence. Muzaffar made one more attempt to establish his -power. He advanced to Morvi, and thence made a raid on Rádhanpur and -plundered that town, but was soon compelled to return to Káthiáváda -and seek safety in flight. Amín Khán, seeing that his cause was -hopeless, on pretence of aiding him, induced Muzaffar to give him -about £10,000. [830] When he had obtained the money, on one pretext -or another, Amín Khán withheld the promised aid. The Khán Khánán now -marched an army into Sorath against Muzaffar. The Jám of Navánagar -and Amín Khán sent their envoys to meet the viceroy, declaring that -they had not sheltered Muzaffar, and that he was leading an outlaw's -life, entirely unaided by them. The viceroy agreed not to molest them, -on condition that they withheld aid and shelter from Muzaffar, and -himself marched against him. When he reached Upleta, about fifteen -miles north-west of the fortress of Junágadh, the viceroy heard that -Muzaffar had sought shelter in the Barda hills in the south-west corner -of the peninsula. Advancing to the hills, he halted his main force -outside of the rough country and sent skirmishing parties to examine -the hills. Muzaffar had already passed through Navánagar and across -Gujarát to Dánta in the Mahi Kántha. Here he was once more defeated by -the Parántij garrison, and a third time took refuge in Rájpípla. The -viceroy now marched on Navánagar to punish the Jám. The Jám sent in -his submission, and the viceroy taking from him, by way of fine, an -elephant and some valuable horses, returned to Áhmedábád. He next -sent a detachment against Ghazni Khán of Jhálor who had favoured -Muzaffar. Ghazni Khán submitted, and no further steps were taken -against him. - -[Ismáíl Kuli Khán Sixth Viceroy, 1587.] In A.D. 1587 the Khán Khánán -was recalled and his place supplied by Ismáíl Kuli Khán. Ismáíl's -government lasted only for a few months, when he was superseded -by [Mírza Âziz Kokaltásh Seventh Viceroy, 1588-1592.] Mírza Ázíz -Kokaltásh, who was a second time appointed viceroy. In A.D. 1591, -Muzaffar again returned to Sorath. [Muzaffar seeks Refuge in -Káthiáváda.] The viceroy, hearing that he had been joined by the -Jám, the Kachh chief, and Daulat Khán Ghori the son of Amín Khán, -marched with a large army towards Sorath, and, halting at Víramgám, -sent forward a detachment under Naurang Khán, Sayad Kásim, and other -officers. Advancing as far as Morvi, [831] Naurang Khán entered -into negotiations with the Jám, who, however, refused to accede to -the demands of the imperial commander. [Is attacked by the Imperial -Army.] On this the viceroy joined Naurang Khán with the bulk of his -army, and after a short delay marched on Navánagar. On his way, at the -village of Dhokar near Navánagar, Muzaffar and the Jám opposed him, -and an obstinate battle in which the imperialists were nearly worsted, -ended in Muzaffar's defeat. The son and minister of the Jám were slain, -and Muzaffar, the Jám, and Daulat Khán who was wounded, fled to the -fortress of Junágadh. The viceroy now advanced and plundered Navánagar, -and remaining there sent Naurang Khán, Sayad Kásím, and Gújar Khán -against Junágadh. The day the army arrived before the fortress Daulat -Khán died of his wounds. Still the fortress held out, and though the -viceroy joined them the siege made little progress as the imperial -troops were in great straits for grain. The viceroy returned to -Áhmedábád, and after seven or eight months again marched against -Junágadh. The Jám, who was still a fugitive, sent envoys and promised -to aid the viceroy if his country were restored to him. The viceroy -assented on condition that, during the operations against Junágadh, -the Jám should furnish his army with grain. The Jám agreed to provide -grain, and after a siege of three months the garrison surrendered. - -News was next received that Muzaffar had taken refuge at Jagat. [832] -The viceroy at once sent Naurang Khán and others with an army in -pursuit. On reaching Jagat it was found that Muzaffar had already -left for a village owned by a Rájput named Sewa Wádhel. Without -halting Naurang Khán started in pursuit, nearly surprising Muzaffar, -[Muzaffar Flies to Kachh.] who escaping on horseback with a few -followers, crossed to Kachh. Sewa Wádhel covering Muzaffar's retreat -was surprised before he could put to sea and fought gallantly with the -imperial forces till he was slain. Naurang Khán then came to Arámra, -a village belonging to Singrám Wádhel, Rája of Jagat, and after -frustrating a scheme devised by that chief to entrap a body of the -troops on board ship under pretence of pursuing Muzaffar's family, -led his men back to Junágadh. The viceroy, hearing in what direction -Muzaffar had fled, marched to Morvi, where the Jám of Navánagar -came and paid his respects. At the same time the Kachh chief, who is -called Khengár by Farishtah and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and Bhára in the -Mirat-i-Sikandri, sent a message that if the viceroy would refrain -from invading his country and would give him his ancestral district -of Morvi and supply him with a detachment of troops, he would point -out where Muzaffar was concealed. The Khán-i-Ázam agreed to these -terms and the chief captured Muzaffar and handed him to the force -sent to secure him. The detachment, strictly guarding the prisoner, -were marching rapidly towards Morvi, when, on reaching Dhrol, about -thirty miles east of Jámnagar, under pretence of obeying a call of -nature, Muzaffar withdrew and cut his throat with a razor, so that he -died. [Commits Suicide, 1591-92.] This happened in A.D. 1591-92. The -viceroy sent Muzaffar's head to court, and though he was now recalled -by the emperor, he delayed on pretence of wishing to humble the -Portuguese. His real object was to make a pilgrimage to Makkah, -and in A.D. 1592, after obtaining the necessary permission from the -Portuguese, he started from Verával. [833] During this viceroyalty an -imperial farmán ordered that the state share of the produce should -be one-half and the other half should be left to the cultivator and -further that from each half five per cent should be deducted for the -village headmen. All other taxes were declared illegal, and it was -provided that when lands or houses were sold, half the government -demand should be realized from the seller and half from the buyer. - -[Sultán Murád Baksh Eighth Viceroy, 1592-1600.] The emperor, who -was much vexed to hear of the departure of the viceroy, appointed -prince Sultán Murád Bakhsh in his stead with as his minister Muhammad -Sádikkhán one of the great nobles. In A.D. 1593-94 Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh -returned from his pilgrimage and repaired to court, and next year -on prince Murád Bakhsh going to the Dakhan, Súrajsingh was appointed -his deputy. In A.D. 1594-95 Bahádur, son of the late Muzaffar Sháh, -excited a rebellion, but was defeated by Súrajsingh. In A.D. 1600, -owing to the death of Sultán Murád, [Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh Ninth -Viceroy, 1600-1606.] Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh was a third time appointed -viceroy of Gujarát, and he sent Shams-ud-dín Husain as his deputy to -Áhmedábád. Further changes were made in A.D. 1602 when Mírza Âzíz sent -his eldest son Shádmán as deputy; his second son Khurram as governor -of Junágadh; and Sayad Báyazíd as minister. Khurram was afterwards -relieved of the charge of Sorath and Junágadh by his brother Abdulláh. - -[Jehángír Emperor, 1605-1627.] In A.D. 1605 Núr-ud-dín Muhammad -Jehángír ascended the imperial throne. Shortly after his accession the -emperor published a decree remitting certain taxes, and also in cases -of robbery fixing the responsibility on the landowners of the place -where the robbery was committed. The decree also renewed Akbar's decree -forbidding soldiers billetting themselves forcibly in cultivators' -houses. Finally it directed that dispensaries and hospital wards should -be opened in all large towns. In the early days of Jehángír's reign -disturbance was caused in the neighbourhood of Áhmedábád by Bahádur -a son of Muzaffar Sháh. Jehángír despatched Patrdás Rája Vikramájit -as viceroy of Gujarát to put down the rising. The Rája's arrival at -Áhmedábád restored order. Some of the rebel officers submitting were -reinstated in their commands: the rest fled to the hills. [834] [Kalíj -Khán Tenth Viceroy, 1606.] On the Rája's return Jehángír appointed -Kalíj Khán to be viceroy of Gujarát; but Kalíj Khán never joined -his charge, allowing Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh to act in his place. In -A.D. 1606, on the transfer of Mírza Âzíz to the Láhor viceroyalty, -[Sayad Murtaza Eleventh Viceroy, 1606-1609.] Sayad Murtaza Khán -Bukhári, who had recently been ennobled in consequence of crushing the -rebellion under Jehángír's son Khusrao, was entrusted with the charge -of Gujarát, Sayad Báyazíd being continued as minister. Sayad Murtaza, -who is said to have further ingratiated himself with the emperor by -the present of a magnificent ruby, appears to have been more of a -scholar than a governor. His only notable acts were the repair of -the fort of Kadi [835] and the populating of the Bukhára quarter of -Áhmedábád. During his tenure of power disturbances broke out, and -Rái Gopináth, son of Rája Todar Mal, with Rája Sursingh of Jodhpur, -were sent to Gujarát by way of Málwa Surat and Baroda. They overcame -and imprisoned Kalián, chief of Belpár, [836] but were defeated by -the Mándwa [837] chieftain, and withdrew to Áhmedábád. Rái Gopináth, -obtaining reinforcements, returned to Mándwa and succeeded in capturing -the chief. He then marched against the rebellious Kolis of the Kánkrej, -and took prisoner their leader, whom, on promising not to stir up -future rebellions, he afterwards restored to liberty. - -The first connection of the English with Gujarát dates from Sayad -Murtaza's viceroyalty. In A.D. 1608 he allowed Captain Hawkins to -sell goods in Surat. - -[Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh Twelfth Viceroy, 1609-1611.] In A.D. 1609 the -Khán-i-Ázam Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh was for the fourth time appointed -viceroy of Gujarát. He was allowed to remain at court and send his -son Jehángír Kúli Khán as his deputy with Mohandás Diván and Masûd -Beg Hamadáni. [838] This was the beginning of government by deputy, -a custom which in later times was so injurious to imperial interests. - -[Sack of Surat by Malik Âmbar, 1609.] In 1609 Malik Âmbar, chief -minister of Nizám Sháh's court and governor of Daulatábád, invaded -Gujarát at the head of 50,000 horse, and after plundering both the -Surat and Baroda districts retired as quickly as he came. To prevent -such raids a body of 25,000 men was posted at Rámnagar [839] on the -Dakhan frontier, and remained there for four years. The details of -the contingents of this force are: - - - The Viceroy of Áhmedábád 4000 Men. - The Nobles of his Court 5000 Men. - The Chiefs of Sáler and Mulher (Báglán) 3000 Men. - The Son of the Kachh Chief 2500 Men. - The Chief of Navánagar 2500 Men. - The Chief of Ídar 2000 Men. - { Now under the Hilly } - The Chief of Dúngarpúr { Tracts Agency, } 2000 Men. - { Rájputána. } - The Chief of Bánsváda 2000 Men. - The Chief of Rámnagar (Dharampur) 1000 Men. - The Chief of Rájipípla 1000 Men. - The Chief of Áli (Álirájpur under the 300 Men. - Bhopáwar Agency) - The Chief of Mohan (a former capital of the 350 Men. - state of Chhota Udepur in the Rewa Kántha) - ---------- - Total 25,650 Men. - - -[Abdulláh Khán Fírúz Jang Thirteenth Viceroy, 1611-1616.] In A.D. 1611 -Abdulláh Khán Bahádur Fírúz Jang was appointed thirteenth viceroy of -Gujarát, with Ghiás-ud-dín as his minister, under orders to proceed to -the Dakhan to avenge the recent inroad. [840] The viceroy marched to -the Dakhan but returned without effecting anything. In A.D. 1616, he -was again, in company with prince Sháh Jehán, directed to move against -Ahmednagar. This second expedition was successful. The country was -humbled, and, except Malik Ambar, most of the nobles submitted to the -emperor. During this viceroy's term of office an imperial decree was -issued forbidding nobles on the frontiers and in distant provinces to -affix their seals to any communications addressed to imperial servants. - -[Mukarrab Khán Fourteenth Viceroy, 1616.] In A.D. 1616 on their -return to Dehli, Mukarrab Khán, a surgeon who had risen to notice -by curing the emperor Akbar and was ennobled by Jehángír, and -who, since A.D. 1608, had been in charge of Surat or of Cambay, -was appointed fourteenth viceroy of Gujarát, with Muhammad Safi as -his minister. [Elephant-hunting in the Panch Maháls, 1616.] In the -following year (A.D. 1617) the emperor Jehángír came to Gujarát to hunt -wild elephants in the Dohad forests. But owing to the density of the -forest only twelve were captured. Early in A.D. 1618 he visited Cambay -which he notes only vessels of small draught could reach and where he -ordered a gold and silver tanka twenty times heavier than the gold -mohar to be minted. From Cambay after a stay of ten days he went to -Áhmedábád and received the Rája of Ídar. As the climate of Áhmedábád -disagreed with him, Jehángír retired to the banks of the Mahi. [841] -Here the Jám of Navánagar came to pay homage, and presented fifty Kachh -horses, a hundred gold mohars, and a hundred rupees, and received -a dress of honour. The emperor now returned to Áhmedábád, where he -was visited by Rái Bhára of Kachh, who presented 100 Kachh horses, -100 ashrafis [842] and 2000 rupees. The Rái, who was ninety years -of age, had never paid his respects to any emperor. Jehángír, much -pleased with the greatest of Gujarát Zamíndárs, who, in spite of his -ninety years was hale and in full possession of all his senses, gave -him his own horse, a male and female elephant, a dagger, a sword with -diamond-mounted hilt, and four rings of different coloured precious -stones. As he still suffered from the climate, the emperor set out to -return to Ágra, and just at that time (A.D. 1618-19) he heard of the -birth of a grandson, afterwards the famous Abúl Muzaffar Muhiyy-ud-dín -Muhammad Aurangzíb who was born at Dohad in Gujarát. [843] In honour -of this event Sháh Jehán held a great festival at Ujjain. - -[Prince Sháh Jehán Fifteenth Viceroy, 1618-1622.] Before the -emperor started for Ágra, he appointed prince Sháh Jehán fifteenth -viceroy of Gujarát in the place of Mukarrab Khán whose general -inefficiency and churlish treatment of the European traders he did -not approve. Muhammad Safi was continued as minister. As Sháh Jehán -preferred remaining at Ujjain he chose Rustam Khán as his deputy; but -the emperor, disapproving of this choice, selected Rája Vikramájit in -Rustam Khán's stead. Shortly after, [Sháh Jehán Rebels, 1622-1623.] in -A.D. 1622-23, Sháh Jehán rebelled, and in one of the battles which took -place Rája Vikramájit was killed. Sháh Jehán, during his viceroyalty, -[Builds the Sháhi Bágh at Áhmedábád.] built the Sháhi Bágh and the -royal baths in the Bhadar at Áhmedábád. After the death of Vikramájit, -his brother succeeded as deputy viceroy. While Sháh Jehán was still -in rebellion, the emperor [Sultán Dáwar Baksh Sixteenth Viceroy, -1622-1624.] appointed Sultán Dáwar Baksh the son of prince Khusrao, -sixteenth viceroy of Gujarát, Muhammad Safi being retained in -his post of minister. Sháh Jehán, who was then at Mándu in Málwa, -appointed on his part Abdulláh Khán Bahádur Fírúz Jang viceroy and -a khájahsara or eunuch of Abdulláh Khán his minister. Sultán Dáwar -Baksh, the emperor's nominee, was accompanied by Khán-i-Ázam Mírza -Âzíz Kokaltásh to instruct him in the management of affairs. Prince -Sháh Jehán had directed his minister to carry away all the treasure; -but Muhammad Safi, who appears to have been a man of great ability, -at once imprisoned the prince's partisans in Áhmedábád, and, among -others, captured the eunuch of Abdulláh Khán. When this news reached -the prince at Mándu, he sent Abdulláh Khán Bahádur with an army to -Gujarát by way of Baroda. Muhammad Safi Khán met and defeated him, -and forced him to fly and rejoin the prince at Mándu. For his gallant -conduct Muhammad Safi received the title of Saif Khán, with an increase -in his monthly pay from £70 to £300 (Rs. 700-3000) and the command -of 3000 horse. Meanwhile Sultán Dáwar Baksh, with the Khán-i-Ázam, -arrived and assumed the charge of the government, but the Khán-i-Ázam -died soon after in A.D. 1624, and was buried at Sarkhej. Sultán Dáwar -Baksh was re-called, and Khán Jehán was appointed deputy viceroy -with Yúsuf Khán as his minister. On his arrival at Áhmedábád, prince -Sháh Jehán employed Khán Jehán in his own service, and sent him as -his ambassador to the emperor. Saif Khán, who acted for him, may be -called the seventeenth viceroy, as indeed he had been the governing -spirit for the last eight or ten years. He held the post of viceroy -of Gujarát until the death of the emperor in A.D. 1627. - -[Sháh Jehán Emperor, 1627-1658.] On the death of the emperor -Jehángir, his son Abul Muzaffar Shaháb-ud-dín Sháh Jehán ascended -the throne. Remembering Saif Khán's hostility he at once caused -him to be imprisoned, and [Sher Khán Túar Eighteenth Viceroy, -1627-1632.] appointed Sher Khán Túar eighteenth viceroy with Khwájah -Hayát as his minister. When the emperor was near Surat, he appointed -Mír Shams-ud-dín to be governor of Surat castle. In A.D. 1627, Sháh -Jehán on his way to Dehli visited Áhmedábád and encamped outside of the -city near the Kánkariya lake. Sher Khán was advanced to the command -of 5000 men, and received an increase of salary and other gifts. At -the same time Khán Jehán was appointed his minister, and Mîrza Ísa -Tarkhán was made viceroy of Thatta in Sindh. In A.D. 1628 Khwájah Abúl -Hasan was sent to conquer the country of Násik and Sangamner which -he ravaged, and returned after taking the fort of Chándod and levying -tribute from the chief of Báglán. In A.D. 1630, Jamál Khán Karáwal came -to the Gujarát-Khándesh frontier and captured 130 elephants in the -Sultánpur forests, seventy of which valued at a lákh of rupees were -sent to Dehli. [Famine, 1631-32.] In A.D. 1631-32 Gujarát was wasted -by the famine known as the Satiásio Kál or '87 famine. So severe was -the scarcity that according to the Bádsháh Náma, rank sold for a cake, -life was offered for a loaf, the flesh of a son was preferred to his -love. The emperor opened soup kitchens and alms-houses at Surat and -Áhmedábád and ordered Rs. 5000 to be distributed. [844] - -[Islám Khán Nineteenth Viceroy, 1632.] Sher Khán was re-called in -A.D. 1632, but died ere he could be relieved by Islám Khán, the -nineteenth viceroy of Gujarát, along with whom Khwájah Jehán was -chosen minister. Islám Khán's monthly salary was £400 (Rs. 4000), -and his command was raised from 5000 to 6000. In A.D. 1632, Khwájah -Jehán went on pilgrimage to Makkah, and was succeeded as minister by -Ágha Afzal with the title of Afzal Khán. Afzal Khán was soon appointed -commander of Baroda, and Riáyat Khán succeeded him as minister. The -post of viceroy of Gujarát appears to have been granted to whichever -of the nobles of the court was in a position to make the most valuable -presents to the emperor. [Disorder, 1632.] Government became lax, the -Kolis of the Kánkrej committed excesses, and the Jám of Navánagar -withheld his tribute. [Bákar Khán Twentieth Viceroy, 1632.] At -this time Bákar Khán presented the emperor with golden and jewelled -ornaments to the value of Rs. 2,00,000 and was appointed viceroy, -Riáyat Khán being continued as minister. In A.D. 1633 [Sipáhdár Khán -Twenty-first Viceroy, 1633.] Sipáhdár Khán was appointed viceroy, -and presented the emperor with costly embroidered velvet tents with -golden posts worthy to hold the famous Takhti-Táús or Peacock Throne -which was just completed at a cost of one kror of rupees. Riáyat -Khán was continued as minister. [Saif Khán Twenty-second Viceroy, -1633-1635.] In A.D. 1635 Saif Khán was appointed twenty-second viceroy, -with Riáyat Khán as minister. During Saif Khán's tenure of power -Mírza Ísa Tarkhán received a grant [845] of the province of Sorath, -which had fallen waste through the laxity of its governors. Before he -had been in power for more than a year Saif Khán was recalled. As he -was preparing to start, he died at Áhmedábád and was buried in Sháhi -Álam's shrine to which he had added the dome over the tomb and the -mosque to the north of the enclosure. - -[Ázam Khán Twenty-third Viceroy, 1635-1642.] At the end of A.D. 1635 -Ázam Khán was appointed twenty-third viceroy, with Riáyat Khán -in the first instance, and afterwards with Mír Muhammad Sábir, as -minister. The men who had recently been allowed to act as viceroys -had shown themselves unfit to keep in order the rebellious chiefs and -predatory tribes of Gujarát. For this reason the emperor's choice -fell upon Ázam Khán, a man of ability, who perceived the danger of -the existing state of affairs, and saw that to restore the province -to order, firm, even severe, measures were required. When Ázam Khán -reached Sidhpur, the merchants complained bitterly of the outrages -of one Kánji, a Chúnvália Koli, who had been especially daring in -plundering merchandise and committing highway robberies. [Punishes -the Kolis,] Ázam Khán, anxious to start with a show of vigour, -before proceeding to Áhmedábád, marched against Kánji, who fled to -the village of Bhádar in the Kherálu district of Kadi, sixty miles -north-east of Áhmedábád. Ázam Khán pursued him so hotly that Kánji -surrendered, handed over his plunder, and gave security not only that -he would not again commit robberies, but that he would pay an annual -tribute of £1000 (Rs. 10,000). Ázam Khán then built two fortified -posts in the Koli country, naming one Ázamábád after himself, and the -other Khalílábád after his son. He next marched to Káthiáváda [846] -and [Subdues the Káthis.] subdued the Káthis, who were continually -ravaging the country near Dhandhúka, and to check them erected a -fortified post called Sháhpúr, on the opposite side of the river to -Chuda-Ránpur. Ágha Fázil known as Fázil Khán, who had at one time held -the post of minister, and had, in A.D. 1636, been appointed governor -of Baroda, was now selected to command the special cavalry composing -the bodyguard of prince Muhammad Aurangzíb. At the same time Sayad -Ilahdád was appointed governor of Surat fort, Ísa Tarkhán remaining -at Junágadh. In A.D. 1637, Mír Muhammad Sábir was chosen minister in -place of Riáyat Khán, and in A.D. 1638 Muîz-zul-Mulk was re-appointed -to the command of Surat fort. Shortly after Ázam Khán's daughter -was sent to Dehli, and espoused to the emperor's son Muhammad Shujá -Bahádur. In A.D. 1639, Ázam Khán, who for his love of building was -known as Udhai or the Whiteant, devoted his attention to establishing -fortified posts to check rebellion and robbery in the country of the -Kolis and the Káthis. So complete were his arrangements that people -could travel safely all over Jháláváda, Káthiáváda, Navánagar, and -Kachh.[Revolt of the Jám of Navánagar, 1640.] The Jám, who of late -years had been accustomed to do much as he pleased, resented these -arrangements, and in A.D. 1640 withheld his tribute, and set up a -mint to coin koris. [847] When Ázam Khán heard of this, he marched -with an army against Navánagar, and, on arriving about three miles -from the city, he sent the Jám a peremptory order to pay the arrears -of tribute and to close his mint, ordering him, if any disturbance -occurred in that part of the country, at once to send his son to the -viceroy to learn his will. He further ordered the Jám to dismiss to -their own countries all refugees from other parts of Gujarát. The Jám -being unable to cope with Ázam Khán, acceded to these terms; and Ázam -Khán, receiving the arrears of tribute, returned to Áhmedábád. As Ázam -Khán's stern and somewhat rough rule made him unpopular, Sayad Jálál -Bukhári whose estates were being deserted from fear of him brought -the matter to the emperor's notice. - -[Ísa Tarkhán Twenty-fourth Viceroy, 1642-1644.] In consequence in -A.D. 1642 the emperor recalled Ázam Khán and appointed in his place -Mírza Ísa Tarkhán, then governor of Sorath, twenty-fourth viceroy of -Gujarát. And as it was feared that in anger at being re-called Ázam -Khán might oppress some of those who had complained against him, this -order was written by the emperor with his own hand. Thanks to Ázam -Khán's firm rule, the new viceroy found the province in good order, -and was able to devote his attention to financial reforms, among -them the introduction of the share, bhágvatái, system of levying land -revenue in kind. When Mírza Ísa Tarkhán was raised to be viceroy of -Gujarát, he appointed his son Ináyatulláh to be governor of Junágadh, -and Muiz-zul-Mulk to fill the post of minister. During the viceroyalty -of Mírza Ísa Sayad Jalál Bukhári a descendant of Saint Sháhi Álam was -appointed to the high post of Sadr-us-Sudúr or chief law officer for -the whole of India. This was a time of prosperity especially in Surat, -whose port dues which were settled on the Pádsháh Begam had risen from -two and a half to five lákhs. Mírza Ísa Tarkhán's term of power was -brief. In A.D. 1644 the emperor appointed prince Muhammad Aurangzíb to -the charge of Gujarát, Muiz-zul-Mulk being ordered by the emperor to -continue to act as his minister. An event of interest in the next year -(A.D. 1645) is the capture of seventy-three elephants in the forests -of Dohad and Chámpáner. [848] - -[Prince Muhammad Aurangzíb Twenty-fifth Viceroy, 1644-1646.] Prince -Aurangzíb's rule in Gujarát was marked by religious disputes. In 1644 -a quarrel between Hindus and Musalmáns ended in the prince ordering -a newly built (1638) temple of Chintáman near Saraspur, a suburb of -Áhmedábád, above a mile and a half east of the city, to be desecrated -by slaughtering a cow in it. He then turned the building into a mosque, -but the emperor ordered its restoration to the Hindus. In another -case both of the contending parties were Musalmáns, the orthodox -believers, aided by the military under the prince's orders, who was -enraged at Sayad Ráju one of his followers joining the heretics, -attacking and slaughtering the representatives of the Mahdawiyeh -sect in Áhmedábád. Sayad Ráju's spirit, under the name of Rájú -Shahíd or Rájú the martyr, is still worshipped as a disease-scaring -guardian by the Pinjárás and Mansúris and Dúdhwálas of Áhmedábád. [849] -[Sháistah Khán Twenty-sixth Viceroy, 1646-1648.] In consequence of the -part he had taken in promoting these disturbances, prince Aurangzíb -was relieved and Sháistah Khán appointed twenty-sixth viceroy of -Gujarát. In the following year Muiz-zul-Mulk, who had till then acted -as minister, was recalled, and his place supplied by Háfiz Muhammad -Násir. At the same time the governorship of Surat and Cambay was given -to Áli Akbar of Ispahán. This Áli Akbar was a Persian horse merchant -who brought to Agra seven horses of pure Arabian breed. For six of -these Sháh Jehán paid Rs. 25,000. The seventh a bay so pleased the -emperor that he paid Rs. 15,000 for it, named it the Priceless Ruby, -and considered it the gem of the imperial stud. In A.D. 1646 Áli Akbar -was assassinated by a Hindu and Muiz-zul-Mulk succeeded him as governor -of Surat and Cambay. [Prince Muhammad Dárá Shikoh Twenty-seventh -Viceroy, 1648-1652.] As Sháistah Khán failed to control the Gujarát -Kolis, in A.D. 1648 prince Muhammad Dárá Shikoh was chosen viceroy, -with Ghairat Khán as his deputy and Háfiz Muhammad Násir as minister, -while Sháistah Khán was sent to Málwa to relieve Sháh Nawáz Khán. While -Dárá Shikoh was viceroy an ambassador landed at Surat from the court of -the Turkish Sultán Muhammad IV. (A.D. 1648-1687). [850] In A.D. 1651, -Mír Yahyá was appointed minister in place of Háfiz Muhammad Násir, -and in A.D. 1652 prince Dárá was sent to Kandahár. On [Sháistah Khán -Twenty-eighth Viceroy, 1652-1654.] the transfer of the prince Sháistah -Khán became viceroy for the second time, with Mír Yahyá as minister -and Sultán Yár governor of Baroda with the title of Himmat Khán. Mírza -Ísa Tarkhán was summoned to court from his charge of Sorath and his son -Muhammad Sálih was appointed his successor. In A.D. 1653 an ill-advised -imperial order reducing the pay of the troopers, as well as of the -better class of horsemen who brought with them a certain number of -followers, created much discontent. During this year several changes -of governors were made. Muhammad Násir was sent to Surat, Himmat Khán -to Dholka, the governor of Dholka to Baroda, Kutb-ud-dín to Junágadh, -Sayad Sheikhan son-in-law of Sayad Diler Khán to Tharád under Pátan, -and Jagmál, the holder of Sánand, to Dholka. In the same year Sháistah -Khán made an expedition against the Chunvália Kolis, who, since Ázam -Khán's time (A.D. 1642), had been ravaging Víramgám, Dholka, and Kadi, -and raiding even as far as the villages round Áhmedábád. - -[Prince Murád Bakhsh Twenty-ninth Viceroy, 1654-1657.] In spite of -Sháistah Khán's success in restoring order the emperor in A.D. 1654 -appointed in his place prince Muhammad Murád Bakhsh twenty-ninth -viceroy of Gujarát. Diánat Khán, and immediately after him Rehmat -Khán, was appointed minister in place of Mír Yahyá. Mujáhid Khán -Jhálori relieved Mír Shams-ud-dín as governor of Pátan and Godhra -was entrusted to Sayad Hasan, son of Sayad Diler Khán, and its -revenues assigned to him. When prince Murád Bakhsh reached Jhábua -[851] on his way to Áhmedábád, the chief presented him with £1500 -(Rs. 15,000) as tribute; and when he reached Áhmedábád, Kánji, the -notorious leader of the Chunvália Kolis; surrendered through Sayad -Sheikhan, and promised to remain quiet and pay a yearly tribute of -£1000 (Rs. 10,000). Dildost, son of Sarfaráz Khán, was appointed to -the charge of the post of Bíjápur under Pátan; while Sayad Sheikhan -was made governor of Sádra and Píplod, and Sayad Áli paymaster, with -the title of Radawi Khán. Many other changes were made at the same -time, the prince receiving a grant of the district of Junágadh. One -Pírjí, a Bohora, said to have been one of the richest merchants of -Surat, is noted as sending the emperor four Arab horses and prince -Murád as presenting the emperor with eighteen of the famous Gujarát -bullocks. During the viceroyalty of Dárá Shikoh sums of Rs. 1,00,000 -to Rs. 2,00,000 used to be spent on articles in demand in Arabia. The -articles were sent under some trustworthy officer and the proceeds -applied to charitable purposes in the sacred cities. - -[Murád proclaims himself Emperor, 1657.] At the end of A.D. 1657, on -the receipt of news that Sháh Jehán was dangerously ill prince Murád -Bakhsh proclaimed himself emperor by the title of Murawwaj-ud-dín and -ordered the reading of the Friday sermon and the striking of coin in -his own name. [852] His next step was to put to death the minister -Áli Naki, and direct his men to seize the fort of Surat then held by -his sister the Begam Sáhibah and to take possession of the property -of the Begam. He imprisoned Abdul-Latíf, son of Islám Khán, an old -servant of the empire. Dárá Shikoh representing Murád's conduct -to the emperor obtained an order to [Kásam Khán Thirtieth Viceroy, -1657-1659.] transfer him to the governorship of the Berárs. Murád -Bakhsh borrowing £55,000 (5 1/2 lákhs of rupees) from the sons of -Sántidás Jauhari, £4000 (Rs. 40,000) from Ravídás partner of Sántidás, -and £8800 (Rs. 88,000) from Sánmal and others, raised an army and -arranged to meet his brother prince Aurangzíb, and with him march -against the Mahárája Jasvatsingh of Jodhpur and Kásam Khán, whom Sháh -Jehán had appointed viceroys of Málwa and Gujarát, and had ordered -to meet at Ujjain and march against the princes. [Victory of Murád -and Aurangzíb.] Murád Bakhsh and Aurangzíb, uniting their forces -early in A.D. 1658, fought an obstinate battle with Jasvantsingh, -in which they were victorious, and entered Ujjain in triumph. From -Ujjain prince Murád Bakhsh wrote Muâtamid Khán his eunuch an order -allotting to Mánikchand £15,000 (Rs. 1,50,000) from the revenues of -Surat, £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000) from Cambay, £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,00) -from Pitlád, £7500 (Rs. 75,000) from Dholka, £5000 (Rs. 50,000) -from Broach, £4500 (Rs. 45,000) from Víramgám, and £3000 (Rs. 30,000) -from the salt works, in all £55,000 (5 1/2 lákhs of rupees). Further -sums of £4000 (Rs. 40,000) are mentioned as due to Ravidás partner of -Sántidás, and £8800 (Rs. 88,000) to Sánmal and others. From Ujjain -the princes advanced on Agra. At Dholpúr they fought a still more -obstinate battle with the imperial forces commanded by prince Dárá -Shikoh and after a long and doubtful contest were victorious. Prince -Dárá Shikoh fled to Dehli, and the princes advanced and took possession -of Agra. After confining his father, Aurangzíb marched for Mathura, -[Aurangzíb confines Murád, 1658.] and having no further use of Murád, -he there seized and imprisoned him. From Mathura, Aurangzíb went to -Dehli from which Dará Shikoh had meanwhile retired to Láhor. - -[Aurangzíb Emperor, 1658-1707.] In A.D. 1658, while his father was -still alive, Aurangzíb assumed the imperial titles and ascended the -throne. In A.D. 1659 he appointed Sháh Nawáz Khán Safávi thirty-first -viceroy of Gujarát, with Rahmat Khán as minister. [Sháh Nawáz Khán -Safávi Thirty-first Viceroy, 1659.] On this occasion Sántidás received -a decree directing that the provincial officials should settle his -accounts and Kutb-ud-dín Kheshgi was appointed to Sorath. Sháh Nawáz -Khán was the father-in-law of both Aurangzíb and Murád Bakhsh. Shortly -after his appointment, while Murád's wife was paying a visit to -her father, [Prince Dárá Rebels, 1659.] prince Dárá Shikoh leaving -Kachh, where he had been hospitably received by the Ráv, made a -sudden descent on Gujarát. The viceroy, won over by the entreaties -of his daughter who saw in the success of Dárá a hope of release for -her husband, joined the prince who entered Áhmedábád. After raising -funds from Surat and Áhmedábád he collected an army of 22,000 horse -and appointing Sayad Áhmed deputy viceroy, marched towards Ajmír, -once more to try his chance of empire. [Is Defeated, 1659.] He was -defeated and fled to Áhmedábád, where Sardár Khán, who had confined -Sayad Áhmed, closed the gates of the city in his face. The unhappy -prince retired to Kachh, but finding no support fled to Sindh, where -he was treacherously seized and handed to his brother by the chief -of Jún. [Jasvantsingh Thirty-second Viceroy, 1659-1662.] The emperor -Aurangzíb, forgiving Jasvantsingh his opposition at Ujjain, conferred -on him the government of Gujarát, and in the place of Rahmat Khán -appointed Makramat Khán to act as minister. Sardár Khán was thanked -for his loyal conduct and made governor of Broach. Praise was also -given to Sher and Ábid of the Bábi family. Presents were bestowed on -Kutb-ud-dín, governor of Sorath, and, shortly after, for his refusal to -help prince Dárá, Tamáchi chief of Kachh was rewarded. These measures -removed all signs of disaffection at the accession of Aurangzíb. A -decree was issued directing Rahmat Khán the minister to forbid the -cultivation of the bhang plant. Mohtasibs or censors were appointed -to prevent the drinking of wine or the use of intoxicating drugs and -preparations. On the formal installation of Aurangzíb in A.D. 1658-59 -the Áhmedábád Kázi was ordered to read the sermon in his name. The -Kázi objected that Sháh Jehán was alive. Sheikh Abdul Wahháb, a Sunni -Bohora of Pattan, whom on account of his learning and intelligence -Aurangzíb had made Kázi of his camp, contended that the weakness and -age of Sháh Jehán made a successor necessary. The Bohora prevailed -and the sermon was read in Aurangzíb's name. - -[Jasvantsinghji sent against Shiváji, 1662.] In A.D. 1662 Jasvantsingh -received orders to march to the Dakhan and join prince Muâzzam against -Shiváji the Marátha leader; and Kutb-ud-dín, governor of Sorath, -was directed to act for him in his absence. In this year Mahábat Khán -was appointed thirty-third viceroy of Gujarát, and Sardár Khán, the -governor of Broach, was sent to Ídar to suppress disturbances. [Mahábat -Khán Thirty-third Viceroy, 1662-1663.] About A.D. 1664 Ranmalji -or Satarsála Jám of Navánagar died, leaving by a Ráhthod mother -a child named Lákha whom the late chief's brother Ráisinghji with -the aid of the Ráv of Kachh and other Jádejás, set aside and himself -mounted the throne. Malik Ísa, a servant of the family, took Lákha to -Áhmedábád and invoked the aid of the viceroy. [Capture of Navánagar -(Islámnagar), 1664.] Kutb-ud-dín marching on Navánagar, defeated and -slew Ráisingh, took possession of Navánagar, and annexed the territory, -changing the name of the city into Islámnagar. Ráisingh's son, Tamáchi, -then an infant, escaped and was sheltered in Kachh. In the same year -(A.D. 1664) a Balúch personating Dárá Shikoh, was joined by many Kolis, -and disturbed the peace of the Chúnvál, now a portion of the Áhmedábád -collectorate north of Víramgám. With the aid of Sherkhán Bábi, Mahábat -Khán quelled these disturbances, and established two new military -posts, one at Gájna under Cambay and one at Belpár under Petlád. - -In this year an imperial decree was received requiring the -discontinuance of the following abuses: The charging of blackmail by -executive subordinates; A tax on private individuals on their cutting -their own trees; Forced purchases by state servants; The levy by -local officers of a tax on persons starting certain crafts; The levy -of a tax on laden carts and on cattle for sale; The closing of Hindu -shops on the Jain Pachusan and at the monthly elevenths or Ekádasi; -Forced labour; The exclusive purchase of new grain by revenue officers; -The exclusive sale by officers of the vegetables and other produce -of their gardens; A tax on the slaughtering of cattle in addition -to that on their sale; Payments to the Ahmednagar Kolis to prevent -Musalmáns praying in the Ahmednagar mosque; The re-opening of certain -Hindu temples; The aggressive conduct and obscenity practised during -the Holi and Diváli holidays; The sale by Hindus of toy horses and -elephants during Musalmán holidays; The exclusive sale of rice by -certain rich Banias; The exclusive purchase by Imperial officers of -roses for the manufacture of rosewater; The mixed gatherings of men -and women at Musalmán shrines; The setting up of nezas or holy hands -and the sitting of harlots on roadsides or in markets; The charging -by revenue officers of scarcity rates; The special tax in Parántij, -Modasa, Vadnagar, Bisnápur, and Harsol on Musalmán owners of mango -trees; The levy of duty both at Surat and Áhmedábád from English and -Dutch merchants. [853] - -[Shiváji Plunders Surat, 1664.] In the same year (A.D. 1664) -Shiváji made a rapid descent on Surat, then undefended by walls, -and, by plundering the city, created great alarm over the whole -province. The viceroy Mahábat Khán marched to Surat with the following -chiefs and officers: Jagmál, proprietor of Sánand; the governor of -Dholka; Shádimal, chief of Ídar; Sayad Hasan Khán, governor of Ídar; -Muhammad Ábid with 200 superior landholders of the district of Kadi; -the Rája of Dúngarpur; Sabalsingh Rája of Wadhwán and other chiefs -of Jhálávádh; Lál Kalián chief of Mándva in the Gáikwár's dominions -near Atarsumba; the chief of Elol under Ahmednagar in the Mahi Kántha -Agency; Prathiráj of Haldarvás; and the chief of Belpár. Before the -viceroy's army arrived at Surat Shiváji had carried off his plunder -to his head-quarters at Ráygad. [854] After remaining three months -at Surat levying tribute from the superior landholders, the viceroy -returned to Ahmedábád, and Ináyat Khán, the revenue collector of -Surat, built a wall round the town for its protection. About this -time Kutb-ud-dín Khán, governor of Sorath, was sent with an army -to aid the Mahárája Jasvantsingh in the Dakhan and Sardár Khán was -appointed in his place. In A.D. 1666 the Maráthás again attacked and -plundered Surat, and in the same year the deposed emperor Sháh Jehán -died. Aurangzíb attempted to induce the English to supply him with -European artillerymen and engineers. The request was evaded. [Copper -Coinage Introduced, 1668.] In this year the viceroy, Mahábat Khán, -in place of the old iron coins, introduced a copper coinage into -Gujarát. Sardár Khan, the governor of Junágadh, was put in charge of -Islámnagar (Navánagar) and 500 additional horsemen were placed under -him. Special checks by branding and inspection were introduced to -prevent nobles and others keeping less than their proper contingent -of horse. In the same year the cultivator who paid the rent was -acknowledged to be the owner of the land and a system of strengtheners -or takáwi after due security was introduced. - -[Khán Jehán Thirty-fourth Viceroy, 1668-1671.] In A.D. 1668, Bahádur -Khán Khán Jehán, who had formerly been viceroy of Allahábád, was -appointed viceroy of Gujarát, with Háji Shafi Khán, and afterwards -Khwájah Muhammad Háshím, as his ministers. Khán Jehán joined his -government in A.D. 1669, and in A.D. 1670 Shiváji again plundered -Surat. In A.D. 1670 Shiváji made an attempt on Janjira, [855] -the residence and stronghold of the Sídi or Abyssinian admirals -of Bíjápur. [Sídi Yákút the Mughal Admiral, 1670.] Sídi Yákút the -commander of Janjira applied for aid to the governor of Surat. On -his offering to become a vassal of the emperor and place his fleet at -the emperor's disposal, Sídi Yákút received the title of Yákút Khán, -and a yearly subsidy of £15,000 (Rs. 1,50,000) payable from the port -of Surat. About the same time Sayad Diler Khán, who had accompanied -Mahárája Jasvantsingh to the Dakhan, was recalled by the viceroy -Khán Jehán and appointed governor of Sorath in place of Sardár Khán, -who was sent to Ídar. Sayad Haidar, in charge of the military post -of Haidarábád, about twenty-four miles south of Áhmedábád, reported -that he had put down the rebellion but recommended that a small fort -should be built. In A.D. 1670 the emperor summoned Diler Khán to -discuss Dakhan affairs, and sent him to the seat of war, replacing -him in the government of Sorath by Sardár Khán. - -[Mahárája Jasvantsingh Thirty-fifth Viceroy, 1671-1674.] In A.D. 1671, -Bahádur Khán Khán Jehán was sent as viceroy to the Dakhan. He was -relieved by the Mahárája Jasvantsingh, who, as viceroy, received an -assignment of the districts of Dhandhúka and Pitlád. In A.D. 1673 -through the intercession of the viceroy, Jám Tamáchi, the son of -Ráisingh, on condition of serving the viceroy and of keeping order -was restored to Navánagar, and twenty-five villages were granted to -certain dependent Jádeja Rájputs. So long as the emperor Aurangzíb -lived the city of Navánagar (Islámnagar) remained in the hands of a -Musalmán noble, the Jám residing at Khambhália, a town about thirty -miles south-west of the head-quarters of the state. In A.D. 1707, -on Aurangzíb's death, the Jám was allowed to return to Navánagar -where he built a strong fort. Similarly so long as Aurangzíb lived, -the Jám forbore to work the pearl fisheries in the Gulf of Kachh, -but afterwards again made use of this source of revenue. Early in -1674 an order issued forbidding the levy from Musalmáns of rahádari -or transit dues, of taxes on fish vegetables grass firewood and other -forest produce, on Muhammadan artisans, and many other miscellaneous -dues. The officer in charge of Morví, which was then an imperial -district, was ordered to strive to increase its population and revenue, -and the chief of Porbandar, also an imperial district, on condition of -service and of protecting the port was allowed a fourth share of its -revenue. Much discontent was caused by enforcing an imperial order -confiscating all wazífah land, that is all land held on religious -tenure by Hindus. - -[Muhammad Amín Khán Umdat-ul-Mulk Thirty-sixth Viceroy, -1674-1683.] About the close of the year A.D. 1674, Mahárája -Jasvantsinghji was relieved and sent to Kábul, and Muhammad Amín Khán -Umdat-ul-Mulk, who had just been defeated at Kábul, was appointed -thirty-sixth viceroy of Gujarát, receiving an assignment of the -districts of Pátan and Víramgám. Among the military posts mentioned -in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi is that of Sádra or Sháhdarah the present -head-quarters of the Mahi Kántha Agency, also called Islámábád, -[856] which was under the command of Sayad Kamál, son of Sayad -Kámil. [Increased Power of the Bábi Family.] The Bábi family were -now rising into importance. Muhammad Muzaffar, son of Sher Khán Bábi, -was governor of Kadi, and Muhammad Mubáriz, another son of Sher Bábi, -was in charge of one of the posts under Kadi. Kamál Khán Jhálori, -who had been removed from the government of Pálanpur and replaced -by Muhammad Fateh, was now restored to his former post. About the -same time, at the representation of Mulla Hasan Gujaráti, twenty-one -villages were taken from Bijápur and Kadi and Pátan and formed into the -separate division of Visalnagar. In A.D. 1676, the fort of Junágadh was -put into repair, and Sheikh Nizám-ud-dín Áhmed, minister of Gujarát, -was sent to Málwa, and was succeeded by Muhammad Sharíf. The Kánkrej -Kolis were again rebellious, and Muhammad Amín Khán Umdat-ul-Mulk went -against them and remained four months in their country, subduing them -and enforcing tribute. In the end of A.D. 1678, the viceroy paid his -respects to the emperor at Ajmír. The emperor forbade the fining of -Musalmán officials as contrary to the Muhammadan law and directed -that if guilty of any fault they should be imprisoned or degraded -from office, but not fined. An order was also given to change the -name of the new Visalnagar district to Rasúlnagar. - -At this time (A.D. 1679) the emperor was doing his utmost to crush -both the Rána of Udepur and the Ráthods of Márwár. While the emperor -was at Chitor, Bhímsing the Rána's youngest son raided into Gujarát -plundering Vadnagar Visalnagar and other towns and villages. [Revolt -of Ídar, 1679.] The chief of Ídar, thinking the opportunity favourable -for regaining his independence, expelled the Muhammadan garrison from -Ídar and established himself in his capital. Muhammad Amín Khán sent -Muhammad Bahlol Khán Shirwáni who with the help of the Kasbátis of -Parántij re-took Ídar, and the chief pursued by Bahlol Khán fled to -the hills, where he died in a cave from want of his usual dose of opium -to which he was much addicted. His body was found by a woodcutter who -brought the head to Bahlol Khán. The head was recognized by the chief's -widow, who from that day put on mourning. Muhammad Bahlol Khán was -much praised, and was appointed to the charge of Ídar, and at the same -time the minister Muhammad Sharíf was succeeded by Abdúl Latíf. [857] - -To this time belongs an imperial decree imposing the jazyah or head -tax on all subjects not professing the Muhammadan faith, and another -regulating the levy from Musalmáns of the zakát or poor rate. [858] -In 1681 a severe famine led to riots in Áhmedábád. As the viceroy -Muhammad Amín was returning in state from the Íd prayers Abu Bakr an -Áhmedábád Sheikh instigated the people to throw stones and dust. The -viceroy's bodyguard attacked the mob, but owing to the viceroy's -forbearance no serious results followed. On hearing of the riot the -emperor ordered the city to be put under martial law. The more politic -viceroy contented himself by inviting Sheikh Abu Bakr and others to a -banquet. After dinner he gave a piece of a poisoned watermelon to Abu -Bakr, who died and the riot with him. In A.D. 1683 Muhammad Amín the -viceroy died. According to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Muhammad Amín was one -of the best of Gujarát governors. The emperor Aurangzíb used to say -'No viceroy of mine keeps order like Amín Khán.' - -[Mukhtár Khán Thirty-seventh Viceroy, 1683-1684] Amín Khán was -succeeded by Mukhtár Khán as thirty-seventh viceroy, Abdul Latíf -continuing to hold the office of minister. Fresh orders were passed -forbidding import dues on merchandise, fruit, grass, firewood, and -similar produce entering Áhmedábád. In 1682 a decree was received -ordering pauper prisoners to be provided with rations and dress at -the cost of the state. In 1683 the Sábarmati rose so high that the -water reached as far as the Tín Darwázah or Triple Gateway in the -west of Áhmedábád city. In consequence of disturbances in Sorath the -viceroy called on the minister to advance funds for an expedition. The -minister refused to make advances without special orders from the -emperor. On a reference to court the minister was directed to make -advances in emergent cases. In A.D. 1684, at the request of the -inhabitants of that city Abdúr Rahmán Krori, the governor of Deva -Pátan, was removed and in his place Muhammad Sayad chose Sardár Khán -as governor of Sorath. In the following year on the death of Sardár -Khán at Thatha in Sindh, where he had gone as viceroy, he was, in -the first instance, succeeded in the government of Sorath by Sayad -Muhammad Khán. Not long after Sorath was assigned as a personal estate -to the emperor's second son prince Muhammad Ázam Sháh Bahádur and -during the prince's absence Sháhwardi Khán was sent to manage its -affairs. [Famine, 1684.] In A.D. 1684 a famine in Gujarát raised the -price of grain in Áhmedábád to such a degree that Sheikh Muhy-ud-dín, -the son of the Kázi and regulator of prices, was mobbed. - -[Shujáât Khán (Kártalab Khán) Thirty-eighth Viceroy, 1684-1703.] On -the death of the viceroy in 1684 prince Muhammad Ázam Sháh was -nominated to succeed him with Kártalab Khán, governor of Sorath, as -his deputy. Before the prince took charge Kártalab Khán was raised -to the post of viceroy, and Muhammad Táhir appointed minister. In -addition to his command as viceroy of Gujarát, Kártalab Khán was -afterwards placed in charge of Jodhpur. In this rearrangement besides -his previous personal estate, the district of Petlád was assigned to -prince Muhammad Ázam Sháh, and Sher Afghan Khán, son of Sháhwardi -Khán, was appointed governor of Sorath. In A.D. 1687, Sher Afghan -Khán was relieved by Bahlol Shirwáni, but in the following year was -restored to his command. In A.D. 1689, on the news of the death of -its governor Ináyat Khán, Kártalab Khán started to settle the affairs -of Jodhpur. As soon as he left Áhmedábád, a rumour spread that a -new viceroy was coming, and the troops, with whom as well as with -the people of Gujarát Kártalab was most popular, grew mutinous. [He -Quells a Mutiny, 1689.] On hearing of this disturbance Kártalab Khán -at once returned to Áhmedábád and quelled the mutiny. His firmness -so pleased the emperor that he gave him the title of Shujaât Khán, -and placed the governor of Jodhpur under his orders. Shujaât Khán now -proceeded to Jodhpur, where Durgádás Ráthod, who had incited prince -Abkar to rebellion, and Ajítsingh, the son of Mahárája Jasvantsingh, -were causing disturbance. Finding that a strong resident governor was -required to keep the insurgents in check, Shujaât Khán appointed Kázim -Beg Muhammad Amín, a brave and resolute soldier, to be his deputy and -returned to Áhmedábád. During this viceroyalty the pay of the leader -or jamádár of a troop of fifty horse was fixed at £10 (Rs. 100); of -a do-aspah or two-horse trooper at £6 (Rs. 60); and of an ek-aspah or -one-horse trooper at £3 (Rs. 30) a month. An imperial order was also -issued directing the levy on merchandise to be taken at the place -and time of sale instead of the time and place of purchase. As this -change caused loss to the revenue the old system was again adopted. In -A.D. 1690 the minister Amánat Khán, with the title of Ítimád Khán, was -made military governor of Surat, and Sayad Muhsín was chosen minister -in his place. To prevent the peons of great officials extorting fees -and dues officials were forbidden to entertain peons without payment. - -[Revolt of Matiás and Momnás, 1691.] In the following year (A.D. 1691) -an attempt on the part of the emperor to suppress a body of Musalmán -sectarians led to a somewhat serious insurrection. Sayad Sháhji was -the religious preceptor of the Matiás of Khándesh and the Momnás of -Gujarát, two classes of converted Hindus closely allied to the Khojás -of Káthiáváda, all of them being followers of Sayad Imám-ud-dín an -Ismáîliáh missionary who came to Gujarát during the reign of Mahmúd -Begada (A.D. 1459-1513). Hearing that his followers paid obeisance to -their veiled spiritual guide by kissing his toe, the emperor ordered -the guide to be sent to court to be examined before the religious -doctors. Afraid of the result of this examination, the Sayad committed -suicide and was buried at Karamtah nine miles south of Áhmedábád. The -loss of their leader so enraged his followers that, collecting from -all sides, they marched against Broach, seized the fort, and slew the -governor. The insurgents held the fort of Broach against the governor -of Baroda who was sent to punish them, and for a time successfully -resisted the efforts of his successor Nazar Áli Khán. At last, at an -unguarded spot, some of the besiegers stole over the city wall and -opening the gates admitted their companions. The Momnás were defeated -and almost all slain as they sought death either by the sword or by -drowning to merit their saint's favour in the next world. - -[Disturbances in Káthiáváda, 1692.] In A.D. 1692 Shujáât Khán, during -his tribute-gathering campaign in Jháláváda and Sorath, stormed the -fort of Thán, the head-quarters of the plundering Káthis and after -destroying the fort returned to Áhmedábád. Shujáât Khán was one of -the ablest of Gujarát viceroys. He gave so much of his attention to -the management of Jodhpur, that he used to spend about six months -of every year in Márwár. He beautified Áhmedábád by building the -college and mosque still known by his name near the Lál Gate. In -A.D. 1642 two hundred cart-loads of marble were received from the -ancient buildings at Pátan and the deputy governor Safdar Khán Bábi -wrote that if a thousand cart-loads more were required they could be -supplied from the same source. At this time the emperor ordered that -Sheikh Akram-ud-dín, the local tax-collector, should levy the head tax -from the Hindus of Pálanpur and Jhálor. The viceroy deputed Muhammad -Mujáhid, son of Kamál Khán Jhálori, governor of Pálanpur to help in -collecting. [Disturbances in Márwár.] As Durgádás Ráthod was again -stirring tumults and sedition in Márwár, the viceroy went to Jodhpur, -and by confirming their estates to the chief vassals and landholders -and guaranteeing other public measures on condition of service, -persuaded them to abandon their alliance with Durgádás against whom -he sent his deputy Kázim Beg, who expelled him from Márwár. After -appointing Kunvár Muhkamsingh, governor of Mertha in Márwár, Shujáât -Khán returned to Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1693, at the request of Sher -Afghan Khán, governor of Sorath, the walls of the fort of Jagat -were restored. In this year the viceroy went to Jháláváda to exact -tribute. On his return to Áhmedábád Safdar Khán Bábi, governor of -Pátan, wrote to the viceroy, and at his request the forts of Kambhoi -and Sámprah were repaired. The viceroy now went to Jodhpúr and from -that returned to Áhmedábád. A circumstance in connection with a sum of -Rs. 7000 spent on the repairs of forts illustrates the close imperial -supervision of provincial accounts. The item having come to imperial -notice from the provincial disbursement sheets was disallowed as unfair -and ordered to be refunded under the rule that such charges were to be -met out of their incomes by the local governors and military deputy -governors. Imperial officers were also from time to time deputed -to collect from the books of the desái's statements of provincial -disbursements and receipts for periods of ten years that they might -render an independent check. In this year the emperor hearing that -Ajítsingh and Durgádás were again contemplating rebellion ordered -the viceroy to Jodhpur. Muhammad Mubáriz Bábi was at the same time -appointed deputy governor of Vadnagar, and an order was issued that -the revenue of Pátan should be paid to Shujáât Khán instead of as -formerly into the imperial treasury. In this year also Safdar Khán -Bábi, governor of Pátan, was succeeded by Mubáriz Khán Bábi. Not -long afterwards under imperial orders the viceroy directed Muhammad -Mubáriz Bábi to destroy the Vadnagar temple of Hateshwar-Mahádev the -Nágar Bráhmans' special guardian. - -In A.D. 1696, Muhammad Bahlol Shírwáni, governor of Baroda, died, -and his place was supplied by Muhammad Beg Khán. During this year the -viceroy again went to Jodhpúr and remained there for some months. In -A.D. 1697 Buláki Beg the mace-bearer arrived from the imperial -court to settle disputes connected with the Navánagar succession, -and to inquire into complaints made by the inhabitants of Sorath. In -1696 an imperial circular was addressed to all officers in charge -of districts ordering them to show no respect or consideration -for royalty in their efforts to capture or kill the rebel prince -Akbar. [Durgádás Ráthod reconciled to the Emperor, 1697.] About the -same time Durgádás Ráthod, in whose charge were the son and daughter of -prince Akbar, made an application to Shujáât Khán, proposing a truce, -and saying that he wished personally to hand the children to their -grandfather. Shujaât Khán agreed and Durgádás restored Akbar's children -to the emperor. Aurangzíb finding the children able to repeat the -whole Kurâán was much pleased with Durgádás, and made peace with him, -assigning him as a personal estate the lands of Mertha in Jodhpur, and -afterwards adding to this the grant of Dhandhúka and other districts -of Gujarát. In consequence of a failure of crops the price of grain -rose so high that the government share of the produce was brought to -Áhmedábád and sold in public to the poor and needy. About this time -Muhammad Mubáriz Bábi was killed by a Koli who shot him with an arrow -while he was sacking the village of Sámprah. [859] Safdar Khán Bábi -was appointed deputy governor of Pátan in his stead. - -In the same year it was reported to the emperor that the money-changers -and capitalists of Áhmedábád in making payments passed money short -of weight to poor men and in receiving charged an exchange of two to -three tankás the rupee. The Súbah and minister were ordered to stop -the currency of rupees more than two surkhs short. [860] - -[Scarcity, 1698.] In A.D. 1698, on the death of Ítimád Khán, his son -Muhammad Muhsín was made minister, and he was ordered to hand the -district of Mertha to Durgádás Ráthod. Among other changes Muhammad -Muním was raised to the command of the fort of Jodhpur and Khwájáh -Abdul Hamíd was appointed minister. Owing to a second failure of rain -1698 was a year of much scarcity in Márwár and north Gujarát. The -accounts of this year notice a petition addressed to the viceroy by -a Sinor Bráhman, praying that he might not be seized as a carrier or -labourer. [861] In connection with some revenue and civil affairs, -a difference of opinion arose between Shujáât Khán and Safdar Khán -Bábi, deputy governor of Pátan. Safdar Khán resigned, and, until a -successor was appointed, Muhammad Bahlol Shírwáni was directed to -administer the Pátan district. In the same year the emperor bestowed -the government of Sorath on Muhammad Beg Khán. In A.D. 1699 Durgádás -Ráthod obtained from the emperor not only a pardon for Ajítsingh, son -of the late Mahárája Jasvantsingh, but procured him an assignment of -lands in, as well as the official charge of, the districts of Jhálor -and Sáchor in Márwár. Mujáhid Khán Jhálori, who as representing a -family of landholders dating as far back as the Gujarát Sultáns, -had held Jhálor and Sáchor, now received in their stead the lands in -Pálanpur and Dísa which his descendants still hold. In this year also -(A.D. 1699) Amánat Khán, governor of Surat, died, and the Maráthás -making a raid into the province, Shujáât Khán sent Nazar Áli Khán to -drive them out. About this time an imperial order arrived, addressed -to the provincial díwán directing him to purchase 1000 horses for -the government at the average rate of £20 (Rs. 200). - -[Prince Muhammad Aâzam Thirty-ninth Viceroy, 1703-1705.] In A.D. 1700 -on the death of Fírúz Khán Mewáti, deputy governor of Jodhpúr, the -viceroy appointed in his place Muhammad Záhid from Víramgám. Rája -Ajítsingh of Márwár was now ordered to repair to court, and as he -delayed, a mohsal or speed fine was imposed upon him in agreement -with Shujáât Khán's directions. About this time an order came to -Kamál Khán Jhálori for the despatch to the emperor of some of the -Pálanpur chítáhs or hunting leopards which are still in demand in other -parts of India. In the same year the manager of Dhandhúka on behalf -of Durgádás Ráthod, asked the viceroy for aid against the Káthis, -who were plundering that district. The viceroy ordered Muhammad Beg, -governor of Sorath, to march against them. At this time Shujáât Khán -despatched Nazar Áli Khán with a large force to join the imperial -camp which was then at Panhála in Kolhápur. Shujáât Khán, who had so -long and ably filled the office of viceroy in a most critical time, -died in A.D. 1703. In his place prince Muhammad Aâzam Sháh, who was -then at Dhár in Málwa, was appointed thirty-ninth viceroy of Gujarát, -as well as governor of Ajmír and Jodhpur; and until his arrival -the minister Khwájáh Abdul Hamíd Khán was ordered to administer the -province. Owing to the recall of the late governor's troops from many -of the posts disorders broke out in the Pátan districts and the Kolis -plundered the country and made the roads impassable. - -On his way from the Dakhan to Áhmedábád, the chief of Jhábua, a state -now under the Bhopáwar Agency, paid his respects to the new viceroy -and presented him with a tribute of £1600 (Rs. 16,000). Among other -arrangements the prince sent to Jodhpur Jáfar Kuli, son of Kázim -Beg, as deputy governor, and appointed Durgádás Ráthod governor of -Pátan. Shortly after, on suspicion of his tampering with the Ráthod -Rájputs, an order came from the emperor to summon Durgádás to the -prince's court at Áhmedábád, and there confine him or slay him. [862] -[Intrigue against Durgádás Ráthod, 1703.] Safdar Khán Bábi, who, -in displeasure with Shujáât Khán had retired to Málwa, returned and -offered to slay or capture Durgádás, who was accordingly invited to -the prince's court at Áhmedábád. Durgádás came and pitched his camp -at the village of Báreja on the Sábarmati near Áhmedábád. On the day -Durgádás was to present himself, the prince, on pretence of a hunt, -had ordered the attendance of a strong detachment of the army. When -all was ready and Safdar Khán Bábi and his sons appeared mailed and -gauntleted the prince sent for Durgádás. As this day was an eleventh or -agiáras Durgádás had put off waiting on the prince until the fast was -over. [Durgádás Ráthod Escapes.] Growing suspicious of the number of -messengers from the prince, he burned his tents and fled. Safdar Khán -Bábi was sent in pursuit. He was overtaking Durgádás when Durgádás' -grandson praying his grandfather to make good his escape, stayed behind -with a band of followers, charged the pursuers, and after a gallant -combat, he and his Rájputs were slain. The grandson of Durgádás was -killed in a hand-to-hand fight with Salábat Khán, the son of Safdar -Khán Bábi. Emerald rings are to this day worn by youths of the Bábi -families of North Gujarát in memory of the emerald earrings which -adorned the young Rájput and were afterwards worn by Salábat as -trophies of this fight. Meanwhile Durgádás had reached Unjáh-Unáwa, -forty miles east of Pátan, and from Unjáh made his way to Pátan. From -Pátan, taking his family with him, he retired to Tharád, and from -that to Márwár, where he was afterwards joined by Ajítsingh of Márwár, -whom the emperor opposed on the ground of illegitimacy. The imperial -troops followed and took possession of Pátan, putting to death the -head of the city police. - -In his old age the emperor Aurangzíb became more and more strict in -religious matters. In 1702 an imperial order forbad the making of -almanacs as contrary to the Muhammadan law. Hindus were also forbidden -to keep Muhammadan servants. - -[Surat, 1700-1703.] About this time (A.D. 1700) news arrived that -the Maráthás with a force of 10,000 horse were threatening Surat -from the foot of the Kására pass and the confines of Sultánpur and -Nandurbár. The viceroy despatched a body of troops to guard Surat -against their incursions. Disputes between the government and -the Portuguese were also injuring the trade of the province. In -A.D. 1701 the viceroy received an order from Court directing him -to destroy the temple of Somnáth beyond possibility of repair. The -despatch adds that a similar order had been issued at the beginning -of Aurangzíb's reign. In A.D. 1703, at the request of the merchants -of Gujarát, with the view of inducing the Portuguese to let ships -from Surat pass unmolested and release some Musalmáns who had been -imprisoned on their way back from Makkah, orders were issued that -certain confiscated Portuguese merchandise should be restored to its -owners. An imperial order was also received to encourage the art of -brocade weaving in Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1704, Safdar Khán Bábi was -raised to be governor of Bijápur, about fifty miles north-east of -Áhmedábád. Sarandáz Khán was at the same time appointed to Sorath -instead of Muhammad Beg Khán, who was placed in charge of the lands -round Áhmedábád. As the Maráthás once more threatened Surat, Mustafa -Kuli, governor of Broach, was sent with 1000 horse to defend the city. - -Certain passages in Aurangzíb's letters to prince Aâzam when -(A.D. 1703-1705) viceroy of Gujarát, show how keen and shrewd an -interest the aged emperor maintained in the government of his -viceroys. In Letter 19 he writes to prince Aâzam: To take the -government of Sorath from Fateh Jang Khán Bábi and give it to your -chamberlain's brother is to break a sound glass vessel with your own -hands. These Bábis have been time out of mind a respected race in -Gujarát and are well versed in the arts of war. There is no sense -in giving the management of Sorath to anyone but to a Bábi. Sorath -is a place which commanders of five thousand like Hasan Álikhán and -Safshikan Khán have with difficulty administered. If your officers -follow the principles laid down by the late Shujáât Khán, it will be -well. If they do not, the province of Gujarát is such that if order -is broken in one or two places, it will not soon be restored. For -the rest you are your own master. I say not, do this or do that; look -that the end is good, and do that which is easiest. In another passage -(Letter 37 to the same prince Aâzam) Aurangzíb writes: You who are a -well intentioned man, why do you not retaliate on oppressors? Over -Hájipúr Aminpúr and other posts where atrocities occur every day, -and at Kapadvanj where the Kolis rob the highways up to the posts, -you have made your chamberlain and artillery superintendent your -commandant. He entrusted his powers to his carrion-eating and -fraudulent relatives. Owing to his influence the oppressed cannot -come to you.... You ought to give the command to one of the Gujarátis -like Safdar Khán Bábi or one of the sons of Bahlúl Shírwáni who have -earned reputations during the administration of the late Shujáât Khán -and who are popular with the people. Else I tell you plainly that on -the Day of Justice we shall be caught for neglecting to punish the -oppressions of our servants. - -[Ibráhím Khán Fortieth Viceroy, 1705.] In A.D. 1705, as the climate -of Gujarát did not agree with prince Aâzam, Ibráhím Khán, viceroy -of Kashmír, was appointed fortieth viceroy of Gujarát, and his son -Zabardast Khán, viceroy of Láhor, was appointed to the government of -Ajmír and Jodhpur. Prince Aâzam at once went to Burhánpur in Khándesh, -handing charge of Gujarát to the minister Abdúl Hamíd Khán until -the new viceroy should arrive. Durgádás Ráthod now asked for and -received pardon. Abdúl Hamíd Khán was ordered to restore the lands -formerly granted to Durgádás, and Durgádás was directed to act under -Abdúl Hamíd's orders. In A.D. 1705 the emperor learned that Khánji, a -successor of Kutb the high priest of the Ismáîlia Bohorás, had sent out -twelve missionaries to win people to his faith, and that his followers -had subscribed Rs. 1,14,000 to relieve those of their number who were -imprisoned. The emperor ordered that the twelve missionaries should be -secured and sent to him and appointed Sunni Mullás to preach in their -villages and bring the Bohoras' children to the Sunni form of faith. - -[The Maráthás enter Gujarát.] About this time (A.D. 1705) the Maráthás, -who had long been hovering on the south-east frontiers of the province, -bursting into south Gujarát with an army 15,000 strong, under the -leadership of Dhanáji Jádhav, defeated the local forces and laid -the country waste. Abdúl Hamíd Khán, who was then in charge of the -province, ordered all governors of districts and officers in charge -of posts to collect their men and advance to Surat. Between Nazar -Áli Khán and Safdar Khán Bábi, the officers in command of this army, -an unfortunate jealousy prevailed. Not knowing where the Maráthás -were to be found, they halted on the Narbada near the Bába Piárah -ford. Here they remained for a month and a half, the leaders contenting -themselves with sending out spies to search for the enemy. At last, -hearing of the approach of the Maráthás, they sent to head-quarters -asking for artillery and other reinforcements. In reply, Abdúl Hamíd -Khán, a man of hasty temper, upbraided them for their inactivity -and for allowing so much time to pass without making their way to -Surat. [Battle of Ratanpúr. Defeat of the Musalmáns, 1705.] Orders -were accordingly at once issued for an advance, and the army next -halted at Ratanpúr in Rájpípla. Here, apparently from the jealousy -of the commanders, the different chiefs pitched their camps at some -distance from each other. Finding the enemy's forces thus scattered, -the Maráthás, under the command of Dhanáji Jádhav, lost no time in -advancing against them. First attacking the camp of Safdar Khán Bábi, -they defeated his troops, killed his son, and took prisoner the chief -himself. Only a few of his men, with his nephew Muhammad Aâzam, escaped -to the camp of Nazar Áli Khán. Next, the Maráthás attacked the army -under Muhammad Purdil Khán Shirwáni; and it also they defeated. Of -the Musalmán army those who were not slain, drowned in the Narbada, -or captured, reached Broach in miserable plight, where they were -relieved by Akbar Áli Khán. Nazar Áli Khán burned his tents and -surrendered to the Maráthás, by whom he was well treated. - -[Battle of the Bába Piárah Ford. Second Defeat of the Musalmáns, -1705.] The Maráthás now heard that Abdúl Hamíd Khán was coming with -an army to oppose them. Thinking he would not risk a battle, they -went to the Bába Piárah ford, and there crossed the Narbada. That -very day Abdúl Hamíd Khán, with Muhammad Sher and Muhammad Salábat, -sons of Safdar Khán Bábi, and others came to the spot where the -Maráthás were encamped. All night long they were harassed by the -Maráthás, and next morning found the enemy ready for a general -attack. The Muhammadans, weary with watching, dispirited from the -defeats of Safdar Khán, and inferior in number to their assailants, -were repulsed and surrounded. The two sons of Safdar Khán Bábi, -and two other nobles, seeing that the day was lost, cut their way -through the enemy and escaped, Abdúl Hamíd Khán, Nazar Áli Khán, -and many others were taken prisoners. The Maráthás plundered the -Muhammadan camp, declared their right to tribute, levied sums from -the adjacent towns and villages and extorted heavy ransoms which in -the case of Abdúl Hamíd Khán was fixed at as large a sum as £30,000 -(Rs. 3 lákhs). [Koli Disturbances.] The Kolis, seeing the disorganized -state of Gujarát, began ravaging the country, and plundered Baroda -for two days. At Áhmedábád Muhammad Beg Khán, who had been appointed -governor of Sorath, was recalled to defend the capital. When the news -of the defeat at Bába Piárah reached Dehli, the emperor despatched -prince Muhammad Bidár Bakht with a large army to drive out the -invaders. Before this force reached Gujarát the Maráthás had retired. - -[Prince Muhammad Bídár Bakht Forty-First Viceroy, 1705-1706.] Prince -Muhammad Bídár Bakht arrived in A.D. 1705 as forty-first viceroy, and -appointed Amánat Khán governor of the ports of Surat and Cambay. News -was now received that Ajítsingh of Jodhpur and Verisálji of Rájpípla -were about to rebel, and the prince took measures to check their -plans. About this time the emperor, hearing that an attack had -been made on the Muhammadan post at Dwárka, ordered the temple to -be levelled to the ground. It seems doubtful whether this order was -carried out. Nazar Áli Khán, who had formerly enjoyed a grant of Halvad -in Jháláváda, had been driven out by Chandrasingh, chief of Vánkáner; -but, on condition of his expelling Chandrasingh, these lands were again -granted to him. Kamál Khán Jhálori, leaving under his son Fírúz Khán -at Pálanpur a body of men for the defence of his charge, advanced to -Áhmedábád to guard the city from Marátha attack. He petitioned that -according to Gujarát custom his troops should receive rations so long -as they were employed on imperial service. To this request the emperor -agreed and issued orders to the provincial minister. [Durgádás Ráthod -again in Rebellion.] Shortly after Durgádás Ráthod took advantage of -the general confusion to rejoin Ajítsingh, and an army was sent to -Tharád against them. Ajítsingh was at first forced to retire. Finally -he succeeded in defeating Kunvar Muhkamsingh, and marching on Jodhpur -recovered it from Jaâfar Kuli, son of Kázím Beg. Durgádás meanwhile had -taken shelter with the Kolis. At the head of a band of robbers, meeting -Sháh Kúli the son of Kázím Beg on his way to join his appointment -as deputy governor of Pátan, Durgádás attacked and killed him. And -soon after at Chaniár in the Chunvál, laying in wait for Maâsúm Kúli, -the governor of Víramgám, he routed his escort, Maâsum Kúli escaping -with difficulty. On condition of being appointed governor of Pátan -Safdar Khán Bábi now offered to kill or capture Durgádás. His offer -was accepted, and as from this time Durgádás is no more heard of, it -seems probable that Safdar Khán succeeded in killing him. [Ibráhím -Khán Forty-second Viceroy, 1706.] As the disturbed state of the -province seemed to require a change of government Ibráhím Khán, who -had been appointed viceroy in the previous year, was ordered to join -his post. This order he reluctantly obeyed in A.D. 1706. - - - - -SECTION II.--Fifty Years of Disorder, 1707-1757. - -[The Maráthás advance to Áhmedábád and levy Tribute, 1707.] With the -death of the emperor Aurangzíb, early in A.D. 1707, the period of -strong government which had latterly from year to year been growing -weaker came to an end. As soon as Aurangzíb's death was known, the -Maráthás under Báláji Vishvanáth burst into east Gujarát, marching -by Jhábua and Godhra, where they were ineffectually opposed by -the governor Murád Baksh. From Godhra they went to and plundered -the town of Mahuda in Kaira, and proposed marching on Áhmedábád by -way of Nadiád. The viceroy prepared to resist them, and, enlisting -special troops, camped outside of the city near the Kánkariya lake. Of -the warlike population on the north bank of the Sábarmati opposite -Áhmedábád nearly eight thousand Musalmán horse and three thousand foot -together with four thousand Rájpúts and Kolis in three days gathered -at the Kánkariya camp. The viceroy was also joined by Abdúl Hádi -Pandemal the viceroy's minister, Abdúl Hamíd Khán provincial minister, -Muhammad Beg Khán, Nazar Áli Khán, Safdar Khán Bábi, and several other -deputy governors with their retinues and artillery. Though strong in -numbers the practised eye of the viceroy failed to find in the host -that firmness and unity of purpose which could alone ensure victory -over the Marátha hordes. The Maráthás did much mischief, plundering as -far as Batva, only four-and-a-half miles from the viceroy's camp. The -author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, whose father was an actor in these -scenes, describes the panic in the capital of Gujarát which since -its capture by Muzaffar in A.D. 1583 had been free from the horrors -of war. Crowds of scared and terror-stricken men, women and children -laden with as much of their property as they could carry were pressing -from the suburbs into the city. In the city the streets were crowded -with squatters. The cries of parents bereft of children, added to -the din and turmoil of the soldiery, was like the horror of the Day -of Resurrection. The dejected faces of the soldiers beaten in the -late engagements added to the general gloom. The viceroy, thoroughly -alarmed, concluded a treaty with Báláji, and on receiving a tribute of -£21,000 (Rs. 2,10,000) the Maráthás withdrew. Meanwhile, in the contest -between the princes for the throne of Dehli, prince Muhammad Aâzam Sháh -was defeated and slain, and prince Muhammad Muâzzam Sháh mounted the -throne with the title of Bahádur Sháh. Ibráhím Khán was confirmed in -the post of viceroy of Gujarát, but, fearing that the emperor might -be displeased at his concession of tribute to the Maráthás, he went -to Dehli to explain his conduct, and there resigned office. - -[Gházi-ud-dín Forty-third Viceroy, 1708-1710.] In A.D. 1708, in -consequence of Ibráhím Khán's resignation, Gházi-ud-dín Khán Bahádur -Fírúz Jang was appointed forty-third viceroy of Gujarát. The leaning -of the new emperor towards Shíâh tenets and his order to insert -in the Friday sermon the words the lawful successor of the Prophet -after the name of 'Ali, the fourth Khalífah, besides giving general -dissatisfaction, caused a small disturbance in Áhmedábád. On the -first Friday on which the sermon was read the Túráni or Turk soldiers -publicly called on the preacher to desist on pain of death. The -preacher disregarding their threats on the next Friday was pulled -down from the pulpit by the Túránis and brained with a mace. In the -same year (A.D. 1708), hearing that the representative of Sháhi Álam -had a copy of a Kurâan written by the Imám Áli Taki son of Músa Razá -(A.D. 810-829), the emperor expressed a wish to obtain a sight of it, -and the viceroy sent it to him at Mándu in charge of Sayad Âkil and -Salábat Khán Bábi. In A.D. 1709, Shariât Khán, brother of Abdúl Hamíd -Khán, was appointed minister in place of his brother, who obtained -the office of chief Kázi. Much treasure was sent to the imperial -camp by order of the emperor. Ajítsingh of Márwár now rebelled and -recovered Jodhpur. As the emperor wished to visit Ajmír the viceroy -of Gujarát was directed to join him with his army. At this time -the pay of a horseman is said to have been £3 8s. (Rs. 34) and of -a footman 8s. (Rs. 4) a month. During his administration Fírúz Jang -introduced the practice, which his successors continued, of levying -taxes on grain piece-goods and garden produce on his own account, the -viceroy's men by degrees getting into their hands the whole power of -collecting. In A.D. 1710, when on tour exacting tribute, the viceroy -fell ill at Dánta and was brought to Áhmedábád, where he died. As -Fírúz Jang had not submitted satisfactory accounts, his property -was confiscated, and in A.D. 1711 Amánat Khán, governor of Surat, -was appointed deputy viceroy with the title of Shahámat Khán. When -Shahámat Khán was levying tribute from the Kadi and Bijápur districts, -he heard that a Marátha force had advanced to the Bába Piárah ford -on the Narbada. He at once marched to oppose them, summoning Sayad -Áhmed Gíláni, governor of Sorath, to his assistance. When he reached -Ankleshvar, the Maráthás met him, and a battle was fought in which -the Maráthás were defeated. Shahámat Khán then proceeded to Surat, -and, after providing for its safety returned to Áhmedábád. In spite -of their reverse at Ankleshvar the Maráthás from this time began to -make yearly raids into Gujarát. - - -[Jehándár Sháh Emperor, 1712-1713.] In A.D. 1712, the emperor died, -and was succeeded by his son Abúl Fateh Muîzz-ud-dín Jehándár Sháh, -and Ásif-ud-daulah Asad Khán Bahádur was appointed [Ásif-ud-Daulah -Forty-fourth Viceroy, 1712-13.] forty-fourth viceroy of Gujarát. As -Muhammad Beg Khán, who was then at Kharkol, was a favourite of the -new viceroy and through his interest was appointed deputy, he went to -Áhmedábád, and Shahámat Khán was transferred to Málwa as viceroy. In -the meantime Muhammad Beg Khán was appointed governor of Surat, and -Sarbuland Khán Bahádur was sent to Áhmedábád as deputy viceroy. On -his way to Gujarát, Sarbuland Khán was robbed in the Ságbára wilds to -the east of Rájpípla. On his arrival he promptly marched against the -rebellious Kolis of the Chunvál and subdued them. At the end of the -year, as Farrukhsiyar son of Ázím-us-Shán, second son of the late -emperor, was marching with a large army on the capital, Sarbuland -Khán returned to Dehli. - -[Farrukhsiyar Emperor, 1713-1719.] This expedition of Farrukhsiyar -was successful. He put Jehándár Sháh to death and mounted the throne -in A.D. 1713. As he had been raised to the throne mainly by the aid -of Sayads Husain Áli and Abdullah Khán, the new emperor fell under the -power of these nobles. Husain Áli was sent against Ajítsingh of Márwár, -and concluded a treaty with that chief, whereby Ajítsingh engaged -to send his son to court and to give his daughter to the emperor in -marriage: and the marriage was solemnised in A.D. 1715. In A.D. 1714, -shortly after this treaty was concluded, Ajítsingh sent his son -Abheysingh to court, and on him in place of one Sayad Áhmed Gíláni -was conferred the post of governor of Sorath. Abheysingh remained -at court and sent his deputy Káyath Fatehsingh to Junágadh. Abdúl -Hamíd Khán was appointed revenue officer of Surat. After some time -he resigned his Surat office and went to court, where on being made -superintendent of the shrine of Sheikh Ahmed Khattu he returned to -Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1713 Muhtarim Khán was appointed to succeed him -in Surat. Early in A.D. 1714, [Shahámat Khán Forty-fifth Viceroy, -1713.] Shahámat Khán, who had been appointed forty-fifth viceroy of -Gujarát, was superseded by Dáud Khán Panni as forty-sixth viceroy. The -reckless courage of Dáud Khán Panni was renowned throughout India. His -memory survives in the tales and proverbs of the Dakhan. On giving -battle he used to show his contempt for his enemies by wearing nothing -stronger than a muslin jerkin. So stern was his discipline that -none of his Afghán soldiers dared to touch a leaf of the standing -crops where they were encamped. When at Áhmedábád he was either -engaged in scattering the Kolis or in coursing with greyhounds. He -preferred life under canvas on the Sábarmati sands to the viceregal -surroundings of the Bhadar Palace. His civil work he used to trust -to Dakhan Bráhmans and Pandits. He was much devoted to the use of -bhang. [Dáud Khán Panni Forty-sixth Viceroy, 1714-15.] Until Dáud -Khán's arrival Abdúl Hamíd Khán was appointed viceroy and took charge -of the province from Shahámat Khán. At this time, on the security of -Rája Muhkamsingh of Nágor, a sum of £5000 (Rs. 50,000) was granted to -the brother of Durgádás Ráthod. In A.D. 1714 in Áhmedábád Harírám, -the agent of Madan Gopál a successful North Indian banker, who came -to Áhmedábád as treasurer with Fírúz Jang, while celebrating the Holi -with his friends, seized a Musalmán gentleman and handled him with -great roughness. [Religious Riots in Áhmedábád, 1714.] Aggrieved -with this treatment the Musalmán complained to a preacher of much -eloquence and influence, Mulla Muhammad Áli. The preacher took the -Muslim to the Assembly Mosque and sent for Mulla Abdúl Âzíz the -chief or leading member of the Sunni Bohora community. He answered -the call with a strong party of his men, and on his way was joined by -numbers of Musalmáns both soldiers and citizens. With cries of 'Dín' -'Dín' they went to the mosque and carried off the insulted man and the -priest and the Bohora leader to the house of the Kázi Khair-ul-láh. The -Kázi closed his doors against the crowd who returned abusing him to -the Jewellers' quarter pillaging and killing as they went. They next -swarmed towards Madan Gopál's Haveli in the Jewellers' quarters. But -the Nagarsheth Kapurchand Bhansáli closed its strong gates and with -his Musalmán soldiers met the swarm with firearms. The viceroy who was -camped at the Sháhi Bágh sent soldiers and under the influence of the -leading citizens of both classes the disturbance was quelled. When -the particulars of the riots were known in the imperial camp the -Hindus, clamouring against Mulla Muhammad Áli and Sheikh Abdúl Âzíz -Gujaráti, struck business and closed their shops. The emperor ordered -mace-bearers to proceed to Gujarát and bring the Musalmán ringleaders -together with the Hindu Nagarsheth Kapurchand Bhansáli. Some Bohoras at -the imperial camp, sending advance news to Áhmedábád, the Mullah and -the Bohora Sheth and after him the Bhansáli started for the imperial -camp. On reaching the camp the Mulla, who was very impressive and -eloquent, preached a sermon in the Assembly Mosque and his fame -reaching the emperor he was called to court and asked to preach. He -and the Sheth were now able to explain their case to the emperor and -the Bhansáli was imprisoned. It is said that the Bhansáli made the -Mulla the medium of his release and that he and the Bohora returned to -Gujarát while the Mulla remained in honour at court till he died. About -the same time a great flood in the Sábarmati did much damage. - -Abdúl Hamíd Khán was now chosen governor of Sorath in place of -Abheysingh, and Momín Khán was appointed from Dehli, governor of Surat, -and was at the same time placed in charge of Baroda, Broach, Dholka, -Petlád, and Nadiád. Dáud Khán the viceroy now went into Káthiáváda and -Navánagar to collect tribute, and on his return to Áhmedábád, married -the daughter of the chief of Halvad in the Jháláváda sub-division -of Káthiáváda. It is related that this lady, who was with child, on -hearing of Dáud Khán's death cut open her womb and saved the child at -the sacrifice of her own life. [863] Dáud Khán, though an excellent -soldier and strict disciplinarian failed to distinguish himself as a -civil administrator. He introduced Dakhani pandits into official posts, -who levied a fee called chithyáman from landholders and took taxes -from the holdings of Sayads and otherwise made themselves unpopular. - -About this time Momín Khán, governor of Surat, arrived in Gujarát, -and placing his deputies in Petlád, Dholka, Baroda, and Nadiád, went -himself to Surat in A.D. 1715. Here he was opposed by the commandant -of the fort, Zia Khán, who was obliged to give way, his subordinate, -Sayad Kásim, being defeated by Fidá-ud-dín Khán. [Further Riots in -Áhmedábád, 1715.] At this time much ill-feeling was caused by the -plunder by Muhammadan troops of the shops of some Hindu merchants -in Áhmedábád. On this account, and for other reasons, Dáud Khán was -recalled, and Ghazni Khán Jhálori was directed to act in his place -until the arrival of a new viceroy. [Mahárája Ajítsingh Forty-seventh -Viceroy, 1715-16.] In this year, A.D. 1715, the Mahárája Ajítsingh -was appointed forty-seventh viceroy of Gujarát, and his son Kunvar -Abheysingh was appointed governor of Sorath. Ajítsingh sent Vajeráj -Bhandári to act as his deputy until his arrival, and Fatehsingh -Káyath was chosen deputy governor of Sorath. Perhaps one of the most -remarkable appointments of this time was that of Haidar Kúli Khán -to be minister as well as military commandant of Baroda, Nándod, -Arhar-Mátar in the district [864] of Kaira, and of the ports of Surat -and Cambay. Haidar Kúli chose an officer to act for him as minister, -and after appointing deputies in his different charges himself went -to Surat. - -The Mahárája Ajítsingh, on reaching Áhmedábád, appointed Ghazni -Khán Jhálori governor of Pálanpur and Jawán Mard Khán Bábi governor -of Rádhanpur. [865] During this year an imperial order conferred on -Haidar Kúli Khán, Sorath and Gohilvád or south-east Káthiáváda [866] -then in charge of Fatehsingh, the viceroy's deputy. [867] On receiving -this order Haidar sent Sayad Âkil as his deputy, and that officer went -to Jambúsar, and, collecting men, set out to join his appointment. He -first camped at Loliánah, where the province of Sorath begins, and from -Loliánah marched against Pálitána and plundered the town. [Disagreement -between the Viceroy and Haidar Kúli Khán, 1715.] The viceroy, who -was by no means well disposed to Haidar Kúli Khán, sent a message -that if any injury was done in Sorath he would take vengeance on the -aggressors; and as neither Ajítsingh nor Haidar Kúli Khán was of a -very compliant temper, civil war was on the point of breaking out. By -the help of Salábat Khán Bábi, the deputy in Gohilváda, matters were -arranged, and Sayad Âkil returned from Sorath. Haidar was anxious to -send Salábat Khán as deputy to Sorath. But as Salábat demanded too -high a salary, Raza Kúli, brother of the late governor of Baroda, -was chosen. When this officer, with his brother Maâsúm Kúli, reached -Amreli Fatehsingh, the viceroy's deputy, evacuated Junágadh. After -this Haidar Kúli Khán, in company with Kázím Beg, governor of Baroda, -marched against and defeated the chief of Munjpur, now under Rádhanpur, -who had refused to pay the usual tribute. The viceroy went to Sorath -to collect the imperial revenue, and, owing to his excessive demands, -met with armed resistance from the Jám of Navánagar. Finally, the -matter of tribute was settled, and after visiting the shrine of Dwárka, -the viceroy returned to Áhmedábád. - -[Khán Daurán Nasrat Jang Bahádur Forty-eighth Viceroy, 1716-1719.] In -A.D. 1716, while the viceroy was at Dwárka, in consequence of numerous -complaints against Ajítsingh and his Márwári followers, the emperor -sent Samsám-ud-daulah Khán Daurán Nasrat Jang Bahádur as forty-eighth -viceroy of Gujarát. As it was expected that Ajítsingh would not give -up his government without a contest, an army was prepared to compel -him to leave. On the arrival of the army Ajítsingh marched straight -on Áhmedábád and encamped at Sarkhej, but Nahar Khán persuaded him -to retire to Jodhpur without giving battle. In A.D. 1717, after the -departure of Ajítsingh, Haidar Kúli Khan, who had been appointed -deputy viceroy, leaving Surat set out for Áhmedábád. When Haidar -arrived at Petlád, some of the Áhmedábád nobles, among whom was -Safdar Khán Bábi, went out to meet him. A dispute arose between -one of Haidar's water carriers and a water-carrier in the army of -the Bábi, which increased to a serious affray, which from the camp -followers spread to the soldiers and officers, and the Bábi's baggage -was plundered. Safdar Khán took serious offence, and returning to -Áhmedábád collected his kinsmen and followers and marched against -Haidar Kúli Khán. In a battle fought on the following day Safdar Khán -was defeated. The other Bábis escaped to Pálanpur, and Safdar Khán, -who in the first instance had fled to Atarsumba, joined his party -at Pálanpur. Muhammad Fírúz Jhálori, governor of Pálanpur, with -the title of Ghazni Khán, afterwards succeeded in reconciling the -Bábis and Haidar Kúli Khán. [Famine, 1719.] A.D. 1719 was a year of -great famine. Abdúl Hamíd Khán, who had filled so many appointments -in Gujarát, went to court, and was made governor of Sorath. Haidar -Kúli Khán now marched against the Mahi Kolis. In the meantime news -was received of the appointment of a new viceroy, and Ghazni Khán, -governor of Pálanpur, was ordered to stay at Áhmedábád for the defence -of the city. - -[Muhammad Sháh Emperor, 1721-1748.] Early in A.D. 1719, the emperor -Farrûkhsiyar was deposed and put to death by the Sayads; and a prince -named Rafíâ-ud-Daraját, a grandson of the emperor, was raised to the -throne. Rafíâ-ud-Daraját was put to death by the Sayads after a reign -of three months, and his brother Rafíâ-ud-daulah, who succeeded him, -also died after a few days' reign. The Sayads then raised to the throne -prince Raushan Akhtar with the title of Muhammad Sháh. [Mahárája -Ajítsingh Forty-ninth Viceroy, 1719-1721.] After the murder of -Farrûkhsiyar, the most powerful vassal in the neighbourhood of Delhi -was Ajítsingh of Márwár. To win him to their side the Sayads granted -him the viceroyalty of Gujarát, and Míhr Áli Khán was appointed to -act for him until his arrival, while Muhammad Bahádur Bábi, son of -Salábat Muhammad Khán Bábi, was placed in charge of the police of -the district immediately round Áhmedábád. Shortly after, through the -influence of the Mahárája Ajítsingh, Náhir Khán superseded Míhr Áli -Khán as deputy viceroy. Náhir Khán was also appointed to the charge -of Dholka Dohad and Petlád, and made superintendent of customs. About -this time the head tax was repealed, and orders were issued that its -levy in Gujarát should cease. - -[Píláji Gáikwár at Songad, 1719.] In the same year, A.D. 1719, Píláji -Gáikwár marched on Surat with a large army and defeated the imperial -troops commanded by Sayad Âkil and Muhammad Panáh, the latter commander -being taken prisoner and forced to pay a heavy ransom. Píláji, finding -Gujarát an easy prey, made frequent incursions, and taking Songad in -the extreme south-east established himself there. Míhr Áli Khán, who -had been acting for Náhir Khán, marched against and subdued the Kolis, -who were committing piracy in the Mahi estuary. [Decay of Imperial -Power, 1720.] From this year Mughal rule in Gujarát was doomed. Píláji -Gáikwár was established at Songad, and in the anarchy that ensued, the -great Gujarát houses of the Bábis and Jháloris, as well as the newly -arrived Momín Khán, turned their thoughts to independence. Ajítsingh -so hated Muhammadan rule that he secretly favoured the Maráthás, and -strove to establish his own authority over such portions of Gujarát -as bordered on Márwár. In after years, Sarbuland Khán made a vigorous -attempt to reassert imperial dominion, but the seeds of dissolution -were sown and efforts at recovery were vain. - -In A.D. 1720, Ajítsingh the viceroy sent Anopsingh Bhandári to Gujarát -as his deputy. In this year Nizám-ul-Mulk, viceroy of Ujjain, was -superseded by Sayad Diláwar Khán. While Diláwar Khán was yet on the -Málwa frontiers the Nizám desirous of possessing himself of the Dakhan -and its resources retired to Burhánpur pursued by Sayad Diláwar Khán, -who giving battle was killed, the Nizám retiring to Aurangábád in the -Dakhan. Álam Áli Khán, deputy viceroy of the Dakhan, was directed to -march against him, while from north Gujarát Anopsingh Bhandári was -ordered to send 10,000 horse to Surat, and Náhir Khán, the deputy -viceroy, was instructed to proceed thither in person. The Nizám and -Álam Áli Khán met near Bálápur in the Berárs and a battle was fought -in which the Nizám was successful and Álam Khán was slain. At this -time Anopsingh Bhandári committed many oppressive acts, of which the -chief was the murder of Kapurchand Bhansáli, the leading merchant of -Áhmedábád. The cause of Kapurchand's murder was that he had hired a -number of armed retainers who used to oppose the Bhandári's orders and -set free people unjustly imprisoned by him. To remove this meddler -from his way the Bhandári got him assassinated. [Nizám-ul-Mulk -Prime Minister, of the Empire, 1721.] In A.D. 1721, Nizám-ul-Mulk -was appointed prime minister of the empire, Abdúl Hamíd Khán was -recalled from Sorath, and in his stead Asad Kuli Khán, with the title -of Amir-ul-Umara, was appointed governor of Sorath and sent Muhammad -Sharíf Khán into Sorath as his deputy. - -[Haidar Kúli Khán Fiftieth Viceroy, 1721-22.] In A.D. 1721, in -conjunction with Muhammad Amín and Saádat Khán, Haidar Kúli Khán -freed the emperor from the tyranny of the Sayads, and was rewarded -with the title of Muîz-ud-daulah Haidar Kúli Khán Bahádur Zafar -Jang and the viceroyalty of Gujarát. He obtained the appointment -of minister for his brother Jaâfar Kúli Khán. Maâsúm Kúli Khán was -dignified by the title of Shujáât Khán Bahádur and appointed deputy -viceroy. As soon as this change was notified, the people of Áhmedábád, -who were discontented with the rule of Anopsingh, attacked his palace, -the Bhadar, and he escaped with difficulty. [Disorder in Áhmedábád, -1721.] In consequence of the enmity between Haidar Kúli Khán and the -Márwáris, Shujáât Khán, the deputy viceroy, attacked the house of Náhir -Khán who had been Ajítsingh's minister, and forced him to pay £10,000 -(Rs. 1 lákh) and leave the city. Shujáât Khán next interfered with -the lands of Safdar Khán Bábi, the deputy governor of Godhra, and his -brothers. On one of the brothers repairing to Dehli and remonstrating, -Haidar Kúli, who, above all things, was a Muhammadan and anxious to -strengthen himself with the Muhammadan nobility of Gujarát, restored -their lands to the Bábis. In consequence of this decision ill-feeling -sprung up between Shujáât Khán and the Bábis, and when Shujáât Khán -went to exact tribute he forced Muhammad Khán Bábi, governor of Kaira, -to pay a special fine of £1000 (Rs. 10,000). Shortly after one of the -viceroy's officers, Kásím Áli Khán, while employed against the Kolis -of that part of the country, was killed at Pethápur. Shujáât Khán -advanced, and revenged Kásím Áli's death by burning the town. Next, he -passed into Sorath, and after exacting tribute, crossed to Kachh. The -chief opposed him, and in the fight that followed was beaten and -forced to pay about £22,500 (Rs. 2 1/4 lákhs). [868] In A.D. 1721, -a Sayad was sent to Sorath as deputy governor in place of Muhammad -Sharíf, and Haidar Kúli was appointed governor of Kadi, the Chúnvál, -and Halvad (called Muhammadnagar), and put in charge of Tharád, -Arjanpur, Bhámnárli, Pethápur, and Kherálu in place of Vakhatsingh, -son of the Mahárája Ajítsingh. - -[Leaves Dehli for Gujarát, 1722.] Early in A.D. 1722, Nizám-ul-Mulk -took up the office of prime minister of the empire, to which he had -been appointed in the previous year. Strenuous efforts were made to -embroil him with Haidar Kúli Khán, as the Nizám's austerity and craft -were a source of not less anxiety to the Dehli court than Haidar -Kúli's more daring and restless ambition. Haidar Kúli Khán, unable -to contend with the Nizám, left Dehli and retired to Gujarát. On his -way the villagers of Dabháli opposed him killing one of his chief men -named Alif Beg Khán. Haidar burned the village and put all the people -to death, a severity which caused such terror that throughout his rule -no difficulty was experienced in realizing tribute or in keeping the -roads safe. About this time, among other changes, Muhammad Bahádúr, -son of Salábat Khán Bábi, was placed in charge of Sádra and Vírpur, -with the title of Sher Khán. Shortly after his arrival the viceroy -marched against and subdued the rebellious Kolis of the Chunvál, -appointing Rustam Áli Khán his governor there. Then, returning to -Áhmedábád, he took up his residence in the Bhadra. [Shows signs of -Independence and is Recalled, 1722.] There is little doubt that at -this time Haidar Kúli aimed at bringing all Gujarát under his rule. He -seized the imperial horses which passed through Áhmedábád on their way -to Dehli, and confiscated many estates and gave them to his own men. On -his way to enforce tribute from the Dungarpúr chiefs, he levied £8000 -(Rs. 80,000) from Lunáváda. Through the mediation of the Udepur Rána, -and as he agreed to pay a tribute of £10,000 (1 lákh of rupees), the -Rával of Dungarpur escaped. Haidar Kúli next proceeded to Bijápur, -north of Áhmedábád, but hearing that the emperor was displeased at -his assumption of the power of giving and changing grants of land, -he returned to Áhmedábád and restored several estates which he had -confiscated. [Nizám-ul-Mulk Fifty-first Viceroy, 1722.] The court -continued to distrust him, and at the close of A.D. 1722 appointed -Jumlat-ul-Mulk Nizám-ul-Mulk fifty-first viceroy. - -Haidar Kúli Khán, finding himself no match for the Nizám, was -induced to retire quietly, and accordingly left Gujarát by way of -Dungarpur. Shujáât Khán and Rustam Áli Khán accompanied him as far -as Dungarpúr, and then returned to Áhmedábád. In the meantime the -Nizám had reached Ujjain, and thence directed Safdar Khán Bábi to -carry on the government till he should arrive, appointing at the -same time his uncle [Hámid Khán Deputy Viceroy; Momín Khán Governor -of Surat, 1722.] Hámid Khán as deputy viceroy and Fidwi Khán as -minister. Subsequently the Nizám came to Gujarát and chose officers -of his own for places of trust, the chief of whom was Momín Khán, who -was appointed governor of Surat. The Nizám then returned to Dehli, -but, after a short time, disgusted with his treatment at court, -he retired to the Dakhan, where, making Haidarábád his capital, he -gradually began to act as an independent ruler. Meanwhile in Gujarát -dissensions sprang up between Hámid Khán and other officers, but -matters were arranged without any outbreak of hostility. Tribute was -exacted from the chiefs on the banks of the Vátrak and from Modhera -an unruly Koli village was burned down, and garrisons were placed -in the Koli country. In A.D. 1723 Rustam Áli Khán and Shujáât Khán -were ordered from Dehli to march on Jodhpur, which they captured and -plundered, and then returned to Áhmedábád. - -[Increase of Marátha Power, 1723.] In A.D. 1723 Piláji Gáikwár, -who had been long hovering on the frontier, marched on Surat and was -opposed by Momín Khán, whom he defeated. After levying contributions -from the surrounding country, he returned to his head-quarters at -Songad, and from this overran a considerable portion of the Surat -territory, building several forts in the Rájpípla country. At the same -time Kántáji Kadam Bánde, invading Gujarát from the side of Dohad, -began to levy fixed contributions. Though before this occasional -demands had often been made, A.D. 1723 was the first year in which -the Maráthás imposed a regular tribute on Gujarát. Momín Khán was now -appointed provincial minister, and Rustam Áli Khán succeeded him as -revenue officer of Surat, and, as the Nizám had gone to the Dakhan -without the emperor's leave, [Sarbuland Khán Fifty-second Viceroy, -1723-1730.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk Sarbuland Khán Bahádur Diláwar Jang was -appointed fifty-second viceroy of Gujarát. [Appoints Shujáât Khán -his Deputy.] He selected Shujáât Khán as his deputy, and made other -arrangements for the government of the province. Hámid Khán, uncle and -deputy of the Nizám, prepared to oppose Shujáât Khán, but through the -intervention of Bábis Salábat Khán, Safdar Khán, and Jawán Mard Khán, -Hámid Khán evacuated the Bhadra, and withdrew to Dohad. Shujáât Khán -now went to collect tribute, leaving Ibráhím Kúli Khán at Áhmedábád, -while Rámrái was posted at Mahudha in Kaira, with orders to watch -the movements of Hámid Khán. As the viceroy was in need of money, -he farmed to one Jívan Jugal the districts of Jambúsar, Makbúlábad or -Ámod about twenty-two miles north of Broach, Dholka, and Broach. In -A.D. 1724, he came to Áhmedábád with Áli Muhammad Khán father of the -author of the Mirát-i-Áhmedi, as his private minister. - -[Nizám-ul-Mulk and Sarbuland Khán.] Rustam Áli, governor of Surat, -having succeeded twice or thrice in defeating the Maráthás under -Píláji Gáikwár, now offered, in conjunction with his brother Shujáât -Khán, that if 20,000 men were placed under their orders, they would -march against the Nizám. The emperor accepted this offer, allowing -Rustam Áli to draw on the Surat treasury to the extent of £20,000 -(Rs. 2 lákhs). Rustam Áli accordingly, with the aid of Áhmed Kúli his -brother's son, equipped an army. In the meantime the Nizám was not -idle. He promised to Kántáji Kadam Bánde a one-fourth share of the -revenue of Gujarát, provided he should be able, in concert with Hámid -Khán, to re-conquer the province from Mubáriz-ul-Mulk. Shujáât Khán, -who was now at Kadi, instead of following the advice of his minister -and carefully watching Hámid Khán's movements from Kapadvanj, went to -a distant part of the province. Hámid Khán seeing his opportunity, -united his forces with those of Kántáji Kadam, and marched to -Kapadvanj. [Sarbuland Khán's Deputy Defeated, 1724.] Shujáât Khán -hearing of this, advanced towards Áhmedábád and encamped at Dabhora -under Bahyal, eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád and thence proceeded -to Mota Medra, about six miles east of the capital. When he came -so near Áhmedábád, many of his soldiers went without leave into the -city to visit their families. The Maráthás attacked his rear guard, -and his men giving way took to flight. Hámid Khán seeing that Shujáât -Khán had but a small force, marched between him and the capital. A -battle was fought, in which Shujáât Khán was slain, and his two sons -Hasan Kúli and Mustafa Kúli were taken prisoners. Shujáât Khán's -head was cut off and sent to Safdar Khán Bábi, to be sent to Ibráhím -Kúli his son, who was doing duty as commandant at Áhmedábád. Hámid -Khán took up his quarters in the Sháhi Bágh, and got possession of -all Áhmedábád except the city. Hámid Khán now sent a message to the -emperor, that the Maráthás had been successful in defeating Shujáât -Khán and conquering Gujarát, but that he had defended Áhmedábád -against them. The emperor sent him a dress of honour, but after a -few days discovered that Hámid's message was false. The Maráthás now -marched through the country, collecting their chauth or one-fourth -and their sardeshmukhi or one-tenth shares of the revenue. Kántáji -went to Víramgám and besieged the town, but on the promise of one of -the chief inhabitants to raise a sum of £35,000 (Rs. 3 1/2 lákhs) the -Maráthás retired. Hámid Khán who was now independent began to bestow -lands and districts many of which remained with the grantees and were -never recovered by future governors. Ibráhím Kúli, son of Shujáât -Khán, in revenge for his father's death, determined to assassinate -Hámid Khán. The attempt failed. Hámid Khán escaped and Ibráhím Kúli -was slain. - -[The Maráthás engaged as Allies.] Rustam Áli Khán, governor of Surat, -in the hope of being revenged on Hámid Khán, invited the aid of Píláji -Gáikwár, and it was agreed that they should meet on the north bank of -the Narbada. Píláji promised to aid Rustam Khán, and the allied armies, -crossing the Mahi, encamped at Aras in the plain between Anand and the -Mahi. Hámid Khán, accompanied by Mír Nathu, Muhammad Salábat Rohila, -and Kántáji Kadam, marched to oppose Rustam Khán. Hámid Khán also -entered into secret negotiations with Píláji Gáikwár, who resolved to -remain neutral and side with the conqueror. [Battle of Arás. Hámid -Khán defeated by Rustam Áli, 1723.] A battle was fought, in which, -though Piláji took no part, Hámid Khán was defeated and put to flight, -and Mír Nathu was killed. After the fight Rustam Áli remained on the -field of battle and liberated his nephews, plundering Hámid Khán's -camp. Píláji plundered Rustam Áli's camp and then moved off, while -Kántáji carried away what was left in the camp of Hámid Khán. Hámid -Khán reproached Kántáji for his inactivity; but he pleaded in excuse -that he was watching the mode of warfare amongst Muhammadans, and -promised to attack Rustam Áli shortly. [Maráthás join Hámid Khán -against Rustam Áli.] Now, as the Maráthás really desired to ruin -Rustam Áli, who was their bitter foe, they after a few days surrounded -him and cut off his supplies. Rustam Áli stood a blockade of eight -days, and then forced his way through his enemies and went to Nápád, -about fourteen miles west of the Vásad railway station in the Anand -sub-division of the Kaira district, and thence through Kalamsar to -Nápa or Nába under Petlád. The Maráthás still pursuing Rustam Áli -retired to Vasu under Petlád, ten miles east of Nadiád and about -twenty-five miles south of Áhmedábád, where he gave battle, and -by a furious charge broke the Marátha line. The Maráthás rallied, -and Rustam Áli and his men were defeated, Rustam Áli being slain and -his nephews again taken prisoners. Rustam was buried on the field of -battle and his head sent to Áhmedábád. - -Hámid Khán returned to Áhmedábád with the Maráthás, who saw that -their only means of effecting a permanent footing in the province -was by supporting him. Hámid Khán then assigned a one-fourth share -of the revenue of the territory north of the Mahi to Kántáji, -and to Píláji a corresponding interest in the territory south of -the Mahi, including Surat and Baroda. After this Hámid Khán acted -tyrannically. He extorted large sums from the rich, and poisoned the -two sons of Shujáât Khán. When the news of Kántáji's and Píláji's -success reached the Dakhan, Trimbakráv Dhábáde, son of Khanderáv -Senápati, came with a large army and laid siege to Cambay. While -the siege was being pressed a quarrel among the Marátha leaders -culminated in strife and bloodshed. Trimbakráv Senápati was wounded -and the Marátha army had to disperse and retire. [869] Salábat Khán, -leaving Áhmedábád, went to Víramgám, and after some time, placing -his nephew at Víramgám, he went into Gohilváda. When the news of the -defeat and death of Rustam Áli reached Dehli, the emperor ordered -[Mubáriz-ul-Mulk sent against the Maráthás, 1725.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk -to take a strong army and proceed in person to Gujarát and expel -Hámid Khán and the Maráthás. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk marched on Gujarát -with a large army, assisted by Mahárája Abheysingh of Jodhpur, -Chatarsingh Rája of Narwar in Bundelkhand, Gandrapsingh, and the -Mahárána of Udepur. On his arrival at Ajmír Mubáriz-ul-Mulk was -received by his private minister Áli Muhammad Khán, who afterwards -joined Jawán Mard Khán Bábi in Rádhanpur, and united their troops -with those under Mubáriz-ul-Mulk. At that time Salábat Khán was -removed from his government, and Safdar Khán Bábi died. In obedience -to the imperial order, Mubáriz-ul-Mulk marched from Ajmír and came -to the Gujarát frontier. On his approach Hámid Khán returned to -Áhmedábád. He placed Rúpsingh and Sardár Muhammad Ghorni in charge -of the city and himself withdrew to Mehmúdábád. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk now -sent Sheikh Alíyár in advance with an army against Áhmedábád. When -Sheikh Alíyár arrived before the city, Muhammad Ghorni, who was -dissatisfied with Hámid Khán for bringing in the Maráthás, persuaded -Rúpsingh to fly. [Hámid Khán and other Maráthás Retire.] In the -meantime Mubáriz-ul-Mulk with the main body of his forces reached -Sidhpur. Hámid Khán, accompanied by a detachment of Marátha horse, -now returned to Áhmedábád; but Muhammad Ghorni closed the gates, -and would not suffer him to enter the city. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk marched -to Mesána. About this time Áli Muhammad Khán, the father of the -author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, who was now with Mubáriz-ul-Mulk at -Mesána, advised him to conciliate the influential Muhammadan family -of Bábi. Under his advice, Salábat Muhammad Khán Bábi was appointed -governor of Víramgám, and Jawán Mard Khán governor of Pátan. Shortly -afterwards Murlidhardás, the Gujaráti minister of Hámid Khán, deserted -his master's declining cause. When Kantáji heard that Mubáriz-ul-Mulk -had arrived at Pethápur, only eighteen miles from Áhmedábád, he retired -to Mehmúdábád. [Mubáriz-ul-Mulk enters Áhmedábád, 1725.] Before the -close of A.D. 1725, Mubáriz-ul-Mulk reached Áhmedábád, where he was -well received by the officials and merchants. - -Hámid Khán and Kantáji, who had by this time reached the banks of -the Mahi, were now joined by Píláji Gáikwár. The Marátha leaders, -seeing that the only way to preserve their footing in the province -was to espouse the cause of Hámid Khán, united their forces with -his, and prepared to march on Áhmedábád. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk deputed -his son Khánahzád Khán with an army to oppose them, and made several -appointments, among other changes raising Áli Muhammad Khán to the -post of minister. [Defeat of the Maráthás at Sojitra and Kapadvanj, -1725.] Khánahzád Khán met the Maráthás near Sojitra, about ten miles -north-west of Petlád, and defeated them, pursuing them as far as -the Mahi. Then, returning, he was reinforced by his brother Sháh -Nawáz Khán, and marched against the Maráthás, who were encamped at -Kapadvanj. Another battle was fought, and the Maráthás were again -defeated and pursued as far as the hills of Áli-Mohan now Chhota -Udepur in the extreme east of the province. Khánahzád Khán now -appointed Hasan-ud-dín governor of Baroda, Broach, Jambúsar, and -Makbulábád. [Marátha Expedition against Vadnagar, 1725.] Meanwhile -Antáji Bháskar, a Marátha noble, entering Gujarát from the side of -Ídar, laid siege to the town of Vadnagar, which, according to the -old Gujarát proverb, with Umreth in the Kaira district, are the two -golden feathers of the kingdom of Gujarát. Vadnagar was inhabited -by wealthy Bráhmans of the Nágar caste who prayed Mubáriz-ul-Mulk -to march to their relief; but as both his sons were in pursuit of -the other Marátha bands defeated at Kapadvanj, the viceroy had no -troops to spare from the Áhmedábád garrison. The Nágars accordingly, -seeing no prospect of help, paid a sum of £40,000 (Rs. 4 lákhs) and -Antáji Bháskar retired. Kantáji and Píláji, encouraged by this raid -of Antáji's, entered Gujarát from different quarters. Kántáji again -laid siege to Vadnagar. The Nágars, unable to pay the contribution -demanded, leaving their property fled and Kántáji in his attempts to -unearth the buried treasure burned down the town. Shortly afterwards -Umreth in the Kaira district suffered a similar fate at the hands -of Kántáji. In one of his raids Píláji Gáikwár advancing as far as -Baroda was met by Khánahzád Khán, the son of the viceroy. Distrusting -the issue of a battle Píláji fled to Cambay, and from Cambay withdrew -to Sorath. For these services the emperor raised Khánahzád Khán to -the rank of a noble, with the title Ghálib Jang. About this time Áli -Muhammad Khán was dismissed from the post of minister, and in his -stead first Muhammad Sayad Beg and afterwards Muhammad Sulaimán were -appointed. Not long afterwards Áli Muhammad Khán was again entrusted -with a command and raised to be governor of Dholka. - -[Mubáriz-ul-Mulk pays the Marátha Tribute, 1726.] The Maráthás retired -to the Dakhan, but, returning in A.D. 1726, compelled Mubáriz-ul-Mulk -to confirm his predecessor's grants in their favour. The emperor -refused to acknowledge any cessions of revenue to the Maráthás; and -the viceroy, hard pressed for money, unable to obtain support from -the court and receiving little help from his impoverished districts, -was forced to impose fresh taxes on the citizens of Áhmedábád, and -at the same time to send an army to collect their tribute from the -Mahi chiefs. As part of the agreement between Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and -the Marátha chiefs Píláji was to receive a share in the revenue of -the districts south of the Mahi. But Peshwa Bájiráv Balál, to whom, -as agent of his rival Khanderáv Dábháde, Píláji was obnoxious, sent -Udáji Pavár to drive Píláji away. In this Udáji was successful, and -defeating Píláji forced him to seek the aid of Kántáji. Kántáji, -perceiving that if the Peshwa became supreme his own independence -would suffer, joined Píláji, and marching together upon Baroda they -endeavoured, but without success, to prevent the Musalmán governor -Sadr-ud-dín Khán from entering the city. About this time want of -funds forced Mubáriz-ul-Mulk to sell the greater part of the Dholka -district to different landholders. - -[Alliance with the Peshwa, 1727.] In the following year, A.D. 1727, -Bájiráv Peshwa began to negotiate with Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, undertaking -that if the one-fourth and one-tenth shares in the revenue of the -province were guaranteed to him, he would protect Gujarát from other -invaders. Though he did not consent to these proposals, the viceroy -so far accepted the alliance of the Peshwa as to allow the governor -of Baroda to aid Udáji Pavár against Píláji. [Piláji Gáikwár obtains -Baroda and Dabhoi, 1727.] Piláji and Kántáji outmanoeuvred Udáji and -prevented him from effecting a junction with the governor of Baroda, -who in the end was forced to abandon both that city and the stronghold -of Dabhoi, while Udáji retired to Málwa. Píláji Gáikwár now obtained -possession of Baroda. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, still sorely pressed for funds, -marched into Sorath to exact tribute. On reaching Víramgám, Salábat -Muhammad Khán Bábi, on behalf of the Jám of Navánagar, presented the -viceroy with £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh), and for this service was rewarded -with the gift of an elephant. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk then marched against -Chháya, the capital of the chief of Porbandar in the south-west -of Káthiáváda. This chief, by putting to sea, hoped to escape the -payment of tribute. But on hearing that the viceroy proposed to annex -his territory and appoint an officer to govern it, he returned and -agreed to pay a tribute of £4000 (Rs. 40,000). [870] On his way back -to Áhmedábád, Mubáriz-ul-Mulk passed through Halvad in Jháláváda, -and there married the daughter of Jhála Pratápsingh, the chief -of that district, whom he accordingly exempted from the payment of -tribute. About this time the viceroy received orders from the emperor -to restore certain land which he had confiscated, and as he neglected -to obey, certain estates of his in the Panjáb were resumed. [Capture -of Chámpáner by the Maráthás, 1728.] In the meantime Krishnáji, foster -son of Kántáji, made a sudden attack upon Chámpáner and captured that -fortress, and from that time Kántáji's agents remained permanently -in Gujarát to collect his share of the tribute. - -In A.D. 1728 the minister Momín Khán died, and in his place the -emperor selected Momín Khán's brother Abd-ul-Ghani Khán. About -this time Asad Áli, governor of Junágadh, also died, and on his -deathbed appointed Salábat Muhammad Khán Bábi deputy governor of -that fortress. Salábat Muhammad Khán sent his son Sher Khán Bábi -to act on his behalf. When the emperor heard of the death of Asad -Áli, he appointed Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín Khán, son of the late Asad Áli, -governor. Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín did not proceed to Junágadh but continued -Sher Khán Bábi as his deputy. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, now perceiving that -neither Píláji nor Kántáji afforded any protection to Gujarát, -but rather pillaged it, closed with the offers of Bájiráv Peshwa, -and [Grant of Tribute to the Peshwa, 1729.] in A.D. 1729 formally -granted to him the one-fourth and one-tenth shares of the revenue of -the province. The Peshwa accordingly sent his brother Chimnájiráv to -collect the tribute. Chimnáji plundered Dholka and the country near -Chámpáner, while Mubáriz-ul-Mulk exacted tribute from the chiefs on -the banks of the Vátrak. Kántáji now entered Gujarát and prepared for -war in case Chimnáji and the viceroy should unite against him. His -movements were not interfered with, and after collecting his share of -the tribute, he retired to Sorath. The viceroy now marched against the -Kolis, and after destroying many of them together with their wives and -children, returned to Áhmedábád by way of Modasa and Ahmednagar. Ghulám -Muhy-ud-dín Khán, governor of Junágadh, who had not yet proceeded to -his command, appointed a second deputy. Through the influence of the -viceroy this appointment was not confirmed, and instead Sher Khán Bábi, -son of Salábat Muhammad Khán, was placed in charge of that fortress. - -[Mulla Muhammad Áli raises a Disturbance at Surat, 1729.] In Surat -the year A.D. 1729 was marked by a severe flood in the Tápti and by a -somewhat serious local disturbance. The chief cause of the disturbance -was Mulla Muhammad Áli, a rich Musalmán trader of Surat. This man who, -as Ûmda-tut-tujjár or chief of the merchants, had already a special -rank in the city, was tempted to take advantage of the disorders -of the time to raise himself to the position of an independent -ruler. With this object he chose as his head-quarters the island of -Píram in the Gulf of Cambay, near the port of Gogha, and there spent -considerable sums in strengthening the island and tempting settlers -to place themselves under his protection. As Píram was not popular -Mulla Muhammad fixed on the village of Athva, on the left bank of -the Tápti, about twelve miles from its mouth. Here he began to build -a fort, but was ordered to desist by Sohráb Khán, the governor of -Surat, from which city the proposed stronghold was only three miles -distant. Mulla Muhammad so far from obeying, persuaded Beglar-Beg Khán -the commander of the fort of Surat to side with him. Accordingly, next -day, Beglar-Beg Khán bombarded the governor Sohráb Khán's residence, -proclaiming that his own brother Teghbeg Khán was appointed governor -of Surat. In the end Mulla Muhammad Áli induced the chief merchants -of the city to pray for the removal of Sohráb who pending receipt of -orders from the emperor was made to hand over his official residence -in the city to Teg-Beg Khán. - -[Nadiád given in Farm, 1729.] In the same year, A.D. 1729, Jawán -Mard Khán Bábi was chosen governor of Petlád, Áli Muhammad Khán -was made collector of Áhmedábád, and Áli Muhammad's son, the author -of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and his brother were appointed governor and -superintendent of the customs of that district. Áli Muhammad Khán -shortly resigned and was succeeded by Rú-ín Khán. At this time Jawán -Mard Khán Bábi, while punishing the Kolis of Bálor, probably Bhátod -about fifteen miles east of Broach, was killed by a man of that tribe, -and in revenge for his death the town of Bálor was plundered. On the -death of Jawán Mard Khán, at the request of Salábat Muhammad Khán -Bábi, his eldest son Kamál-ud-dín Khán Bábi received the districts -of Sami and Munjpur and the title of Jawán Mard Khán. At the same -time the second son, Muhammad Anwar, with the title of Safdar Khán, -was appointed to the government of Rádhanpur. The viceroy now went -to Nadiád, where Rái Kishandás, agent of Jawán Mard Khán, received -the district of Petlád in farm. From Nadiád Mubáriz-ul-Mulk went to -collect tribute from Sardársingh, the chief of Bhádarva in the Rewa -Kántha about fifteen miles north of Baroda, on the banks of the Mahi, -who, after some fighting, agreed to pay a sum of £2000 (Rs. 20,000). On -his way back to Áhmedábád the viceroy levied tribute from the chief -of Umeta, fifteen miles west of Baroda. As Rái Kishandás failed to pay -the sum agreed on for the farm of Petlád, an order was issued for his -imprisonment. To save himself from the indignity he committed suicide. - -[Athva Fort, 1730.] When Kántáji returned from Sorath he camped at -Sánand, and his advanced guard carried off some of the viceroy's -elephants which were grazing there. Men were sent in pursuit, but in -vain, and the Maráthás escaped. Meanwhile, at Surat, Mulla Muhammad -Áli continued to build the fort at Athva. At last his accomplice, -Beglar-Beg Khán the commander of the Surat fort, began to perceive that -if the Athva fort were completed the Mulla would be in a position to -obstruct the trade of the port of Surat. He consequently ordered him -to stop building. In spite of this the Mulla succeeded in persuading -Sohráb Khán to allow him to go on with his fort promising in return to -get him confirmed as governor of Surat. Sohráb Khán agreed, and the -fort was completed, and Sohráb Khán was duly appointed governor. As -the fort was immediately below Surat the revenue of Surat was greatly -diminished, and Sohráb Khán, when it was too late, saw his mistake. - -[The Viceroy in Káthiáváda and Kachh, 1730.] In A.D. 1730 -Mubáriz-ul-Mulk went into Gohilváda in south-east Káthiáváda and -levied tribute from Bhávsingh, chief of Sihor; thence he proceeded -to Mádhupur, a town under Porbandar, and laid it waste. While engaged -at Mádhupur, Momín Khán, son-in-law of the late Momín Khán, owing to -some misunderstanding with the viceroy suddenly set out for Áhmedábád -and from Áhmedábád proceeded to Ágra. The viceroy now marched in the -direction of Kachh and refusing the offer of a yearly tribute of about -£33,000 (10,00,000 mahmúdis), advanced against Bhúj. He experienced -great difficulty in crossing the Ran, and as the Ráo had cut off all -supplies, and as at the same time news arrived of disturbances in -Áhmedábád, he was obliged, after a month and a half, to retire to -Rádhanpur. [Riots at Áhmedábád.] The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi -was ordered to suppress the Áhmedábád riots, which had arisen out -of the levy of some fresh taxes, and was invested with the title -of Hasan Muhammad Khán. In this year Udaikaran, Desái of Víramgám, -was murdered by a Kasbáti [871] of that town named Áli, and Salábát -Muhammad Khán Bábi, who was sent to investigate this murder, died -on his way at Páldi, a village on the right bank of the Sábarmati -opposite to Áhmedábád. - -[Mahárája Abheysingh Fifty-third Viceroy, 1730-1733.] News was -now (A.D. 1730) received that Mahárája Abheysingh of Jodhpur -had been appointed viceroy and had reached Pálanpur. The friends -of order endeavoured to arrange a peaceable transfer between the -Mahárája and the late viceroy, but [Mubáriz-ul-Mulk Resists the New -Viceroy.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk determined to try the chances of war, -and prepared for resistance. At this time Mír Ismáíl, deputy of -Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín Khán, arrived and took charge of the government -of Junágadh from Sher Khán Bábi. Mahárája Abheysingh, after making -various appointments, set out with his brother Vakhatsingh and 20,000 -men to take over the government of Gujarát. When he reached Pálanpur -and saw that Mubáriz-ul-Mulk was determined on resistance, he sent -an order to Sardár Muhammad Ghorni appointing him his minister and -directing him to take possession of the city of Áhmedábád and drive -out the late viceroy. As Sardár Muhammad was not strong enough to -carry out these orders he awaited the Mahárája's arrival. When the -Mahárája reached Sidhpur he was joined by Safdar Khán Bábi and Jawán -Mard Khán Bábi from Rádhanpur. They then advanced together to Adálaj, -distant only about eight miles from the capital, their army increasing -daily. [Battle of Adálaj; the Mahárája defeated by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, -1730.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk was already encamped between Adálaj and the -city, and on the approach of the Mahárája a battle was fought in which -the Mahárája was defeated. Abheysingh changed his position, and another -and bloodier engagement took place, in which both sides tried to kill -the opposing commander. But as both Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and the Mahárája -fought disguised as common soldiers, neither party succeeded. At first -the Mahárája who had the advantage in position repulsed the enemy, -but Mubáriz-ul-Mulk fought so desperately in the river-bed that the -Ráthods gave way. They rallied and made one more desperate charge, -but were met, repulsed, and finally pursued as far as Sarkhej. The -Mahárája, who had not expected so determined an opposition, now sent -Momín Khán and Amarsingh to negotiate with Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, who was -still determined to resist to the uttermost. It was finally agreed -that [Mubáriz-ul-Mulk Retires.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk should receive a -sum of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) and should surrender Áhmedábád to the -Mahárája. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk accordingly quitted the city and left for -Ágra by way of Udepur. - -[Government of Abheysingh.] The Mahárája entering Áhmedábád, appointed -Ratansingh Bhandári his deputy, and placed Fidá-ud-dín Khán, cousin -of Momín Khán, in charge of the city police. Shortly afterwards -Karímdád Khán Jhálori, governor of Pálanpur, who had accompanied the -Mahárája into Gujarát, died. After the death of Salábat Muhammad Khán -Bábi, his son, Sher Khán Bábi, was dismissed from the government of -Junágadh. He retired to his estate of Gogha, and when the Mahárája -arrived in Áhmedábád he paid his respects, presenting the viceroy -with an elephant and some horses. The Mahárája confirmed the lands -assigned to his father, and reported his action to the emperor. [Momín -Khán Ruler of Cambay, 1730.] Momín Khán was made ruler of Cambay, and -Fidá-ud-dín Khán, his cousin, was made governor of the lands near that -city, the revenue of which had been assigned to the Mahárája. So great -was the fear of the Maráthás, that Mustafíd Khán, the governor elect -of Surat, instead of proceeding direct by land, went to Cambay. From -Cambay he moved to Broach, and from Broach entered into negotiations -with Píláji Gáikwár, promising, if allowed to retain possession of -Surat, to pay Píláji the one-fourth share of its revenues. Píláji -agreed, but Sohráb Khán, who was still in possession of Surat, refused -to hand it over to Mustafíd Khán. In this year also Vakhatsingh, -brother of the Mahárája Abheysingh, was appointed governor of Pátan, -and sent a deputy to act for him. About the same time Mír Fakhr-ud-dín, -a follower of the late viceroy Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, leaving him secretly, -came to Áhmedábád, and in an interview with the Mahárája obtained for -himself the post of deputy governor of Junágadh. When he proceeded to -take up his appointment he was opposed by Mír Ismáíl, and was killed -in a battle fought near Amreli in central Káthiáváda. Muhammad Pahár, -son of Karímdád Khán Jhálori, was appointed governor of Pálanpur in -succession to his father, and Jawán Mard Khán was sent to Vadnagar. - -[The Peshwa and Viceroy against Piláji Gáikwár, 1731.] In the following -year, A.D. 1731, Bájiráv Peshwa, entering Gujarát at the head of -an army, advanced against Baroda, then in the possession of Píláji -Gáikwár. Afterwards, at the invitation of the Mahárája, he visited -Áhmedábád and had a meeting with the viceroy in the Sháhi Bágh. At -this meeting it was agreed that Bájiráv should assist Ázmatulláh, the -governor of Baroda, in taking possession of that town and in expelling -Píláji Gáikwár. By this arrangement the viceroy hoped by playing off -the Peshwa against Píláji, to succeed in getting rid of the latter, -while the Peshwa intended that if Píláji was forced to give up Baroda, -he himself should gain possession of that city. Accordingly the Peshwa, -together with an army from the viceroy, marched on Baroda. They -had scarcely laid siege to the city when the Peshwa heard that -Nizám-ul-Mulk was advancing on Gujarát against him. [The Peshwa -Withdraws.] Abandoning all operations against Baroda, the Peshwa -withdrew, with all speed, to the Dakhan. On his way he encountered -the army of Trimbakráv Senápati, who, together with Piláji Kántáji -and Udáji Pavár, had united to resist the pretensions of the Peshwa -in Gujarát, and were also secretly leagued with the Nizám. [Defeats -his Opponents.] An engagement was fought in which the Peshwa was -victorious and Trimbakráv was slain. [872] The Peshwa at once pushed -on to the Dakhan, contriving to avoid the Nizám, though his baggage -was plundered by that chief, who had camped at Ghala Kámrej, on the -river Tápti, about ten miles above Surat. - -[Abdúlláh Beg appointed the Nizám's Deputy at Broach.] During -these changes the city of Broach, which on account of the strength -of its fort the Maráthás had failed to take, was governed by -Abdúlláh Beg, an officer originally appointed to that command by -Mubáriz-ul-Mulk. Dissatisfied that the government of Gujarát should -be in the hands of Abheysingh, Abdúlláh Beg, in A.D. 1731, entered -into negotiations with the Nizám, offering to hold Broach as the -Nizám's deputy. Nizám-ul-Mulk agreed, appointed Abdúlláh his deputy, -and ennobled him with the title of Nek Álam Khán. About the same time -Vakhatsingh, brother of the viceroy, withdrew to his chiefship of Nágor -in Jodhpur, and Ázmat-ulláh went to Ágra. After his safe arrival in -the Dakhan Bájiráv Peshwa entered into an agreement with the Nizám -under the terms of which the grants of Dholka, Broach, Jambusar, and -Makbúlábád were continued to the Nizám. Momín Khán received the farm -of Petlád, and Kántáji was confirmed in the share he had acquired of -the revenues of Gujarát. In A.D. 1732 the paymaster, Amánatdár Khán, -died, and was succeeded by Ghulám Hasan Khán, who sent Mujáhid-ud-dín -Khán to act as his deputy. Through the influence of Mulla Muhammad -Ali, Sohráb Áli was now confirmed as governor of Surat, and Mustafíd -Khán was obliged to return to Áhmedábád. - -Píláji Gáikwár as the agent of the deceased Khanderáv Dábháde Senápati, -as the owner of the fort of Songad, and as the ally of the Bhíls and -Kolis, was naturally a thorn in the side of the viceroy Abheysingh. The -recent acquisition of the town of Baroda and of the strong fortress of -Dabhoi had made Piláji still more formidable. [The Viceroy procures the -Death of Piláji Gáikwár, 1732;] Under these circumstances, Abheysingh, -who had long wished to recover Baroda and Dabhoi determined to -assassinate Piláji, and this was effected by a Márvádi at the holy -village of Dákor. The Maráthás slew the assassin and withdrew across -the Mahi, burning the body of Piláji at the village of Sánoli or -Sáonli, fourteen miles north of Baroda. They then evacuated the -district of Baroda, retiring to the fortress of Dabhoi. On hearing -of the death of Píláji the viceroy immediately advanced against the -Maráthás, and, [and takes Baroda.] after taking possession of Baroda, -laid siege to Dabhoi. He failed to capture this fortress, and as the -rainy season had set in and provisions were scarce, he was obliged -to retire. He then went to Baroda, and after placing Sher Khán Bábi -in charge of the city, returned to Áhmedábád. In this year, [Famine, -1732.] A.D. 1732, Gujarát was wasted by famine. - -[Affairs at Surat, 1732.] Meanwhile at Surat Múlla Muhammad Ali of -Athva was again the cause of disturbance. Resisting with force the -demand of a sum of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) by Sohráb Khán, the governor -of Surat, he succeeded in driving Sohráb Khán out of the city, and -the government of Surat was then usurped by [Teghbeg Khán Governor of -Surat.] Teghbeg Khán, a brother of Beglar-Beg Khán. The success of the -Múlla against Soráb Khán made him so forgetful of his position that -he arrogated to himself all the emblems of the governor's office and -wrote to the emperor asking a patent of the governorship of Surat in -the name of his son Múlla Fakhr-ud-dín. The messengers bearing these -communications were intercepted at Broach by the partisans of Teghbeg, -who determined to remove this powerful cause of anxiety. Teghbeg Khán, -inviting Muhammad Ali to an entertainment, placed him in confinement, -and after keeping him in prison for two years, in A.D. 1734 put him -to death. Teghbeg also took possession of the fort of Athva, and -plundered it. Sohráb Khán, seeing that he could not recover Surat, -went with Sayad Wali to Gogha, where his relatives lived, and from -that, proceeding to Bhávnagar settled there. When the emperor heard -what had happened, he appointed Momín Khán to Surat and Teghbeg Khán -to Cambay. Momín Khán sent Sayad Núrullah to act for him, but he was -defeated by Teghbeg Khán, who afterwards contrived, in A.D. 1733, -to be formally appointed governor of Surat with the title of Bahádur. - -When Umábái, widow of Khanderáv Senápati, heard of the assassination of -Píláji Gáikwár, she determined to avenge his death. Collecting an army -and taking with her Kántáji Kadam and Dámáji Gáikwár, son of Píláji, -she marched upon Áhmedábád. As the Maráthás failed to do more than -slay a Rájput leader named Jívaráj they came to terms. In the end -it was agreed that in addition to the one-fourth and the one-tenth -shares of the revenue a sum of £8000 (Rs. 80,000) should be paid from -the Áhmedábád treasury, Jawán Mard Khán being kept as a hostage till -the payments were made. For his services on this occasion Jawán Mard -Khán was made governor of Víramgám. During this year an imperial order -appointed Khushálchand Sheth, son of Sántidás, Nagar Sheth or chief -merchant of Áhmedábád. The Maráthás plundered Rasúlábád a mile south of -Áhmedábád and its excellent library was pillaged. Umábái now marched -upon Baroda, and the governor, Sher Khán Bábi, prepared to oppose the -Maráthás. But Umábái, sending a message to Sher Khán, explained that -she had just concluded a peace with the Mahárája, and was suffered to -pass unmolested. The emperor, satisfied with the arrangements made -by the Mahárája, presented him with a dress of honour. [Ratansingh -Bhandári Deputy Viceroy, 1733-1737.] In this year the Mahárája went -to court by way of Jodhpur, and appointed Ratansingh Bhandári as his -deputy, and the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi as news recorder. In the -same year, A.D. 1733, Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín Khán, governor of Junágadh -died, and his son Mír Hazabr Khán was selected to fill his place. - -[The Maráthás Return.] Meanwhile as the Maráthás had not received their -rights, Jádoji Dábháde, son of Umábái, returned to Gujarát. Peace -was concluded on the former basis, and Jádoji marched into Sorath -to exact tribute. In this year the Kolis of the Chúnvál and Kánkrej -committed many excesses, and a Rájput noble was robbed in the Pátan -district. In the meantime Sohráb Khán, the former governor of Surat, -who had been kindly received by Bhávsinghji the chief of Sihor, -began to raise a following and was appointed collector of arrears -in Sorath. He chose Sayad Núrullah as his deputy, and sent him to -recover the revenue for the current year. - -[Contest for the government of Gogha.] On the death of Salábat -Khán Bábi, though the Mahárája had endeavoured to get Sher Khán -Bábi appointed in place of his father, Gogha had been granted -to Burhán-ul-Mulk, who chose Sohráb Khán as his deputy. At this -time Sher Khán Bábi was at Baroda, and his younger brother, though -he resisted, was compelled to leave Gogha. The deputy governor of -Sorath complained to the governor of the oppressive conduct of Sohráb -Khán. But Burhán-ul-Mulk supported Sohráb and having obtained for -himself the government of Sorath, sent Sohráb Khán as his deputy to -Junágadh. [Disturbance at Víramgám, 1734.] In A.D. 1734, Ratansingh -Bhandári, the deputy viceroy, who held in hatred Bhávsingh, son of -Udaikaran, the hereditary officer of Víramgám, persuaded Jawán-Mard -Khán to imprison him and send him to Áhmedábád. Jawan-Mard Khán went -so far as to arrest Bhávsingh, but was forced by his supporters to -release him. - -[Baroda recovered by the Maráthás, 1734.] In this year Sher Khán Bábi, -governor of Baroda, went to visit his lands at Bálásinor, leaving -Muhammad Sarbáz in command at Baroda, Máhadáji Gáikwár, brother of -Píláji, who then held Jambúsar, sending to Songad to Dámáji for aid, -marched on Baroda with a strong force. The garrison made a brave -defence, and Sher Khán hearing of the attack at Bálásinor, called for -aid from Ratansingh Bhandári, the deputy viceroy, who directed Momín -Khán, the governor of Cambay, to join Sher Khán and drive back the -Maráthás. Sher Khán started at once for Baroda. But Máhadaji leaving -a sufficient force before the town pushed on with the bulk of his -army to meet Sher Khán, and, though he and his men fought bravely, -defeated him, and then returned to Baroda, Sher Khán retiring to -Bálásinor. Momín Khán, who arrived after Sher Khán's defeat, did not -deem it prudent to engage the Maráthás, and retired to Cambay. In the -meantime the garrison of Baroda, hopeless of succour, surrendered the -town, and since that day Baroda has continued to be the head-quarters -of the Gáikwár family. - -[Change of Governor at Víramgám.] Since Jawán Mard Khán's capture of -Bhávsingh of Víramgám he had become much disliked. For this reason -Ratansingh Bhandári, the deputy viceroy, transferred him to Kadi -and Bijápur, and in his place appointed Sher Khán Bábi, whose father -Muhammad Salábát Khán Bábi had been a popular governor of Víramgám. At -this time Dhanrúp Bhandári, governor of Petlád, died, and the farm of -the districts of Nadiád, Arhar-Mátar, Petlád, and Mahudha was given -to Momín Khán. Mulla Muhammad Áli managed to write letters from his -confinement at Surat to the Nizám; and as that chief was now not far -from Surat, he wrote urgently to Teghbeg Khán to release him. Teghbeg -Khán put the Mulla to death, and bribing the Nizám's messenger, -gave out that he had died of joy at his release. Khushálchand, the -chief of the merchants of Áhmedábád, having had a difference with -Ratansingh, was forced to leave the city, and sought shelter at Cambay -and afterwards at Junágadh. [Jawán Mard Khán fails in an attempt -on Ídar.] Jawán Mard Khán, who was of an ambitious temperament, now -conceived the design of conquering Ídar from Anandsingh and Ráisingh, -brothers of the Mahárája Abheysingh. He accordingly marched upon Ídar, -taking with him as allies Aghráji Koli of Katosan and Koli Amra of -Elol Kánrah. In this strait Anandsingh and Ráisingh sought the aid of -Malhárráv Holkar and Ránoji Sindia, who were at this time in Málwa. The -Marátha chiefs at once marched to the help of Ídar, and Jawán Mard -Khán, disbelieving the report of Marátha aid, continued to advance -until he found himself opposed by an overwhelming force. Negotiations -were entered into, and Jawán Mard Khán agreed to pay a sum of £17,500 -(Rs. 1,75,000). Of the total amount £2500 (Rs. 25,000) were paid at -once, and Zoráwar Khán, brother of Jawán Mard Khán, and Ajabsingh, -agent of Aghráji Koli, were kept as hostages until the balance -should be paid. In this year Teghbeg Khán of Surat caused a wealthy -merchant named Áhmed Chalabi to be assassinated, and confiscated his -property. He also caused a fanatic named Sayad Áli to be put to death -by certain Afgháns, as he considered that he might excite sedition. - -[Rivalry of Ratansingh Bhandári and Sohráb Khán, 1735.] In the -following year (A.D. 1735) Dholka was assigned to Ratansingh Bhandári, -and through the influence of Burhán-ul-Mulk, Sohráb Khán was appointed -governor of Víramgám. Ratansingh resented this, and eventually Víramgám -was conferred on the Mahárája Abheysingh. When this order reached -Sohráb Khán, he forwarded it to Burhán-ul-Mulk, and in consequence -of Burhán-ul-Mulk's remonstrances, the arrangements were changed and -Sohráb Khán appointed governor. Upon this Sohráb Khán, leaving Sádak -Ali as his deputy in Junágadh, marched for Víramgám; while Ratansingh -Bhandári, hearing of Sohráb Khán's approach, summoned Momín Khán and -others to his assistance, and with his own army proceeded to Dholka and -plundered Koth. From Koth he advanced and pitched at Harálah, about ten -miles from Sohráb Khán's camp, and here he was joined by Momín Khán and -others whom he had summoned to support him. [Battle of Dholi. Defeat -and Death of Sohráb Khán, 1735.] After the union of these forces he -marched to Dholi, six miles from Dhandhuka, at which place Sohráb Khán -was then encamped. Ratansingh Bhandári now proposed that peace should -be concluded, and that Sohráb Khán should enjoy Víramgám until final -orders were passed by the emperor. Safdar Khán Bábi and others went to -Sohráb Khán and endeavoured to bring him to consent to these terms; -but he would not listen, and on both sides preparations were made -for battle. During the following night Ratansingh Bhandári planned -an attack on Sohráb Khán's camp. The surprise was complete. Sohráb -Khán's troops fled, and himself, mortally wounded, shortly afterwards -died. By the death of Sohráb Khán the family of Kázím Beg Khán became -extinct. He was buried at Sihor in Káthiáváda. - -[Rivalry between Ratansingh Bhandári and Momín Khán, 1735.] After this -success a single horseman attacked and wounded Ratansingh Bhandári -in two places. The horseman was at once slain, but no one was able -to recognize him. Ratansingh, who in two months had recovered from -his injuries, now determined to attack Momín Khán, as that officer -in the recent struggle had taken part with Sohráb Khán. Momín Khán -hearing of Ratansingh's intentions, withdrew to Cambay. In the course -of this year, on the expiry of the period of the farm of Mahudha, -Arhar-Mátar, and Nadiád, these districts were transferred from -Momín Khán to Safdar Khán Bábi. Kaliánchand, a man of low origin, -was appointed to Víramgám in place of Sher Khán Bábi, and instead of -Sohráb Khán, Muhsin Khán Khálvi was made deputy governor of Sorath. - -[Marátha Affairs.] About this time Dámáji Gáikwár, who had been -chosen by Umábái as her representative in Gujarát, appointed Rangoji -to act as his agent. [Dámáji Gáikwár and Kántáji, 1735.] Kántáji being -dissatisfied with this arrangement, in which his rights were ignored, -marched into Gujarát. Rangoji met him, and a battle was fought at -[Battle of Ánand-Mogri. Defeat of Kántáji.] Ánand-Mogri, twenty-five -miles south-east of Kaira, in which Kántáji was defeated and his son -killed. In consequence of this reverse Kántáji retired to Petlád. Momín -Khán, who with his army was drawn up near Petlád to oppose Rangoji, -was compelled to retire to Cambay, where peace was concluded on -condition that Dámáji should receive the one-fourth share of the -revenues of the country north of the Mahi. As the districts where -these battles were fought were held in farm by Safdar Khán Bábi, he -suffered much loss, and consequently retired to Rádhanpur. Rangoji -was joined by Dámáji Gáikwár, and these two leaders went together -to Dholka. While they were there, [The Maráthás help Bhávsingh to -expel the Víramgám Kasbátis.] Bhávsingh of Víramgám invited them to -that town, both on account of the annoyance he suffered from the -Márvádis and that he might take vengeance on the Kasbátis for the -murder of his father Udaikaran. He accordingly treacherously admitted -the Maráthás and slew Daulat Muhammad Tánk, brother of the murderer -of his father, and expelled the rest of the Kasbátis, while Kalián, -the Márvádi administrator, was permitted to go to Áhmedábád. Leaving -Rangoji at Víramgám, Dámáji marched into Sorath to levy tribute from -the chiefs, and after collecting a portion of his dues, returned to -the Dakhan. In the following year (A.D. 1736) Rangoji advanced as -far as Bávla near Dholka wasting the country. Ratansingh Bhandári, -the deputy viceroy, marched against him, and forced him to retire -to Víramgám. Ratansingh pursued the Maráthás to Víramgám, attacked -and defeated them capturing their baggage, but failed to prevent -them taking shelter in the town. About this time some Marátha horse -who were at Sarnál, otherwise called Thásra, joined the Kolis of -those parts, advanced with them against Kapadvanj and without any -serious resistance succeeded in capturing the town. Meanwhile though -Ratansingh had summoned Momín Khán to his aid, he delayed coming, -as he began to scheme independence at Cambay. - -Ratansingh Bhandári heard that Pratápráv, brother of Dámáji, and -Deváji Tákpar were advancing on Áhmedábád with 10,000 horse. At first -he thought this a device to draw him from Víramgám, to whose walls -his mines had reached. On ascertaining from trusty spies that the -report was true, he raised the siege of Víramgám, returned rapidly -to Áhmedábád, and pushing forward to meet Pratápráv, exacted tribute -from the chiefs on the banks of the Vátrak. As Pratápráv drew near, -the governor of the Bhíl district retired before him, and he continuing -his advance, passed through Valad and Pethápur, and so by way of Chhála -reached Dholka. Here, through Muhammad Ismáíl, the governor of Dholka, -he demanded from the Bhandári his share of the revenue. Afterwards, -leaving 2000 horse in Dholka, he went to Dhandhúka. [The Gáikwár -and Peshwa Plunder the Country.] In the meantime Kántáji, who was a -follower of Bájiráv Peshwa, joining with Malhárráv Holkar, advanced -upon Ídar, and coming against Dánta, plundered that town. Some -Nágar Bráhmans of the town of Vadnagar, who were settled in Dánta, -tried to escape to the hills, but were intercepted and pillaged. The -Maráthás then proceeded to Vadnagar and plundered the town. From -Vadnagar they went as far as Pálanpur, where Pahár Khán Jhálori, -being unable to oppose them, agreed to pay a tribute of £10,000 (Rs. 1 -lákh). Kántáji and Malhárráv Holkar then marched into Márwár, while -Pratápráv and Rangoji crossed over from Dhandhuka into Káthiáváda and -Gohilváda. About this time Muhammad Pahár Khán Jhálori was appointed -deputy governor of Pátan on behalf of Vakhatsingh. As no settlement -of his demands on the revenues of Dholka had yet been made, Pratápráv -returned to that town and sent Narhar Pandit to receive the tribute -due to him. Afterwards proceeding to Baroda with Rangoji they were -summoned to Sorath by Dámáji to assist him. Sher Khán Bábi, who up to -his time had been at Kaira, now came to Áhmedábád, and as the deputy -viceroy was displeased with Momín Khán's conduct when Víramgám was -besieged, he appointed Sher Khán his own deputy at Petlád, Arhar-Mátar, -and Nadiád. Afterwards on Momín Khán's remonstrance Subháchand Márvádi -was appointed to examine the accounts and receive the revenue in place -of Sher Khán. In A.D. 1737 Dámáji's brother Pratápráv, returning to -his country after exacting tribute from the chiefs of Sorath, died of -small-pox at Kánkar near Dholka. Momín Khán seeing that Sher Khán had -not yet left Kaira, collected some men and came to Petlád, while Sher -Khán went to Dehgám and awaited the departure of Rangoji. Ratansingh -Bhandári made preparations to help Sher Khán and Momín Khán returned -to Cambay. - -[Momín Khán Fifty-fourth Viceroy, 1737.] At this time as the Mahárája -Abheysingh was not in favour at court, Momín Khán was appointed -fifty-fourth viceroy. As he was unable to effect anything by himself -he persuaded Jawán Mard Khán Bábi to join him by a promise of the -government of Pátan and directed him to proceed and take up that -appointment. Now the Jháloris were allies of the Ráthods, and Pahár -Khán Jhálori, then in command of Pátan, opposed Jawán Mard Khán, but -was finally obliged to vacate Pátan. Momín Khán, who had not hitherto -produced the order appointing him viceroy, now made it public and -began to act as viceroy with the title of Najm-ud-dauláh Momín Khán -Bahádur Fírúz Jang, and in A.D. 1737 sent a copy of this order to -Abdúl Husain Khán, the deputy minister, and to Mustafíd Khán, who -held the office of Kázi. - -Sher Khán Bábi, wishing to remain neutral, retired to Bálásinor and -Momín Khán summoned Rangoji, who was in the neighbourhood of Cambay, -to his assistance. Rangoji agreed to aid him in expelling the Márvádis, -on condition that, if successful, he should be granted one-half of -the produce of Gujarát except the city of Áhmedábád, the lands in the -neighbourhood of the city, and the port of Cambay. This disastrous -alliance with the Maráthás gave the last blow to Mughal power in -Gujarát, which otherwise might have lingered for at least a quarter -of a century. Momín Khán lived to repent his conduct. - -When Ratansingh Bhandári heard of the appointment of Momín Khán to -be viceroy he wrote to Mahárája Abheysingh for orders. Meanwhile he -sent Muhammadan officials to Cambay to persuade Momín Khán to take -no further steps until a reply should be received to the reference -Momín Khán had made to Ágra. The reply of the Mahárája was that -Ratansingh should resist Momín Khán if he could. Ratansingh prepared -to defend Áhmedábád while Momín Khán collecting an army, camped at -the Náransar lake. - -From the Náransar lake where Momín Khán remained encamped for one and -a half months collecting his partisans he advanced to Sojitra, where -he was joined by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi; and proceeding together they -came to Vasu under Petlád, about twenty-six miles from Áhmedábád, -and from Vasu to Kaira, about eighteen miles from the capital. At -Kaira they encamped on the banks of the Vátrak, where, owing to the -incessant rain, they were forced to remain for about a month. When -the rain abated and the rivers were fordable, Momín Khán, moving to -Áhmedábád, encamped in front of the city on the Kánkariya tank and -[Lays Siege to Áhmedábád.] prepared for a siege. About the same time -Momín Khán's manager, Vajerám, whom he had sent to Songad to solicit -Dámáji to march in person to his assistance, arrived and informed him -that Dámáji would join him shortly. Zoráwar Khán, who had been left -at the Marátha camp as security for the payment of the tribute, was -recalled, and instead the district of Parántij was formally assigned to -the Maráthás in payment of their demands. Some of the Mahárája's guns, -which were being sent to Áhmedábád by his agents at Surat through -Cambay for facility of transit, were about this time captured by -a party of Momín Khán's men. When Ratansingh Bhandári wrote to the -Mahárája of Momín Khán's advance on Áhmedábád, the Mahárája was much -displeased, and went from the emperor's presence in anger. The nobles -fearing the consequences, recalled him, and persuaded the emperor to -re-appoint him viceroy of Gujarát. - -[Momín Khán continues the Siege of Áhmedábád.] Momín Khán was secretly -enjoined to disregard the Mahárája's appointment and persevere in -expelling the Ráthods, and was assured of the emperor's approbation -of this line of conduct. He therefore continued to prosecute the -siege with vigour. In the meantime another order was received from -the imperial court, confirming the reappointment of the [Mahárája -Abheysingh Fifty-fifth Viceroy, 1737.] Mahárája and appointing -Fidá-ud-dín Khán to guard the city with 500 men, directing also that -Momín Khán should return to Cambay. It was further stated that, as -Ratansingh Bhandári had acted oppressively, some other person should be -appointed deputy to fill his place, and that in the meantime a Rájput -noble, named Abhaikaran, was to carry on the government. Shortly -before this Muhammad Bákir Khán, son of Muâtamid Khán, joined Momín -Khán from Surat, while Sádik Áli Khán and his nephew reinforced him -from Junágadh. When Momín Khán was informed of the purport of the -imperial order he agreed to return to Cambay, provided Ratansingh -Bhandári would quit the city, hand over charge to Abhaikaran, and -admit Fidá-ud-dín Khán and his men into the city. - -[Defence of the City by Ratansingh Bhandári.] Ratansingh Bhandári -determined not to leave the city, and prepared to defend himself to -the last. Dámáji Gáikwár now joined Momín Khán from Songad. Momín -Khán met Dámáji at Ísanpur, three miles from Áhmedábád, and made -great show of friendship, calling him his brother. When Ratansingh -Bhandári heard of the arrangements made between Dámáji and Momín Khán, -he sent a message to Dámáji saying, 'Momín Khán has promised Rangoji -half of the revenues of Gujarát excepting the city of Áhmedábád, -the lands immediately round it, and Cambay. If you will join me, I -will give you half of everything not excepting the city nor Cambay, -and will send to your camp some of my chief landholders as security -if you agree.' Dámáji showed this to Momín Khán, and asked him what -he proposed to do. Momín Khán now perforce agreed to do the same; -but instead of Cambay offered to make over to the Maráthás the -whole district of Víramgám. Dámáji, accepting these terms, ceased to -negotiate with Ratansingh. He then went on pilgrimage to Dúdesar, and -returning in the same year, A.D. 1738, he and Rangoji began active -operations against Áhmedábád. Their bombardment did so much damage -to the city that Momín Khán repented having called them to his aid, -and foresaw that if the Maráthás once gained any portion of the city -it would be no easy matter to drive them out. Momín Khán now sent the -writer of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi to Ratansingh Bhandári, in hopes that -he might withdraw peaceably, but Ratansingh refused to listen to any -terms. After some time the Musalmáns under Kázim Áli Khán and others, -and the Maráthás under Báburáv endeavoured to take the city by storm, -but after a bloody contest were forced to retire. Next day Ratansingh, -seeing that he could not long hold the city, entered into a negotiation -with Momín Khán, and, on receiving a sum of money for his expenses, -and on being allowed to retire with the honours of war, left the city. - -[Momín Khán captures Áhmedábád, 1738.] Momín Khán entered Áhmedábád. On -the capture of the city, in accordance with Momín Khán's engagement, -half of it was handed to the Maráthás. Momín Khán sent news of what -had taken place to the emperor, and appointed Fidá-ud-dín Khán his -deputy. Dámáji, who in the meantime had been to Sorath, now returned -and was met by Rangoji, who accompanied him as far as the banks of the -Mahi, whence Rangoji proceeded to Dholka. After spending a few days -at Dholka, Rangoji returned to Áhmedábád and took charge of his share -of the city, which comprised the Ráikhar, Khánjchán, and Jamálpur -quarters as far as the Astoria and Ráipur gates. The city was thus -equally divided, and the Astoria and Raipur gates were guarded by -the Maráthás. At that time the inhabitants of Áhmedábád were chiefly -Muhammadans, and the Maráthás, accustomed to extortion, attempting -to oppress them, they rose against the strangers, and after a severe -affray expelled the greater part of them from the city. Momín Khán, -though secretly pleased, affected ignorance and sent Fidá-ud-dín Khán -to reassure Rangoji. This with some difficulty he succeeded in doing -and Rangoji remained in the city. Jawán Mard Khán was sent to Pátan, -and, instead of Parántij, the district of Kherálu was granted to -Zoráwar Khán Bábi. - -[Prosperity of Áhmedábád, 1738.] With the cessation of Marátha -oppression, Áhmedábád began to recover its splendour and opulence. The -emperor was much pleased with Momín Khán, and, raising his rank, -presented him with a dress of honour, a sword, and other articles -of value. [Momín Khán Fifth-sixth Viceroy, 1738-1743.] At the close -of the rainy season Momín Khán went to levy tribute from the chiefs -on the banks of the Sábarmati, and Rangoji was asked to accompany -him. They marched to Adálaj whence Fidá-ud-dín Khán, the deputy -viceroy, returned to the city accompanied by Rámáji as deputy of -Rangoji. Jawán Mard Khán and Sher Khán Bábi now joined the viceroy's -camp, and, about the same time Hathising, chief of Pethápur, paid -a visit to the viceroy and settled his tribute. From Adálaj they -advanced to Mánsa, and were met by the Mánsa chief. From Mánsa they -proceeded to Kadi, and from Kadi to Bíjápur. After Momín Khán left -the people of Áhmedábád were badly treated, and Rangoji, leaving his -brother Akoji in camp, returned to the capital, whence he marched -towards Víramgám and Sorath. Momín Khán went from Bíjápur to Ídar, -and there levied tribute from the chiefs of Mohanpur and Ranásan. - -When Momín Khán arrived at Ídar, Ánandsingh and Ráisingh, brothers -of Mahárája Abheysingh, went to him and paid the tribute of Mohanpur -and Ranásan as being within the limits of the Ídar territory. The -matter was amicably settled, and the two brothers accompanied the -viceroy as far as the Ídar frontier, when Ánandsingh returned to -Ídar, and Ráisingh, at Momín Khán's request, remained with him, -Momín Khán undertaking to pay the expenses of his men. Prathiráj, -the chief of Mánsa, [The Viceroy collects Tribute, 1738.] agreed to -pay £2300 (Rs. 23,000) and the chief of Varsoda £1000 (Rs. 10,000) -as tribute. At this time Sher Muhammad Khán Bábi was appointed to -succeed Mír Dost Áli as deputy governor of Sorath. The Maráthás, -who had attempted to deprive some of the Rasúlábád and Batwa Sayads -of their land, were attacked by the Muhammadan population, and a few -men were wounded on either side. Momín Khán, receiving tribute from -various chiefs, had now reached Pálanpur, and Pahár Khán Jhálori, -the governor of that place, was introduced to the viceroy by Sher Khán -Bábi. As news was now received that Deváji Tákpar was advancing through -the Baroda districts, Momín Khán marched towards Áhmedábád, dismissing -Pahár Khán Jhálori on the Pálanpur frontier. Jawán Mard Khán Bábi, -appointing his brother Safdar Khán Bábi as his deputy at Pátan, pushed -forward in advance for Áhmedábád. Mámúr Khán, who had been chosen by -Mír Huzabr Áli as his deputy in Sorath, now arrived and complained -to Momín Khán regarding Sher Khán Bábi's appointment. Momín Khán said -that, as neither had assumed charge of their duties, they should await -final orders from the emperor. He then advanced to Hájipur, and thence -encamped on the side of the city near Bahrámpur and occupied himself -in strengthening the city defences. From that camp he proceeded to -Ísanpur four miles south of Áhmedábád on his way to levy tribute from -the Koli chiefs of the banks of the Vátrak. After this he proceeded to -Kúlej on the Vátrak and levied tribute from the Koli chiefs of that -neighbourhood. Hearing that Dámáji had left Songad, and crossing the -Mahi had gone to Arás, Momín Khán struck his camp and returned to the -city, while Dámáji going to Dholka marched from that to Sorath. Momín -Khán now permitted Sher Khán to return to his lands in Gogha, whence he -proceeded to Junágadh and took charge of the office of deputy governor. - -[Sher Khán Bábi Deputy Governor of Sorath, 1738.] In A.D. 1738, -Mír Huzabr Khán, the governor of Sorath, died, and as Sher Khán -had occupied Junágadh, and taken into his employ all the troops of -Mir Dost Áli, Mámúr Khán was obliged to resign his pretensions and -return. The emperor now appointed Himmat Áli Khán, nephew of Momín -Khán, governor of Sorath, and he wrote to his uncle to choose a fitting -deputy. Momín Khán, as the Marátha incursions into Sorath increased -yearly, and as Sher Khán Bábi was a man able to hold his own with them, -suffered him to remain as deputy. When Dámáji returned to Víramgám, -after levying tribute from the chiefs of Sorath, he was obliged to -march against Kánji Koli, the chief of Chhaniár in the Chúnvál. As he -could not prevail against them he was forced to call on Momín Khán for -aid. Momín Khán sent Fidá-ud-dín Khán at the head of a well-equipped -army. On their approach the Kolis fled, and the village was burned, -and Fidá-ud-dín Khán returned to the capital. Dámáji, leaving Rangoji -as his deputy, returned to Songad. In this year, A.D. 1738, Hindustán -was invaded by the great Persian Nádir Sháh, Dehli sacked, and the -emperor made prisoner. Except that coin was struck in Nádir's name, -the collapse of Mughal power caused little change in Gujarát. - -[The Deputy Viceroy collects Tribute, 1739.] In A.D. 1739 Fidá-ud-dín -Khán was sent to levy tribute from the chiefs on the banks of the -Sábarmati, and, accompanied by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi and Rája Ráisingh -of Ídar, marched to Charárah. As the village of Pánmul under Bijápur -had been assigned to the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, he accompanied -Fidá-ud-dín Khán, who marched to Ahmednagar, and demanded tribute from -Jítsingh of Mohanpur and Ranásan. Jítsingh resisted and a doubtful -battle was fought. Next day Fidá-ud-dín Khán changed his position -and again attacked Jítsingh, who being defeated agreed to pay £1000 -(Rs. 10,000). They then went to Ídar, where they were hospitably -received by Rája Ráising, who presented the leaders with horses. From -Ídar they proceeded to Vadnagar, which was under Jawán Mard Khán, who -also received them courteously and presented horses. The army then -marched to Visalnagar. On the arrival of the troops at Visalnagar, -Jawán Mard Khán requested Fidá-ud-dín Khán to subdue Jámáji the Koli -chief of Thara-Jámpur in the Kánkrej, who was then at Bálísana under -Pátan and who was continually plundering the country. Fidá-ud-dín -Khán marched to Bálísána, but Jámáji fled to Thara-Jámpur without -risking a battle and the Muhammadans plundered Thara-Jámpur. From -Bálísána Fidá-ud-dín marched to Kadi, and allowing Jawán Mard Khán -to return to Pátan proceeded to Áhmedábád. - -At Áhmedábád disputes between Rangoji and Momín Khán regarding the -government of the city were frequent. In one serious disturbance -Momín Khán was worsted and forced to sue for peace and grant Rangoji -his half share both in the government and revenue, which, since the -affray in A.D. 1738, Momín Khán had withheld. A formal agreement -was drawn up but did not long remain in force. About this time Momín -Khán's nephew Muhammad Momín Khán Bakhshi received a patent granting -him the title of Nazar Áli Khán. The year A.D. 1739 was marked by a -disastrous flood in the Sábarmati. [Capture of Bassein by the Maráthás, -1739.] In this year also the Maráthás under Chimnáji Ápa achieved the -memorable success of taking the fort of Bassein from the Portuguese. - -[Tribute Expedition, 1740.] In A.D. 1740 on his return from Sorath, -Dámáji Gáikwár took Rangoji to the Dakhan and appointed Malhárráv -Khúni his deputy at Áhmedábád. Fidá-ud-dín Khán met the new deputy -at Ísanpur and escorted him to the city. Shortly after Fidá-ud-dín -Khán and Nazar Áli Khán started to collect tribute, and Jawán Mard -Khán sent his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi to accompany them. They -advanced against Dabhora under Bahyal eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád -in the Bhíl district and fought with the chief, who agreed to pay -tribute. Thence they went to Atarsumba, where the Kolis after a vain -attempt to carry off their cannon agreed to pay tribute. The force -then proceeded to Mándva and levied a contribution from the Mándva -chief. They next went to Kapadvanj, and passing through Bálásinor -reached Vírpur under Lunáváda. Here, from Sultánsingh, agent of -the Lunáváda chief, they received two horses and £300 (Rs. 3000) as -tribute. While at Lunáváda an order of recall came from Momín Khán, -who intimated that Malhárráv Khúni had laid up large stores of grain -and contemplated war. Fidá-ud-dín Khán at once pushed forward through -Bálásinor and Kapadvanj, advancing rapidly towards the capital. On -the way he received a second despatch from Momín Khán saying that, -as the risk of war had for the present passed, they should advance -to Petlád, where they would find Malhárráv Khúni and settle with -him about the revenue accounts. They continued their march, and in -two days reached Kaira, being joined on the way by Muhammad Kúli -Khán, who was charged with messages from Momín Khán. At Kaira they -found Muhammad Husain, nephew of Fidá-ud-dín Khán who had been sent -with a force to Mahudha. As Malhárráv Khúni was at Pinj near Kaira, -Fidá-ud-dín Khán expressed a wish to meet him, and it was agreed that -both sides should go to the Petlád district and there settle the -disputed collections. Shortly after they met and arrangements were -in progress when the Kolis of the Bhíl district rebelled and Abdúl -Husain Khán and Vajerám were sent against them. After burning two or -three villages this detachment rejoined the main body, and not long -after all returned to Áhmedábád. During A.D. 1740 Bájiráv Peshwa died. - -[The Viceroy at Cambay, 1741.] In A.D. 1741 Momín Khán went to Cambay, -and while residing at Ghiáspur near that city received information that -Dámáji had again appointed Rangoji his deputy in place of Malhárráv -Khúni, and shortly after Rangoji arrived at Petlád. At this time Momín -Khán turned his attention to the falling off in the customs revenue of -Cambay and appointed Ismáil Muhammad collector of customs. As he was -anxious to clear some misunderstanding between Rangoji and himself, -Momín Khán set out to visit Rangoji and assure him of his good -wishes. At this time Bhávsingh of Víramgám, who found the Maráthás -even more troublesome than the Muhammadans, as soon as he heard of -Malhárráv's recall, suddenly attacked the fort of Víramgám and with -the aid of some Arabs and Rohillás expelled the Marátha garrison and -prepared to hold the fort on his own account. Shortly after Rangoji -demanded that a tower in Áhmedábád, which had been raised a story -by Momín Khán so as to command the residence of the Marátha deputy -at the Jamálpur gate, should be reduced to its original height. At -the same time he suggested that Momín Khán and he, uniting their -forces, should advance and expel Bhávsingh from Víramgám. Momín -Khán agreed to both proposals. The addition to the tower was pulled -down, and Momín Khán and Rangoji, marching against Víramgám, laid -siege to the town. Bhávsingh made a gallant defence, and Momín Khán, -who was not sorry to see the Maráthás in difficulties, after a time -left them and marched to Kadi and Bijápur to levy tribute. [Bhávsingh -surrenders Víramgám and receives Pátdi.] Rangoji continued the siege, -and as Bhávsingh saw that even without Momín Khán the Marátha army -was sufficient to reduce the place, he agreed to surrender Víramgám, -provided the fort of Pátdi and its dependent villages were granted to -him. Rangoji agreed, and thus the Maráthás again obtained possession -of Víramgám, while Bhávsingh acquired Pátdi, [873] a property which -his descendants hold to this day. - -[Siege of Broach by the Maráthás, 1741.] When Momín Khán arrived at -Mánsa, about twenty-six miles north-west of Áhmedábád, hearing that -Dámáji had crossed the Mahi with 10,000 men, he at once returned to -the capital. Dámáji arrived at Mánsa and besieged it. The chiefs and -Kolis defended the place bravely for about a month, when it fell into -Dámáji's hands, who not only cleared the prickly-pear stockade which -surrounded it, but also burned the town. From Mánsa Dámáji marched -to Sorath. On his return he laid siege to Broach, a fort which, -from its natural strength as well as from its favourable position -on the Narbada, it had been the constant ambition both of Dámáji and -of his father Píláji to capture. On the approach of Dámáji, Nek Álam -Khán, who held the place in the interests of the Nizám, prepared to -defend the fort, and wrote to the Nizám for aid. In reply the Nizám -warned Dámáji not to attack his possessions. On receiving this letter -Dámáji raised the siege and returned to Songad. It seems probable that -concessions were made to tempt Dámáji to retire from Broach, and that -the Gáikwár's share in the Broach customs dates from this siege. - -[Battle of Dholka. Defeat of the Maráthás, 1741.] In A.D. 1741 in -a battle between Káim Kúli Khán, governor of Dholka, and Rangoji's -deputy, the Maráthás were defeated. Momín Khán, at the request of -Rangoji, made peace between them. Fidá-ud-dín Khán, who had recently -been raised in rank with the title of Bahádur, starting to collect -tribute burned down the refractory Koli village of Dabhora, and placing -a post there, passed to Sátumba, Bálásinor, and Thásra. After the -battle at Dholka, the building by Rangoji of the fort of Borsad, -caused renewed fighting between the Muhammadans and Maráthás of -Dholka. At the request of Muhammad Hádi Khán, governor of Dholka, -Fidá-ud-dín Khán, passing through Mahudha to Petlád pushed forward -to help him. [Contests between the Musalmáns and Maráthás.] In -the meantime a battle was fought, in which the Maráthás under -Malhárráv attacked Muhammad Hádi Khán, and after a short contest -withdrew. Next day the Muhammadans, strengthened by the arrival of -Fidá-ud-dín Khán, besieged Sojitra. A letter was written to Rangoji, -asking the meaning of the attack, and he replied excusing himself and -attributing it to the ignorance of Malhárráv. Muhammad Hádi Khán and -the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi eventually met Rangoji at Borsad, -and settled that he and Fidá-ud-dín Khán should come together and -arrange matters. But Rangoji in his heart intended to fight and wrote -to his deputy Rámáji at Áhmedábád to be ready for war. Malhárráv now -joined Rangoji at Borsad. At this time many misunderstandings and -several fights between the Maráthás and the Muhammadans were appeased -by Momín Khán and Rangoji, who, in spite of the ill-feeling among -their subordinates and a certain distrust of each other's designs, -appear throughout to have maintained a warm mutual regard. Dámáji from -his stronghold at Songad was too much occupied in Dakhan politics to -give much attention to Gujarát. Rangoji, on the other hand, gained so -much influence with the Gujarát chiefs, that at one time he succeeded -in engaging Sajansingh Hazári in his service, and also induced Rája -Ráisingh of Ídar to join him. But Momín Khán detached Ráisingh from -this alliance, by placing him in charge of the post of Amaliára and -granting him the districts of Modása, Meghrej, Ahmednagar, Parántij, -and Harsol. Moreover the customary Gujarát sum at first sent daily -by Rangoji to Rája Ráisingh for the expenses of his troops had begun -to fall into arrears. Rája Ráisingh made his peace with Momín Khán -through the mediation of Nazar Áli Khán, Momín Khán's nephew, who -appears to have been one of the leading spirits of the time. - -[Disturbance at Áhmedábád, 1742.] In A.D. 1742 in another fight between -the Maráthás and Muhammadans in Áhmedábád, the Muhammadans gained -a slight advantage. After this Rangoji left the city, appointing -as before Rámáji as his deputy, and joining Jagjíwan Pavár went -to Borsad, where he had built a fort. At this time one Jívandás -came with authority from the Nizám to act as collector of Dholka, -part of the lands assigned to the Nizám as a personal grant, but -failed to enforce his position. Shortly after this Rája Ánandsing -of Ídar was killed, and his brother Ráising, taking leave, went -to Ídar to settle matters. Momín Khán had his patent increased -to the personal rank of commander of 6000 with a contingent of -6000 cavalry. He received a dress of honour, a jewelled turban, a -plume, six pieces of cloth, an elephant, the order of Máhi-marátib, -[874] and the title of Najm-ud-daulah Momín Khán Bahádur Diláwar -Jang. Differences again broke out between Momín Khán and Rangoji, -and again matters were settled by a friendly meeting between the two -chiefs at Borsad, where Rangoji had taken up his residence. Momín Khán -now went to Petlád, and from that to Cambay, where he was taken ill, -but after six weeks came to Vasu, where Rangoji visited him. Here -though again unwell he went to Dholka, and shortly afterwards he and -Rangoji marched upon Limbdi, which at this time is mentioned as under -Víramgám. While before Limbdi, Rangoji was summoned by Dámáji to help -him against Bápu Náik, and at once started to his assistance. Momín -Khán now marched into Gohilváda, and proceeded by Loliána to Gogha, -then under the charge of a resident deputy of Sher Khán Bábi. Here -he received tribute from the chief of Sihor, and from that, marching -into Hálár, went against Navánagar. [The Viceroy collects Tribute in -Káthiáváda.] The Jám resisted for twenty days, and eventually, on his -agreeing to pay £5000 (Rs. 50,000) as tribute, Momín Khán returned to -Áhmedábád. During his absence in spite of stubborn resistance Nazar Áli -Khán and Vajerám had collected tribute from the Koli chiefs. Rangoji, -who had now left Dámáji, joined battle with Bápu Náik ere he crossed -the Mahi, and Bápu Náik turned back. Rangoji therefore remained at -Borsad, but hearing that Momín Khán's illness had become serious, -he went once or twice to Áhmedábád to visit him. - -[Death of Momín Khán, 1743.] In A.D. 1743 Momín Khán died. His wife, -fearing lest Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir Khán, Momín Khán's son, -would deprive her of her estate, sought the protection of Rangoji. In -the meantime [Fidá-ud-dín acts as Viceroy, 1743.] Fidá-ud-dín -Khán and Muftakhir Khán received an imperial order to carry on the -government until a new viceroy should be appointed. At this time a -man named Ánandrám, who had been disgraced by Momín Khán, went over -to Rangoji and incited him to murder Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir -Khán. Rangoji with this intention invited them both to his house, -but his heart failed him, and shortly afterwards Fidá-ud-dín Khán -went to Cambay. Rangoji now determined at all hazards to assassinate -Muftakhir Khán. With this object he took Muftakhir Khán's associates, -Vajerám and Káim Kúli Khán, into his confidence. Muftakhir Khán -accidentally heard of his designs, and remained on his guard. As -Rangoji had failed to carry out his promise to raise Sher Khán Bábi -to the post of deputy viceroy, Sher Khán advanced to Dholka and -began plundering some Cambay villages. Rangoji, after another futile -attempt to assassinate Muftakhir Khán, sent for his deputy Rámáji, -who was then in the neighbourhood, and prepared to fight. [Muftakhir -Khán Defeats the Maráthás.] Muftakhir Khán, on his part, summoned -Fidá-ud-dín Khán from Cambay, and in a few days they succeeded in -uniting their forces. Sher Khán Bábi deserting the cause of Rangoji, -the Maráthás were worsted and Rangoji's house was besieged. Rangoji, -being hard pressed, agreed to give up Ánandrám and to surrender both -Borsad and Víramgám, Sher Khán Bábi becoming his security. In this -way Fidá-ud-dín Khán became sole master of Gujarát. - -[Dámáji Gáikwár Returns to Gujarát.] Shortly after Dámáji Gáikwár -returned from Sátára and came to Cambay. In the meantime Rangoji, -who had been living with Sher Khán Bábi, his security, contrived, -with the connivance of Sher Khán, to escape together with his -family. Fidá-ud-dín Khán was so greatly enraged with Sher Khán for this -treachery, that Sher Khán leaving Áhmedábád on pretence of hunting, -escaped to Bálásinor, where his wife joined him. Fidá-ud-dín Khán put -Ánandrám to death, while Rangoji through the aid of Sher Khán Bábi's -wife, made good his escape to Borsad. Fidá-ud-dín Khán had set out to -collect tribute, when news arrived that Khanderáv Gáikwár, brother of -Dámáji, had crossed the Mahi and joining Rangoji had laid siege to -Petlád. On hearing this, Fidá-ud-dín at once returned to Áhmedábád, -and sent Valabhdás Kotwál to Khanderáv to complain of the misconduct -of Rangoji. - -[Abdúl Ázíz Khán of Junnar, Viceroy (by a forged order).] After the -death of Momín Khán, Jawán Mard Khán Bábi was the greatest noble in -Gujarát. He began to aspire to power, and Fidá-ud-dín, who was not good -in the field, had thoughts of appointing him as a deputy. While matters -were in this state, and Jawán Mard Khán was already laying claim to -the revenue of the district round Áhmedábád, an order was received -appointing Abdúl Ázíz Khán the commander of Junnar, near Poona, to be -viceroy of Gujarát. This order was forged by Abdúl Ázíz Khán in Jawán -Mard Khán's interests, whom he appointed his deputy. Though Fidá-ud-dín -Khán doubted the genuineness of the order, he was not powerful enough -to remove Jawán Mard Khán, who accordingly proclaimed himself deputy -viceroy. [Mutiny of the Troops.] At this time the troops, clamorous on -account of arrears, placed both Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir Khán -under confinement. Jawán Mard Khán assumed charge of the city and -stationed his own men on guard. While Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir -Khán were in confinement, Khanderáv Gáikwár sent them a message that -if they would cause the fort of Petlád to be surrendered to him, -he would help them. To this they returned no answer. Fidá-ud-dín -Khán now entreated Jawán Mard Khán to interfere between him and -his troops. Jawán Mard Khán accordingly persuaded the mutineers to -release Fidá-ud-dín Khán, who eventually escaped from the city and -went to Ágra. - -[Maráthás Capture Petlád.] Meanwhile Rangoji continued to press -the siege of Petlád and the commander, Ágha Muhammad Husain, -after in vain appealing for help to Jawán Mard Khán, was forced to -surrender. Rangoji demolished the fort of Petlád and marched upon -Áhmedábád. As he approached the city Jawán Mard Khán sent the writer -of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and Ajabsingh to negotiate with Rangoji, who -demanded all his former rights and possessions. - -[Muftakhir Khán Fifty-seventh Viceroy, 1743-44.] News had now reached -Dehli that a false viceroy was governing Gujarát, and accordingly -Muftakhir Khán was chosen fifty-seventh viceroy, the order explaining -that Abdúl Ázíz had never been appointed viceroy, and directing -Jawán Mard Khán to withdraw from the conduct of affairs. Muftakhir -Khán was perplexed how to act. He succeeded in persuading his troops -that he would be able to pay them their arrears, and he sent a copy -of the order to Jawán Mard Khán; and, as he dared not displace him, -[Appoints Jawán Mard Khán his Deputy.] he informed Jawán Mard Khán -that he had appointed him as his deputy, and that he himself would -shortly leave Áhmedábád. Jawán Mard Khán, so far from obeying, ordered -Muftakhir Khán's house to be surrounded. Eventually Muftakhir Khán, -leaving the city, joined Rangoji, and then retired to Cambay. - -[The Maráthás in Áhmedábád.] Khanderáv Gáikwár returned, and, with the -view of enforcing his claims, uniting with Rangoji, marched to Banjar, -about five miles south of Áhmedábád. Jawán Mard Khán issuing from -the city camped near the Kánkariya lake. Narhar Pandit and Krishnáji -on behalf of the Marátha leaders were sent to Jawán Mard Khán to -demand their former rights and possessions. Jawán at first refused, -but in the end gave way and the Maráthás appointed Dádu Morár deputy -of the city. Sher Khán Bábi now returned to Bálásinor. Khanderáv and -Kánáji then went to Dholka, Rangoji to Petlád, and Khanderáv Gáikwár -to Sorath. Fidá-ud-dín Khán requested Rangoji to help Muftakhir Khán; -he replied that he was willing to help him, but had no money. Rangoji -then accompanied Fidá-ud-dín Khán to Cambay, where Muftakhir Khán -was. Negotiations were entered into, and the Kháns tried to collect -£10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) which Rangoji asked for to enable him to make -military preparations to aid them. They raised £8000 (Rs. 80,000) -with great difficulty and admitted Rangoji's Náib to a share in the -administration. Rangoji withdrew to Borsad with the £8000 (Rs. 80,000) -under the pretext that when the remaining £2000 (Rs. 20,000) were paid -he would take action. Fidá-ud-dín Khán, annoyed at Rangoji's conduct, -went to reside at Dhowan, a village belonging to Jálam Jália Koli. - -In A.D. 1744 Jawán Mard Khán, after appointing one of his brothers, -Zoráwar Khán, his deputy at Pátan, and keeping his other brother -Safdar Khán at Áhmedábád, advanced from the city to Kadi to collect -tribute. His next step was to invite Abdúl Ázíz Khán, the commander -of Junnar, near Poona, to join him in Gujarát. Abdul Ázíz accordingly -set out from Junnar, taking with him Fatehyáb Khán, commander of the -fort of Mulher in Báglán and Rustamráv Marátha. Directing his march -in the first instance to Surat he was there watched in the interests -of Dámáji Gáikwár, by Deváji Tákpar, the lieutenant of that chief, -who, seeing that on leaving Surat, Abdúl Ázíz continued to advance -to Áhmedábád, [Battle of Kím Kathodra.] pursued him to Kím Kathodra, -about fifteen miles north-west of Surat, and there attacked him. In -the engagement Deváji Tákpar, who had gained over Rustamráv Marátha, -one of the leading men in Abdúl Ázíz's army, was victorious. Abdúl -Ázíz Khán retired, but was so closely followed by the Maráthás, -that at Pánoli he was forced to leave his elephant, and, mounting a -horse, fled with all speed towards Broach. On reaching the Narbada he -failed to find any boats, and, as his pursuers were close upon him, -putting his horse at the water, [Defeat and Death of Abdúl Ázíz Khán, -1744.] he tried to swim the river; but, sticking fast in the mud, -he was overtaken and slain by the Maráthás. - -[Fakhr-ud-daulah Fifty-eighth Viceroy, 1744-1748.] On hearing of the -death of Abdúl Ázíz, Jawán Mard Khán thought of joining Muftakhir -Khán. Ere he could carry this plan into effect, the emperor receiving, -it is said, a present of £20,000 (Rs. 2 lákhs) for the nomination, -appointed Fakhr-ud-daulah Fakhr-ud-dín Khán Shujáât Jang Bahádur -fifty-eighth viceroy of Gujarát. The new viceroy forwarded a blank -paper to a banker of his acquaintance named Sitárám, asking him to -enter in it the name of a fitting deputy. [Jawán Mard Khán Bábi, -Deputy Viceroy.] Sitárám filled in the name of Jawán Mard Khán, and -Fakhr-ud-daulah was proclaimed viceroy. About this time Safdar Khán -Bábi, after levying tribute from the Sábarmati chiefs, returned to -Áhmedábád, and Khanderáv Gáikwár, as he passed from Sorath to Songad, -appointed Rangoji his deputy. On being appointed deputy Rangoji sent -Krishnáji instead of Morár Náik as his deputy to Áhmedábád, and himself -proceeded to Arhar-Mátar on the Vátrak, and from that moved to Kaira to -visit Jawán Mard Khán, with whom he established friendly relations. In -the same year Áli Muhammad Khán, superintendent of customs, died, and -in his place the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi was appointed. In this -year, too, Pahár Khán Jhálori died, and his uncle, Muhammad Bahádur, -was appointed governor of Pálanpur in his stead. - -[Khanderáv Gáikwár called to Sátára.] About this time Umábái, widow -of Khanderáv Dábháde, summoned Khanderáv Gáikwár to help her in -her attempt to lessen the power of the Peshwa. As Dámáji Gáikwár -could not be spared from the Dakhan Khanderáv was appointed his -deputy in Gujarát, and he chose one Rámchandra to represent him at -Áhmedábád. When Fakhr-ud-daulah advanced to join his appointment as -viceroy he was received at Bálásinor with much respect by Sher Khán -Bábi. Jawán Mard Khán Bábi, on the other hand, determining to resist -Fakhr-ud-daulah to the utmost of his power, summoned Gangádhar with a -body of Marátha horse from Petlád, and posting them at Ísanpur, about -ten miles south-west of the city, himself leaving the fortifications -of Áhmedábád, encamped at Asárva, about a mile and a half from the -walls. During his progress towards the capital the new viceroy was -joined by Ráisinghji of Ídar at Kapadvanj, and, advancing together, -they arrived at Bhílpur, eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád. On their -approach Jawán Mard Khán sent Safdar Khán and Gangádhar to oppose -them, and the two armies met about six miles from the capital. After -some fighting Fakhr-ud-daulah succeeded in forcing his way to the -suburb of Rájpura, and next day continuing to drive back the enemy -occupied the suburb of Bahrámpura and began the actual siege of the -city. At this point affairs took a turn. Fakhr-ud-daulah was wounded -and returned to his camp, while Jawán Mard Khán succeeded in winning -over to his side Sher Khán Bábi and Ráisinghji of Ídar, two of the -viceroy's chief supporters. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi especially notes that -Rája Ráisingh asked for money to pay his troops but Fakhr-ud-daulah, -not knowing that this rule had long been a dead letter, said that -as he held a district on service tenure, it was not proper for him -to ask for a money aid when on imperial service. [Defeat and capture -of the Viceroy by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi.] Next day Fakhr-ud-daulah was -surrounded by Safdar Khán Bábi and the Maráthás, and himself one wife -and some children were taken prisoners, while another of his wives -and his son, who had managed to escape to Sidhpur, were captured and -brought back to Áhmedábád. - -[Rangoji Disgraced by Khanderáv Gáikwár.] After this Khanderáv -Gáikwár returned to Gujarát to receive his share of the spoil taken -from Fakhr-ud-daulah. Reaching Borsad, he took Rangoji with him -as far as Áhmedábád, where he met Jawán Mard Khán, and obtained -from Rangoji his share of the tribute. Khanderáv was not satisfied -with Rangoji's accounts, and appointing a fresh deputy, he attached -Rangoji's property, and before leaving Áhmedábád for Sorath, put him in -confinement at Borsad. He also confined Fakhr-ud-daulah in the Ghiáspur -outpost on the bank of the river Mahi. Meanwhile in consequence of -some misunderstanding between Jawán Mard Khán Bábi and his brother -Safdar Khán, the latter retired to Udepur, and Jawán Mard Khán went -to Visalnagar then in the hands of his brother Zoráwar Khán. From -Visalnagar, Jawán Mard Khán proceeded to Rádhanpur, and meeting his -brother Safdar Khán, they became reconciled, and returned together -to Áhmedábád. Khanderáv Gáikwár, who had in the meantime returned -from Sorath, encamping at Dholka appointed Trimbakráv Pandit as his -deputy at Áhmedábád in place of Moro Pandit. On hearing that Rangoji -had been thrown into confinement, Umábái sent for him, and he along -with Khanderáv Gáikwár repaired to the Dakhan. - -[Punáji Vithal and Fakhr-ud-daulah oppose Rangoji and Jawán Mard -Khán.] Shortly afterwards Punáji Vithal, in concert with Trimbak -Pandit, being dissatisfied with Jawán Mard Khán, began to intrigue with -Fakhr-ud-daulah. In the meantime Umábái had appointed Rangoji as her -deputy, and, as he was a staunch friend of Jawán Mard Khán, he expelled -Trimbakráv from Áhmedábád, and himself collected the Marátha share of -the city revenues. Upon this Punáji Vithal sent Gangádhar and Krishnáji -with an army, and they, expelling the Muhammadan officers from the -districts from which the Maráthás levied the one-fourth share of the -revenue, took the management of them into their own hands. Rangoji now -asked Sher Khán Bábi to help him. Sher Khán agreed; but as he had not -funds to pay his troops, he delayed, and afterwards plundered Mahudha -and Nadiád. As Rangoji failed to join him, Sher Khán proceeded by -himself to Kapadvanj, and from Kapadvanj marched against the Marátha -camp, with which Fakhr-ud-daulah was then associated. On the night -after his arrival, the Maráthás made an attack on Sher Khán's camp, -in which many men on both sides were slain. Next morning the battle -was renewed, but on Sher Khán suggesting certain terms the fighting -ceased. That very night, hearing that Rangoji had reached Bálásinor, -Sher Khán stole off towards Kapadvanj. Punáji and Fakhr-ud-daulah -followed in pursuit but failed to prevent Rangoji and Sher Khán from -joining their forces. - -[Siege of Kapadvanj by Fakhr-ud-daulah, 1746.] In A.D. 1746 a battle -was fought in the neighbourhood of the town of Kapadvanj in which -Sher Khán was wounded. He was forced to take shelter with Rangoji -in Kapadvanj, while Fakhr-ud-daulah, Gangádhar, and Krishnáji laid -siege to that town. At this time the Lunáváda chief asked Malhárráv -Holkar on his way back from his yearly raid into Málwa, to join him -in attacking Virpur. Holkar agreed and Virpur was plundered. Rangoji, -hearing of the arrival of Holkar, begged him to come to his aid, -and on promise of receiving a sum of £20,000 (Rs. 2 lákhs) and two -elephants, Holkar consented. [At the approach of Holkar the Siege is -raised.] Gangádhar, Krishnáji, and Fakhr-ud-daulah, hearing of the -approach of Holkar, raised the siege of Kapadvanj, and marching to -Dholka expelled the governor of that district. Shortly afterwards -on a summons from Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár Rangoji retired -to Baroda. Meanwhile Fakhr-ud-daulah, Krishnáji, and Gangádhar -advanced to Jetalpur in the Daskroi sub-division of Áhmedábád and, -taking possession of it, expelled Ámbar Habshi, the deputy of Jawán -Mard Khán. Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár passed from Baroda to Vasu, -where they were met by Krishnáji and Gangádhar, whom Dámáji censured -for aiding Fakhr-ud-daulah. On this occasion Dámáji bestowed the -districts of Baroda Nadiád and Borsad on his brother Khanderáv, -an action which for ever removed any ill feeling on the part of -Khanderáv. Then, proceeding to Goklej, Dámáji had an interview with -Jawán Mard Khán. From Goklej he sent Kánoji Tákpar with Fakhr-ud-daulah -to Sorath, and himself returned to Songad. As Borsad had been given -to Khanderáv, Rangoji fixed on Umreth as his residence. - -In this year, A.D. 1746, Teghbeg Khán, governor of Surat, died, and was -succeeded by his brother Safdar Muhammad Khán, who, in acknowledgment -of a present of seven horses, received from the emperor the title -of Bahádur. At this time Tálib Áli Khán died, and the writer of the -Mirat-i-Áhmedi was appointed minister by the emperor. In A.D. 1747 -Rangoji returned to Áhmedábád, and Jawán Mard Khán had an interview -with him a few miles from the city. Shortly after this the Kolis of -Mehmúdábád and Mahudha rebelled, but the revolt was speedily crushed -by Sháhbáz Rohilla. - -[Momín Khán II. Governor of Cambay, 1748.] During this year Najm Khán, -governor of Cambay, died. Muftakhir Khán, son of Najm-ud-daulah Momín -Khán I., who had also received the title of Momín Khán, informed -the emperor of Najm Khán's death, and himself assumed the office of -governor in which in A.D. 1748 he was confirmed. On hearing of the -death of Najm Khán, on pretence of condoling with the family of the -late governor, Fidá-ud-dín Khán marched to Cambay, but as he was not -allowed to enter the town he retired. He afterwards went to Umreth and -lived with Rangoji. Kánoji Tákpar, who had gone with Fakhr-ud-daulah -into Sorath, now laid siege to and took the town of Vanthali. As it -was nearly time for the Maráthás to return to their country, Kánoji -and Fakhr-ud-daulah, retiring to Dholka, expelled Muhammad Jánbáz, -the deputy governor. Rangoji, who had at this time a dispute with -Jawán Mard Khán regarding his share of tribute, now came and joined -them, and their combined forces marched upon Sánand, where, after -plundering the town, they encamped. It was now time for Kánoji to -withdraw to the Dakhan. Rangoji and Fakhr-ud-daulah, remaining behind -to collect tribute from the neighbouring districts, marched to Ísanpur, -where they were opposed by Jawán Mard Khán. [Increased Strength of -Fakhr-ud-daulah's Party.] On this occasion both Jawán Mard Khán and -Fakhr-ud-daulah sought the alliance of Rája Ráisingh of Ídar. But, -as he offered more favourable terms, Rája Ráisingh determined to join -Fakhr-ud-daulah. Sher Khán Bábi also joined Fakhr-ud-daulah, who, -thus reinforced, laid siege to Áhmedábád. While these events were -passing at Áhmedábád, Hariba, an adopted son of Khanderáv Gáikwár, -at that time in possession of the fort of Borsad, began to plunder -Rangoji's villages under Petlád, and, attacking his deputy, defeated -and killed him. [Dissensions among the Maráthás.] On this Rangoji -withdrew from Áhmedábád, attacked and captured the fort of Borsad, -and forced Hariba to leave the country. Jawán Mard Khán now sent -for Janárdhan Pandit, Khanderáv's deputy at Nadiád, and, in place of -Rangoji's representative, appointed him to manage the Marátha share -of Áhmedábád. - -[Surat Affairs, 1748.] During these years important changes had -taken place in the government of Surat. In A.D. 1734, when Mulla -Muhammad Áli, the chief of the merchants and builder of the Athva -fort, was killed in prison by Teghbeg Khán, the Nizám sent Sayad -Miththan to revenge his death. Sayad Miththan was forced to return -unsuccessful. After Teghbeg Khán's death Sayad Miththan again came to -Surat and lived there with his brother Sayad Achchan, who held the -office of paymaster. Sayad Miththan tried to get the government of -the town into his hands, but, again failing, committed suicide. His -brother Sayad Achchan then attacked and took the citadel, expelling -the commander; and for several days war was waged between him and the -governor Safdar Muhammad Khán with doubtful success. At last Sayad -Achchan called to his aid Malhárráv, the deputy at Baroda, and their -combined forces took possession of the whole city. During the sack -of the city Malhárráv was killed and the entire management of affairs -fell into the hands of Sayad Achchan. Safdar Muhammad Khán, the late -governor, though obliged to leave the city, was determined not to -give up Surat without a struggle, and raising some men opened fire on -the fort. Sayad Achchan now begged the Arab, Turk, English, Dutch and -Portuguese merchants to aid him. A deed addressed to the emperor and -the Nizám, begging that Sayad Achchan should be appointed governor, -was signed by all the merchants except by Mr. Lamb the English chief, -and though he at first refused, he was in the end persuaded by the -other merchants to sign. The merchants then assisted Sayad Achchan, -and Safdar Muhammad Khán retired to Sindh. - -Meanwhile, on account of some enmity between Mulla Fakhr-ud-dín, -the son of Mulla Muhammad Áli, chief of the merchants, and Sayad -Achchan, the Mulla was thrown into prison. Mr. Lamb went to Sayad -Achchan, and remonstrating with him suggested that the Mulla should -be sent for. [Mulla Fakhr-ud-din Escapes to Bombay.] Sayad Achchan -agreed, but on the way Mr. Lamb carried off Mulla Fakhr-ud-dín to the -English factory, and afterwards sent him to Bombay in disguise. In the -meantime Kedárji Gáikwár, a cousin of Dámáji's, whom, with Malhárrav, -Sayad Achchan had asked to his help, arrived at Surat, and though -Sayad Achchan had been successful without his aid, Kedárji demanded -the £30,000 (Rs. 3 lákhs) which had been promised him. As the Sayad -was not in a position to resist Kedárji's demands, and as he had no -ready money to give him, [Cession of Surat Revenue to the Gáikwár, -1747.] he made over to him a third of the revenues of Surat until the -amount should be paid. As before this another third of the revenues -of Surat had been assigned to Háfiz Masûud Khán, the deputy of Yákut -Khán of Janjira, the emoluments of the governor of Surat were reduced -to one-third of the entire revenue and this was divided between the -Mutasaddi and Bakhshi. - -[Famine, 1747.] In this year (A.D. 1747, S. 1803) there was a severe -shock of earthquake and a great famine which caused many deaths. In -the following year Jawán Mard Khán endeavoured to recapture Jetalpur, -but failed. [Marátha Dissensions.] About the same time Umábái died, -and Dámáji's brother Khanderáv, who was on good terms with Ambiká -wife of Báburáv Senápati, the guardian of Umábái's son, procured -his own appointment as deputy of his brother Dámáji in Gujarát. On -being appointed deputy Khanderáv at once marched against Rangoji to -recover Borsad, which, as above mentioned, Rangoji had taken from -Hariba. Their forces were joined by two detachments, one from Momín -Khán under the command of Ágha Muhammad Husain, the other from Jawán -Mard Khán commanded by Janárdhan Pandit. The combined army besieged -Borsad. After a five months' siege [Fall of Borsad.] Borsad was taken, -and Rangoji was imprisoned by Khanderáv. On the fall of Borsad Sher -Khán Bábi and Rája Ráisingh of Ídar, who were allies of Rangoji, -returned to Bálásinor and Ídar; Fakhr-ud-daulah was sent to Petlád -and Fidá-ud-dín Khán, leaving Umreth, took shelter with Jetha, the -chief of Atarsumba. - -[Ahmed Sháh Emperor 1748-1754.] In this year the emperor Muhammad Sháh -died and was succeeded by his son Ahmed Sháh (A.D. 1748-1754). Shortly -after Ahmed's accession Mahárája Vakhatsingh, brother of Mahárája -Abheysingh, was appointed [Mahárája Vakhatsingh Fifty-ninth Viceroy, -1748.] fifty-ninth viceroy of Gujarát. When he learned what was the -state of the province, he pleaded that his presence would be more -useful in his own dominions, and never took up his appointment of -viceroy. Vakhatsingh was the last viceroy of Gujarát nominated -by the imperial court, for although by the aid of the Maráthás -Fakhr-ud-daulah was of importance in the province, he had never been -able to establish himself as viceroy. In this year also occurred the -death of Khushálchand Sheth, the chief merchant of Áhmedábád. - -Khanderáv Gáikwár appointed Rághavshankar his deputy at Áhmedábád, and -Safdar Khán Bábi issued from Áhmedábád with an army to levy tribute -from the chiefs on the banks of the Sábarmati. When Fakhr-ud-daulah, -the former viceroy, heard of the appointment of Mahárája Vakhatsingh, -seeing no chance of any benefit from a longer stay in Gujarát, he -retired to Dehli. In A.D. 1748 Ásif Jáh, Nizám-ul-Mulk, died at an -advanced age, leaving six sons and a disputed succession. - -[Disorder Spreads.] About the same time Bálájiráv Peshwa, who was -jealous of the power of the Gáikwár, sent a body of troops, and -freed Rangoji from the hands of Khanderáv Gáikwár. During these years -adventurers, in different parts of the country, taking advantage of -the decay of the central power, endeavoured to establish themselves -in independence. Of these attempts the most formidable was the revolt -of one of the Pátan Kasbátis who established his power so firmly in -Pátan that Jawán Mard Khán found it necessary to proceed in person to -reduce him. Shortly afterwards Jawán Mard Khán deemed it advisable to -recall his brothers Safdar Khán and Zoráwar Khán, who were then at -Únja under Pátan, and took them with him to Áhmedábád. Fidá-ud-dín -Khán who had been residing at Atarsumba now asked permission to -return to Áhmedábád, but as Jawán Mard Khán did not approve of this -suggestion, Fidá-ud-dín departed to Broach and there took up his -residence. Janárdhan Pandit marched to Kaira and the Bhíl district -to levy tribute, and Khanderáv appointed Shevakrám his deputy. - -[Surat Affairs, A.D. 1750.] In the meantime at Surat, Sayad Achchan -endeavoured to consolidate his rule, and with this view tried -to expel Háfiz Masûud Habshí, and prevent him again entering the -city. But his plans failed, and he was obliged to make excuses for his -conduct. [Sayad Achchan Unpopular.] Sayad Achchan then oppressed other -influential persons, until eventually the Habshí and others joining, -attacked him in the citadel. Except Mr. Lamb, who considered himself -bound by the deed signed in A.D. 1747 in favour of Sayad Achchan, -all the merchants of Surat joined the assailants. [Safdar Muhammad -brought back by the Dutch.] Among the chief opponents of Sayad Achchan -were the Dutch, who sending ships brought back Safdar Muhammad Khán -from Thatta, and established him as governor of Surat. The English -factory was next besieged, and, though a stout resistance was made, -the guards were bribed, and the factory plundered. [Sayad Achchan -Retires.] In A.D. 1750 Sayad Achchan, surrendering the citadel to -the Habshí, withdrew first to Bombay and then to Poona, to Bálájiráv -Peshwa. Shortly afterwards, in consequence of the censure passed upon -him by the Bombay Government for his support of Sayad Achchan, Mr. Lamb -committed suicide. Wearied by these continual contests for power, the -merchants of Surat asked Rája Raghunathdás, minister to the Nizám, -to choose them a governor. Rája Raghunathdás accordingly nominated -his own nephew, Rája Harprasád, to be governor, and the writer of the -Mirat-i-Áhmedi to be his deputy. But before Rája Harprasád could join -his appointment at Surat, both he and his father were slain in battle. - -In the same year, A.D. 1750, occurred the deaths of Rája Ráisingh -of Ídar, of Safdar Khán Bábi of Bálásinor, and of Fidá-ud-dín Khán, -who had for some time been settled at Broach. [Jawán Mard Khán -and the Peshwa, 1750.] Jawán Mard Khán, who, seeing that they were -inclined to become permanent residents in Gujarát, was always opposed -to the Gáikwár's power, now entered into negotiations with Bálájiráv -Peshwa. He chose Patel Sukhdev to collect the Marátha revenue and asked -the Peshwa to help him in expelling Dámáji's agents. The Peshwa, being -now engaged in war in the Dakhan with Salábat Jang Bahádur, son of the -late Nizám, was unable to send Jawán Mard Khán any assistance. Towards -the close of the year Jawán Mard Khán started from Áhmedábád to collect -tribute from the Sábarmati chiefs. Returning early in A.D. 1751, -at the request of Jetha Patel a subordinate of Bhávsingh Desái, he -proceeded to Banod or Vanod under Víramgám and reduced the village. Áli -Muhammad Khán, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, who about this time -was raised in rank with the title of Bahádur, states that owing to -the Marátha inroads most of the districts had passed entirely into -their possession; in others according to agreements with Jawán Mard -Khán they held a half share. Consequently in spite of new taxes, the -entire remaining income of the province was only four lákhs of rupees, -and it was impossible to maintain the military posts or control the -rebellious Kolis. - -[The Peshwa and Gáikwár, 1751.] It was in this year (A.D. 1751) -that the Peshwa, decoying Dámájiráv into his power, imprisoned him -and forced him to surrender half of his rights and conquests in -Gujarát. Taking advantage of the absence of the Gáikwár and his army -in the Dakhan, Jawán Mard Khán marched into Sorath. He first visited -Gogha, and then levying tribute in Gohilváda advanced into Káthiáváda -and marched against Navánagar, and, after collecting a contribution -from the Jám, returned to Áhmedábád: In the following year (A.D. 1752), -as soon as the news reached Gujarát that the Maráthás' share in the -province had been divided between the Peshwa and Gáikwár, Momín Khán, -who was always quarrelling with the Gáikwár's agent, sending Varajlál -his steward to Bálájiráv Peshwa begged him to include Cambay in his -share and send his agent in place of the Gáikwár's agent. Bálájiráv -agreed, and from that time an agent of the Peshwa was established at -Cambay. In the same year Raghunáthráv, brother of the Peshwa, entering -Gujarát took possession of the Rewa and Mahi Kántha districts and -marched on Surat. Shiaji Dhangar was appointed in Shevakrám's place -as Dámáji's deputy, and Krishnáji came to collect the Peshwa's share. - -[Broach Independent, 1752.] Up to this time the city of Broach had -remained part of the Nizám's personal estate, managed by Abdúllah Beg, -whom, with the title of Nek Álam Khán, Ásif Jáh the late Nizám-ul-Mulk -had chosen his deputy. On the death of Abdúllah Beg in A.D. 1752 the -emperor appointed his son to succeed him with the same title as his -father, while he gave to another son, named Mughal Beg, the title of -Khertalab Khán. During the contests for succession that followed upon -the death of the Nizám in A.D. 1752, no attempt was made to enforce -the Nizám's claims on the lands of Broach; and for the future, except -for the share of the revenue paid to the Maráthás, the governors of -Broach were practically independent. - -The Peshwa now sent Pándurang Pandit to levy tribute from his -share of Gujarát, and that officer crossing the Mahi marched upon -Cambay. Momín Khán prepared to oppose him, but the Pandit made -friendly overtures, and eventually Momín Khán not only paid the sum -of £700 (Rs. 7000) for grass and grain for the Pandit's troops, -but also lent him four small cannon. [Pándurang Pandit Repulsed -at Áhmedábád, 1752.] Pándurang Pandit then marched upon Áhmedábád, -and encamping near the Kánkariya lake laid siege to the city which -was defended by Jawán Mard Khán. During the siege Pándurang Pandit, -sending some troops, ravaged Níkol, part of the lands of Áli Muhammad -Khán Bahádur, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi. Meanwhile, as the -operations against Áhmedábád made no progress, Pándurang Pandit made -offers of peace. These Jawán Mard Khán accepted, and on receiving -from Jawán Mard Khán the present of a mare and a small sum of money -under the name of entertainment, the Marátha leader withdrew to Sorath. - -[Marátha Invasion.] About this time the Peshwa released Dámáji Gáikwár -on his promise to help the Peshwa's brother Raghunáthráv, who was -shortly afterwards despatched with an army to complete the conquest of -Gujarát. Meanwhile Jawán Mard Khán's anxiety regarding the Maráthás -was for a time removed by the departure of Pándurang Pandit. And, as -the harvest season had arrived, he with his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi, -leaving Muhammad Mubáriz Sherwáni behind as his deputy, set out from -Áhmedábád to levy tribute from the chiefs of the Sábar Kántha. Certain -well informed persons, who had heard of Raghunáthráv's preparations -for invading Gujarát, begged Jawán Mard Khán not to leave the city but -to depute his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi to collect the tribute. Jawán -Mard Khán, not believing their reports, said that he would not go more -than from forty-five to sixty miles from the city, and that, should -the necessity of any more distant excursion arise, he would entrust it -to his brother. Jawán Mard Khán then marched from the city, levying -tribute until he arrived on the Pálanpur frontier about seventy-five -miles north of Áhmedábád. Here meeting Muhammad Bahádur Jhálori, the -governor of Pálanpur, Jawán Mard Khán was foolishly induced to join him -in plundering the fertile districts of Sirohi, till at last he was not -less than 150 miles from his head-quarters. Meanwhile Raghunáthráv, -joining Dámáji Gáikwár, entered suddenly by an unusual route into -Gujarát, and news reached Áhmedábád that the Maráthás had crossed -the Narbada. On this the townspeople sent messenger after messenger -to recall Jawán Mard Khán, and building up the gateways prepared for -defence, while the inhabitants of the suburbs, leaving their houses, -crowded with their families into the city for protection. Raghunáthráv, -hearing that Jawán Mard Khán and his army were absent from the city, -pressed on by forced marches, and crossing the river Mahi despatched -an advance corps under Vithal Sukhdev. Kosáji, proprietor of Nadiád, at -Dámáji Gáikwár's invitation also marched towards Áhmedábád, plundering -Mehmúdábád Khokhri, only three miles from the city. In the meantime -Vithal Sukhdev reached Kaira, and taking with him the chief man of -that place, Muhammad Daurán, son of Muhammad Bábi, continued his -march. He was shortly joined by Raghunáthráv, and the combined forces -now proceeded to Áhmedábád and encamped by the Kánkariya lake. Next -day Raghunáthráv moved his camp to near the tomb of Hazrat Sháh -Bhíkan, [875] on the bank of the Sábarmati to the south-west of the -city. Raghunáthráv now proceeded to invest the city, distributing his -thirty to forty thousand horse into three divisions. The operations -against the north of the city were entrusted to Dámáji Gáikwár; -those on the east to Gopál Hari; while the troops on the south and -west were under the personal command of Raghunáthráv and his officers. - -[Return of Jawán Mard Khán.] After leaving Sirohi Jawán Mard Khán -had gone westwards to Tharád and Váv, so that the first messengers -failed to find him. One of the later messengers, Mándan by name, -who had not left Áhmedábád until the arrival of Raghunáthráv at the -Kánkariya lake, made his way to Váv and Tharád, and told Jawán Mard -Khán what had happened. Jawán Mard Khán set out by forced marches -for Rádhanpur, and leaving his family and the bulk of his army at -Pátan, he pushed on with 200 picked horsemen to Kadi and from that -to Áhmedábád, contriving to enter the city by night. [He enters -Áhmedábád.] The presence of Jawán Mard Khán raised the spirits of -the besieged, and the defence was conducted with ardour. In spite of -their watchfulness, a party of about 700 Maráthás under cover of night -succeeded in scaling the walls and entering the city. Ere they could -do any mischief they were discovered and driven out of the town with -much slaughter. The bulk of the besieging army, which had advanced in -hopes that this party would succeed in opening one of the city gates, -were forced to retire disappointed. Raghunáthráv now made proposals -for peace, but Jawán Mard Khán did not think it consistent with his -honour to accept them. On his refusal, the Marátha general redoubled -his efforts and sprung several mines, but owing to the thickness -of the city walls no practicable breach was effected. Jawán Mard -Khán now expelled the Marátha deputies, and [Gallant Defence of the -City.] continuing to defend the city with much gallantry contrived at -night to introduce into the town by detachments a great portion of his -army from Pátan. At length, embarrassed by want of provisions and the -clamour of his troops for pay, he extorted £5000 (Rs. 50,000) from the -official classes. As Jawán Mard was known to have an ample supply of -money of his own this untimely meanness caused great discontent. The -official classes who were the repository of all real power murmured -against his rule and openly advocated the surrender of the city, and -[Jawán Mard Khán Surrenders.] Jawán Mard Khán, much against his will, -was forced to enter into negotiations with Raghunáthráv. - -Raghunáthráv was so little hopeful of taking Áhmedábád that he -had determined, should the siege last a month longer, to depart on -condition of receiving the one-fourth share of the revenue and a safe -conduct. Had Jawán Mard Khán only disbursed his own money to pay the -troops, and encouraged instead of disheartening the official class, he -need never have lost the city. At last to Raghunáthráv's relief, Jawán -Mard Khán was reduced to treat for peace through Vithal Sukhdev. It -was arranged that the Maráthás should give Jawán Mard Khán the sum -of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) to pay his troops, besides presenting him -with an elephant and other articles of value. It was at the same time -agreed that the garrison should leave the city with all the honours -of war. And that, for himself and his brothers, Jawán Mard Khán -should receive, free from any Marátha claim, the districts of Pátan, -Vadnagar, Sami, Munjpur, Visalnagar, Tharád, Kherálu, and Rádhanpur -with Tervada and Bijápur. It was further agreed that one of Jawán Mard -Khán's brothers should always serve the Maráthás with 300 horse and -500 foot, the expenses of the force being paid by the Maráthás. It -was also stipulated that neither the Peshwa's army nor his deputy's, -nor that of any commander should enter Jawán Mard Khán's territory, -and that in Áhmedábád no Marátha official should put up at any of the -Khán Bahádur's mansions, new or old, or at any of those belonging to -his brothers followers or servants. Finally that the estates of other -members of the family, namely Kaira, Kasba Mátar and Bánsa Mahudha, -which belonged to Muhammad Khán, Khán Daurán, and Ábid Khán were not -to be meddled with, nor were encroachments to be allowed on the lands -of Káyam Kúli Khán or of Zoráwar Khán. This agreement was signed and -sealed by Raghunáthráv, with Dámáji Gáikwár (half sharer), Malhárráv -Holkar, Jye Ápa Sindhia, Rámchandar Vithal Sukhdev, Sakhárám Bhagvant, -and Mádhavráv Gopálráv as securities. [The Maráthás take Possession, -1753.] The treaty was then delivered to Jawán Mard Khán, and he and -his garrison, marching out with the honours of war, the Maráthás took -possession of Áhmedábád on April 2nd, 1753. - -[Collect Tribute.] On leaving Áhmedábád Jawán Mard Khán retired -to Pátan. At Áhmedábád Raghunáthráv with Dámáji arranged for the -government of the city, appointing Shripatráv his deputy. He then -marched into Jháláváda to levy tribute from the Limbdi and Wadhwán -chiefs; and was so far successful that Harbhamji of Limbdi agreed -to pay an annual tribute of £4000 (Rs. 40,000). As the rainy season -was drawing near Raghunáthráv returned to Dholka, while Patel Vithal -Sukhdev forced Muhammad Bahádur, the governor of Pálanpur, to consent -to a payment of £11,500 (Rs. 1,15,000). From Dholka Raghunáthráv went -to Tárápur, about twelve miles north of Cambay, and compelled Momín -Khán to submit to an annual payment of £1000 (Rs. 10,000). At the same -time Áli Muhammad Khán Bahádur, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, was -appointed collector of customs, and his former grants were confirmed -and he was allowed to retain his villages of Sayadpur and Kûjádh close -to Áhmedábád, as well as the village of Pánmûl in Bijápur. Dámáji -Gáikwár, after levying tribute in the Vátrak Kántha, went to Kapadvanj, -which he took from Sher Khán Bábi. From Kapadvanj he passed to Nadiád -and appointed Shevakrái to collect his half share of the revenue of -Gujarát. [Mughal Coinage Ceases.] In the Áhmedábád mint, coin ceased -to be struck in the emperor's name and the suburbs of the city which -had been deserted during the siege were not again inhabited. The -Kolis commenced a system of depredation, and their outrages were so -daring that women and children were sometimes carried off and sold -as slaves. After the rains were over (A.D. 1754) Shetuji, commander -of the Áhmedábád garrison, and Shankarji, governor of Víramgám, -were sent to collect tribute from Sorath. Though the imperial power -was sunk so low, the emperor was allowed to confer the post of Kázi -of the city on Kázi Rûkn-ul-Hak Khán who arrived at Áhmedábád and -assumed office. [Failure of an Attempt on Cambay, 1753.] At the close -of the year Shripatráv, who was anxious to acquire Cambay, marched -against Momín Khán. After two doubtful battles in which the Maráthás -gained no advantage, it was agreed that Momín Khán should pay a sum -of £700 (Rs. 7000), and Shripatráv departed from Áhmedábád early in -A.D. 1754. [The Kolis.] When the Kolis heard of the ill success of -the Maráthás at Cambay, they revolted and Rághoshankar was sent to -subdue them. In an engagement near Luhára in Bahyal in His Highness -the Gáikwár's territory about eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád, -Rághoshankar scattered the Kolis, but they again collected and forced -the Maráthás to retire. At this time Shetuji and Shankarji returned -from Sorath, where they had performed the pilgrimage to Dwárka. Shetuji -was sent to the Bhíl district against the Kolis. He was unsuccessful, -and was so ashamed of his failure that he returned to the Dakhan and -Dandu Dátátri was appointed in his place. - -In this year died Nek Álam Khán II. governor of Broach. He was -succeeded by his brother Khertalab Khán who expelled his nephew -Hámid Beg, son of Nek Álam Khán. Hámid Beg took refuge in Surat. At -Bálásinor a dispute arose between Sher Khán Bábi and a body of Arab -mercenaries who took possession of a hill, but in the end came to -terms. With the Peshwa's permission his deputy Bhagvantráv marched -on Cambay. But Varajlál, Momín Khán's steward, who was then at -Poona, sent word to his master, who prepared himself against any -emergency. When Bhagvantráv arrived at Cambay he showed no hostile -intentions and was well received by Momín Khán. Subsequently a -letter from Bhagvantráv to Sálim Jamádár at Áhmedábád ordering him -to march against Cambay fell into Momín Khán's hands. He at once -surrounded Bhagvantráv's house and made him prisoner. [Maráthás -Attack Cambay, 1754.] When the Peshwa heard that Bhagvantráv had been -captured, he ordered Ganesh Ápa, governor of Jambusar, as well as -the governors of Víramgám, Dhandhuka, and other places to march at -once upon Cambay. They went and besieged the town for three months, -but without success. Eventually Shripatráv, the Peshwa's deputy, -sent the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi to negotiate, and it was agreed -that Bhagvantráv should be released and that no alteration should be -made in the position of Momín Khán. Shortly afterwards Shripatráv was -recalled by the Peshwa and his place supplied by an officer of the -name of Rágho. About this time Khertalab Khán, governor of Broach, -died, and quarrels arose regarding the succession. Ultimately Hamid -Beg, nephew of Khertalab Khán, obtained the post, and he afterwards -received an imperial order confirming him as governor, and bestowing -on him the title of Neknám Khán Bahádur. - -[Álamgir II. Emperor, 1754-1759.] At Dehli, during A.D. 1754, the -emperor Áhmed Sháh was deposed, and Âzíz-ud-dín, son of Jahándár Sháh, -was raised to the throne with the title of Álamgír II. After his -release Bhagvantráv established himself in the Cambay fort of Nápád -and not long after began to attack Momín Khán's villages. [Contest with -Momín Khán Renewed, 1754.] After several doubtful engagements peace was -concluded on Momín Khán paying £1000 (Rs. 10,000) on account of the -usual share of the Maráthás which he had withheld. This arrangement -was made through the mediation of Tukáji, the steward of Sadáshiv -Dámodar, who had come to Gujarát with an army and orders to help -Bhagvantráv. As Momín Khán had no ready money Tukáji offered himself -as security and Bhagvantráv and Tukáji withdrew to the Dakhan. Momín -Khán's soldiery now clamoured for pay. As he was not in a position -to meet their demands he sent a body of men against some villages to -the west belonging to Limbdi and plundered them, dividing the booty -among his troops. In the following year, [Momín Khán takes Gogha, -1755.] A.D. 1755, Momín Khán went to Gogha, a port which, though at -one time subordinate to Cambay, had fallen into the hands of Sher Khán -Bábi, and was now in the possession of the Peshwa's officers. Gogha -fell and leaving a garrison of 100 Arabs under Ibráhím Kúli Khán, Momín -Khán returned to Cambay, levying tribute. He then sent the bulk of his -army under the command of Muhammad Zamán Khán, son of Fidá-ud-dín Khán, -and Varajlál his own steward, to plunder and collect money in Gohilváda -and Káthiáváda. Here they remained until their arrears were paid off, -and then returned to Cambay. After this Momín Khán plundered several -Petlád villages and finally, in concert with the Kolis of Dhowan, -attacked Jambusar and carried off much booty. Momín Khán next marched -against Borsad, and was on the point of taking the fort when Sayáji, -son of Dámáji Gáikwár, who lived at Baroda, hearing of Momín Khán's -success, came rapidly with a small body of men to the relief of the -fort and surprised the besiegers. The Muhammadan troops soon recovered -from the effects of the surprise, and Sayáji fearing to engage them -with so small a force retired. On Sayáji's departure Momín Khán raised -the siege of Borsad and returned to Cambay. - -[Momín Khán recovers Áhmedábád, 17th Oct. 1756.] In the year A.D. 1756 -the rains were very heavy, and the walls of Áhmedábád fell in many -places. Momín Khán, hearing of this as well as of the discontent of the -inhabitants, resolved to capture the city. He sent spies to ascertain -the strength of the garrison and set about making allies of the chief -men in the province and enlisting troops. About this time Rághoji, -the Marátha deputy, was assassinated by a Rohilla. As soon as Momín -Khán heard of Rághoji's death he sent his nephew, Muhammad Zamán Khán, -with some men in advance, and afterwards himself at the close of the -year, A.D. 1756, marched from Cambay and camped on the Vátrak. From -this camp they moved to Kaira, and from Kaira to Áhmedábád. After -one or two fights in the suburbs the Muhammadans, finding their way -through the breaches in the walls, opened the gates and entered the -town. The Kolis commenced plundering, and a hand-to-hand fight ensued, -in which the Maráthás were worsted and were eventually expelled from -the city. The Kolis attempted to plunder the Dutch factory, but met -with a spirited resistance, and when Shambhúrám, a Nágar Bráhman, -one of Momín Khán's chief supporters, heard it he ordered the Kolis -to cease attacking the factory and consoled the Dutch. - -[Jawán Mard Khán allies himself with the Maráthás.] In the meantime -Jawán Mard Khán, who had been invited by the Maráthás to their -assistance, set out from Pátan, and when he arrived at Pethápur -and Mánsa he heard of the capture of Áhmedábád. On reaching Kalol -he was joined by Harbhamrám, governor of Kadi. They resolved to send -Zoráwar Khán Bábi to recall Sadáshiv Dámodar, and to await his arrival -at Víramgám. Shevakrám, the Gáikwár's deputy, had taken refuge at -Dholka. Momín Khán himself now advanced, and entering Áhmedábád on the -17th October 1756, appointed Shambhúrám his deputy. Sadáshiv Dámodar -now joined Jawán Mard Khán at Víramgám, and at Jawán Mard Khán's advice -it was resolved, before taking further steps, to write to the Peshwa -for aid. Jawán Mard Khán, although he held large service estates, -charged the Maráthás £150 (Rs. 1500) a day for his troops. Jawán Mard -Khán and the Maráthás then advanced to Sánand and Jitalpur, and thence -marched towards Cambay. On their way they were met, and, after several -combats, defeated by a detachment of Momín Khán's army. Momín Khán -sent troops to overrun Kadi, but Harbhamrám, the governor of Kadi, -defeated the force, and captured their guns. When the emperor heard -of the capture of Gogha, he sent a sword as a present to Momín Khán; -and when the news of the capture of Áhmedábád reached Ágra, Momín -Khán received many compliments. Bálájiráv Peshwa on the other hand -was greatly enraged at these reverses. He at once sent off Sadáshiv -Rámchandra to Gujarát as his deputy, and Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár -also accompanied him with their forces. Momín Khán refusing to give -up Áhmedábád, prepared for defence. Sadáshiv Rámchandra, Dámáji -and Khanderáv Gáikwár advanced, and, crossing the Mahi, reached -Kaira. Here they were met by Jawán Mard Khán and the rest of the -Marátha forces in Gujarát, and the combined army advancing against -the capital camped by the Kánkariya lake. - -[Maráthás Invest Áhmedábád, 1756.] The Maráthás now regularly invested -the city, but Momín Khán, aided by Shambhúrám, made a vigorous -defence. Up to this time Jawán Mard Khán was receiving £150 (Rs. 1500) -daily for the pay of his own and his brother's troops. Sadáshiv -Rámchandra, considering the number of the troops too small for so -large a payment, reduced the amount and retained the men in his -own service. After a month's siege, Momín Khán's troops began to -clamour for pay, but Shambhúrám, by collecting the sum of £10,000 -(Rs. 1 lákh) from the inhabitants of the town managed for the time -to appease their demands. When they again became urgent for pay, -Shambhúrám diverted their thoughts by a general sally from all the -gates at night. On this occasion many men were slain on both sides, -and many of the inhabitants deserted the town. The copper vessels of -such of the townspeople as had fled were melted and coined into money -and given to the soldiery. In this state of affairs an order arrived -from the imperial court bestowing on Momín Khán a dress of honour -and the title of Bahádur. Although the imperial power had for years -been merely a name Momín Khán asked and obtained permission from the -besiegers to leave the city and meet the bearers of the order. The -Maráthás redoubled their efforts. Still though the besiegers were -successful in intercepting supplies of grain the garrison fought -gallantly in defence of the town. - -[Ráv of Ídar helps Momín Khán, 1757.] At this juncture, in -A.D. 1757, Rája Shivsingh of Ídar, son of the late Anandsingh, who -was friendly to Momín Khán, sent Sajánsingh Hazári with a force to -assist the besieged. On their way to Áhmedábád, Harbhamrám with a -body of Maráthás attacked this detachment, while Momín Khán sent to -their aid Muhammad Lál Rohilla and others, and a doubtful battle was -fought. Shortly afterwards Sadáshiv Rámchandar made an attempt on the -fort of Kálikot. The fort was successfully defended by Jamádár Núr -Muhammad, and the Maráthás were repulsed. The Maráthás endeavoured -in vain to persuade Shambhúrám to desert Momín Khán, and though the -garrison were often endangered by the faithlessness of the Kolis and -other causes, they remained staunch. Momín Khán, though frequently in -difficulties owing to want of funds to pay his soldiery, continued -to defend the town. The Maráthás next tried to seduce some of Momín -Khán's officers, but in this they also failed, and [Successful Sally -under Shambhurám.] in a sally Shambhúrám attacked the camp of Sadáshiv -Rámchandar, and burning his tents all but captured the chief himself. - -[Negotiations for Peace.] When the siege was at this stage, Hassan -Kúli Khán Bahádur, viceroy of Oudh, relinquishing worldly affairs -and dividing his property among his nephews, set out to perform a -pilgrimage to Makkah. Before he started Shuja-ûd-daulah, the Nawáb of -Lucknow, requested him on his way to visit Bálájiráv, and endeavour -to come to some settlement of Áhmedábád affairs. Accordingly, adopting -the name of Sháh Núr, and assuming the dress of an ascetic, Hassan Kúli -made his way to Poona, and appearing before the Peshwa offered to make -peace at Áhmedábád. Sháh Núr with much difficulty persuaded the Peshwa -to allow Momín Khán to retain Cambay and Gogha without any Marátha -share, and to grant him a lákh of rupees for the payment of his troops, -on condition that he should surrender Áhmedábád. He obtained letters -from the Peshwa addressed to Sadáshiv Rámchandra to this effect, and -set out with them for Áhmedábád. When he arrived Sadáshiv Rámchandra -was unwilling to accede to the terms, as the Áhmedábád garrison were -reduced to great straits. Sháh Núr persuaded him at last to agree, -provided Momín Khán would surrender without delay. Accordingly Sháh -Núr entered the city and endeavoured to persuade Momín Khán. Momín -Khán demanded in addition a few Petlád villages, and to this the -Maráthás refused their consent. Sháh Núr left in disgust. Before -many days Momín Khán was forced to make overtures for peace. After -discussions with Dámáji Gáikwár, it was agreed that Momín Khán should -surrender the city, receive £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) to pay his soldiery, -and be allowed to retain Cambay as heretofore, that is to say that the -Peshwa should, as formerly, enjoy half the revenues. In addition to -this Momín Khán had to promise to pay the Maráthás a yearly tribute -of £1000 (Rs. 10,000) and to give up all claims on the town of Gogha -and hand over Shambhúrám to the Maráthás. It was also arranged that -the £3500 (Rs. 35,000) worth of ashrafis which he had taken through -Jamádár Sálim should be deducted from the £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh). Momín -Khán surrendered the town on February 27th, 1758. - -[Marátha Arrangements in Áhmedábád.] Sadáshiv Rámchandar and Dámáji -Gáikwár entered the city and undertook its management on behalf of -the Maráthás. Of the other chiefs who were engaged in prosecuting -the siege, Sadáshiv Dámodar returned to the Dakhan and Jawán Mard -Khán receiving some presents from Sadáshiv Rámchandar departed for -Pátan after having had a meeting with Dámáji Gáikwár at a village a -few miles from the capital. Shambhurám, the Nágar Bráhman, who had so -zealously supported Momín Khán, when he saw that further assistance -was useless, tried to escape, but was taken prisoner and sent in -chains to Baroda. Sadáshiv Rámchandar, on taking charge of the city, -had interviews with the principal officials, among whom was the author -of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, and, receiving them graciously, confirmed most -of them in their offices. Then, after choosing Náro Pandit, brother -of Pándurang Pandit, to be his deputy in Áhmedábád, he started on an -expedition to collect tribute in Jháláváda and Sorath. [New Coins.] On -receiving the government of the city the Marátha generals ordered -new coin bearing the mark of an elephant goad to be struck in the -Áhmedábád mint. Sayájiráv Gáikwár remained in Áhmedábád on behalf of -his father Dámáji, and shortly afterwards went towards Kapadvanj to -collect tribute. Thence at his father's request he proceeded to Sorath -to arrange for the payment of the Gáikwár's share of the revenues of -that district. On his return to Cambay Momín Khán was much harassed -by his troops for arrears of pay. The timely arrival of his steward -Varajlál with the Peshwa's contribution of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) -enabled him to satisfy their demands. - -[Momín Khán at Cambay.] Momín Khán now began to oppress and extort -money from his own followers, and is said to have instigated the murder -of his steward Varajlál. Sadáshiv Rámchandar went from Porbandar to -Junágadh, where he was joined by Sayájiráv Gáikwár. At Junágadh Sher -Khán Bábi presented Sadáshiv Rámchandra and Siyájiráv with horses -and they spoke of the necessity of admitting a Marátha deputy into -Junágadh. Nothing was settled as the Maráthás were forced to return to -Áhmedábád. In accordance with orders from the Peshwa, Shambhurám and -his sons, who were still in confinement, were sent to Poona. Dámáji -Gáikwár was also summoned to Poona, but he did not go. In this year -Ráo Lakhpat of Kachh presented Kachh horses and Gujarát bullocks to -the emperor, and in return received the title of Mírza Rája. - -[Expedition from Kachh against Sindh, 1758.] About this time the Ráo -of Kachh, who planned an expedition against Sindh, solicited aid both -from Dámáji Gáikwár and Sadáshiv Rámchandar to enable him to conquer -Thatta, and, as he agreed to pay expenses, Sadáshiv sent Ranchordás, -and Dámáji sent Shevakrám to help him. In this year also Neknám Khán, -governor of Broach, received the title of Bahádur and other honours. In -A.D. 1758, Sadáshiv Rámchandar advanced to Kaira and after settling -accounts with Dámáji's agent proceeded against Cambay. Momín Khán, -who was about to visit the Peshwa at Poona, remained to defend the -town, but was forced to pay arrears of tribute amounting to £2000 -(Rs. 20,000). In this year Sher Khán Bábi died at Junágadh, and the -nobles of his court seated his son Muhammad Mahábat Khán in his place. - -[The Maráthás levy Tribute.] Shortly after at the invitation of the -Peshwa, Dámáji Gáikwár went to Poona, and sent his son Sayájiráv -into Sorath. After his success at Cambay Sadáshiv Rámchandra levied -tribute from the chiefs of Umeta, and then returned. On his way -back, on account of the opposition caused by Sardár Muhammad Khán -son of Sher Khán Bábi, the chief of Bálásinor, Sadáshiv Rámchandar -besieged Bálásinor and forced the chief to pay £3000 (Rs. 30,000). Next -marching against Lunáváda, he compelled the chief Dípsingh to pay £5000 -(Rs. 50,000). Sadáshiv then went to Visalnagar and so to Pálanpur, -where Muhammad Khán Bahádur Jhálori resisted him; but after a month's -siege he agreed to pay a tribute of £3500 (Rs. 35,000). Passing south -from Pálanpur, Sadáshiv went to Únja-Unáva, and from that to Katosan -where he levied £1000 (Rs. 10,000) from the chief Shuja, and then -proceeded to Limbdi. - -[Surat Affairs, 1758.] During A.D. 1758 important changes took place -in Surat. In the early part of the year Sayad Muîn-ud-dín, otherwise -called Sayad Achchan, visited the Peshwa at Poona, and received from -him the appointment of governor of Surat. Sayad Achchan then set out -for his charge, and as he was aided by a body of Marátha troops under -the command of Muzaffar Khán Gárdi and had also secured the support of -Neknám Khán, the governor of Broach, he succeeded after some resistance -in expelling Áli Nawáz Khán, son of the late Safdar Muhammad Khán, and -establishing himself in the government. During the recent troubles, the -English factory had been plundered and two of their clerks murdered by -Ahmed Khán Habshi, commandant of the fort. [The English take command of -Surat, 1759.] The English therefore determined to drive out the Habshi -and themselves assume the government of the castle. With this object -men-of-war were despatched from Bombay to the help of Mr. Spencer, -the chief of the English factory, and the castle was taken in March -A.D. 1759, and Mr. Spencer appointed governor. The Peshwa appears to -have consented to this conquest. The Marátha troops aided and made a -demonstration without the city, and a Marátha man-of-war which had -been stationed at Bassein, came to assist the English. A Mr. Glass -appears to have been appointed kiledár under Governor Spencer. - -[Momín Khán Visits Poona, 1759.] Shortly afterwards Momín Khán, by the -advice of Sayad Husain, an agent of the Peshwa, contracted friendship -with the English through Mr. Erskine, the chief of the English factory -at Cambay. Momín Khán then asked Mr. Erskine to obtain permission -for him to go to Poona by Bombay. Leave being granted, Momín Khán set -out for Surat, and was there received by Mr. Spencer. From Surat he -sailed for Bombay, where the governor, Mr. Bourchier, treating him -with much courtesy, informed the Peshwa of his arrival. The Peshwa -sending permission for his further advance to Poona, Momín Khán took -leave of Mr. Bourchier and proceeded to Poona. - -[Sadáshiv Rámchandra Peshwa's Viceroy, 1760.] From Limbdi, to which -point his tribute tour has been traced, Sadáshiv Rámchandra advanced -against Dhrángadhra, when the chief who was at Halvad sent an army -against him. The Maráthás, informed of the chief's design, detaching a -force, attacked Halvad at night, and breaching the walls forced open -the gates. The chief retired to his palace, which was fortified, -and there defended himself, but was at last forced to surrender, -and was detained a prisoner until he should pay a sum of £12,000 -(Rs. 1,20,000). The neighbouring chiefs, impressed with the fate of -Halvad, paid tribute without opposition. [The Maráthás in Káthiáváda, -1759.] Sadáshiv Rámchandra now went to Junágadh, but ere he could -commence operations against the fortress, the rainy season drew near, -and returning to Áhmedábád he prepared to depart for Poona. Sayáji -Gáikwár, who was also in Sorath collecting tribute, amongst other -places besieged Kundla, and levying from that town a tribute of £7500 -(Rs. 75,000) returned to the capital. During this time Khanderáv -Gáikwár had been levying tribute from the Kolis, and after visiting -the Bhíl district went to Bijápur, Ídar, Kadi, Dholka, and Nadiád. The -chief of Halvad on paying his £12,000 (Rs. 1,20,000) was allowed -to depart, and Dípsingh of Lunáváda, who was also a prisoner, was -sent to Lunáváda and there released after paying his tribute. On -receiving the news of the capture of the Surat fort by the English -the emperor issued an order, in the name of the governor of Bombay, -confirming the command of the fort to the English instead of to the -Habshis of Janjira, appointing the Honourable East India Company -admirals of the imperial fleet, and at the same time discontinuing -the yearly payment of £2000 (Rs. 20,000) formerly made to the Habshi -on this account. When in the course of the following year, A.D. 1760, -this imperial order reached Surat, Mr. Spencer and other chief men of -the city went outside of the walls to meet and escort the bearers of -the despatch. Sadáshiv Rámchandra was appointed viceroy of Áhmedábád -on behalf of the Peshwa. Bhagvantráv now conquered Bálásinor from -Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi, and then marching to Sorath, collected the -Peshwa's share of the tribute of that province, according to the scale -of the previous year. Sayáji Gáikwár, when Bhagvantráv had returned, -set out to Sorath to levy the Gáikwár's share of the tribute. He was -accompanied by Harbhamrám whom Dámáji Gáikwár had specially sent from -his own court to act as Kámdár to Sayáji. When Sadáshiv Rámchandra -reported to the Peshwa the conquest of Bálásinor by Bhagvantráv he -was highly pleased, and gave Bhagvantráv a dress of honour and allowed -him to keep the elephant which he had captured at Lunáváda; and passed -a patent bestowing Bálásinor upon him. Momín Khán, after making firm -promises to the Peshwa never to depart from the terms of the treaty -he had made with the Maráthás, left Poona and came to Bombay, where he -was courteously entertained by the Governor, and despatched by boat to -Surat. From Surat he passed to Cambay by land through Broach. Sayáji -Gáikwár had returned to Áhmedábád from Sorath in bad health, and his -uncle Khanderáv Gáikwár, who had been vainly endeavouring to subdue -the Kolis of Lúhára, came to Áhmedábád and took Sayáji Gáikwár to -Nadiád. In 1761 Sadáshiv Rámchandra was displaced as viceroy of Gujarát -by [Ápa Ganesh Viceroy, 1761.] Ápa Ganesh. This officer acted in a -friendly manner to Momín Khán, and marching to Cambay, he fixed the -Marátha share of the revenues of that place for that year at £8400 -(Rs. 84,000), and then went to Áhmedábád by way of Dákor. Narbherám -collected this year the Gáikwár's share of the tribute of Sorath and -Sayáji Gáikwár went to Baroda. On his return to Áhmedábád at the end -of the year, Sayáji sacked and burned the Koli village of Lúhára in -Bahyal about eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád. Jawán Mard Khán now -issued from Pátan and levied small contributions from the holdings in -Vágad, as far as Anjár in Kachh. From Vágad he proceeded to Sorath, -and in concert with Muhammad Mahábat Khán of Junágadh and Muhammad -Muzáffar Khán Bábi, between whom he made peace, he levied tribute in -Sorath as far as Loliyána, and returned to Pátan. - -[Pánipat, 1761.] While their power and plunderings were thus prospering -in Gujarát the crushing ruin of Pánipat (A.D. 1761) fell on the -Maráthás. Taking advantage of the confusion that followed, the Dehli -court despatched instructions to the chief Musalmán nobles of Gujarát, -directing Momín Khán, Jawán Mard Khán, and the governor of Broach -to join in driving the Maráthás out of the province. In consequence -of this despatch Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi, defeating the Marátha -garrison, regained Bálásinor, while the governor of Broach, with the -aid of Momín Khán, succeeded in winning back Jambúsar. Ápa Ganesh, -the Peshwa's viceroy, remonstrated with Momín Khán for this breach of -faith. In reply his envoy was shown the despatch received from Dehli, -and was made the bearer of a message, that before it was too late, -it would be wisdom for the Maráthás to abandon Gujarát. Things were -in this state when Dámáji Gáikwár, wisely forgetting his quarrels with -the Peshwa, marched to the aid of Sadáshiv with a large army. Advancing -against Cambay he attacked and defeated Momín Khán, plundering one of -his villages. But the Maráthás were too weak to follow up this success, -or exact severer punishment from the Musalmán confederates. Ápa -Ganesh invited Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi to Kaira, and on condition -of the payment of tribute, agreed to allow him to keep possession of -Bálásinor. Subsequently Dámáji's energy enabled him to enlarge the -power and possessions of the Gáikwár's house, besides acquisitions -from other chiefs, recovering the districts of Visalnagar, Kherálu, -Vadnagar, Bijápur, and Pátan from Jawán Mard Khán. After the death -of the great Dámáji, the importance of the Gáikwár's power sensibly -diminished. Had it not been for their alliance with the British, -the feeble hands of Sayájiráv I. (A.D. 1771-1778) would probably have -been the last to hold the emblem of Gáikwár rule. If in the zenith of -Gáikwár power Momín Khán could reconquer, and for so long successfully -defend Áhmedábád, what might not have been possible in its decline? - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -The Death of Sultán Bahádur, A.D. 1526-1536. [876] - - -Colonel Briggs (Muhammadan Power in India, IV. 132) gives the following -summary of the events which led to the fatal meeting of Sultán Bahádur -and the Portuguese viceroy Nono da Cunha in the beginning of 1536-37: - -When in 1529 Nono daCunha came as viceroy to India he held instructions -to make himself master of the island of Diu. In the following year a -great expedition, consisting of 400 vessels and 15,600 men, met in -Bombay and sailed to the Káthiáváda coast. After vigorous assaults -it was repulsed off Diu on the 17th February 1531. From that day -the Portuguese made ceaseless efforts to obtain a footing on the -island of Diu. In 1531 besides harrying the sea trade of Gujarát -the Portuguese sacked the towns of Tárápur, Balsár, and Surat, and, -to give colour to their pretensions, received under their protection -Chánd Khán an illegitimate brother of Bahádur. In 1532, under James -de Silveira, the Portuguese burned the south Káthiáváda ports of -Pattan-Somnáth, Mangrul, Talája, and Muzaffarábád, killing many of the -people and carrying off 4000 as slaves. Shortly after the Portuguese -took and destroyed Bassein in Thána obtaining 400 cannon and much -ammunition. They also burned Daman, Thána, and Bombay. "All this" -says the Portuguese historian "they did to straiten Diu and to oblige -the king of Gujarát to consent to their raising a fort on the island -of Diu." When Bahádur was engaged with the Mughals (A.D. 1532-1534) -the Portuguese Governor General deputed an embassy to wait on Humáyún -to endeavour to obtain from him the cession of Diu, hoping by this -action to work indirectly on the fears of Bahádur. At last in 1534 -Bahádur consented to a peace by which he agreed to cede the town -of Bassein to Portugal; not to construct ships of war in his ports; -and not to combine with Turkish fleets against Portugal. - -Permission was also given to the Portuguese to build in Diu. In -consideration of these terms the Portuguese agreed to furnish Bahádur -with 500 Europeans of whom fifty were men of note. According to the -Portuguese historian it was solely because of this Portuguese help that -Bahádur succeeded in driving the Mughals out of Gujarát. Bahádur's -cession of land in Diu to the Portuguese was for the purpose of -building a mercantile factory. From the moment Bahádur discovered -they had raised formidable fortifications, especially when by the -withdrawal of the Mughals he no longer had any motive for keeping on -terms with them, he resolved to wrest the fort out of the hands of the -Portuguese. On the plea of separating the natives from the Europeans, -Bahádur instructed his governor of Diu to build a wall with a rampart -capable of being mounted with guns. But as this created much dispute -and ill-will the rampart was given up. Bahádur next attempted to -seize Emanuel de Souza the captain of Diu fort. With this object he -invited DeSouza to his camp. DeSouza was warned but determined to -accept Bahádur's invitation. He went attended by only one servant, -an act of courage which Bahádur so greatly admired that he treated -him with honour and allowed him to return in safety. Bahádur next -schemed to secure DeSouza in the fort by surprise. With this end he -began to pay the Portuguese officers visits at all hours. But DeSouza -was always on his guard and Bahádur's surprise visits failed to give -him an opportunity. In 1536 DeSouza wrote to the viceroy complaining -of the bad feeling of the Gujarát Moors towards the Portuguese in -Diu and of the efforts of the king to drive them out of the fort. In -consequence of DeSouza's letter Nono daCunha the viceroy arrived at -Diu early in 1536-7. Bahádur went to visit the viceroy on board the -viceroy's ship. On his return he was attacked and leaping into the -water was killed by a blow on the head and sank. - -Of the unplanned and confused circumstances in which the brave Bahádur -met his death four Musalmán and four Portuguese versions remain. The -author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 280-281) states that -the Portuguese, who offered their help to Bahádur in the days of his -defeat by the emperor Humáyún, obtained from him the grant of land -at Diu, and on this land built a fort. After the re-establishment -of his power the Sultán, who had no longer any need of their help, -kept constantly planning some means of ousting the Portuguese from -Diu. With this object Bahádur came to Diu and opened negotiations with -the Portuguese viceroy, hoping in the end to get the viceroy into his -power. The viceroy knowing that Bahádur regretted the concessions he -had made to them was too wary to place himself in Bahádur's hands. To -inspire confidence Bahádur, with five or six of his nobles all unarmed, -paid the viceroy a visit on board his ship. Suspecting foul play -from the behaviour of the Portuguese the king rose to retire, but -the Portuguese pressed upon him on all sides. He had nearly reached -his boat when one of the Portuguese struck him a blow with a sword, -killed him, and threw his body overboard. - -The same author gives a second version which he says is more generally -received and is probably more accurate. According to this account the -Portuguese had come to know that Bahádur had invited the Sultáns of -the Dakhan to co-operate with him in driving the Portuguese from the -Gujarát, Konkan, and Dakhan ports. That the Portuguese viceroy had come -with 150 ships and had anchored at Diu off the chain bastion. That -Sultán Bahádur not suspecting that the Portuguese were aware of his -insincerity went in a barge to see the fleet, and when he got in the -midst of their ships, the Portuguese surrounded his barge and killed -him with lances. - -According to Farishtah (II. 442, 443, Pers. Text) on the invasion -of Gujarát by the emperor Humáyún, Sultán Bahádur had asked help of -the Portuguese. When his power was re-established, Bahádur, hearing -of the arrival of between five and six thousand Portuguese at Diu, -feared they would take possession of that port. He therefore hastened -to Diu from Junágadh. The Portuguese who were aware that Humáyún had -withdrawn and that Bahádur had re-established his power, preferred to -attempt to gain Diu by stratagem rather than by force. Bahádur asked -the viceroy to visit him. The viceroy feigned sickness and Bahádur -with the object of proving his goodwill offered to visit the viceroy -on board his ship. On leaving the viceroy's ship to enter his own -barge the Portuguese suddenly moved their vessel and Bahádur fell -overboard. While in the water a Portuguese struck the king with a -lance and killed him. - -Abul Fazl's account A.D. 1590 (Akbarnámah in Elliot, VI. 18) seems -more natural and in better keeping with Bahádur's impetuous vigour -and bravery than either the Gujarát or Farishtah's narratives. The -Portuguese chief was apprehensive that as the Sultán was no longer in -want of assistance he meditated treachery. So he sent to inform the -Sultán that he had come as requested, but that he was ill and unable -to go on shore, so that the interview must be deferred till he got -better. The Sultán, quitting the royal road of safety, embarked on the -12th February 1536 (3rd Ramazan H. 943) with a small escort to visit -the viceroy on board the viceroy's ship. As soon as Bahádur reached -the vessel he found the viceroy's sickness was a pretence and regretted -that he had come. He at once sought to return. But the Portuguese were -unwilling that such a prey should escape them and hoped that by keeping -him prisoner they might get more ports. The viceroy came forward and -asked the Sultán to stay a little and examine some curiosities he had -to present. The Sultán replied that the curiosities might be sent after -him and turned quickly towards his own boat. A European kázi or priest -placed himself in the Sultán's way and bade him stop. The Sultán, -in exasperation, drew his sword and cleft the priest in twain. He -then leaped into his own boat. The Portuguese vessels drew round -the Sultán's boat and a fight began. The Sultán and Rúmi Khán threw -themselves into the water. A friend among the Portuguese stretched -a hand to Rúmi Khán and saved him: the Sultán was drowned in the waves. - -Of the four Portuguese versions of Bahádur's death the first appears -in Correa's (A.D. 1512-1550) Lendas Da Asia, A.D. 1497 to 1550; -the second in DeBarros' (died A.D. 1570) Decadas, A.D. 1497 to 1539; -the third in Do Couto's (died A.D. 1600 ?) continuation of DeBarros, -A.D. 1529 to 1600; and the fourth in Faria-e-Souza's (died A.D. 1650) -Portuguese Asia to A.D. 1640. A fifth reference to Bahádur's death -will be found in Castaneda's Historia which extends to A.D. 1538. - -As Correa was in India from A.D. 1512 till his death in Goa in -A.D. 1550, and as his narrative which was never published till -A.D. 1856-64 has the highest reputation for accuracy of detail his -version carries special weight. According to Correa (Lendas Da Asia, -Vol. III. Chap. XCV.) during the monsoon of 1536, Nono DaCunha the -viceroy received by land a letter from Manoel deSouza the captain -of Diu fort, telling him of the discontent of the Gujarát Moors with -king Bahádur for allowing the Portuguese to build a fort at Diu. In -consequence of this information early in the fair season Nono daCunha -sailed from Goa in his own galleon accompanied by about ten small -vessels fustas and katurs under the command of Antonio deSylveira. Nono -reached Diu about the end of December. King Bahádur was glad that the -viceroy should come to Diu almost alone since it seemed to show he was -not aware of Bahádur's designs against the Portuguese. When Bahádur -arrived at Diu he sent a message to the viceroy inviting him to come -ashore to meet him as he had important business to transact. The -king's messenger found the viceroy ill in bed, and brought back a -message that the viceroy would come ashore to meet the king in the -evening. Immediately after the king's messenger left, Manoel deSouza, -the captain of Diu fort, came on board to see the viceroy. The viceroy -told Manoel to go and thank the king and to return his visit. The -king expressed his grief at the viceroy's illness and proposed to -start at once to see him. He went to his barge and rowed straight to -the viceroy's galleon. The king had with him, besides the interpreter -St. Jago, seven men and two pages one carrying a sword and the other -a bow. The captain of the fort and some other officers in their own -barges followed the king. Bahádur, who was the first to arrive, came -so speedily that the viceroy had hardly time to make preparations to -receive him. He put on heavy clothes to show he was suffering from -ague and ordered all the officers to be well armed. When Bahádur -came on board he saw the men busy with their weapons but showed no -signs that he suspected foul play. He went straight to the viceroy's -cabin. The viceroy tried to get up but Bahádur prevented him, asked -how he was, and returned at once to the deck. As Bahádur stood on the -deck the captain of the fort boarded the galleon, and, as he passed to -the cabin to see the viceroy, Bahádur laughingly upbraided him with -being behind time. Then without taking leave of the viceroy Bahádur -went to his barge. When the viceroy learned that the king had left he -told the captain to follow the king and to take him to the fort and -keep him there till the viceroy saw him. The captain rowed after the -king who was already well ahead. He called to the king asking him to -wait. The king waited. When the captain came close to the king's barge -he asked the king to come into his vessel. But the interpreter without -referring to the king replied that the captain should come into the -king's barge. DeSouza ordered his boat alongside. His barge struck -the king's barge and DeSouza who was standing on the poop tripped and -fell into the water. The rowers of the royal barge picked him out -and placed him near the king who laughed at his wet clothes. Other -Portuguese barges whose officers thought the Moors were fighting -with the captain began to gather. The first to arrive was Antonio -Cardoza. When Cardoza came up the interpreter told the king to make -for land with all speed as the Portuguese seemed to be coming to seize -and kill him. The king gave the order to make for the shore. He also -told the page to shoot the hollow arrow whose whistling noise was a -danger signal. When the Moors in the king's barge heard the whistle -they attacked Manoel deSouza, who fell dead into the sea. Then Diogo -de Mesquita, D'Almeida, and Antonio Correa forced their way on to the -king's barge. When the king saw them he unsheathed his sword and the -page shot an arrow and killed Antonio Cardoza, who fell overboard -and was drowned. D'Almeida was killed by a sword-cut from a Moor -called Tiger and Tiger was killed by Correa. At that moment Diogo de -Mesquita gave the king a slight sword-cut and the king jumped into the -sea. After the king, the interpreter and Rúmi Khán, two Moors, and all -the rowers leapt into the water. The Portuguese barges surrounded them -and the men struck at the three swimmers with lances and oars. The king -twice cried aloud 'I am Sultán Bahádur,' hoping that some one would -help him. A man who did not know that he was the king struck Bahádur -on the head with a club. The blow was fatal and Bahádur sank. The -second version is given by Barros (A.D. 1560) in his Decadas da Asia, -Vol. V. page 357 of the 1707 edition. The third version by Do Couto -(A.D. 1600) in his continuation of Barros' Decadas, and the fourth by -Faria-e-Souza (A.D. 1650) in his Portuguese Asia are in the main taken -from De Barros. The following details are from Steevens' (A.D. 1697) -translation of Faria given in Briggs' Muhammadan Power in India, -IV. 135-138. - -Bahádur king of Cambay, who had recovered his kingdom solely by the -assistance of the Portuguese, now studied their ruin, and repenting -of the leave he had granted to build a fort at Diu endeavoured -to take it and to kill the commander and the garrison. Nono da -Cunha the Portuguese viceroy understood his designs and prepared to -prevent them. Emanuel deSouza who commanded at Diu was warned by a -Moor that the king would send for him by a certain Moor and kill -him. DeSouza determined to go, and, when sent for, appeared with -only one servant. Admiring DeSouza's courage the king treated him -honourably and allowed him to return in safety. The king's mother -tried to dissuade her son from plotting against DeSouza but to -no effect. To remove suspicion Bahádur began to pay the Portuguese -officers visits at unseasonable hours, but was ever received by DeSouza -on his guard. Meanwhile, on the 9th January 1536, Nono daCunha the -Portuguese viceroy set out from Goa for Diu with 300 sail. When he -put in at Cheul he found Nizám-ul-Mulk who pretended he had come to -divert his women at sea but really with designs on that place. When -Nono reached Diu the king was hunting in the mountains and Nono -apprised him of his arrival. The king sent for him by a Portuguese -apostate of the name of John de St. Jago called Firangi Khán, but -Nono daCunha pleaded illness. The king pretending great friendship -came to Diu accompanied by Emanuel deSouza, who had brought the last -message from DaCunha. At Diu the king went on board the viceroy's -ship and for a time they discoursed. The king was troubled at a page -whispering something to DaCunha, but as DaCunha took no notice his -suspicions were allayed. The message was from DeSouza, stating that -the captains whom he had summoned were awaiting orders to secure -or kill the king. DaCunha thought it strange that DeSouza had not -killed the king while he was in his power in the fort; and DeSouza -thought it strange that DaCunha did not now seize the king when he -was in his power in the ship. DaCunha directed all the officers to -escort the king to the palace and then accompany DeSouza to the fort, -where DaCunha intended to seize the king when he came to visit him. The -king on his part had resolved to seize DaCunha at a dinner to which he -had invited him and send him in a cage to the Great Turk. De Souza who -was going to invite the king to the fort after DaCunha had entered it, -came up with the king's barge and delivered his invitation through Rúmi -Khán. Rúmi Khán warned the king not to accept it. The king disregarding -this warning invited DeSouza into his barge. While stepping into the -king's barge DeSouza fell overboard, but was picked up by officers -who carried him to the king. At this time three Portuguese barges -came up and some of the officers seeing DeSouza hastily enter the -king's barge drew close to the king's barge. The king remembering -Rúmi Khán's warning ordered Emanuel deSouza to be killed. James de -Mesquita understanding the order flew at and wounded the king. An -affray followed and four Portuguese and seven of the king's men were -killed. The king tried to get away in a boat but a cannon shot killed -three of his rowers and he was stopped. He next attempted to escape -by swimming, but being in danger of drowning discovered himself by -crying for help. A Portuguese held out an oar to him; but others -struck him fatal blows, so that he sank. - -The conclusion to be drawn from these four Musalmán and four -Portuguese versions is that on either side the leader hoped by some -future treachery to seize the person of the other; and that mutual -suspicion turned into a fatal affray a meeting which both parties -intended should pass peacefully and lull the other into a false and -favourable security. - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -THE HILL FORT OF MÁNDU. - - -PART I.--DESCRIPTION. - -Mándu, about twenty-three miles south of Dhár in Central India, is a -wide waving hill-top, part of the great wall of the Vindhyan range. The -hill-top is three to four miles from north to south and four to five -miles from east to west. On the north, the east, and the west, Mándu -is islanded from the main plateau of Málwa by valleys and ravines that -circle round to its southern face, which stands 1200 feet out of the -Nímár plain. The area of the hill-top is over 12,000 English acres, -and, so broken is its outline, that the encircling wall is said to have -a length of between thirty-seven and thirty-eight miles. Its height, -1950 feet above the sea, secures for the hill-top at all seasons the -boon of fresh and cool air. - -About twenty miles south of Dhár the level cultivated plateau breaks -into woody glades and uplands. Two miles further the plain is cleft -by two great ravines, which from their deeper and broader southern -mouths 700 to 800 feet below the Dhár plateau, as they wind northwards, -narrow and rise, till, to the north of Mándu hill, they shallow into -a woody dip or valley about 300 yards broad and 200 feet below the -south crest of Málwa. From the south crest of the Málwa plateau, -across the tree tops of this wild valley, stand the cliffs of the -island Mándu, their crests crowned by the great Dehli gateway and its -long lofty line of flanking walls. At the foot of the sudden dip into -the valley the Âlamgír or World-Guarding Gate stands sentinel. [877] -Beyond the gateway, among wild reaches of rock and forest, a noble -causeway with high domed tombs on either hand fills the lowest dip of -the valley. From the south end of the causeway the road winds up to a -second gateway, and beyond the second gateway between side walls climbs -till at the crest of the slope it passes through the ruined but still -lofty and beautiful Dehli or northern gateway, one of the earliest -works of Diláwar Khán (A.D. 1400), the founder of Musalmán Mándu. - -Close inside of the Dehli gate, on the right or west, stands the -handsome Hindola Palace. The name Hindola, which is probably the title -of the builder, is explained by the people as the Swingcot palace, -because, like the sides of the cage of a swinging cot, the walls of -the hall bulge below and narrow towards the top. Its great baronial -hall and hanging windows give the Hindola palace a special merit and -interest, and an air of lordly wealth and luxury still clings to the -tree-covered ruins which stretch west to large underground cisterns -and hot weather retreats. About a quarter of a mile south stand the -notable group of the Jaház Mehel or Ship palace on the west, and the -Tapela Mehel or Caldron palace on the south, with their rows of lofty -pointed arches below deep stone caves, their heavy windowless upper -stories, and their massive arched and domed roof chambers. These -palaces are not more handsomely built than finely set. The massive -ship-like length of the Jaház Mehel lies between two large tree-girt -ponds, and the Tapela, across a beautiful foreground of water and -ruin, looks east into the mass of tangled bush and tree which once -formed part of the 130 acres of the Lál Bágh or Royal Gardens. - -The flat palace roofs command the whole 12,000 acres of Mándu hill, -north to the knolls and broken uplands beyond the great ravine-moat and -south across the waving hill-top with its miles of glades and ridges, -its scattered villages hamlets and tombs, and its gleaming groves of -mangoes, khirnis, banyans, mhowras, and pipals. In the middle distance, -out from the tree-tops, stand the lofty domes of Hoshang's tomb and -of the great Jámá mosque. Further south lies the tree-girt hollow -of the Ságar Taláv or Sea Lake, and beyond the Ságar lake a woody -plateau rises about 200 feet to the southern crest, where, clear -against the sky, stand the airy cupolas of the pavilion of Rúp Mati, -the beautiful wife of Báz Bahádur (A.D. 1551-1561), the last Sultán -of Málwa. Finally to the west, from the end of the Rúp Mati heights, -rises even higher the bare nearly isolated shoulder of Songad, the -citadel or inner fort of Mándu, the scene of the Gujarát Bahádur's -(A.D. 1531) daring and successful surprise. This fair hill-top, -beautiful from its tangled wildness and scattered ruins, is a strange -contrast to Mándu, the capital of a warlike independent dynasty. During -the palmy days of the fifteenth century, of the 12,000 acres of the -Mándu hill-top, 560 were fields, 370 were gardens, 200 were wells, -780 were lakes and ponds, 100 were bazár roads, 1500 were dwellings, -200 were rest-houses, 260 were baths, 470 were mosques, and 334 were -palaces. These allotments crowded out the wild to a narrow pittance -of 1560 acres of knolls and ridges. - -From the Jaház Mehel the road winds through fields and woods, gemmed -with peafowl and droll with monkeys, among scattered palaces mosques -and tombs, some shapely some in heaps, about a mile south to the -walled enclosure of the lofty domed tomb of the establisher of Mándu's -greatness, Hoshang Sháh Ghori (A.D. 1405-1432). Though the badly-fitted -joinings of the marble slabs of the tomb walls are a notable contrast -to the finish of the later Mughal buildings, Hoshang's tomb, in -its massive simplicity and dim-lighted roughness, is a solemn and -suitable resting-place for a great Pathán warrior. Along the west of -the tomb enclosure runs a handsome flat-roofed colonnade. The pillars, -which near the base are four-sided, pass through an eight-sided and -a sixteen-sided belt into a round upper shaft. The round shaft ends -in a square under-capital, each face of which is filled by a group -of leafage in outline the same as the favourite Hindu Singh-múkh or -horned face. Over the entwined leafy horns of this moulding, stone -brackets support heavy stone beams, all Hindu in pattern. [878] -Close to the east of Hoshang's tomb is Hoshang's Jámá Masjid or -Great Mosque, built of blocks of red limestone. Hoshang's mosque is -approached from the east through a massive domed gateway and across a -quadrangle enclosed on the east north and south by wrecked colonnades -of pointed arches. The west is filled by the great pointed arches -of the mosque in fair repair. On the roof of the mosque from a thick -undergrowth of domelets rise three lofty domes. [879] - -In front of the gateway of the Great Mosque, in the centre of a masonry -plinth about three feet high, stands an iron pillar about a foot in -diameter at the base and twenty feet high. Close to the east of the -gateway is the site of Mehmúd's (A.D. 1442) Tower of Victory, traces of -which remained as late as A.D. 1840. About fifty yards further east are -the ruins of a great building called the Ashrafi Mehel, said to have -been a Musalmán college. To the north-east a banner marks a temple and -the local state offices. South the road passes between the two lines -of small houses and huts that make modern Mándu. Beyond the village, -among ruins and huge swollen baobab stems, the road winds south along -a downward slope to the richly-wooded lowland, where stretches to -the west the wide coolness of the Ságar Taláv or Sea lake. Its broad -surface covering 600 acres is green with fanlike lotus leaves, reeds, -and water-grasses. Its banks are rough with brakes of tangled bush -from which, in uncramped stateliness, rise lofty mhauras, mangoes, -kirnis, and pípals. To the east round a smaller tank, whose banks are -crowned by splendid mangoes and tamarinds, stand the domes of several -handsome tombs. Of some of these domes the black masses are brightened -by belts of brilliant pale and deep-blue enamel. To the north of this -overflow-pool a long black wall is the back of the smaller Jámá or -congregation mosque, badly ruined, but of special interest, as each -of its numerous pillars shows the uninjured Hindu Singh-múkh or horned -face. By a rough piece of constructive skill the original cross corners -of the end cupolas have been worked into vaulted Musalmán domes. [880] - -From the Sea Lake, about a mile across the waving richly-wooded plain, -bounded by the southern height of the plateau, the path leads to -the sacred Rewa Kund or Narbada Pool, a small shady pond lined with -rich masonry, and its west side enriched by the ruins of a handsome -Bath or Hammám Khánah. From the north-east corner of the Rewa Pool a -broad flight of easy stairs leads thirty or forty feet up the slope -on whose top stands the palace of Báz Bahádur (A.D. 1551-1561) the -last independent chief of Mándu. [881] The broad easy flight of steps -ends in a lofty arched gateway through which a roomy hall or passage -gives entrance into a courtyard with a central masonry cistern and an -enclosing double colonnade, which on the right opens into an arched -balcony overlooking the Rewa Kund and garden. Within this courtyard -is a second court enclosed on three sides by an arched gallery. The -roof of the colonnades, which are reached by flights of easy steps, -are shaded by arched pavilions topped by cupolas brightened by belts -of blue enamel. - -To the south of Báz Bahádur's Palace a winding path climbs the steep -slope of the southern rim of Mándu to the massive pillared cupolas of -Rúp Mati's palace, which, clear against the sky, are the most notable -ornament of the hill-top. From a ground floor of heavy masonry walls -and arched gateways stairs lead to a flat masonry terrace. At the north -and south ends of the terrace stand massive heavy-eaved pavilions, -whose square pillars and pointed arches support lofty deep-grooved -domes. The south pavilion on the crest of the Vindhyan cliff commands -a long stretch of the south face of Mándu with its guardian wall -crowning the heights and hollows of the hill-top. Twelve hundred -feet below spreads the dim hazy Nímár plain brightened eastwards by -the gleaming coil of the Narbada. The north pavilion, through the -clear fresh air of the hill-top, looks over the entire stretch of -Mándu from the high shoulder of Songad in the extreme south-west -across rolling tree-brightened fields, past the domes, the tangled -bush, and the broad gray of the Sea Lake, to the five-domed cluster -of Hoshang's mosque and tomb, on, across a sea of green tree tops, -to the domed roof-chambers of the Jaház and Tapela palaces, through -the Dehli gateway, and, beyond the deep cleft of the northern ravine, -to the bare level and the low ranges of the Málwa plain. - -From the Rewa Pool a path, along the foot of the southern height -among noble solitary mhauras and khirnis, across fields and past -small clusters of huts, guides to a flight of steps which lead down -to a deep shady rock-cut dell where a Muhammadan chamber with great -open arched front looks out across a fountained courtyard and sloping -scalloped water table to the wild western slopes of Mándu. This is -Nilkanth, where the emperor Akbar lodged in A.D. 1574, and which -Jehángír visited in A.D. 1617. [882] - -From the top of the steps that lead to the dell the hill stretches -west bare and stony to the Songad or Tárápúr gateway on the narrow -neck beyond which rises the broad shoulder of Songad, the lofty -south-west limit of the Mándu hill-top. [883] - - - - -PART II.--HISTORY. [884] - - -[HISTORY] The history of Mándu belongs to two main sections, before -and after the overthrow by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1563 of the -independent power of the Sultáns of Málwa. - - - - -SECTION I.--THE MÁLWA SULTÁNS, A.D. 1400-1570. - -[The Málwa Sultáns, A.D. 1400-1570.] Of early Hindu Mándu, which -is said to date from A.D. 313, nothing is known. [885] Hind spire -stones are built into the Hindola palace walls; and the pillars of -the lesser Jámá mosque, about a hundred yards from the east end of -the sea or Ságar Lake, are Hindu apparently Jain. Of these local Hind -chiefs almost nothing is known except that their fort was taken and -their power brought to an end by Sultán Shams-ud-dín Altamsh about -A.D. 1234. [886] Dhár, not Mándu, was at that time the capital. It -seems doubtful whether Mándu ever enjoyed the position of a capital -till the end of the fourteenth century. In A.D. 1401, in the ruin -that followed Timúr's (A.D. 1398-1400) conquest of Northern India, a -Pathán from the country of Ghor, Diláwar Khán Ghori (A.D. 1387-1405), -at the suggestion of his son Alp Khán, assumed the white canopy -and scarlet pavilion of royalty. [887] Though Dhár was Diláwar's -head-quarters he sometimes stayed for months at a time at Mándu, -[888] strengthening the defences and adorning the hill with buildings, -as he always entertained the desire of making Mándu his capital. [889] -Three available inscriptions of Diláwar -Khán (A.D. 1387-1405) seem to show that he built an assembly mosque -near the Ship Palace, a mosque near the Dehli Gate, and a gate at -the entrance to Songadh, the south-west corner and citadel of Mándu, -afterwards known as the Tárápúr Gate. - -In A.D. 1398 Alp Khán, son of Diláwar Khán, annoyed with his father -for entertaining as his overlord at Dhár Mehmúd Tughlak, the refugee -monarch of Dehli, withdrew to Mándu. He stayed in Mándu for three -years, laying, according to Farishtah, the foundation of the famous -fortress of solid masonry which was the strongest fortification in that -part of the world. [890] On his father's death in A.D. 1405 Alp Khán -took the title of Sultán Hoshang, and moved the capital to Mándu. The -rumour that Hoshang had poisoned his father gave Diláwar's brother -in arms, Muzaffar Sháh of Gujarát (A.D. 1399-1411), an excuse for an -expedition against Hoshang. [891] Hoshang was defeated at Dhár, made -prisoner, and carried to Gujarát, and Muzaffar's brother Nasrat was -appointed in his place. Nasrat failed to gain the goodwill either -of the people or of the army of Málwa; and was forced to retire -from Dhár and take refuge in Mándu. In consequence of this failure -in A.D. 1408, at Hoshang's request Muzaffar set Hoshang free after a -year's confinement, and deputed his grandson Ahmed to take Hoshang to -Málwa and establish Hoshang's power. [892] With Ahmed's help Hoshang -took Dhár and shortly after secured the fort of Mándu. Hoshang -(A.D. 1405-1431) made Mándu his capital and spread his power on -all sides except towards Gujarát. [893] Shortly after the death of -Muzaffar I. and the accession of Ahmed, when (A.D. 1414) Ahmed was -quelling the disturbances raised by his cousins, Hoshang, instead -of helping Ahmed as requested, marched towards Gujarát and created -a diversion in favour of the rebels by sending two of his nobles to -attack Broach. They were soon expelled by Ahmed Sháh. Shortly after -Hoshang marched to the help of the chief of Jháláváda in Káthiáváda, -and ravaged eastern and central Gujarát. [894] To punish Hoshang for -these acts of ingratitude, between A.D. 1418 and 1422, Ahmed twice -besieged Mándu, and though he failed to take the fort his retirement -had to be purchased, and both as regards success and fair-dealing -the honours of the campaign remained with Ahmed. [895] In A.D. 1421 -Hoshang went disguised as a horse-dealer to Jájnagar (now Jájpur) -in Cuttack in Orissa. He took with him a number of cream-coloured -horses, of which he had heard the Rája was very fond. His object was -to barter these horses and other goods for the famous war elephants -of Jájnagar. An accident in the camp of the disguised merchants led -to a fight, in which the Rája was taken prisoner and Hoshang was -able to secure 150 elephants to fight the Gujarát Sultán. [896] -During Hoshang's absence at Jájnagar Ahmed pressed the siege of -Mándu so hard that the garrison would have surrendered had Hoshang -not succeeded in finding his way into the fort through the south -or Tárápur Gate. [897] For ten years after the Gujarát campaign, -by the help of his minister Malik Mughís of the Khilji family and -of his minister's son Mehmúd Khán, Málwa prospered and Hoshang's -power was extended. Hoshang enriched his capital with buildings, -among them the Great Mosque and his own tomb, both of which he left -unfinished. Hoshang's minister Malik Mughís (who received the title of -Ulugh Aâzam Humáyún Khán) appears to have built the assembly mosque -near the Ságar Lake in Hoshang's life-time, A.D. 1431. Another of -his buildings must have been a mint, as copper coins remain bearing -Hoshang's name, and Mándu Shádiábád as the place of mintage. [898] -In A.D. 1432, at Hoshangábád, on the left bank of the Narbada, about -120 miles east of Mándu, Hoshang, who was suffering from diabetes, -took greatly to heart the fall of a ruby out of his crown. He said: -A few days before the death of Fírúz Tughlak a jewel dropped from -his crown. Hoshang ordered that he should be taken to Mándu. Before -he had gone many miles the king died. His nobles carried the body to -the Madrasah or college in Shádiábád or Mándu, and buried him in the -college on the ninth day of Zil Hajjah, the twelfth month of A.H. 838 = -A.D. 1434. The year of Hoshang's death is to be found in the letters - - - Ah Sháh Hoshang na mund: Alas, Sháh Hoshang stayed not. [899] - - -On Hoshang's death his son Ghazni Khán, with the title of Sultán -Muhammad Ghori, succeeded. Malik Mughís, his father's minister, -and the minister's son Mehmúd were maintained in power. In three years - -(A.D. 1433-1436), as Sultán Muhammad proved dissipated, cruel -and suspicious, Mehmúd, the minister's son, procured his death -by poison. Mehmúd Khilji then asked his father to accept the -succession, but his father declined, saying that Mehmúd was fitter -to be king. In A.D. 1436 Mehmúd was accordingly crowned with the -royal tiara of Hoshang. [900] He conferred on his father the honour -of being attended by mace-bearers carrying gold and silver sticks, -who, when the Khán mounted or went out, had, like the mace-bearers -of independent monarchs, the privilege of repeating the Bismillah -'In the name of the compassionate and merciful Alláh.' [901] He gave -his father royal honours, the white canopy and the silver quiver, -and to his title of Malik Ashraf Khán Jehán he added among others -Amír-ul-Umara and Aâzam Humáyún. [902] Mehmúd quelled a revolt among -his nobles. An outbreak of plague in the Gujarát camp relieved him -from a contest with Ahmed Sháh. [903] In A.D. 1439 Mehmúd repaired the -palace of Sultán Hoshang and opened the mosque built in commemoration -of that monarch which Farishtah describes as a splendid edifice with -208 columns. [904] About the same time Mehmúd completed Hoshang's -tomb which Hoshang had left unfinished. On the completion of this -building Hoshang's remains seem to have been moved into it from -their first resting-place in the college. In A.D. 1441 Mehmúd built -a garden with a dome and palaces [905] and a mosque at Naâlchah about -three miles north of the Dehli Gate of Mándu, a pleasing well-watered -spot where the plateau of Málwa breaks into glades and knolls. [906] -In A.D. 1443 in honour of his victory over Rána Kúmbha of Chitor, -Mehmúd built a beautiful column of victory, [907] seven storeys high, -and a college in front of the mosque of Hoshang Ghori. Facing the east -entrance to the Great Mosque stands a paved ramp crowned by a confused -ruin. As late as A.D. 1843 this ruin is described as a square marble -chamber. Each face of the chamber had three arches, the centre arch in -two of the faces being a door. Above the arches the wall was of yellow -stone faced with marble. Inside the chamber the square corners were cut -off by arches. No roof or other trace of superstructure remained. [908] -This chamber seems to be the basement of the column of victory which -was raised in A.D. 1443 by Mehmúd I. (A.D. 1432-1469) in honour of -his victory over Rána Kúmbha of Chitor. [909] Mehmúd's column has the -special interest of being, if not the original, at least the cause -of the building of Kúmbha Rána's still uninjured Victory Pillar, -which was completed in A.D. 1454 at a cost of £900,000 in honour -of his defeat of Mehmúd. [910] That the Mándu Column of Victory was -a famous work is shown by Abul Fazl's reference to it in A.D. 1590 -as an eight-storeyed minaret. [911] Farishtah, about twenty years -later (A.D. 1610), calls it a beautiful Victory Pillar seven storeys -high. [912] The emperor Jehángír (A.D. 1605-1627) gives the following -account of Mehmúd's Tower of Victory [913]: "This day, the 29th of the -month Tir, corresponding to July-August of A.D. 1617, about the close -of the day, with the ladies of the palace, I went out to see the Haft -Manzar or Seven Storeys, literally Seven Prospects. This building is -one of the structures of the old rulers of Málwa, that is of Sultán -Mehmúd Khilji. It has seven storeys, and on each storey there are -four porticos, and in each portico are four windows. The height of -this tower is about 163 feet and its circumference 150 feet. From the -surface of the ground to the top of the seventh storey there are one -hundred and seventy-one steps." Sir Thomas Herbert, the traveller, -in A.D. 1626 describes it from hearsay, or at least at second-hand, -as a tower 170 steps high, supported by massive pillars and adorned -with gates and windows very observable. It was built, he adds, by -Khán Jehán, who there lies buried. [914] - -Two years later (A.D. 1445) Mehmúd built at Mándu, and endowed with -the revenues of several villages a large Shifa Khánah or Hospital, -with wards and attendants for all classes and separate apartments -for maniacs. He placed in charge of it his own physician Maulána -Fazlulláh. [915] He also built a college to the east of the Jámá -mosque, of which traces remain. [916] - -In A.D. 1453, though defeated, Mehmúd brought back from Gujarát the -jewelled waistbelt of Gujarát, which in a daring charge he had taken -from the tent of the Gujarát king Kutb-ud-dín Sháh. [917] In A.D. 1441 -Mehmúd's father died at Mandisor. Mehmúd felt the loss so keenly that -he tore his hair like one bereft of reason. [918] After his father's -death Mehmúd made his son Ghiás-ud-dín minister, and conferred the -command of the army and the title of Aâzam Humáyún on his kinsman Táj -Khán. In A.D. 1469, after a reign of thirty-four years (A.D. 1436-1469) -of untiring energy and activity Mehmúd died. Farishtah says of him: -"His tent was his home: the field of battle his resting-place. He -was polite, brave, just, and learned. His Hindu and Musalmán subjects -were happy and friendly. He guarded his lands from invaders. He made -good his loss to any one who suffered from robbery in his dominions, -recovering the amount from the village in whose lands the robbery -had taken place, a system which worked so well that theft and robbery -became almost unknown. Finally, by a systematic effort he freed the -country from the dread of wild beasts." [919] - -In A.D. 1469 Mehmúd was succeeded by his son and minister Ghiás-ud-dín, -to whose skill as a soldier much of Mehmúd's success had been due. On -his accession Ghiás-ud-dín made his son Abdul Kádir Prime Minister and -heir-apparent, and gave him the title of Násir-ud-dín. He called his -nobles, and in their presence handed his sword to Násir-ud-dín, saying: -"I have passed thirty-four years in ceaseless fighting. I now devote -my life to rest and enjoyment." [920] Ghiás-ud-dín, who never left -Mándu during the whole thirty years of his reign (A.D. 1469-1499), -is said to have completed the Jaház Mehel or Ship Palace, [921] and -the widespread buildings which surround it. It seems probable that -the Tapela Palace close to the south-east of the Ship palace and -the lake and royal gardens immediately to the north and north-east -of the Tapela palace were part of Ghiás-ud-dín's pleasure-houses -and grounds. The scale of the ruins behind the Hindola or Swingcot -palace to the north, and their connection with the out-buildings to -the west of the Jaház Mehel, suggest that they also belonged to the -palaces and women's quarters of the pleasure-loving Ghiás-ud-dín. - -Of the surprising size and fantastic arrangements of Ghiás-ud-dín's -pleasure city, the true Mándu Shádiábád or Abode of Joy, curious -details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasure was a city not -a palace. It contained 15,000 inhabitants, all of them women, none -either old or plain-featured, and each trained to some profession -or craft. Among them were the whole officers of a court, besides -courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer-readers, embroiderers, -and followers of all crafts and callings. Whenever the king heard of -a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city of -women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the Carabineers, -each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a distinguishing -uniform. The archers were beautiful young Turkí damsels, all armed -with bows and arrows: the carabineers were Abyssinian maidens, each -carrying a carbine. Attached to the palace and city was a deer park, -where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt with his favourites. Each -dweller in the city of women received her daily dole of grain and -coppers, and besides the women were many pensioners, mice, parrots -and pigeons, who also received the same dole as their owners. So -evenly just was Ghiás-ud-dín in the matter of his allowances, that -the prettiest of his favourites received the same allowance as the -roughest carabineer. [922] - -The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever -he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him -a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand Háfizahs, that is -women who knew the Kurâán by heart, constantly repeated its holy -verses, and, under the orders of the king, whenever he changed his -raiment the Háfizahs blew on his body from head to foot with their -prayer-hallowed breath. [923] None of the five daily prayers passed -unprayed. If at any of the hours of prayer the king was asleep he -was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him, he was -dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his servants the -king never uttered an improper or querulous word. - -So keen was his sense of justice that when one of his courtiers -pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of ideal -beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given to the king, -came to complain, though they gladly resigned her, the king grieved -over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying compensation he mourned -long and truly, and ordered that no more inmates should be brought -to his palace. [924] So great was the king's charity that every night -below his pillow he placed a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs, -and before evening all were distributed to the deserving. So religious -was the king that he paid 50,000 tankas for each of the four feet of -the ass of Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the -courtiers said: "My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it -had five, unless perhaps the ass of Christ had five." "Who knows," -the king replied, "it may be that this last man has told the truth, -and one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid." So sober was -the king that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants -or stimulants. A potion that had cost 100,000 tankas was brought to -him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The king directed the -potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell sick. The -king ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered. "What -medicine was given the horse?" asked the king. "The medicine ordered -by the physicians" replied his servants. Fearing that in this medicine -there might be an intoxicant, the king commanded that the horse should -be taken out of the stables and turned loose into the forest. [925] - -The king's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler, -after thirty years of fighting yearned for rest. For fourteen years -neither inward malcontent nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D. 1482 -Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Málwa. The talk of Mándu -was Bahlol's approach, but no whisper of it passed into the charmed -City of Women. At last the son-minister forced his way into the king's -presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier-spirit awoke in -Ghiás-ud-dín. His orders for meeting the invaders were so prompt and -well-planned that the king of Dehli paid a ransom and withdrew. A -second rest of fifteen years ended in the son-minister once more -forcing his way into the Presence. In A.D. 1500 the son presented his -father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup of sherbet and told him -to drink. The king, whose armlet of bezoar stone had already twice -made poison harmless, drew the stone from his arm. He thanked the -Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the happiest life that had ever -fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that the sin of his death might -not be laid to his son's charge, drank the poison, and died. [926] - -Ghiás-ud-dín can hardly have shut himself off so completely from -state affairs as the story-tellers make out. He seems to have been -the first of the Málwa kings who minted gold. He also introduced new -titles and ornaments, which implies an interest in his coinage. [927] -Farishtah says that Ghiás-ud-dín used to come out every day for an -hour from his harím, sit on the throne and receive the salutations -of his nobles and subjects, and give orders in all weighty matters of -state. He used to entrust all minor affairs to his ministers; but in -all grave matters he was so anxious not to shirk his responsibility as -a ruler, that he had given strict orders that all such communications -should be made to him at whatever time they came through a particular -female officer appointed to receive his orders. [928] - -According to most accounts Násir-ud-dín was led to poison his -father by an attempt of his younger brother Shujáât Khán, supported -if not organised by some of Ghiás-ud-dín's favourite wives to oust -Násir-ud-dín from the succession. [929] In the struggle Násir-ud-dín -triumphed and was crowned at Mándu in A.D. 1500. [930] The new -king left Mándu to put down a revolt. On his return to Mándu he -devoted himself to debauchery and to hunting down and murdering his -brother's adherents. He subjected his mother Khurshíd Ráni to great -indignities and torture to force from her information regarding his -father's concealed treasures. [931] In a fit of drunkenness he fell -into a reservoir. He was pulled out by four of his female slaves. He -awoke with a headache, and discovering what his slaves had done put -them to death with his own hand. [932] Some time after in A.D. 1512, -he again fell into the reservoir, and there he was left till he was -dead. [933] Násir-ud-dín was fond of building. His palace at Akbarpur -in the Nímar plain about twenty miles south of Mándu was splendid -and greatly admired. [934] And at Mándu besides his sepulchre [935] -which the emperor Jehángír (A.D. 1617) mentions, [936] an inscription -shows that the palace now known by the name of Báz Bahádur was built -by Násir-ud-dín. - -Násir-ud-dín was succeeded by his younger son (Mehmúd A.D. 1512-1530), -who, with the title of Mehmúd the Second, was crowned with great pomp -at Mándu. Seven hundred elephants in gold-embroidered velvet housings -adorned the procession. [937] Shortly after his accession Mehmúd -II. was driven out of Mándu by the revolt of the commandant Muhâfiz -Khán, but was restored by the skill and courage of Medáni Rái his -Rájput commander-in-chief. [938] A still more dangerous combination -by Muzaffar II. (A.D. 1511-1526) of Gujarát and Sikandar Sháh Lodi -(A.D. 1488-1516) of Dehli, was baffled by the foresight and energy of -the same Rájput general. Mehmúd, feeling that his power had passed -to the Hindus, tried to disband the Rájputs and assassinate Medáni -Rái. Failing in both attempts Mehmúd fled from Mándu to Gujarát, -where he was well received by Sultán Muzaffar (A.D. 1511-1526). [939] -They advanced together against Mándu, and in A.D. 1519, after a close -siege of several months, took the fort by assault. The Rájput garrison, -who are said to have lost 19,000 men, fought to the last, consecrating -the close of their defence by a general javar or fire-sacrifice. Sultán -Mehmúd entered Mándu close after the storming party, and while Mehmúd -established his authority in Mándu, Muzaffar withdrew to Dhár. When -order was restored Mehmúd sent this message to Muzaffar at Dhár: -"Mándu is a splendid fort. You should come and see it." "May Mándu," -Muzaffar replied, "bring good fortune to Sultán Mehmúd. He is the -master of the fort. For the sake of the Lord I came to his help. On -Friday I will go to the fortress, and having had the sermon read in -Mehmúd's name will return." On Muzaffar's arrival in Mándu Mehmúd gave -a great entertainment; [940] and Muzaffar retired to Gujarát leaving a -force of 3000 Gujarátis to help to guard the hill. [941] Immediately -after Muzaffar's departure, as Sultán Mehmúd was anxious to recover -Chanderi and Gágraun, which still remained in the possession of Medáni -Rái and his supporters, he marched against them. Rána Sánga of Chitor -came to Medáni's aid and a great battle was fought. [942] Mehmúd's -hastiness led him to attack when his men were weary and the Rájputs -were fresh. In spite of the greatest bravery on the part of himself and -of his officers the Musalmán army was defeated, and Mehmúd, weakened -by loss of blood, was made prisoner. Rána Sánga had Mehmúd's wounds -dressed, sent him to Chitor, and on his recovery released him. [943] - -[Sultán Bahádur of Gujarát, A.D. 1526-1534.] In A.D. 1526, by giving -protection to his outlawed brother Chánd Khán and to Razí-ul-Mulk, a -refugee Gujarát noble, Mehmúd brought on himself the wrath of Bahádur -Sháh of Gujarát (A.D. 1526-1536). The offended Bahádur did not act -hastily. He wrote to Mehmúd asking him to come to his camp and settle -their quarrels. He waited on the Gujarát frontier at Karji Ghát, east -of Bánswara, until at last satisfied that Mehmúd did not wish for a -peaceful settlement he advanced on Mándu. Meanwhile Mehmúd had repaired -the walls of Mándu, which soon after was invested by Bahádur. The -siege was proceeding in regular course by mines and batteries, and -the garrison, though overtaxed, were still loyal and in heart, when in -the dim light of morning Mehmúd suddenly found the Gujarát flag waving -on the battlements. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari [944] Bahádur -annoyed by the slow progress of the siege asked his spies where was the -highest ground near Mándu. The spies said: Towards Songad-Chitor the -hill is extremely high. With a few followers the Sultán scaled Songad, -and rushing down the slope burst through the wall and took the fort -(May 20th, 1526). [945] Mehmúd surrendered. Near Dohad, on his way to -his prison at Chámpánír, an attempt was made to rescue Mehmúd, and to -prevent their escape he and some of his sons were slain and buried -on the bank of the Dohad tank. [946] Bahádur spent the rainy season -(June-October 1526) in Mándu, and Málwa was incorporated with Gujarát. - -[The Emperor Humáyún, A.D. 1534-1535.] Mándu remained under Gujarát, -till in A.D. 1534, after Bahádur's defeat by Humáyún at Mandasor, -Bahádur retired to Mándu. Humáyún followed. At night 200 of Humáyún's -soldiers went to the back of the fortress, according to Farishtah -the south-west height of Songad [947] by which Bahádur had surprised -Mehmúd's garrison, scaled the walls by ladders and ropes, opened the -gate, and let others in. Mallu Khán, the commandant of the batteries, -a native of Málwa, who afterwards gained the title of Kádir Sháh, -went to Bahádur and wakened him. Bahádur rushed out with four or -five attendants. He was joined by about twenty more, and reaching -the gate at the top of the maidán, apparently the Tárápúr gate by -which Humáyún's men had entered, cut through 200 of Humáyún's troops -and went off with Mallu Khán to the fort of Songad, the citadel of -Mándu. While two of Bahádur's chiefs, Sadr Khán and Sultán Álam Lodi, -threw themselves into Songad, Bahádur himself let his horses down -the cliff by ropes and after a thousand difficulties made his way -to Chámpánír. [948] On the day after Bahádur's escape Sadr Khán and -Sultán Álam Lodi came out of Songad and surrendered to Humáyún. [949] - -In the following year (A.D. 1535) the combined news of Sher Sháh's -revolt in Bengal, and of the defeat of his officers at Broach and -Cambay, forced Humáyún to retire from Gujarát. As he preferred its -climate he withdrew, not to Agra but to Mándu. [950] From Mándu, as -fortune was against him in Bengal, Humáyún went (A.D. 1535-36) to Agra. - -[Local Musalmán Chiefs, A.D. 1536-1542.] On Humáyún's departure -three chiefs attempted to establish themselves at Mándu: Bhúpat Rái, -the ruler of Bíjágar, sixty miles south of Mándu; Mallu Khán or -Kádir Sháh, a former commandant of Mándu; and Mírán Muhammad Fárúki -from Burhánpur. [951] Of these three Mallu Khán was successful. In -A.D. 1536, when Humáyún fled from Sher Sháh to Persia, Mallu spread -his power from Mándu to Ujjain Sárangpúr and Rantambhor, assumed the -title of Kádir Sháh Málwi, and made Mándu his capital. Some time after -Sher Sháh, who was now supreme, wrote to Mallu Kádir Sháh ordering -him to co-operate in expelling the Mughals. Kádir Sháh resenting this -assumption of overlordship, addressed Sher Sháh as an inferior. [Sher -Sháh Súr, A.D. 1542-1545.] When Sher Sháh received Mallu's order he -folded it and placed it in the scabbard of his poniard to keep the -indignity fresh in his mind. Alláh willing, he said, we shall ask an -explanation for this in person. [952] In A.D. 1542 (H. 949) as Kádir -Sháh failed to act with Kutb Khán, who had been sent to establish Sher -Sháh's overlordship in Málwa, Sher Sháh advanced from Gwálior towards -Mándu with the object of punishing Kádir Sháh. [953] As he knew he -could not stand against Sher Sháh Kádir Sháh went to Sárangpúr to do -homage. Though on arrival Kádir Sháh was well received, his kingdom -was given to Shujáât Khán, one of Sher Sháh's chief followers, and -himself placed in Shujáât Khán's keeping. [954] Suspicious of what -might be in store for -him Kádir Sháh fled to Gujarát. Sher Sháh was so much annoyed at -Shujáât Khán's remissness in not preventing Kádir Sháh's escape that -he transferred the command at Dhár and Mándu from Shujáât Khán to -Háji Khán and Junaid Khán. Shortly after Kádir Sháh brought a force -from Gujarát and attacked Mándu. Shujáât came to Háji Khán's help and -routed Kádir Sháh under the walls of Mándu. In reward Sher Sháh made -him ruler of the whole country of Mándu. [955] Shujáât Khán established -his head-quarters at Mándu with 10,000 horse and 7000 matchlockmen. - -[Salím Sháh Súr, A.D. 1545-1553.] During the reign of Sher Sháh's -successor Salím Sháh (A.D. 1545-1553), Shujáât was forced to leave -Málwa and seek shelter in Dúngarpúr. Selím pardoned Shujáât, but -divided Málwa among other nobles. Shujáât remained in Hindustán -till in A.D. 1553, on the accession of Salím's successor, Ádili, -he recovered Málwa, and in A.D. 1554, on the decay of Ádili's power, -assumed independence. [956] He died almost immediately after, and was -succeeded by his eldest son Malik Báyazíd. [957] Shujáât Khán was a -great builder. Besides his chief works at Shujáwalpúr near Ujjain, -he left many memorials in different parts of Málwa. [958] So far -none of the remains at Mándu are known to have been erected during -the rule of Shujáât Khán. - -[Báz Bahádur, A.D. 1555-1570.] On the death of his father Malik -Báyazíd killed his brother Daulat Khán, and was crowned in A.D. 1555 -with the title of Báz Bahádur. He attacked the Gonds, but met with so -crushing a defeat that he foreswore fighting. [959] He gave himself to -enjoyment and become famous as a musician, [960] and for his poetic -love of Rúp Mani or Rúp Mati, who according to one account was a -wise and beautiful courtezan of Saháranpur in Northern India, and -according to another was the daughter of a Nímar Rájput, the master -of the town of Dharampuri. [961] In A.D. 1560 Pír Muhammad, a general -of Akbar's, afterwards ennobled as Khán Jehán, defeated Báz Bahádur, -drove him out of Mándu, and made the hill his own head-quarters. [962] -In the following year (A.D. 1561), by the help of the Berár chief, -Pír Muhammad was slain and Báz Bahádur reinstated. On news of this -defeat (A.D. 1562) Akbar sent Abdulláh Khán Uzbak with almost unlimited -power to reconquer the province. Abdulláh was successful, but, as he -showed signs of assuming independence, Akbar moved against him and -he fled to Gujarát. [963] Akbar remained in Mándu during the greater -part of the following rains (A.D. 1563), examining with interest the -buildings erected by the Khilji kings. [964] At Mándu Akbar married -the daughter of Mírán Mubárak Khán of Khándesh. [965] When Akbar left -(August 1564) he appointed Karra Bahádur Khán governor of Mándu and -returned to Ágra. [966] In A.D. 1568 the Mírzás, Akbar's cousins, -flying from Gujarát attacked Ujjain. From Ujjain they retreated to -Mándu and failing to make any impression on the fort withdrew to -Gujarát. [967] The Mirzás' failure was due to the ability of Akbar's -general, Háji Muhammad Khán, to whom Akbar granted the province -of Mándu. [968] At the same time (A.D. 1568) the command of Mándu -hill was entrusted to Sháh Budágh Khán, who continued commandant of -the fort till his death many years later. During his command, in a -picturesque spot overlooking a well-watered ravine in the south of -Mándu, between the Ságar Lake and the Tárápur Gateway, Budágh Khán -built a pleasure-house, which he named, or rather perhaps which he -continued to call Nílkanth or Blue Throat. This lodge is interesting -from the following inscriptions, which show that the emperor Akbar -more than once rested within its walls. [969] - -The inscription on the small north arch of Nílkanth, dated A.D. 1574, -runs: - - - (Call it not waste) to spend your life in water and earth. (i.e. in - building), - If perchance a man of mind for a moment makes your house his - lodging. - - Written by Sháh Budágh Khán in the year A.H. 982-87. [970] - - -The inscription on the great southern arch of Nílkanth, dated -A.D. 1574, runs: - - - This pleasant building was completed in the reign of the great - Sultán, the most munificent and just Khákán, the Lord of the - countries of Arabia and Persia, [971] the shadow of God on the - two earths, the ruler of the sea and of the land, the exalter - of the standards of those who war on the side of God, Abul - Fatah Jalál-ud-dín Muhammad Akbar, the warrior king, may his - dominion and his kingdom be everlasting. - - Written by Farídún Husein, son of Hátim-al-Wardi, in the year - A.H. 982. [972] - - -The inscription on the right wall of Nílkanth, dated A.D. 1591-92, -runs: - - - In the year A.H. 1000, when on his way to the conquest of the - Dakhan, the slaves of the Exalted Lord of the Earth, the holder - of the sky-like Throne, the shadow of Alláh (the Emperor Akbar), - passed by this place. - - That time wastes your home cease, Soul, to complain, Who will - not scorn a complainer so vain. - - From the story of others this wisdom derive, Ere naught of - thyself but stories survive. - - -The inscription on the left wall of Nílkanth, dated A.D. 1600, runs: - - - The (Lord of the mighty Presence) shadow of Alláh, the Emperor - Akbar, after the conquest of the Dakhan and Dándes (Khándesh) - in the year A.H. 1009 set out for Hind (Northern India). - - -May the name of the writer last for ever! - - - At dawn and at eve I have watched an owl sitting - On the lofty wall-top of Shirwán Sháh's Tomb. [973] - The owl's plaintive hooting convey'd me this warning - "Here pomp, wealth, and greatness lie dumb." - - -In A.D. 1573, with the rest of Málwa, Akbar handed Mándu to Muzaffar -III. the dethroned ruler of Gujarát. It seems doubtful if Muzaffar ever -visited his new territory. [974] On his second defeat in A.D. 1562 Báz -Bahádur retired to Gondwána, where he remained, his power gradually -waning, till in A.D. 1570 he paid homage to the emperor and received -the command of 2000 horse. [975] His decoration of the Rewa Pool, -of the palace close by, which though built by Násir-ud-dín Khilji -(A.D. 1500-1512) was probably repaired by Báz Bahádur, and of Rúp -Mati's pavilion on the crest of the southern ridge make Báz Bahádur one -of the chief beautifiers of Mándu. According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, -II. 538-39) in 1562, when Báz Bahádur went out to meet Akbar's -general, Adham Khán Atkah, he placed Rúp Mati and his other singers -in Sárangpúr under a party of his men with orders to kill the women -in case of a reverse. On hearing of Báz Bahádur's defeat the soldiers -hastily sabred as many of the women as they could and fled. Among the -women left for dead was Rúp Mati, who, though dangerously wounded, -was not killed. When Adham Atkah entered Sárangpúr his first care was -to enquire what had become of Rúp Mati. On hearing of her condition -he had her wound attended to by the best surgeons, promising her, as -a help to her cure, a speedy union with her beloved. On her recovery -Rúp Mati claimed the general's promise. He prevaricated and pressed -his own suit. Rúp Mati temporised. One night the impatient Turk -sent her a message asking her to come to him. Rúp Mati to gain time -invited him to her own pavilion which she said was specially adorned -to be the abode of love. Next night the Atkah went to her house in -disguise. Her women directed him to Rúp Mati's couch. Adham found -her robed and garlanded, but cold in death. Rúp Mati was buried on an -island in a lake at Ujjain, and there, according to the Áin-i-Akbari, -Báz Bahádur when he died was laid beside her. [976] - - - - -SECTION II.--MUGHALS (A.D. 1570-1720) AND MARÁTHÁS -(A.D. 1720-1820). - -About A.D. 1590 Akbar's historian, the great Abul Fazl, described -Mándu as a large city whose fortress is twenty-four miles (twelve -kos) in circuit. He notices that besides in the centre of the hill -where stands an eight-storeyed minaret, the city had many monuments of -ancient magnificence, among them the tombs of the Khilji Sultáns. And -that from the dome which is over the sepulchre of Sultán Mehmúd, the -son of Hoshang (this should be the sepulchre of Hoshang built by his -successor Sultán Mehmúd) water drops in the height of summer to the -astonishment of the ignorant. But, he adds, men of understanding know -how to account for the water-drops. [977] Abul Fazl further notices -that on Mándu Hill is found a species of tamarind whose fruit is -as big as the cocoanut, the pulp of which is very white. This is -the African baobab or Adansonia digitata, known in Hindustáni as -goramli or white tamarind, whose great fruit is about the size of -a cocoanut. Its monster baobabs are still a feature of Mándu. Some -among them look old enough to have been yielding fruit 300 years -ago. Finally Abul Fazl refers to Mándu as one of twenty-eight towns -where Akbar's copper coins were struck. [978] About twenty years -later (A.D. 1610) the historian Farishtah [979] thus describes the -hill. The fort of Mándu is a work of solid masonry deemed to be one of -the strongest fortifications in that part of the world. It is built -on an insulated mountain thirty-eight miles in circumference. [980] -The place of a ditch round the fortification is supplied by a natural -ravine so deep that it seems impossible to take the fort by regular -approaches. Within the fort is abundance of water and forage, but -the area is not large enough to grow a sufficient store of grain. The -hill cannot be invested. The easiest access is from the north by the -Dehli Gate. The south road with an entrance by the Tárápúr Gate is -so steep that cavalry can with difficulty be led up. Like Abul Fazl -Farishtah notices that, except during the rains, water constantly -oozes from between the chinks in the masonry of the dome of Sultán -Hoshang's tomb. He says the natives of India attribute this dropping -to universal veneration for Sultán Hoshang, for whose death, they say, -the very stones shed tears. - -Except that copper coins continued to be minted and that it was -nominally one of the four capitals of the empire, during the emperor -Akbar's reign Mándu was practically deserted. The only traces of -Akbar's presence on the hill are in two of the five inscriptions -already quoted from the Nílkanth pleasure-house, dated A.D. 1591 and -A.D. 1600. - -After about fifty years of almost complete neglect the emperor -Jehángír, during a few months in A.D. 1617, enabled Mándu once more -to justify its title of Shádiábád, the Abode of Joy. Early in March -A.D. 1617, in the eleventh year of his reign, the emperor Jehángír -after spending four months in travelling the 189 miles from Ajmír by -way of Ujjain, arrived at Naâlchah on the main land close to the north -of Mándu. The emperor notices that most of the forty-six marches into -which the 189 miles were divided ended on the bank of some lake stream -or great river in green grass and woody landscape, brightened by poppy -fields. We came, he writes, enjoying the beauty of the country and -shooting, never weary, as if we were moving from one garden to another. - -Of the country round Naâlchah Jehángír says: [981] What can be -written worthy of the beauty and the pleasantness of Naâlchah. The -neighbourhood is full of mango trees. The whole country is one -unbroken and restful evergreen. Owing to its beauty I remained -there three days. I granted the place to Kamál Khán, taking it from -Keshava Márú, and I changed its name to Kamálpúr. I had frequent -meetings with some of the wise men of the jogis, many of whom had -assembled here. Naâlchah is one of the best places in Málwa. It -has an extensive growth of vines, and among its mango groves and -vineyards wander streamlets of water. I arrived at a time when, -contrary to the northern climes, the vines were in blossom and fruit, -and so great was the vintage that the meanest boor could eat grapes -to his fill. The poppy was also in flower, and its fields delighted -the eye with their many-coloured beauty. - -Of the emperor's entrance into Mándu the Memoirs have the following -note: On Monday the 23rd of Ispandád, the last month of the Persian -year, that is according to Sir Thomas Roe's account on the 6th of -March 1617, when one quarter of the day had passed, I mounted my -elephant, and, in good fortune and under kindly influences, made my -happy entry into the fort of Mándu. About an hour (three ghadis) later -I entered the quarters which had been prepared to receive me. During -my passage across the hill-top I scattered Rs. 1500. Before my arrival -Abdul Karím the engineer had been sent by me to repair the buildings -of the former kings of Mándu. While my fortunate standards were at -Ajmír Abdul Karím repaired such of the old Mándu buildings as were -fit to be repaired and built others anew. On the whole he had provided -quarters for me, the like of which have probably never been built in -any other place. Three lákhs of rupees were spent on these repairs -and buildings. I wish it had been possible to construct buildings like -these in all cities likely to be visited by royalty. This fortress, he -continues, stands on the top of a hill about thirty-six miles (18 kos) -in circumference. They say that before the days of Rája Bikramájit a -king was reigning over these parts whose name was Jaisingh Deva. In -his time a man went to the forest to cut grass. When he brought the -grass back he found that the blade of his sickle had turned yellow. The -grasscutter in his surprise went to Mándan, an ironsmith. Mándan knew -that the sickle was gold. He had heard that in those parts was to be -found the philosopher's stone, whose touch turns iron and copper into -gold. He told the grasscutter to lead him to the place where the sickle -had turned yellow, and there he found the philosopher's stone. The -smith presented this treasure to his king. The king amassed untold -wealth, part of which he spent in building Mándu fortress which he -completed in twelve years. At the request of the smith on most of the -stones in the walls a mark was cut in the form of an anvil. Towards -the close of his life, when king Jaisingh Deva withdrew his heart from -the world, he called many Bráhmans together on the bank of the Narbada -close to Mándu. He gave each Bráhman a share of his wealth. And to the -Bráhman in whom he had the greatest faith he gave the philosopher's -stone. Enraged at the gift of a paltry stone the Bráhman threw it -into the Narbada, and there the philosopher's stone still lies. The -emperor continues: On the 20th of Farwardín, five weeks after my -arrival (11th April 1617) in reward for his services in repairing -the buildings of Mándu, I conferred on my engineer Abdul Karím the -command of 1200 horse, with the title of Maámúr Khán. - -Mándu had for the emperor the strong attraction of abundance of -game. Among numerous entries of nílgái or blue-bull shooting the -following occur: On the 4th of the first month of Farwardín (16th) -March the watchmen of the chase brought word that they had marked down -a lion near the Ságar Lake, which is a construction of the ancient -rulers of Mándu. I mounted and proceeded towards the lake. When the -lion broke cover he attacked and wounded ten or twelve of the Ahádís -[982] and other men of my retinue. In the end I brought him down -with three gun shots and saved God's creatures from his evil. On -the 22nd of the same month (April 3rd, 1617) the watchmen brought -news of a tiger. I mounted forthwith and despatched him with three -bullets. On the 7th of Ardí Bihisht (April 18th, 1617) the watchmen -brought word that they had marked down four tigers. At one in the -afternoon I started for the place with Núr Jehán Begam. Núr Jehán -asked my leave to shoot the tigers with her gun. I said "Be it -so." In a trice she killed these four tigers with six bullets. I -had never seen such shooting. To shoot from the back of an elephant -from within a closed howdah and bring down with six bullets four wild -beasts without giving them an opportunity of moving or springing is -wonderful. In acknowledgment of this capital marksmanship I ordered -a thousand ashrafis (Rs. 4500) to be scattered [983] over Núr Jehán -and granted her a pair of ruby wristlets worth a lákh of rupees. [984] - -Of the mangoes of Mándu Jehángír says: In these days many mangoes have -come into my fruit stores from the Dakhan, Burhánpur, Gujarát, and -the districts of Málwa. This country is famous for its mangoes. There -are few places the mangoes of which can rival those of this country -in richness of flavour, in sweetness, in freedom from fibre, and in -size. [985] - -The rains set in with unusual severity. Rain fell for forty days -continuously. With the rain were severe thunderstorms accompanied by -lightning which injured some of the old buildings. [986] His account -of the beauty of the hill in July, when clear sunshine followed the -forty days of rain, is one of the pleasantest passages in Jehángír's -Memoirs: What words of mine can describe the beauty of the grass -and of the wild flowers! They clothe each hill and dale, each slope -and plain. I know of no place so pleasant in climate and so pretty -in scenery as Mándu in the rainy season. This month of July which is -one of the months of the hot season, the sun being in Leo, one cannot -sleep within the house without a coverlet, and during the day there -is no need for a fan. What I have noticed is but a small part of the -many beauties of Mándu. Two things I have seen here which I had seen -nowhere in India. One of them is the tree of the wild plantain which -grows all over the hill top, the other is the nest of the mamolah or -wagtail. Till now no bird-catcher could tell its nest. It so happened -that in the building where I lodged we found a wagtail's nest with -two young ones. - -The following additional entries in the Memoirs belong to Jehángír's -stay at Mándu. Among the presents submitted by Mahábat Khán, who -received the honour of kissing the ground at Mándu, Jehángír describes -a ruby weighing eleven miskáls. [987] He says: This ruby was brought -to Ajmír last year by a Frankish jeweller who wanted two lákhs of -rupees for it. Mahábat Khán bought it at Burhánpur for one lákh of -rupees. [988] - -On the 1st of Tír, the fourth month of the Persian year (15th -May 1617), the Hindu chiefs of the neighbourhood came to pay their -respects and present their tribute. The Hindu chief of Jítpúr in the -neighbourhood of Mándu, through his evil fortune, did not come to kiss -the threshold. [989] For this reason I ordered Fidáíkhán to pillage -the Jítpúr country at the head of thirteen officers and four or five -hundred matchlockmen. On the approach of Fidáíkhán the chief fled. He -is now reported to regret his past conduct and to intend to come to -Court and make his submission. On the 9th of Yúr, the sixth month -of the Persian calendar (late July, A.D. 1617), I heard that while -raiding the lands of the chief of Jítpúr, Rúh-ul-láh, the brother of -Fidáíkhán, was slain with a lance in the village where the chief's -wives and children were in hiding. The village was burned, and the -women and daughters of the rebel chief were taken captives. [990] - -The beautiful surroundings of the Ságar lake offered to the elegant -taste of Núr Jehán a fitting opportunity for honouring the Shab-i-Barát -or Night of Jubilee with special illuminations. The emperor describes -the result in these words: On the evening of Thursday the 19th of -Amardád, the fifth month of the Persian year (early July, A.D. 1617), -I went with the ladies of the palace to see the buildings and palaces -on the Ságar lake which were built by the old kings of Mándu. The -26th of Amardád (about mid-July) was the Shab-i-Barát holiday. I -ordered a jubilee or assembly of joy to be held on the occasion in -one of the palaces occupied by Núr Jehán Begam in the midst of the -big lake. The nobles and others were invited to attend this party -which was organized by the Begam, and I ordered the cup and other -intoxicants with various fruits and minced meats to be given to all -who wished them. It was a wonderful gathering. As evening set in -the lanterns and lamps gleaming along the banks of the lake made an -illumination such as never had been seen. The countless lights with -which the palaces and buildings were ablaze shining on the lake made -the whole surface of the water appear to be on fire. [991] - -The Memoirs continue: On Sunday the 9th of Yúr, the sixth Persian month -(late July), I went with the ladies of the palace to the quarters of -Ásaf Khán, Núr Jehán's brother, the second son of Mirza Ghiás Beg. I -found Ásaf Khán lodged in a glen of great beauty surrounded by other -little vales and dells with waterfalls and running streamlets and green -and shady mango groves. In one of these dells were from two to three -hundred sweet pandanus or kewda trees. I passed a very happy day in -this spot and got up a wine party with some of my lords-in-waiting, -giving them bumpers of wine. [992] Two months later (early September) -Jehángír has the following entry [993] regarding a visit from his -eldest son and heir prince Khurram, afterwards the emperor Shah Jehán, -who had lately brought the war in the Dakhan to a successful close. On -the 8th of the month of Máh (H. 1026: according to Roe September 2nd, -1617), my son of exalted name obtained the good fortune of waiting -upon me in the fort of Mándu after three-quarters and one ghadi of -the day had passed, that is about half an hour after sunrise. He had -been absent fifteen months and eleven days. After he had performed -the ceremonies of kissing the ground and the kurnish or prostration, I -called him up to my bay window or jharokah. In a transport of affection -I could not restrain myself from getting up and taking him into my -arms. The more I increased the measure of affection and honours the -more humility and respect did he show. I called him near me and made -him sit by me. He submitted a thousand ashrafis (= Rs. 4500) and a -thousand rupees as a gift or nazar and the same amount as sacrifice -or nisár. As there was not time for me to inspect all his presents -he produced the elephant Sarnák, the best of the elephants of Ádil -Khán of Bijápur. He also gave me a case full of the rarest precious -stones. I ordered the military paymasters to make presents to his -nobles according to their rank. The first to come was Khán Jehán, -whom I allowed the honour of kissing my feet. For his victory over -the Rána of Chitor I had before granted to my fortunate child Kurram -the rank of a commander of 20,000 with 10,000 horse. Now for his -service in the Dakhan I made him a commander of 30,000 and 20,000 -horse with the title of Sháh Jehán. I also ordered that henceforward -he should enjoy the privilege of sitting on a stool near my throne, -an honour which did not exist and is the first of its kind granted -to anyone in my family. I further granted him a special dress. To do -him honour I came down from the window and with my own hand scattered -over his head as sacrifice a trayfull of precious stones as well as -a large trayfull of gold. - -Jehángír's last Mándu entry is this: On the night of Friday in the -month of Abán (October 24th, 1617) in all happiness and good fortune -I marched from Mándu and halted on the bank of the lake at Naâlchah. - -Jehángír's stay at Mándu is referred to by more than one English -traveller. In March 1617, the Rev. Edward Terry, chaplain to the Right -Honourable Sir T. Roe Lord Ambassador to the Great Mughal, came to -Mándu from Burhánpur in east Khándesh. [994] Terry crossed a broad -river, the Narbada, at a great town called Anchabarpur (Akbarpur) -[995] in the Nímár plain not far south of Mándu hill. The way up, -probably by the Bhairav pass a few miles east of Mándu, seemed to Terry -exceeding long. The ascent was very difficult, taking the carriages, -apparently meaning coaches and wagons, two whole days. [996] Terry -found the hill of Mándu stuck round with fair trees that kept their -distance so, one from and below the other, that there was much delight -in beholding them from either the bottom or the top of the hill. From -one side only was the ascent not very high and steep. The top was flat -plain and spacious with vast and far-stretching woods in which were -lions tigers and other beasts of prey and many wild elephants. Terry -passed through Mándu a few days' march across a plain and level -country, apparently towards Dhár, where he met the Lord Ambassador Sir -Thomas Roe, who had summoned Terry from Surat to be his chaplain. Sir -Thomas Roe was then marching from Ajmír to Mándu with the Court of -the emperor Jehángír, whom Terry calls the Great King. - -On the 3rd of March, says Roe, the Mughal was to have entered -Mándu. But all had to wait for the good hour fixed by the -astrologers. From the 6th of March, when he entered Mándu, till -the 24th of October, the emperor Jehángír, with Sir Thomas Roe in -attendance, remained at Mándu. [997] According to Roe before the Mughal -visited Mándu the hill was not much inhabited, having more ruins by -far than standing houses. [998] But the moving city that accompanied -the emperor soon overflowed the hill-top. According to Roe Jehángír's -own encampment was walled round half a mile in circuit in the form of a -fortress, with high screens or curtains of coarse stuff, somewhat like -Aras hangings, red on the outside, the inside divided into compartments -with a variety of figures. This enclosure had a handsome gateway and -the circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks. The posts that -supported the curtains were all surmounted with brass tops. [999] -Besides the emperor's encampment were the noblemen's quarters, each -at an appointed distance from the king's tents, very handsome, some -having their tents green, others white, others of mixed colours. The -whole composed the most curious and magnificent sight Roe had ever -beheld. [1000] The hour taken by Jehángír in passing from the Dehli -Gate to his own quarters, the two English miles from Roe's lodge -which was not far from the Dehli Gate to Jehángír's palace, and other -reasons noted below make it almost certain that the Mughal's encampment -and the camps of the leading nobles were on the open slopes to the -south of the Sea Lake between Báz Bahádur's palace on the east and -Songad on the west. And that the palace at Mándu from which Jehángír -wrote was the building now known as Báz Bahádur's palace. [1001] -A few months before it reached Mándu the imperial camp had turned -the whole valley of Ajmír into a magnificent city, [1002] and a few -weeks before reaching Mándu at Thoda, about fifty miles south-east of -Ajmír, the camp formed a settlement not less in circuit than twenty -English miles, equalling in size almost any town in Europe. [1003] -In the middle of the encampment were all sorts of shops so regularly -disposed that all persons knew where to go for everything. - -The demands of so great a city overtaxed the powers of the deserted -Mándu. The scarcity of water soon became so pressing that the poor -were commanded to leave and all horses and cattle were ordered off the -hill. [1004] Of the scarcity of water the English traveller Corryat, -who was then a guest of Sir Thomas Roe, writes: On the first day one -of my Lord's people, Master Herbert, brother to Sir Edward Herbert, -found a fountain which, if he had not done, he would have had to send -ten course (kos) every day for water to a river called Narbada that -falleth into the Bay of Cambye near Broach. The custom being such -that whatsoever fountain or tank is found by any great man in time of -drought he shall keep it proper to his without interruption. The day -after one of the king's Hadis (Ahádis) finding the same and striving -for it was taken by my Lord's people and bound. [1005] Corryat adds: -During the time of the great drought two Moor nobles daily sent ten -camels to the Narbada and distributed the water to the poor, which -was so dear they sold a little skin for 8 pies (one penny). [1006] - -Terry notices that among the piles of buildings that held their -heads above ruin were not a few unfrequented mosques or Muhammadan -churches. Though the people who attended the king were marvellously -straitened for room to put their most excellent horses, none would -use the churches as stables, even though they were forsaken and out of -use. This abstinence seems to have been voluntary, as Roe's servants, -who were sent in advance, took possession of a fair court with walled -enclosure in which was a goodly temple and a tomb. It was the best -in the whole circuit of Mándu, the only drawback being that it was -two miles from the king's house. [1007] The air was wholesome and the -prospect was pleasant, as it was on the edge of the hill. [1008] The -emperor, perhaps referring rather to the south of the hill, which from -the elaborate building and repairs carried out in advance by Abdul -Karím seems to have been called the New City, gives a less deserted -impression of Mándu. He writes (24th March 1617): Many buildings -and relics of the old kings are still standing, for as yet decay -has not fallen upon the city. On the 24th I rode to see the royal -edifices. First I visited the Jámá Masjid built by Sultán Hoshang -Ghori. It is a very lofty building and erected entirely of hewn -stone. Although it has been standing 180 years it looks as if built -to-day. Then I visited the sepulchres of the kings and rulers of the -Khilji dynasty, among which is the sepulchre of the eternally cursed -Násir-ud-dín. [1009] Sher Sháh to show his horror of Násir-ud-dín, -the father-slayer, ordered his people to beat Násir-ud-dín's tomb -with sticks. Jehángir also kicked the grave. Then he ordered the -tomb to be opened and the remains to be taken out and burnt. Finally, -fearing the remains might pollute the eternal light, he ordered the -ashes to be thrown into the Narbada. [1010] - -The pleasant outlying position of Roe's lodge proved to be open to -the objection that out of the vast wilderness wild beasts often came, -seldom returning without a sheep, a goat, or a kid. One evening a -great lion leapt over the stone wall that encompassed the yard and -snapped up the Lord Ambassador's little white neat shock, that is -as Roe explains a small Irish mastiff, which ran out barking at the -lion. Out of the ruins of the mosque and tomb Roe built a lodge, [1011] -and here he passed the rains with his "family," including besides his -secretary, chaplain, and cook twenty-three Englishmen and about sixty -native servants, and during part of the time the sturdy half-crazed -traveller Tom Coryate or Corryat. [1012] They had their flock of sheep -and goats, all necessaries belonging to the kitchen and everything else -required for bodily use including bedding and all things pertaining -thereto. [1013] Among the necessaries were tables [1014] and chairs, -since the Ambassador refused to adopt the Mughal practice of sitting -cross-legged on mats "like taylors on their shopboards." Roe's diet -was dressed by an English and an Indian cook and was served on plate -by waiters in red taffata cloaks guarded with green taffata. The -chaplain wore a long black cassock, and the Lord Ambassador wore -English habits made as light and cool as possible. [1015] - -On the 12th of March, a few days after they were settled at Mándu, -came the festival of the Persian New Year. Jehángír held a great -reception seated on a throne of gold bespangled with rubies emeralds -and turquoises. The hall was adorned with pictures of the King and -Queen of England, the Princess Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith and others, -with beautiful Persian hangings. On one side, on a little stage, was a -couple of women singers. The king commanded that Sir T. Roe should come -up and stand beside him on the steps of the throne where stood on one -side the Persian Ambassador and on the other the old king of Kandahár -with whom Sir T. Roe ranked. The king called the Persian Ambassador -and gave him some stones and a young elephant. The Ambassador knelt and -knocked his head against the steps of the throne to thank him. [1016] -From time to time during Terry's stay at Mándu, the Mughal, with his -stout daring Persian and Tartarian horsemen and some grandees, went -out to take young wild elephants in the great woods that environed -Mándu. The elephants were caught in strong toils prepared for the -purpose and were manned and made fit for service. In these hunts the -king and his men also pursued lions and other wild beasts on horseback, -killing some of them with their bows carbines and lances. [1017] - -The first of September was Jehángír's birthday. The king, says Corryat, -[1018] was forty-five years old, of middle height, corpulent, of a -seemly composition of body, and of an olive coloured skin. Roe went -to pay his respects and was conducted apparently to Báz Bahádur's -Gardens to the east of the Rewa Pool. This tangled orchard was then -a beautiful garden with a great square pond or tank set all round -with trees and flowers and in the middle of the garden a pavilion or -pleasure-house under which hung the scales in which the king was to -be weighed. [1019] The scales were of beaten gold set with many small -stones as rubies and turquoises. They were hung by chains of gold, -large and massive, but strengthened by silken ropes. The beam and -tressels from which the scales hung were covered with thin plates of -gold. All round were the nobles of the court seated on rich carpets -waiting for the king. He came laden with diamonds rubies pearls and -other precious vanities, making a great and glorious show. His swords -targets and throne were corresponding in riches and splendour. His head -neck breast and arms above the elbows and at the wrist were decked -with chains of precious stones, and every finger had two or three -rich rings. His legs were as it were fettered with chains of diamonds -and rubies as large as walnuts and amazing pearls. He got into the -scales crouching or sitting on his legs like a woman. To counterpoise -his weight bags said to contain Rs. 9000 in silver were changed -six times. After this he was weighed against bags containing gold -jewels and precious stones. Then against cloth of gold, silk stuffs, -cotton goods, spices, and all commodities. Last of all against meal, -butter, and corn. Except the silver, which was reserved for the poor, -all was said to be distributed to Baniahs (that is Bráhmans). [1020] -After he was weighed Jehángír ascended the throne and had basons of -nuts almonds and spices of all sorts given him. These the king threw -about, and his great men scrambled prostrate on their bellies. Roe -thought it not decent that he should scramble. And the king seeing -that he stood aloof reached him a bason almost full and poured the -contents into his cloak. [1021] Terry adds: The physicians noted the -king's weight and spoke flatteringly of it. Then the Mughal drank to -his nobles in his royal wine and the nobles pledged his health, The -king drank also to the Lord Ambassador, whom he always treated with -special consideration, and presented him with the cup of gold curiously -enamelled and crusted with rubies turkesses and emeralds. [1022] - -Of prince Khurram's visit Roe writes: A month later (October -2nd) the proud prince Khurram, afterwards the emperor Sháh Jehán -(A.D. 1626-1657), returned from his glorious success in the Dakhan, -accompanied by all the great men, in wondrous triumph. [1023] A week -later (October 9th), hearing that the emperor was to pass near his -lodging on his way to take the air at the Narbada, in accordance with -the rule that the masters of all houses near which the king passes -must make him a present, Roe took horse to meet the king. He offered -the king an Atlas neatly bound, saying he presented the king with the -whole world. The king was pleased. In return he praised Roe's lodge, -which he had built out of the ruins of the temple and the ancient tomb, -and which was one of the best lodges in the camp. [1024] Jehángír left -Mándu on the 24th October. On the 30th when Roe started the hill was -entirely deserted. [1025] - -Terry mentions only two buildings at Mándu. One was the house of the -Mughal, apparently Báz Bahádur's palace, which he describes as large -and stately, built of excellent stone, well squared and put together, -taking up a large compass of ground. He adds: We could never see how it -was contrived within, as the king's wives and women were there. [1026] -The only other building to which Terry refers, he calls "The Grot." Of -the grot, which is almost certainly the pleasure-house Nílkanth, whose -Persian inscriptions have been quoted above, Terry gives the following -details: To the Mughal's house, at a small distance from it, belonged -a very curious grot. In the building of the grot a way was made into -a firm rock which showed itself on the side of the hill canopied over -with part of that rock. It was a place that had much beauty in it by -reason of the curious workmanship bestowed on it and much pleasure -by reason of its coolness. [1027] Besides the fountain this grot has -still one of the charmingly cool and murmuring scallopped rillstones -where, as Terry says, water runs down a broad stone table with many -hollows like to scallop shells, in its passage over the hollows making -so pretty a murmur as helps to tie the senses with the bonds of sleep. - -Sháh Jehán seems to have been pleased with Mándu. He returned in -A.D. 1621 and stayed at Mándu till he marched north against his -father in A.D. 1622. [1028] In March A.D. 1623, Sháh Jehán came out -of Mándu with 20,000 horse, many elephants, and powerful artillery, -intending to fight his brother Sháh Parwíz. [1029] After the failure -of this expedition Sháh Jehán retired to Mándu. [1030] At this time -(A.D. 1623) the Italian traveller Dela Valle ranks Mándu with Agra -Láhor and Ahmedábád, as the four capitals, each endowed with an -imperial palace and court. [1031] Five years later the great general -Khán Jehán Lodi besieged Mándu, but apparently without success. [1032] -Khán Jehán Lodi's siege of Mándu is interesting in connection with -a description of Mándu in Herbert's Travels. Herbert, who was in -Gujarát in A.D. 1626, says Mándu is seated at the side of a declining -hill (apparently Herbert refers to the slope from the southern crest -northwards to Ságar Lake and the Grot or Nílkanth) in which both for -ornament and defence is a castle which is strong in being encompassed -with a defensive wall of nearly five miles (probably kos that is ten -miles): the whole, he adds, heretofore had fifteen miles circuit. But -the city later built is of less time yet fresher beauty, whether you -behold the temples (in one of which are entombed four kings), palaces -or fortresses, especially that tower which is elevated 170 steps, -supported by massive pillars and adorned with gates and windows very -observable. It was built by Khán Jehán, who there lies buried. The -confusedness of these details shows that Herbert obtained them -second-hand, probably from Corryat's Master Herbert on Sir T. Roe's -staff. [1033] The new city of fresher beauty is probably a reference -to the buildings raised and repaired by Abdul Karím against Jehángír's -coming, among which the chief seems to have been the palace now known -by the name of Báz Bahádur. The tower of 170 steps is Mehmúd Khilji's -Tower of Victory, erected in A.D. 1443, the Khán Jehán being Mehmúd's -father, the great minister Khán Jehán Aâzam Humáyún. - -[The Maráthás, A.D. 1720-1820.] In A.D. 1658 a Rája Shívráj was -commandant of Mándu. [1034] No reference has been traced to any -imperial visit to Mándu during Aurangzíb's reign. But that great -monarch has left an example of his watchful care in the rebuilding -of the Âlamgír or Aurangzíb Gate, which guards the approach to the -stone-crossing of the great northern ravine and bears an inscription -of A.D. 1668, the eleventh year of Âlamgír's reign. In spite of this -additional safeguard thirty years later (A.D. 1696) Mándu was taken and -the standard of Udáji Pavár was planted on the battlement. [1035] -The Maráthás soon withdrew and Málwa again passed under an -imperial governor. In A.D. 1708 the Shía-loving emperor Bahádur Sháh -I. (A.D. 1707-1712) visited Mándu, and there received from Ahmedábád -a copy of the Kurâán written by Imám Âli Taki, son of Imám Músa Raza -(A.D. 810-829), seventh in descent from Âli, the famous son-in-law -of the Prophet, the first of Musalmán mystics. In A.D. 1717 Ásaph Jáh -Nizám-ul-Mulk was appointed governor of Málwa and continued to manage -the province by deputy till A.D. 1721. In A.D. 1722 Rája Girdhar -Bahádur, a Nágar Bráhman, was made governor and remained in charge -till in A.D. 1724 he was attacked and defeated by Chimnáji Pandit -and Udáji Pavár. [1036] Rája Girdhar was succeeded by his relation -Dia Bahádur, whose successful government ended in A.D. 1732, when -through the secret help of the local chiefs Malhárráo Holkar led an -army up the Bhairav pass, a few miles east of Mándu, and at Tirellah, -between Amjera and Dhár, defeated and slew Dia Bahádur. As neither the -next governor Muhammad Khán Bangash nor his successor Rája Jai Singh -of Jaipúr were able to oust the Maráthás, their success was admitted -in A.D. 1734 by the appointment of Peshwa Bájiráo (A.D. 1720-1740) -to be governor of Málwa. On his appointment (A.D. 1734) the Peshwa -chose Anand Ráo Pavár as his deputy. Anand Ráo shortly after settled -at Dhár, and since A.D. 1734 Mándu has continued part of the territory -of the Pavárs of Dhar. [1037] In A.D. 1805 Mándu sheltered the heroic -Mína Bái during the birth-time of her son Rámchundra Ráo Pavár, -whose state was saved from the clutches of Holkar and Sindhia by the -establishment of British overlordship in A.D. 1817. [1038] - -[Notices, A.D. 1820-1895.] In A.D. 1820 Sir John Malcolm [1039] -describes the hill-top as a place of religious resort occupied -by some mendicants. The holy places on the hill are the shrine of -Hoshang Ghori, whose guardian spirit still scares barrenness and -other disease fiends [1040] and the Rewa or Narbada Pool, whose -holy water, according to common belief, prevents the dreaded return -of the spirit of the Hindu whose ashes are strewn on its surface, -or, in the refined phrase of the Bráhman, enables the dead to lose -self in the ocean of being. [1041] In A.D. 1820 the Jámá Mosque, -Hoshang's tomb, and the palaces of Báz Bahádur were still fine remains, -though surrounded with jungle and fast crumbling to pieces. [1042] -In A.D. 1827 Colonel Briggs says [1043]: Perhaps no part of India so -abounds with tigers as the neighbourhood of the once famous city of -Mándu. The capital now deserted by man is overgrown by forest and -from being the seat of luxury, elegance, and wealth, it has become -the abode of wild beasts and is resorted to by the few Europeans in -that quarter for the pleasure of destroying them. Instances have been -known of tigers being so bold as to carry off troopers riding in the -ranks of their regiments. Twelve years later (A.D. 1839) Mr. Fergusson -[1044] found the hill a vast uninhabited jungle, the rank vegetation -tearing the buildings of the city to pieces and obscuring them so that -they could hardly be seen. [1045] Between A.D. 1842 and 1852 tigers are -described as prowling among the regal rooms, the half-savage marauding -Bhíl as eating his meal and feeding his cattle in the cloisters of -its sanctuaries and the insidious pípal as levelling to the earth -the magnificent remains. [1046] So favourite a tiger retreat was the -Jaház Palace that it was dangerous to venture into it unarmed. Close -to the very huts of the poor central village, near the Jámá Mosque, -cattle were frequently seized by tigers. In the south tigers came -nightly to drink at the Ságar lake. Huge bonfires had to be burnt -to prevent them attacking the houses. [1047] In A.D. 1883 Captain -Eastwick wrote: At Mándu the traveller will require some armed men, -as tigers are very numerous and dangerous. He will do well not to -have any dogs with him, as the panthers will take them even from under -his bed. [1048] If this was true of Mándu in A.D. 1883--and is not as -seems likely the repetition of an old-world tale--the last ten years -have wrought notable changes. Through the interest His Highness Sir -Anand Ráo Pavár, K.C.S.I., C.I.E., the present Mahárája of Dhár takes -in the old capital of his state, travelling in Mándu is now as safe and -easier than in many, perhaps than in most, outlying districts. A phæton -can drive across the northern ravine-moat through the three gateways -and along the hill-top, at least as far south as the Sea Lake. Large -stretches of the level are cleared and tilled, and herds of cattle -graze free from the dread of wild beasts. The leading buildings have -been saved from their ruinous tree-growth, the underwood has been -cleared, the marauding Bhíl has settled to tillage, the tiger, even -the panther, is nearly as rare as the wild elephant, and finally its -old wholesomeness has returned to the air of the hill-top. - -This sketch notices only the main events and the main buildings. Even -about the main buildings much is still doubtful. Many inscriptions, -some in the puzzling interlaced Tughra character, have still to -be read. They may bring to light traces of the Mándu kings and of -the Mughal emperors, whose connection with Mándu, so far as the -buildings are concerned, is still a blank. The ruins are so many -and so widespread that weeks are wanted to ensure their complete -examination. It may be hoped that at no distant date Major Delasseau, -the Political Agent of Dhár, whose opportunities are not more special -than his knowledge, may be able to prepare a complete description of -the hill and of its many ruins and writings. - - - - - - - MARÁTHA HISTORY - OF - GUJARÁT: - - A.D. 1760-1819. - - - BY - J. A. BAINES Esquire, C.S.I., - LATE OF H.M.'s BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE. - - - [Contributed in 1879.] - - - - - - - - -HISTORY OF GUJARÁT. - -MARÁTHA PERIOD. - -A.D. 1760-1819. - - -It will be evident from what has been related in the Musalmán portion -of this history that long before 1760, the Maráthás had a firm foothold -in Gujarát, and were able to dictate to the local chiefs the policy -of the Dakhan Court. Long before 1819 too, Marátha influence was on -the wane before the rising fortunes of the British. Between these two -dates however is comprised the whole or nearly the whole of the period -during which the Maráthás were virtually paramount in Gujarát. From -each of these two dates the political history took a new departure, and -on this account they serve respectively to denote the starting point -and terminus of Marátha supremacy. Most of what took place before 1760 -is so interwoven with the interests and intrigues of the Muhammadan -delegates of the court of Dehli that it has been fully described in the -history of the Musalmán Period. It is however necessary, in order to -trace the growth of Marátha power, to briefly set forth in a continuous -narrative the events in which this race was principally concerned, -adding such as transpired independently of Musalmán politics. This -task is rendered easier by the very nature of Marátha policy, which -has left little to be recorded of its action in Gujarát beyond the -deeds and fortunes of its initiators and their adherents. - -The connection of the Maráthás with Gujarát can be divided by the -chronicler into the following periods. First, the time of predatory -inroads from 1664 to 1743, before the leaders of these expeditions -had permanently established themselves within the province. Secondly, -what may be termed the mercenary period, when the Maráthás partly by -independent action, but far more by a course of judicious interference -in the quarrels of the Muhammadan officials and by loans of troops, -had acquired considerable territorial advantages. Towards the end -of this period, as has been already seen, their aid was usually -sufficient to ensure the success of the side which had managed to -secure it, and at last the capital itself was claimed and held by -them. Then came the time of domination, from 1760 to 1801, during -which period the Gáikwár influence was occasionally greater than -that of the Peshwa. From 1802, internal dissensions at the courts of -Poona and Baroda weakened the hold the Maráthás had on the province, -and the paramount power had to all intents and purposes passed over -to the British long before the downfall of Bájiráv Peshwa and the -final annexation of his rights and territory in 1819. Shortly after, -when the Gáikwár made over to the British the work of collecting the -tribute from Káthiáváda, Marátha supremacy came to an end. - -[Siváji's First Inroad, 1664.] The first Marátha force that made its -appearance in Gujarát was led there early in 1664 by Siváji. This -leader was at the time engaged in a warfare with the Mughals, which, -however desultory, required him to keep up a much larger force than -could be supported out of the revenues of his dominions. He therefore -looked to plunder to supply the deficiency, and Surat, then the richest -town of Western India, was marked down by him as an easy prey. His -mode of attack was cautious. He first sent one Bahirji Náik to spy -out the country and report the chances of a rich booty, whilst he -himself moved a force up to Junnar on pretence of visiting some forts -in that direction recently acquired by one of his subordinates. On -receiving a favourable report from Bahirji, Siváji gave out that -he was going to perform religious ceremonies at Násik, and taking -with him 4000 picked horsemen, he marched suddenly down the Gháts and -through the Dáng jungles, and appeared before Surat. There he found an -insignificant garrison, so he rested outside the city six days whilst -his men plundered at their leisure. On hearing of the tardy approach -of a relieving force sent by the governor of Ahmedábád, Siváji beat a -retreat with all his booty to the stronghold of Ráygad. By the time the -reinforcement reached Surat, the only trace of the invaders was the -emptied coffers of the inhabitants. About the same time, or shortly -after, the fleet which Siváji had equipped at Alibág about two years -before came up to the mouth of the gulf of Cambay and carried off -one or two Mughal ships which were conveying to Makka large numbers -of pilgrims with their rich oblations. [1049] - -[Siváji's Second Attack, 1670.] This insult to the Muhammadan -religion was enough to incense the bigoted Aurangzeb, apart from the -additional offences of the sack of Surat and the assumption in 1665 -of royal insignia by Siváji. He therefore sent an expedition to the -Dakhan strong enough to keep the Maráthás for some time away from -Gujarát. One of Siváji's officers, however, seems to have attacked a -part of the Surat district in 1666, and to have got off safely with -his spoils. In 1670, Siváji again descended upon that city with about -15,000 men. The only serious resistance he experienced was, as before, -from the English factors. He plundered the town for three days, and -only left on receiving some information about the Mughals' movements -in the Dakhan, which made him fear lest he should be intercepted on -his way back to the country about the Gháts. - -[1671.] Siváji left a claim for twelve lákhs of rupees to be paid as -a guarantee against future expeditions. It is possible, however, that -as he does not appear to have taken any immediate steps to recover -this sum, the demand was made only in accordance with Marátha policy, -which looked upon a country once overrun as tributary, and assumed -a right to exercise paramount authority over it by virtue of the -completed act of a successful invasion. In 1671 the Marátha fleet was -ordered to sail up the gulf and plunder Broach, and it is probable -that Siváji intended at the same time to levy tribute from Surat, -but the whole expedition was countermanded before the ships sailed. - -The conduct of the military authorities in Gujarát with regard to this -expedition of 1670 was such as to render it highly probable that the -Mughal leaders were in complicity with the Maráthás in order to gain -the favour and support of their leader. Shortly before Siváji's arrival -there had been a large garrison in Surat, apparently kept there by the -governor, who suspected that some attempt on the town would soon be -made. This garrison was withdrawn before Siváji's attack, and almost -immediately after his departure 5000 men were sent back again. The -commanders of the Mughal army in the Dakhan were Jasvant Singh the -Ráhtor chief of Jodhpur and prince Muazzam. Jasvant Singh had been -viceroy of Gujarát from A.D. 1659 to 1662, and in A.D. 1671 shortly -after Siváji's second expedition was re-appointed to that post for -three years. He had, moreover, been accused of taking bribes from -Siváji during the operations in the Dakhan. Prince Muazzam, again, -had every reason for wishing to secure to himself so powerful an ally -as Siváji in the struggle for the imperial crown that took place, -as a rule, at every succession. Aurangzeb, reasoning from his own -experiences as a son, refused to allow a possible heir to his throne -to become powerful at court; and accordingly sent him against Siváji -with an army quite inadequate for such operations. It is therefore -not unreasonable to suppose that if there had not been some previous -understanding between Siváji and the Mughal leaders, the troops that -were known to be within easy reach of Surat would have been found -strong and numerous enough either to have repulsed him altogether or -at least to have prevented the three days' sack of the city. - -[Sáler Taken, 1672.] In A.D. 1672 Siváji took some of the small forts -to the south of Surat, such as Párnera and Bagváda, now in the Párdi -sub-division of the Surat district, whilst Moro Trimal got possession -of the large fort of Sáler in Báglán, which guarded one of the most -frequented passes from the Dakhan into Gujarát. The Maráthás were -thus able to command the routes along which their expeditions could -most conveniently be despatched. - -[The Narbada Crossed, 1675.] No further incursion was made till 1675, -in which year a Marátha force first crossed the Narbada. On the -resumption of hostilities between Siváji and the Mughals, Hasáji -Mohite, who had been made Senápati, with the title of Hambirráv, -marched up the North Konkan, and divided his army into two forces near -Surat. One portion plundered towards Burhánpur, the other commanded by -himself plundered the Broach district. Ten years later a successful -expedition was made against Broach itself, either preconcerted or -actually led by a younger son of Aurangzeb, who had taken refuge with -the Maráthás. Broach was plundered, and the booty safely carried off -before the local force could get near the invaders. Gujarát was now -left free from inroad for some fourteen years, probably because the -attention of the Marátha leaders was concentrated on their quarrels -in the Dakhan. - -[Raids by Dábháde, 1699.] In A.D. 1699 Rám Rája appointed one of -his most trusted officers, Khanderáv Dábháde, to collect in Báglán -the chauth [1050] and sardeshmukhi imposts which had by that time -become regularly instituted. This chief, whose name was afterwards -so intimately connected with Gujarát, not only collected all -that was due to his master from the village officers in Báglán, -but also made an incursion into the Surat districts on his own -account. [1700-1704.] Between 1700 and 1704 Khanderáv attempted -two expeditions, but was foiled by the vigilance of the Mughal -authorities. [1705.] In 1705, however, he made a raid on a large -scale and got safely across the Narbada, where he defeated two -Muhammadan detachments sent against him, and got back to Sáler -with his booty. [1706-1711.] Khanderáv now kept bodies of troops -constantly hovering on the outskirts of Gujarát and along the road -to Burhánpur. He himself led several expeditions into the Ahmedábád -territory, and is said to have once got as far as Sorath in the -peninsula, where however he was repelled by the Musalmán governor. In -1711, again he was severely defeated by the Mughals near Anklesvar -in the Broach district, and had to withdraw to the borders of Khándesh. - -[1713.] In 1713 some treasure was being conveyed from Surat to -Aurangábád escorted by a large force under Muhammad Tabrízí. The -party was attacked in the jungles east of Surat and the treasure -carried off. Just before this, Sarbuland Khán, the deputy viceroy, -on his way to take up his office at Ahmedábád, was attacked and robbed -in the wilds of Ságbára on the north bank of the Tápti. As Khanderáv -had a short while previous to these occurrences taken up his position -near Nándod [1051] in the Rájpipla territory, it is probably to him -or to his subordinates that these raids are to be attributed. He -managed by a system of outposts to cut off communication between -Surat and Burhánpur, except for those who had paid him a fee for -safe conduct. If this charge was evaded or resisted, he appropriated -one-fourth of the property that the traveller was conveying up country. - -[Dábháde, 1716.] As the Burhánpur road was one of those most frequented -by both pilgrims and merchants, the Dehli authorities were obliged, -in 1716, to organize an expedition against Dábháde. The leader of -the force was one Zulfikar Beg, an officer inexperienced in Marátha -warfare. Dábháde found little difficulty in decoying him into a -mountainous country, and there completely defeated him with the usual -Marátha accompaniment of plunder. - -[Dábháde Senápati.] Finding himself once more in the Dakhan, Khanderáv -Dábháde took the opportunity of rejoining the court at Sátára, from -which he had long been absent. He was lucky enough to arrive just as -the Senápati Manáji Morár had failed on an important expedition and -was consequently in disgrace. Rája Sháhu, pleased with Khanderáv's -recent success against the Delhi troops, divested Manáji of the title -of Senápati, and bestowed it upon the more fortunate leader. - -[The Peshwa's Negotiations, 1717.] Khanderáv remained away from -Gujarát for three years, accompanying, meanwhile, Báláji Vishvanáth -the Peshwa to Dehli, where the latter was engaged in negotiations for -the confirmation of the Marátha rights to chauth and other tribute -from certain districts in the Dakhan. - -It is evident that at this time there was no definite claim to tribute -from Gujarát on the part of the Marátha government; for in spite of -the intrigues of Báláji and the weakness of the court party at Delhi -no concessions were obtained with regard to it, although the Marátha -dues from other parts of the country were fully ratified. The grounds -on which Báláji demanded the tribute from Gujarát were that Sháhu would -thereby gain the right to restrain the excesses of Marátha freebooters -from the frontier and would guarantee the whole country against -irregular pillage. The argument was a curious one, considering that -the most troublesome and notorious freebooter of the whole tribe was at -the elbow of the envoy, who was so strenuously pleading for the right -to suppress him. It is probable that Báláji foresaw that Khanderáv's -newly acquired rank would take him for a time from Báglán to the court, -so that meanwhile an arrangement could be made to prevent the growth -of any powerful chief in the Gujarát direction who might interfere -with the plans of the central government. The Marátha statesman was -as anxious to ensure the subordination of distant feudatories as the -Mughals to secure the freedom of the Ghát roads to the coast. - -In the redistribution of authority carried out about this time by -Báláji Vishvanáth, the responsibility of collecting the Marátha dues -[1052] from Gujarát and Báglán was assigned to Khanderáv as Senápati -or commander-in-chief; but as these dues were not yet settled, at -least as regards the country below the Gháts, Khanderáv seems to have -remained with the Peshwa in the field. - -[Dámáji Gáikwár, 1720.] At the battle of Bálápur, fought against -the Nizám-ul-Mulk, one of the officers of Khanderáv, by name Dámáji -Gáikwár, so distinguished himself that the Senápati brought his conduct -prominently to the notice of Rája Sháhu. The latter promoted Dámáji to -be second in command to Khanderáv with the title of Shamsher Bahádur, -which had been formerly borne by one of the Atole family in 1692. This -is the first mention of the present ruling family of Baroda. Before -many months both Khanderáv and Dámáji died. The former was succeeded by -his son Trimbakráv, on whom his father's title was conferred. Piláji, -nephew of Dámáji, was confirmed in his uncle's honours and retired -to Gujarát. As soon as he could collect a sufficiently strong force, -he attacked the Surat district and defeated the Musalmán commander -close to the city itself. After extorting from him a handsome sum -as ransom, Piláji returned eastwards. He selected Songad, [1053] a -fort about fifty miles east of Surat, as his headquarters, and from -thence made continual excursions against the neighbouring towns. He -once attacked Surat, but although he defeated the Mughal leader, -he seems to have contented himself with contributions levied from -the adjacent country, and not to have entered the town. Piláji soon -obtained possession of some strongholds in the [1723.] Rájpipla country -between Nándod and Ságbára, which he fortified, as Khanderáv Dábháde -had formerly done. Here he resided as representative of the Senápati, -whose family had removed for a while to the Dakhan. The tribute -collected from Báglán and Gujarát was supposed to be transmitted -by Piláji to the royal treasury through the Peshwa; but there is no -record of these dues having been levied with any regularity or even -fixed at any special amount. Whilst Trimbakráv was taking an active -part in the affairs of his royal patron in the Dakhan, Piláji occupied -himself in sedulously cultivating the goodwill of the border tribes -surrounding his residence in Gujarát. - -[Marátha Tribute, 1723.] The year 1723 is noteworthy as being the date -of the first imposition of the regular Marátha demand of one-fourth, -chauth, and one-tenth, sardeshmukhi, of the revenue of Gujarát. Whilst -Piláji was directing his attacks against Surat and the south of the -province another of Rája Sháhu's officers, who had been sent up towards -Málwa, entered Gujarát by the north-east, and after ravaging the -country round Dohad, [1054] settled a fixed tribute on the district. - -[Kantáji Kadam.] This officer, Kantáji Kadam Bánde, was soon after -engaged by one of the parties struggling for the viceroyalty of -Ahmedábád to bring his cavalry into the province and take part in the -civil war. The leader of the opposite party, Rustam Ali, enlisted -the services of Piláji Gáikwár. The Nizám-ul-Mulk, whose influence -in the Dakhan was very great, managed to detach Piláji from Rustam -Ali's side. This was the easier, as Rustam had already defeated -Piláji more than once in attacks by the latter against Surat, of -which district Rustam was governor. There are two different accounts -[1055] of what took place when the rival forces came into action, but -both show clearly that the Marátha leaders acted on both sides with -utter disregard of their agreements and looked only to plundering the -Muhammadan camps whilst the soldiers were engaged in battle. After the -defeat of Rustam, the two Marátha chiefs joined forces and proceeded -to levy chauth, of which the Mughal deputy had granted Piláji a share -equal to that of his first ally Kantáji. - -[Marátha Dissensions, 1725.] This division led to quarrels and at -last to an open rupture between the two Marátha leaders, which was -only patched up by the grant of the chauth north of the Mahi river -to Kantáji and of that to the south to Piláji. The chief ground of -quarrel seems to have been the relative position of the Gáikwár as -agent for the Senápati, who had a right to collect all dues from -Gujarát, and of Kantáji, who claimed superior rank as holding his -commission direct from Rája Sháhu. On hearing of this dispute and -the consequent partition of the Marátha tribute, Trimbakráv Dábháde -himself hastened up to Cambay with an army, but effected nothing, and -seems to have retired, leaving Piláji to look after his interests at -Ahmedábád. Both the latter, however, and Kantáji soon after withdrew -from Gujarát, but were within a short period encouraged to return by -the success of a raid made by another leader, Antáji Bháskar, on the -north-east district. They both joined Hamid Khán in his resistance -to the new viceroy, but received several checks from the Muhammadan -army, and after plundering again returned to their strongholds for -the rainy season. - -[The Peshwa, 1726.] Next year they returned for the tribute and -plundered as usual. The Peshwa Bájiráv then opened for the first time -direct negotiations with the viceroy of Gujarát. The rapid increase -of the authority of the Bráhman ministers at the Rája's court in the -Dakhan had aroused the jealousy of the Marátha nobles, amongst whom -Trimbakráv Dábháde was one of the most influential. Bájiráv, being -fully aware of the fact, and having by this time acquired from the Rája -the power of acting with foreign powers independently of the throne, -determined to undermine Trimbakráv's authority in Gujarát by aiming at -the rights said to have been formally granted to him by Hamid Khán over -the country south of the Mahi. He therefore applied to the viceroy for -a confirmation of the right to levy chauth and sardeshmukhi over the -whole country, on condition that he would protect it from the inroads -of Kantáji, Piláji, and other irresponsible freebooters. The viceroy -had still some resources left at his disposal and was in hopes that -his repeated applications to Dehli for assistance would soon meet -with a favourable answer. [Cession of Tribute, 1728.] He declined -therefore to accede to Bájiráv's proposals at once, on the grounds -that the court at Dehli had repudiated the concessions made to Piláji -and Kantáji by his predecessor's deputy. As however the depredations on -the frontier caused serious injury both to the revenues and the people, -he allowed the Peshwa to send a feudatory, Udáji Pavár, chief of Dhár, -through the Mughal territories to operate against Piláji. The latter, -who was fully aware of these negotiations, persuaded Kantáji to join -him in expelling the agents of the Peshwa party, as it was clear that -if Piláji's forces were scattered the way would be open for Udáji to -attack Kantáji himself. The two then proceeded to Baroda and after a -while drove back Udáji, and occupied Baroda and Dabhoi. Here Piláji -remained, and next year Kantáji succeeded in taking Chámpáner, thus -advancing his posts nearer the centre of the province. With such -an advantage gained these two chiefs instituted raids still more -frequently than before. In these straits, and finding himself utterly -neglected by the emperor, the viceroy re-opened negotiations with the -Peshwa, who lost no time in sending his brother Chimnáji Áppa with an -army through Gujarát. Petlád and Dholka were plundered, but Kantáji was -left undisturbed, so he took this opportunity of marching to Sorath, -where he remained for some time extorting tribute. The viceroy agreed -formally to cede the sardeshmukhi of the whole revenue, land and -customs (with the exception of the port of Surat and the districts -attached to it) and the chauth of the same district, with five per -cent on the revenue from the city of Ahmedábád. Special clauses were -inserted in the grant of chauth to suit the convenience of both the -Peshwa and the viceroy. The latter stipulated that as few collectors -as possible should be kept by the Maráthás in the districts under -tribute, and that no extra demands beyond the one-fourth should be -made. He also insisted that the percentage should be calculated on -the actual collections and not on the kamál or highest sum recorded -as having been collected. [1056] The Maráthás were also to support -the imperial authority and to keep up a body of horse. The Peshwa -agreed (probably at his own request) to prevent all Marátha subjects -from joining disaffected chiefs, or other turbulent characters, thus -receiving the right to suppress Kantáji and Piláji, as well as the -Bhils and Kolis with whom the latter was on such friendly terms. - -After this agreement was executed, Bájiráv made over part of the -sardeshmukhi to the Dábháde, as well as the mokâsa or three-fourths -of the svaráj as settled by Báláji Vishvanáth. The consideration as -set forth in the preamble of this agreement was the great improvement -effected by the Marátha rulers as regards the wealth and tranquillity -of the Dakhan provinces. This was inserted either to give the -transaction the appearance of having been executed on the part of -the emperor (for otherwise the viceroy had no concern in the state -of the Dakhan), or simply as an expression of gratitude on the part -of this special viceroy towards the Maráthás who had just brought -to terms the Nizám-ul-Mulk, his former rival and enemy. It is even -probable that it was merely intended, as usual with such preambles, -to veil the forced nature of the treaty. - -The hostile movements of the Pratinidhi in the Southern Marátha Country -induced the Peshwa to return to the Dakhan. Kantáji returned from -Sorath to Chámpáner, plundering part of the viceroy's camp on his -way. Trimbakráv Dábháde, jealous of the interference of the Peshwa -in the affairs of Gujarát, began to intrigue with other chiefs to -overturn the power of the Bráhman ministers. - -[Coalition against the Peshwa, 1730.] As soon as Nizám-ul-Mulk became -aware of this discontent on the part of Trimbakráv, of whose power -he was well informed, he proposed to assist him by an attack on -the Peshwa from the east, whilst the Maráthás operated in another -direction. Trimbakráv was successful in his overtures with Piláji -Gáikwár, the Bánde, the Pavárs, and a few other chiefs resident in -Khándesh or the north Dakhan. The troops sent by them to join his -standard soon amounted to 35,000 men, who were collected in Gujarát. He -then gave out that he was bent on rescuing the Marátha Rája from -the thraldom in which he was being kept by the Bráhmans. The Peshwa, -who had discovered the intercourse between Trimbakráv and the Nizám, -proclaimed this treason on the part of the Dábháde as a royal officer, -and stated that the malcontents were only planning the partition of the -inheritance of Shiváji between the Rája of Kolhápur and themselves. As -soon as he found the Nizám's troops were on the march, he collected -his picked men and advanced on the Dábháde in Gujarát. - -[Defeat of the Allies, 1731.] The Peshwa's army was inferior in numbers -but consisted of better trained men. He closed at once with the allies -near Dabhoi, and easily defeated the undisciplined forces of the Pavárs -and Bánde. The Dábháde's army, however, had more experience of regular -warfare and made a stand. But a stray shot killed Trimbakráv as he -was endeavouring to rally the forces of his allies, and as usual in -such engagements, the loss of the leader disheartened the army. Utter -confusion ensued, in which many of the nobles fell, others ran away, -and the Peshwa, without the necessity of pushing further his advantage, -made good his retreat to the Dakhan. The Nizám, who was in pursuit, -only managed to capture some of the baggage with the rear guard as -it was crossing the Tápti near Surat. [1057] - -Safe again in the Dakhan, the Peshwa at once began negotiations with -both the Nizám and the adherents of Trimbakráv Dábháde. He recognized -the rights of the former to some possessions in Gujarát independent -of the viceroy of Ahmedábád, and agreed to further his designs of -severing the Dakhan from the possessions of the emperor. He conciliated -the Dábháde family by establishing at Poona an annual distribution of -food and presents to Bráhmans such as had formerly been the practice -in the native village of Khanderáv. [1058] This institution was known -as Dakshiná. - -Bájiráv acquiesced also in the general tendency amongst Maráthás of all -offices to become hereditary, and conferred the title of Senápati on -Yeshvantráv the minor son of the deceased Trimbakráv. The widow Umábái -became guardian, and Piláji Gáikwár deputy or mutálik in Gujarát. This -latter appointment seems to have been made by the Peshwa and not -by the Dábháde, for Piláji received at the same time a new title, -namely that of Sená Khás Khel or commander of the special band or -perhaps the household brigade. He was also bound on behalf of the -Senápati to respect the Peshwa's rights in Málwa and Gujarát, and to -pay half the collections from the territory he administered to the -royal treasury through the minister. A provision was also inserted -with regard to future acquisitions. This reciprocal agreement was -executed at the special command of the Marátha Rája Sháhu, who had -not yet quite abrogated his authority in favour of the Peshwa. Piláji -after these negotiations retired to Gujarát. - -[Assassination of Piláji Gáikwár, 1732.] His influence amongst the -Bhils and other troublesome races dwelling in the wild parts of the -eastern frontier made Piláji an object of hatred and fear to the Mughal -viceroy, who had him assassinated by one of his adherents whilst the -latter was pretending to whisper some important and confidential -news in Piláji's ear. This event took place at Dákor in the Kaira -district. The followers of the Gáikwár slew the assassin and retired -south of the Mahi. They were driven by the Mughals out of Baroda, but -continued to hold Dabhoi. Dámáji Gáikwár, son of Piláji, was at this -time prowling round Surat watching for an opportunity of interfering -in the disturbed affairs of that town. One of the candidates for the -governorship had offered him one-fourth the revenue of the city for -his assistance, but the expedition was deferred on account of the -appointment of a rival by the emperor. Dámáji therefore was preparing -to act on his own account independently of his ally. The news of his -father's assassination, however, took him northwards. He found that -the Desái of Pádra near Baroda had stirred up the Bhils and Kolis to -revolt, in order to give the relations of Piláji a chance of striking -a blow at the murderers of their deceased leader. [1733.] Umábái -Dábháde, too, bent on the same errand, moved down the Gháts with an -army. The Maráthás were bought off, however, by the viceroy and peace -was restored for a while. - -[Gáikwárs Secure Baroda, 1734.] In this year also Jádoji, a younger son -of Trimbakráv, made an expedition to collect tribute through Gujarát -as far as Sorath. Next year Mádhavráv Gáikwár, brother of Piláji, -obtained possession of Baroda during the absence of Sher Khán Bábi -the governor. Since that date this town has been the capital of the -Gáikwár family. Sindia and Holkar soon afterwards joined the chief -of Ídar against the Musalmán deputy, and extorted from the latter a -considerable sum as ransom. - -[The Marátha Deputy Governor, 1736.] Umábái had recognized Dámáji -as her agent in succession to Piláji; but as she required Dámáji in -the Dakhan the latter had been obliged to leave in his turn a locum -tenens in Gujarát. There ensued quarrels between this deputy, named -Rangoji, and Kántáji Kadam which brought Dámáji back again, and after -obtaining from the Muhammadan viceroy, who had espoused the cause of -Kantáji, a grant of one-fourth the revenues of the country north of -the Mahi he went as usual to Sorath. Kantáji Kadam, who as a partisan -of the Peshwa was hostile to the Senápati, harassed the country within -reach of his frontier. Dámáji, meanwhile, had again proceeded to the -Dakhan, where Umábái was intriguing against the Peshwa and required -all the help she could obtain to further the ambitious schemes she -was devising in the name of her half-witted son. His deputy Rangoji, -by demanding a heavy price for his aid at a time when an aspirant to -the viceroyalty of Ahmedábád was in distress, managed to secure for -the Maráthás half the revenue of Gujarát with certain exceptions. - -[Ahmedábád Riots, 1738.] Dámáji then moved into Gujarát again, and -on his way to join Rangoji extorted Rs. 7000 from the English at -Surat as a guarantee against plundering them. The events of this -year have been detailed in full in the history of the Musalmán -Period. After getting possession of a great part of the city of -Ahmedábád the [1739.] Maráthás, by their oppressive rule, excited -a rising amongst the Musalmán inhabitants. Similar quarrels and -subsequent reconciliations took place between 1739 and 1741, the -Musalmáns distrusting the Maráthás, yet not daring to attempt to oust -them. Dámáji, on his way back from one of his Sorath expeditions, -laid [1741.] siege to Broach, which was held by a Muhammadan officer -direct from the viceroy of the Dakhan. [1059] As the latter personage -was still regarded by the Marátha chiefs as a possible ally against -the Peshwa, Dámáji at once obeyed the request of the Nizám to raise -the siege, but probably obtained a promise of future concessions such -as he had acquired at Surat. - -[1742.] Rangoji in the absence of Dámáji took up his residence in -Borsad. There he fell into several disputes with the Muhammadan -officials, in the course of one of which he was taken prisoner, but -escaped the next year (1743). Meanwhile Dámáji had joined with Rághoji -Bhonslé in attacking the Peshwa. Whilst Rághoji was preparing his army -in the east, Dámáji made a feint against Málwa, which had the desired -effect of withdrawing a large portion of the ministerial army. The -Gáikwár's troops retreated without giving battle, but to prevent any -future junction between Dámáji and the Bhonslé party in Berár, Báláji -Peshwa confirmed the Pavár family in their claims to Dhár, which had -never been acknowledged as their territory since the defection of -the Pavárs to the Dábháde party in 1731. It is worth remarking that -though the rank of Senápati had apparently been made hereditary in -the Dábháde family (for the owner of the title was quite unfit for -the command of an army), the Ghorpadé family applied at this time -to have it restored to them on the ground that it once had been held -by one of their house. The Peshwa, however, managed to secure their -alliance by a grant of land, and their claims to the chief command -of the army seem to have been waived. - -[1743-44.] For the next two years the Marátha force in Gujarát under -Rangoji and Deváji Tákpar was employed by the Musalmáns in their -quarrels regarding the viceroyalty. The Marátha practice of appointing -deputies gives rise to some confusion as to the negotiations that -took place about this time between the Gáikwár's party and the rival -candidates for the office of subhedár. For instance, Umábái Dábháde had -appointed the Gáikwár family as her agents-in-chief, but the principal -members of that house were absent in the Dakhan. Dámáji Gáikwár had -appointed Rangoji, who in his turn left one Krishnáji in charge of the -Marátha share of the city of Ahmedábád. On the departure, however, -of Dámáji from Gujarát, Umábái left Rámáji as her agent. Rámáji, -who seems to have been employed previously by Dámáji, followed the -example of his predecessors and placed one Rámchandra in charge at -Ahmedábád. There does not appear to have been any direct agent of -the Peshwa in Gujarát at this time. - -[1745.] On Khanderáv Gáikwár's return from the Dakhan he demanded the -accounts of the tribute from Rangoji, and not being satisfied with -this agent confined him in Borsad and appointed one Trimbakráv in his -place. Umábái caused Rangoji to be set at liberty and sent to her in -the Dakhan, after which she reappointed him her agent. He expelled -Trimbakráv from Ahmedábád, but was attacked by Krishnáji and Gangádhar, -two other late deputies. Dámáji and Khanderáv were obliged at last to -come to Gujarát and summon all these deputies to their presence. A -private arrangement was concluded under which Khanderáv was allowed -by Dámáji to keep Nadiád and Borsad as a private estate and to act as -the Gáikwár's deputy at Baroda. Rangoji was to live at Umreth when not -on active service. Gangádhar and Krishnáji were censured and forbidden -to engage in any independent alliances with the Muhammadan leaders. - -[1746.] After this Dámáji sent a general named Kánoji Tákpar to -collect the Sorath tribute whilst he himself retired to Songad. - -Rangoji returned to Ahmedábád, and not long after began to quarrel -with the viceroy about the Marátha share in the revenue of the city -ceded in 1728. - -[The Gáikwár in Surat, 1747.] In A.D. 1747 Kedárji Gáikwár, cousin of -Dámáji, was asked by Syed Achchan, an aspirant to the governorship of -Surat, to assist him in maintaining possession of that city. Before -Kedárji could reach Surat the disputes as to the succession had been -settled by negotiations, and the aid of Marátha troops was no longer -required. Kedárji, however, finding himself in a position to dictate -terms, demanded three lákhs of rupees for the aid that he was prepared -to give, and as the Surat treasury could not afford to pay this sum in -cash, one-third of the revenues of Surat was promised to the Gáikwár. - -[1748.] Rangoji meanwhile attacked Haribá, an adopted son of Khanderáv -Gáikwár, and recovered from him the town and fort of Borsad, which -had been seized during the time that Rangoji had been occupied -with his disputes in Ahmedábád. Khanderáv and Dámáji both turned -against him and captured the fort after a long siege. Rangoji was -then again imprisoned, and not released until the next year when -the Peshwa sent a body of troops into Gujarát. In 1748 Umábái, -widow of Trimbakráv Dábháde, died, leaving one Báburáv guardian of -Yeshvántráv her son. Partly through the solicitations of Khanderáv, -who had private influence with the Dábhádes, partly from the fact of -previous possession, Dámáji was confirmed as deputy of the Maráthás -in Gujarát. He there began to collect an army as quickly as possible, -in order to co-operate with Raghunáth Bhonslé against the Peshwa, -in answer to an appeal by Sakvárbái, widow of Sháhu, to support the -throne against the ministers, and to secure the succession of Sambháji -to the Sátára kingdom. The Peshwa, aware of Dámáji's ill-will towards -himself, did his best to foment disturbances in Gujarát and to extend -his own influence there so as to keep Dámáji away from the Dakhan. - -[1750.] The Peshwa accordingly entered into some negotiations with -Jawán Mard Khán, then in power at Ahmedábád, but was unable to lend -substantial aid in Gujarát against Dámáji's agents, as the whole -Marátha power was required in the Dakhan to operate against the son -of the late Nizám-ul-Mulk. - -[Dámáji Gáikwár Arrested, 1751.] Next year Dámáji, at the request -of Tárábái, guardian of Rám Rája, ascended the Salpi ghát with a -strong force, defeated the Peshwa's army, and advanced as far as -Sátára. From this position he was forced to retire, and whilst in -treaty with the Peshwa was treacherously seized by the latter and -put into prison. Báláji at once demanded arrears of tribute, but -Dámáji declined to agree to any payment, on the ground that he was no -independent chief but only the agent of the Senápati. He therefore -refused to bind his principal or himself on account of what was due -from his principal. Báláji then imprisoned all the members of the -Gáikwár and Dábháde family that were at that time in the Dakhan. - -[The Peshwa and Surat.] The state of Surat was at this time such as -to afford a good opportunity to the Peshwa to obtain a footing there -independently of the English or of Dámáji. He had recently had dealings -with the former in the expeditions against Ángria of Kolába, and as -the merchants had found him one of the most stable and powerful rulers -of the country, they were willing to treat with him for the future -security of their buildings and goods in Surat. Taking advantage of -Dámáji's confinement, Báláji sent Raghunáthráv to Gujarát. This leader, -afterwards so well known as Rághoba, took possession of a few tálukas -in the north-east of the province, but was recalled to the Dakhan -before he could approach Surat. Jawán Mard Khán also took advantage -of Dámáji's absence to make an expedition into Sorath and Káthiáváda -where the Gáikwár family had now established themselves permanently. - -[Release of Dámáji, 1752.] The news of these two expeditions made -Dámáji very eager to return to his province; and as he had full -information as to Báláji's plans with regard to Gujarát, he bribed -freely, and in order to regain his liberty consented to much harsher -terms than he would otherwise have done. He agreed to maintain an army -for defence and collection purposes in Gujarát, as well as to furnish -a contingent to the Peshwa's army in the Dakhan, and to contribute -towards the support of the Rája, now in reality a state-prisoner -dependent upon the wishes of his minister. The Gáikwár was also -to furnish the tribute due on account of the Dábháde family, whom -the Peshwa was apparently trying to oust from the administration -altogether. After deducting the necessary expenses of collection -and defence, half the surplus revenue was to be handed over to the -Peshwa. Even after acceding to all these proposals, the Gáikwár was not -at once released. The Peshwa protracted the negotiations, as he had to -contend against a factious court party in whose counsels he knew Dámáji -would play a leading part when once set at liberty. At last, however, -after agreeing to a final request that he would assist Raghunáthráv -against Surat, Dámáji was allowed to go. There was at this time one -Pándurang Pant levying tribute on behalf of the Peshwa in Cambay -and Ahmedábád. The Nawáb of Cambay, not having any reason to like or -trust his neighbour the Gáikwár, had persuaded the Peshwa at the time -the partition of the Marátha rights over Gujarát was being settled at -Poona, to take Cambay into his share of the province. The Nawáb bought -off the agent of his ally with a present of guns and cash. The ruler -of Ahmedábád also came to terms with the Maráthás, so Pándurang was -at liberty to go and see if he could find equal good fortune in Sorath. - -[Capture of Ahmedábád, 1753.] Dámáji now came back with a fresh army, -which was soon reinforced by Raghunáthráv. They marched towards -Ahmedábád, and Jawán Mard Khán was too late to intercept them before -they invested the capital. He managed, however, by a bold movement -to enter the town, but after a long siege was obliged to capitulate -and march out with the honours of war. The Maráthás conferred on him -an estate in the north-west of Gujarát, which, however, was recovered -by them some time afterwards. - -After taking possession of Ahmedábád in April 1753, Raghunáthráv went -to Sorath, and on his return extorted a large sum as tribute from the -Nawáb of Cambay. He left a deputy in Ahmedábád, [1754.] who marched -against the same chief again in 1754, but on this occasion he could -levy no tribute. As the Nawáb had firmly established himself and -considerably enlarged his dominions, the Peshwa's deputy marched -against him in person a second time, but was defeated and taken -prisoner. The nominee of Raghunáthráv procured his release, and the -Peshwa's deputy continued to demand [1755.] arrears of tribute for his -master till he obtained an agreement to pay at a future date. He then -retired to the Dakhan, and the Nawáb, taking advantage of the lull to -strengthen his army, captured Ahmedábád from the Marátha garrison and -established himself in the city. After a while Dámáji and Khanderáv -Gáikwár, with an agent sent direct by the Peshwa, arrived before the -town and commenced a siege. [1757.] It was not until April 1757 that -the Maráthás again entered the city. The Nawáb surrendered after the -Maráthás had fully ratified the conditions he himself had proposed. - -[1758.] Sayájiráv, son of Dámáji, remained in Ahmedábád on behalf of -his father, and the Peshwa's agent Sadáshiv put in a deputy in his -turn and went himself to Surat. Here he was soon joined by Sayáji, -who had to arrange the shares of the tribute in accordance with the -partition treaty of 1751. Next year a body of Marátha troops was -sent to the aid of the Ráv of Kachh, who was engaged in an expedition -against Thatta in Sindh. Sadáshiv lent the Nawáb of Cambay some money -on the part of the Peshwa to enable him to liquidate the arrears of -pay due to his army, but a year afterwards the Marátha army appeared -at the town gates with a demand for two years' arrears of tribute in -full, amounting to Rs. 20,000. The Nawáb managed to raise this sum, -and the Maráthás moved south. Dámáji was at this time in Poona. - -[1759.] The Peshwa had supported Syed Achchan of Surat with the view of -putting him under an obligation so as to secure some future advantages, -and this year lent him some troops as a bodyguard. The Nawáb of Cambay, -who was also indebted to the ministerial party, left his dominions -to pay a visit to the Peshwa at Poona. Khanderáv meanwhile plundered -Lunáváda and Ídar, whilst Sayájiráv was similarly engaged in Soráth. - -[1761.] Dámáji Gáikwár accompanied the Peshwa to Delhi, and was one of -the few Marátha leaders that escaped after the defeat at Pánipat. On -his return to Gujarát he successfully opposed an expedition by the -Nawáb of Cambay against Bálásinor and re-took the estates of Jawán -Mard Khán. He also strengthened his position in Sorath and Káthiáváda -against the Peshwa's party. - -[1761.] The Peshwa, being hard pressed by his rival the Nizám, began -in this year to make overtures to the East India Company's officers -in Bombay, with a view to getting the aid of European artillery -and gunners. He at first offered to give up a valuable tract of -land in Jambusar. But the English would accept no territory but the -island of Sálsette, the town of Bassein, and the small islands in the -harbour of Bombay. These the Marátha government declined to give up, -so negotiations were broken off. - -[1762.] Next year Raghunáthráv, as guardian of the son of Báláji, named -Mádhavráv, who was still a minor, conferred the title of Senápati on -one of the Jádhav family who had formerly borne it. The administration -of Gujarát, however, which had always accompanied the title when held -by the Dábháde family, was left practically in the hands of Dámáji, -and no mention of any transfer of it was made at the time Jádhav was -appointed commander-in-chief. Discontented with the empty honour thus -conferred, Rámchandra, the new Senápati, joined the Nizám's party, -and on account of this defection the Peshwa, two years afterwards, -cancelled the appointment and restored the office to the Ghorpade -family, one of whose members had held it long before. This put an -end to the connection of Gujarát with the chief military dignity of -the Marátha state. - -[Intrigues of Rághoba, 1768.] After Mádhavráv Báláji came of age he -had constantly to be on this guard against the plots of his uncle -Raghunáthráv, who had refused to accept the share in the government -offered him by the young Peshwa. Raghunáthráv, perhaps instigated by -his wife, had no doubt great hopes of obtaining a share in the whole -power of the administration, and suspecting Mádhavráv to be aware -of his designs, looked upon all the overtures made by the latter as -intended in some way or other to entrap him. He therefore collected an -army of some 15,000 men in Báglán and Násik, and hoping to be joined -on his way by Jánoji Bhonslé, advanced towards Poona. In his army was -Govindráv, son of Dámáji Gáikwár, with a detachment of his father's -troops. The Peshwa, without giving Jánoji time to effect a junction -with Raghunáthráv, even if he had been prepared to do so, defeated his -uncle's army at Dhorap, a fort in the Ajunta range, and carried off -Rághobá and Govindráv to Poona, where they were placed in confinement. - -[Death of Dámáji Gáikwár, 1768.] Not long after this action Dámáji -died. He had brought the fortunes of the Gáikwár house to the highest -pitch they ever reached and not long after his death the family -influence began to decline. It was his personal authority alone -that was able to counteract the usual tendency of quasi-independent -Marátha states towards disintegration, especially when they are at -a distance from the central power. Khanderáv and Sayájiráv had shown -frequent signs of insubordination (as for instance in their espousal -of the cause of Rangoji) and a desire to establish themselves in an -independent position, but the sagacity of Dámáji foresaw the advantage -such a partition would give an enemy like the Peshwa, and his tact -enabled him to preserve unity in his family, at least in resistance -to what he showed them to be their common foe. - -[Disputed Succession.] The quarrel for the succession that arose -on Dámáji's death was the first step towards the breaking up of the -Gáikwár's power. Dámáji had three wives. By the first he had Govindráv, -who however was born after Sayájiráv, the son by the second wife. His -sons by the third wife were Mánáji and Fatesingh. Govindráv was in -confinement at Poona near the court, and therefore in a position -to offer conditions for the confirmation of his rights without loss -of time. - -In the Hindu law current amongst Maráthás, there are to be -found precedents in favour of the heirship of either Govindráv -or Sayájiráv. Some authorities support the rights of the son of -the first wife whether he be the eldest or not, others again regard -simply the age of the claimants, deciding in favour of the first born, -of whatever wife he may be the son. Rámráv Shástri, the celebrated -adviser of Mádhavráv Peshwa, is said to have expressed an opinion -in favour of the rights of Sayájiráv. Govindráv, however, was on -the spot where his influence could be used most extensively. Sayáji, -moreover, was an idiot and a puppet in the hands of his half brother -Fatesingh. Govindráv applied at once for investiture with the -title of Sená-Khás-Khel. A payment of 50 1/2 lákhs of rupees to the -Peshwa on account of arrears of tribute and a fine for his conduct -in taking part with Rághobá was a strong argument in his favour, -and when he agreed to a tribute previously demanded from his father -of Rs. 7,79,000 yearly and to maintain a peace contingent at Poona -of 3000 horse, to be increased by a thousand more in time of war, -there could be little doubt as to the legitimacy of his claim, and -he was duly invested with his father's title and estate. - -[1771.] For reasons not apparent Sayáji's claims were not brought -forward till nearly two years later. Govindráv had never been -allowed to join his charge in Gujarát, so that he could exercise no -interference in that direction, and the court affairs in the Dakhan -left perhaps little time for the disposal of Sayájiráv's application, -even if it had been made. Sayáji had entrusted his interests to -Fatesingh, a man of considerable ability, who came at once to Poona to -get a reversal of the recognition of Govindráv. The Peshwa was glad to -have this opportunity of undoing so much of Dámáji's work and dividing -the Gáikwár family against itself, so using the verdict of Rám Shástri -as his weapon, he cancelled the former grant in favour of Govindráv, -and appointed Sayájiráv with Fatesingh as his mutálik or deputy. The -latter, by agreeing to pay an extra sum of 6 1/2 lákhs of rupees -annually, got permission to retain the Poona contingent of Gáikwár -horse in Gujarát, on the pretext that Govindráv would probably attack -his brothers on the earliest opportunity. Thus, whatever happened, -all went to the profit of the Peshwa's party and to the injury of -the tax-paying Gujarát ryot. - -[1773.] Fatesingh retired in triumph to Baroda, and opened negotiations -with the English in Surat, as he had been endeavouring to do for a -year past without success. In January 1773, however, he succeeded in -getting an agreement from the Chief for Affairs of the British Nation -in Surat, that his share in the revenues of the town of Broach, -which had been taken by storm in 1772 by the English, should not -be affected by the change of masters. In the same year Náráyanráv -Peshwa was murdered, and Rághobá was invested by the titular king -at Sátára with the ministerial robe of honour. Govindráv Gáikwár, -still in Poona, reminded the new Peshwa of the good offices of the -Gáikwár family at Dhorap and elsewhere, and found means of getting -reinstated as Sená-Khás-Khel. In 1774 he set out for Gujarát, -and collecting a fair number of adherents on his way, he attacked -Fatesingh. [1774.] After various engagements of little importance, -the latter found himself shut into the city of Baroda, which was -invested by Govindráv in January 1775. - -[Rághobá Peshwa, 1774.] In the meantime Rághobá had been driven -from power by the intrigues of Bráhmans of a different class from -that to which he belonged, headed by the afterwards well-known Nána -Phadnis. The ex-Peshwa first betook himself towards Málwa, where he -hoped to be joined or at least assisted by Holkar and Sindia. As soon -however as he got together some scattered forces he marched down the -Tápti and opened negotiations with the English through Mr. Gambier, -the chief at Surat. The Bombay Government at once demanded the cession -of Bassein, Sálsette, and the adjacent islands. Rághobá refused, -partly, in all probability, on account of the pride felt by the -Marátha soldiery in their achievements before Bassein at the time of -the great siege. He however offered valuable territory in Gujarát, -yielding a revenue of about eleven lákhs, and to pay six lákhs down -and 1 1/2 lákhs monthly for the maintenance of a European contingent -with artillery. The English at Bombay were debating whether this offer -should not be accepted when news reached them that the Portuguese were -about to organise an expedition to re-take Bassein. Negotiations with -Rághobá were hastily broken off and a small force sent to forestall -the rival Europeans. Before the end of 1774, both Thána and Versova -fort in Sálsette had been taken. - -[Rághobá in Gujarát, 1775.] Rághobá now heard that Sindia and Holkar -had been bought over by the ministerial party and would not come to -his assistance. Quickly moving his force down the river he reached -Baroda in January 1775 with 10,000 horse and 400 foot. He joined -Govindráv in investing that town, but sent meanwhile an agent to -re-open the discussion of his proposals in the Bombay Council. This -agent was captured by a party of Fatesingh's horse whilst he was out -on an expedition near Párnera on behalf of Govindráv. On his release -he repaired to Surat and took steps to get a treaty of alliance signed -as soon as possible. - -[Rághobá Defeated.] The ministerial army of 30,000 men under Haripant -Phadke entered Gujarát and obliged Govindráv and Rághobá to raise the -siege of Baroda and to retire towards the Mahi. Fatesingh's force then -joined Haripant. An attack on all sides was made (Feb. 17th). Rághobá, -who was in the centre, was first charged, and before Govindráv and -Khanderáv Gáikwár could come to his assistance his best officers were -wounded, some of his Arab mercenaries refused to fight as large arrears -of pay were due to them, and he was defeated on both flanks. He fled to -Cambay with only 1000 horse; whilst the two Gáikwárs and Manáji Sindia -(Phadke) led the rest of the scattered army to Kapadvanj, where it -was again set in order. The Nawáb of Cambay, fearing lest the Marátha -army should come in pursuit, shut the town gates on the fugitive -and refused to give him shelter. [Reaches Surat.] Mr. Malet, chief -of the English residents, who had been informed of the negotiations -in progress between his Government and Rághobá, contrived to get the -ex-Peshwa conveyed privately to Bhávnagar and from thence by boat to -Surat. Here he arrived on February 23rd. - -[Treaty of Surat, 1775.] The stipulations of the treaty negotiated -by Narotamdás, agent of Rághobá, and the Bombay Government were: -The English to provide a force of 3000 men, of which 800 were to -be Europeans and 1700 natives, together with a due proportion of -artillery. In return for this Rághobá, still recognized as Peshwa, -was to cede in perpetuity Sálsette, Bassein and the islands, Jambusar, -and Olpád. He also made over an assignment of Rs. 75,000 out of the -revenues of Anklesvar, the remaining portion of which district, -together with Ámod, Hánsot, and Balsár was placed under British -management as security for the monthly contribution of 1 1/2 lákhs -for the support of the troops in his service. He also promised -to procure the cession of the Gáikwár's share in the revenues of -Broach. Sundry other provisions (dealing with different parts of the -Marátha dominions) were inserted, Rághobá being treated throughout as -the representative of the Marátha kingdom. This treaty was signed on -March 6th, 1775, at Surat, but on the previous day there had been a -debate in the Council at Bombay as to the propriety of continuing to -support Rághobá, as the news from Gujarát made the British authorities -doubtful whether the contingent they had already sent to Surat was -enough to ensure success. - -[Colonel Keating in Gujarát.] Just before the treaty was drawn up, -at the end of February Lieut.-Colonel Keating had been despatched in -command of 350 European infantry 800 sepoys 80 European artillerymen -and 60 gun lascars with others, in all about 1500 men, ready for -active service. This force landed at Surat four days after Rághobá had -arrived from Bhávnagar. Before receiving this token of the intention -of the British to support Rághobá, the Nawáb had treated the latter -simply as a fugitive, but upon finding that the Bombay Government had -determined to make the ex-Peshwa their ally, he paid the customary -visits and offered presents as to a superior. - -[Keating Sails with Rághobá for Cambay.] When the news reached Surat -that Govindráv's troops and the rest had been reorganized at Kapadvanj, -it was determined to effect a junction with them by landing Colonel -Keating's detachment at Cambay and from thence marching north. - -[Rághobá in Cambay, 1775.] Considerable delay occurred in carrying out -the first part of this proposal. First of all Rághobá detained the army -at Dumas [1060] whilst he paid a visit of ceremony to the frequented -temple of Bhimpor in the neighbourhood. Then again, the convoy met -with contrary winds the whole way up the gulf, and it was not till -March 17th that the contingent landed. The Nawáb, accompanied by the -British Resident, paid a visit of ceremony and presented nazaránás -to Rághobá as a sort of atonement for his previous discourtesy and -neglect. The Maráthás, however, knowing that this change of tone was -entirely due to the presence and alliance of the Europeans, paid much -more attention to the latter than to the Muhammadans. - -[Govindráv Gáikwár's Army.] The British contingent encamped at a place -called Náráyan-Sarovar, just north of the town. Here they waited -until the reinforcement from Bombay arrived, bringing the whole -force up to the complement stipulated for in the treaty. Rághobá's -army under Govindráv Gáikwár was reported to be moving southwards, -and Colonel Keating agreed to let it pass the Sábarmati river before -joining it. Meanwhile the enemy, said to number 40,000 infantry and -12,000 cavalry, marched north to intercept Govindráv. The latter, -however, by forced marches succeeded in crossing the Sábarmati -before the arrival of the ministerial army, and encamped a few miles -north-east of Cambay at a place called Darmaj or Dara. Here Colonel -Keating joined him about the middle of April. - -Govindráv's army consisted of about 8000 fighting men and nearly 18,000 -camp followers. These latter were chiefly Pindháris who used to attach -themselves to the camp of one of the Marátha chiefs, on condition of -surrendering to him half their plunder. Each chief had his separate -encampment, where he exercised independent authority over his own -troops, although bound to general obedience to the commander-in-chief -of the whole army. The confusion of this arrangement is described by -an eye-witness as utterly destructive of all military discipline. To -add to the cumbrousness of such an expedition, most of the Pindháris -brought their wives and children with them, the cooking pots and -plunder being carried on bullocks and ponies, of which there were -altogether nearly 200,000 attached to the troops. In every camp -there was a regular bazár where cash payment or barter passed equally -current, so that a premium was thus placed on the pilfering of small -articles by the Pindháris, whose stipulations as to plunder were -confined neither to friend nor enemy. - -[Advance of the Combined Forces.] When all needful preparations had -been made, the army, accompanied by a battery of ten guns, besides -mortars and howitzers, all of which were manned by Europeans, moved -out against the enemy. The latter slowly retreated, burning the crops -and forage and destroying the water-supply on its way. On the 20th -April the first engagement took place at Usámli, resulting in the -repulse of the ministerial troops. On May 1st a similar skirmish on -the banks of the Vátrak drove the ministerialists into Kaira. From -this post they were driven after a series of slight engagements with -the army of Rághobá, which crossed the river at Mátar. Fatesingh now -received a reinforcement of 10,000 horse under Khanderáv Gáikwár, but -to counterbalance this aid, Sindia and Holkar from some unexplained -cause, connected probably with intrigues at Poona, withdrew from -further co-operation with him. Colonel Keating was unable to follow up -the advantages he had gained owing to the large proportion of cavalry -in the enemy's army. He therefore continued his march southwards, -after persuading Rághoba to spend the monsoon in Poona, where he -would be on the spot to counteract intrigues, instead of at Ahmedábád, -as had been at first proposed. - -On May 8th the army reached Nadiád, after repulsing on the road two -attacks by the enemy's cavalry. This result was obtained chiefly -by means of the European light artillery. Nadiád belonged at this -time to Khanderáv Gáikwár, and to punish his defection to Fatesingh, -Rághobá inflicted a fine of 60,000 rupees on the town. The amount was -assessed on the several castes in proportion to their reputed means -of payment. The Bháts, a peculiar people of whom more hereafter, -objected to being assessed, and slaughtered each other in public: -so that the guilt of their blood might fall on the oppressor. The -Bráhmans, who also claimed exemption from all taxation, more astutely -brought two old women of their caste into the market place and there -murdered them. Having made this protest, both castes paid their -contributions. Rághobá injudiciously wasted seven days over the -collection of this fine, and in the end only levied 40,000 rupees. - -[Defeat of Fatesingh, 1775.] On May 14th the march was resumed, under -the usual skirmishing onslaughts of the ministerial party. At Arás, -where Rághobá had been defeated shortly before, he was in imminent -danger of a second and still more serious discomfiture. An order -mistaken by a British company, and the want of discipline on the -part of Rághobá's cavalry nearly led to a total defeat with great -slaughter. The European infantry and artillery, however, turned -the fortunes of the day. The troops of Fatesingh were allowed to -approach in pursuit to within a few yards of the batteries, all the -guns of which then opened on them with grape, the infantry meanwhile -plying their small arms along the whole line. Fatesingh was obliged -to withdraw his diminished forces and the army of Rághobá received no -further molestations from him on its way to the Mahi. Colonel Keating -then ordered a general move to Broach, where he arrived safely on 27th -May, after a troublesome march through the robber-infested country -between the Dhádhar river and Ámod. - -[The Ministerial General Retreats.] Here they remained until June -8th, when Colonel Keating was about to move south again. Luckily, -as it turned out for him, the nearest ford was impassable and he had -to march to one higher up at a place variously called Bába Piára or -Báva Pir. On his way thither he heard that Haripant, the ministerial -commander-in-chief, was halting on the north bank by the ford; he -therefore pushed on to make an attack on the rear, but owing partly to -timely information received and partly to the confusion caused by the -irrepressibility of Rághobá's cavalry, Haripant had time to withdraw -all his force except some baggage and ammunition, which, with a few -guns, he was forced in the hurry of his passage across the river to -leave behind. [Colonel Keating at Dabhoi, 1775.] Colonel Keating -then marched fourteen miles north from the ford and halted before -proceeding to Dabhoi, a town belonging to Fatesingh. The general -ignorance of tactics and want of discipline in the native army had -determined Colonel Keating not to lead his force as far as Poona, -but to spend the monsoon near Baroda. - -Rághobá detached one of his generals, Amir Khán, in pursuit -of Ganeshpant, whom Hari Pant had left as his deputy in -Gujarát. Ganeshpant with a detachment of the ministerial army had -separated from Hari at the Bába Piára ford and found his way through -the wild country on the north of the Tápti towards Ahmedábád. He was -finally caught by Amir Khán. - -Dabhoi was at this time in charge of a Bráhman governor, who submitted -on the approach of Rághobá's army. Colonel Keating quartered his -force in the town, but Rághobá, after exacting a levy of three -lákhs of rupees, encamped at Bhilápur on the Dhádhar, ten miles from -Dabhoi. Here he began to negotiate with Fatesingh in Baroda through -the mediation of Colonel Keating. Fatesingh was all the more ready -to come to definite terms of agreement, as he knew that Govindráv -was on the watch to recover Baroda. - -[Rághobá and the Gáikwárs.] It is not certain what the terms proposed -and agreed to really were. The only record of them is a copy sent -in 1802 to the Resident at Poona by Governor Duncan. According to -this document Govindráv was to lose his pension and to occupy the -same position as before the accession of Rághobá. Khanderáv was to -revert to the situation in which he had been placed by Dámáji. The -provision of the treaty of the 6th March regarding the Gáikwár's -claims on Broach was ratified, and as a reward for the mediation of -the Bombay Government, the Gáikwár ceded to the British in perpetuity -the sub-divisions of Chikhli and Variáv near Surat and Koral on -the Narbada. Before this treaty could be concluded, Colonel Keating -received orders to withdraw his contingent into British territory -and to leave Rághobá to manage for himself. This change of policy -was due to the disapproval by the Supreme Government of the treaty of -6th March, which they alleged had been made inconsistently with the -negotiations then being carried on with the ruling powers at Poona -as well as with the authority of the Calcutta Government. The treaty -was therefore declared to be invalid and the troops in the field were -ordered by the Supreme Government to be withdrawn at once into British -garrisons. A special envoy, Colonel Upton, was sent from Bengal to -negotiate a treaty with the Ministers in accordance with the views -current in Calcutta. - -[Withdrawal of the British Contingent.] As soon as the roads were -open Colonel Keating moved towards Surat, but at the solicitation of -Rághobá he disobeyed his orders so far as to encamp at Kadod, about -twenty miles east of Surat, but not in British territory. Here he -awaited the results of the overtures of Colonel Upton. This envoy -remained at Poona from the 28th December 1775 till the 1st March -1776, on which date [Negotiations at Poona.] he signed the treaty of -Purandhar, in which the office only and not the name of the Peshwa is -mentioned. By this compact the Peshwa ceded all claims on the revenue -of Broach together with land in the neighbourhood of that town to -the British. He also paid twelve lákhs of rupees in compensation for -the expenses of the war. Sálsette was to be either retained by the -English or restored in exchange for territory yielding three lákhs -of rupees annually. The cessions made by Fatesingh Gáikwár were to be -restored to him if the Peshwa's Government could prove that he had no -right to make them without due authorization from Poona. The treaty -of the 6th March was declared null and void. Rághobá was to disband -his army and take a pension. If he resisted, the English were to give -him no assistance. If he agreed to the terms proposed, he was to live -at Kopargaon [1061] on the Godávari with an ample pension. When he -received information as to the terms of the new treaty, he at once -declined to accept the pension, and, as he could not understand the -position of the Bombay Government with regard to that at Calcutta, he -proceeded to offer still more favourable terms for further assistance. - -[Rághobá at Surat, 1776.] Rághobá was at Mándvi [1062] on the Tápti -when he was finally given to understand that the British could no -longer aid him. He thereupon took refuge in Surat with two hundred -followers. The rest of his army which had been ordered to disperse, -gathered round Surat, on pretence of waiting for the payment of the -arrears due to them. As their attitude was suspicious, and there were -rumours of an expedition having started from Poona under Haripant to -subdue them, the Bombay Government garrisoned Surat and Broach with -all the forces it could spare. - -Colonel Upton meanwhile offered Rághobá, on behalf of the ministers, -a larger pension with liberty of residing at Benares. This also -was declined, and the ex-Peshwa fled to Bombay, where he lived on a -monthly pension allotted him by the Government. - -On 20th August 1776, a despatch of the Court of Directors arrived -confirming the treaty of the 6th March 1775. At first the Bombay -Government were inclined to take this as authorizing the retention -of all the territory ceded, but on further deliberation it was -decided that as the treaty of Purandhar had been ratified by the -Supreme Government subsequent to the signing of the despatch, which -was dated 5th April 1776, it was evident that the Court of Directors -did not mean to uphold the previous engagement more than temporarily, -or until the final treaty had been concluded. - -[Negotiations at Poona, 1777.] At the end of 1776, a Bombay officer -was sent in place of Colonel Upton to be a resident envoy at Poona -for the carrying out of the provisions of the treaty. Mr. Mostyn -was the person selected, and he arrived in Poona in March 1777. He -soon found that the ministers had little intention of adhering to -the treaty, so he at once took up the question that he thought it -most important to the Bombay Government to have settled, namely the -relations of the Peshwa's Court with Fatesingh Gáikwár as regards -the cessions of territory. The ministers asserted that the Gáikwárs -merely administered Gujarát on the part of the Peshwa and were entirely -dependent upon the Poona government, so that they could conclude no -agreement with foreign states except with its approbation. Fatesingh -did not deny the dependence, but evaded the question of his right to -make direct treaties and claimed the restitution of the cessions on -the ground that Raghunáthráv had failed to perform his part of the -stipulations. The point was discussed for some time, and at last the -question of dependence seems to have been let drop, for in February -1778 Fatesingh paid up the arrears of tribute, made the usual presents -to the ministers and their favourites, and was again invested with -the title of Sená-Khás-Khel. - -In October a despatch from the Court of Directors reached the -Governments of Bengal and Bombay, disapproving of the treaty of -Purandhar, but ratifying it on the principle factum valet. It was -suggested, however, that in case of evasion on the part of the -ministers, a fresh treaty should be concluded with Rághobá on the -lines of that of 1775. - -[Fresh Alliance with Rághobá, 1778.] In November 1778 it was rumoured -that the ministers in Poona were intriguing with the French, so the -Bombay Government took this opportunity of entering into a treaty with -Rághobá, who was still in Bombay. He confirmed the grants of 1775, -and as security for the pay of the British contingent that was to -help in placing him on the Peshwa's throne in Poona, he agreed to -assign the revenues of Balsár and the remainder of Anklesvar, as he -had done before. He stipulated, however, that his own agents should -collect the dues from these districts, and that the British should -take charge of them only in case of the full sum due not being paid -and then merely as a temporary measure. - -[The Convention of Bhadgaon, 1779.] On the 22nd November 1778 the -force moved out of Bombay, and by dint of mismanagement and internal -dissension the campaign was brought to an end by the convention of the -16th January 1779. Under this agreement all possessions in Gujarát -acquired since the time of Mádhavráv Peshwa were to be restored by -the British, together with Sálsette, Uran, and other islands. Rághobá -was to be made over to Sindia's charge, and a separate treaty assigned -to Sindia the sovereignty of Broach. - -[Negotiation with the Gáikwár.] The Council at Bombay disavowed the -convention and were inclined to adhere only to the clause allotting -Broach to Sindia. Mr. Hornby proposed to the Supreme Government an -alliance with Fatesingh, engaging to free him from dependence on the -Poona Government and to reconcile the disputants within the Gáikwár -family itself. After the arrival of General Goddard with reinforcements -from Bengal the Governor General approved of the alliance proposed -with Fatesingh as head of the Baroda state, but specially declined -to admit any participation or support in the family disputes. The -British were to conquer for themselves the Peshwa's share of Gujarát, -if they were able to do so. - -[Rághobá Escapes from Sindia, 1779.] Rághobá, meanwhile, who had been -given over to Sindia to be conveyed to Bundelkhand, escaped with the -connivance of his custodian and fled to Broach. This was evidently a -move calculated by Sindia to bring on hostilities between Nána Phadnis, -the head of the ministerial party, and the English. General Goddard, -who was conducting the negotiations with Poona on the part both of the -Supreme Government and of the Government of Bombay, received Rághobá on -June 12th, but evaded any proposals for a direct alliance. At the end -of the rains of the same year, information was received by the English -that a coalition against them had been [League against the English, -1780.] formed by the Maráthás, the Nizám, and Hyder Ali of Mysor. The -rumour was partially confirmed by the demand by Nána Phadnis for the -cession of Sálsette and the person of Rághobá as preliminaries to any -treaty. No answer was given, but reinforcements were called for and -the overtures with Fatesingh pushed forward. This chief prevaricated -about the terms of the treaty and evidently did not like to enter -into any special engagement that might perhaps bring down upon him -the Poona army. General Goddard therefore advanced on 1st January -1780 against Dabhoi, which was garrisoned by the Peshwa's troops -from the Dakhan, whilst the English in Broach expelled the Marátha -officers from their posts and re-took possession of Anklesvar, Hánsot, -and Ámod. On January 20th Dabhoi was evacuated by the Maráthás and -occupied by General Goddard. Fatesingh now showed himself willing to -enter into the proposed treaty, and on the 26th January 1780 signed -an offensive and defensive alliance. - -[Treaty with Fatesingh Gáikwár.] In the re-opening of hostilities -there was no mention of Rághobá, but the ground given was -simply the non-fulfilment on the part of the Peshwa of his treaty -engagement. Rághobá remained under English supervision in the enjoyment -of a large allowance. Dabhoi was occupied by an English civil officer -with a detachment of irregulars, and General Goddard moved towards -Ahmedábád. - -By the treaty of 1780 the Peshwa was to be excluded from Gujarát. To -avoid confusion in collection, the district north of the Mahi was to -belong entirely to the share of the Gáikwár. The English were to enjoy -the whole district south of the Tápti, together with the Gáikwár share -in the revenue of Surat. In return for the support the English were -to give him in withholding tribute from the Peshwa, Fatesingh ceded -Sinor on the Narbada and the Gáikwár's villages round Broach. These -cessions, however, were not to have effect until Fatesingh was in -possession of Ahmedábád. The contingent of 3000 horse was to be still -furnished by the Gáikwár government. - -[General Goddard takes Ahmedábád, 1780.] As soon as these conditions -were agreed upon, General Goddard went with his own army and the -contingent furnished by Fatesingh to Ahmedábád. After encamping before -it for five days, he took the city by storm on 15th February 1780. - -[Operations against Sindia and Holkar.] Sindia and Holkar had combined -their forces against the English and were marching up Gujarát, -plundering on their way. They were opposed by General Goddard, who -marched across the Mahi early in March. The allies turned off towards -Chámpáner without risking a pitched battle on the plain. Sindia at -once opened negotiations with the view of wasting time during the fair -season. His first proposal was that Rághobá should be sent to Jhánsi, -where Sindia had allotted him an estate, and that Bájiráv, Rághobá's -son, should be appointed diván or manager of the Peshwa Mádhavráv, -who was a minor. Bájiráv himself was under age, so Sindia was, of -course, to assume temporarily the reins of government. - -Goddard at once refused to force Rághobá to take any course other -than the one he should select of his own free will; for Sindia did not -appear to be aware that the English were now at war with the ministers -on their own account and not as allies of an ex-Peshwa. Negotiations -were broken off and Sindia and Holkar dislodged from place after -place without any decisive engagement being fought. General Goddard -was preparing monsoon quarters for his army, when he heard that a -division of a Marátha force which had been plundering the Konkan in -order to cut off supplies from Bombay had attacked parts of the Surat -Athávisi. He detached some troops under Lieut. Welsh and sent them -to the south, whilst he remained himself on the Narbada. Lieut. Welsh -drove back the marauders and took possession of the forts of Párnera, -Indargad, and Bagváda. - -After the monsoon of 1780, General Goddard went to besiege Bassein, -leaving Major Forbes in charge of the Gujarát army. This officer posted -one body of troops at Ahmedábád for the protection of Fatesingh, -another at Surat, and a third at Broach. Two battalions of Bengal -infantry were sent to Sinor and some few men to Dabhoi. - -[1781.] An attack was made by Sindia on the newly acquired district of -Sinor, but Major Forbes successfully resisted it and Sindia's position -with regard to his own dominions was now such as to prevent him from -sending more expeditions against Gujarát. - -The military necessities of other parts of India were such as to -induce General Goddard to apply to Fatesingh for an increase to his -contingent, in accordance with the treaty of 1780. After some personal -communications with this Chief in Gujarát, General Goddard was able -to arrange with the Gáikwár for the defence of part of that province -and thus set free some European troops for service elsewhere. - -[Treaty of Sálbai, 1782.] No further attack was made in this direction -during the continuance of the war which came to an end on 17th May -1782. The treaty of Sálbai between an envoy of the Governor General -on one side and Mahádáji Sindia as plenipotentiary for the Peshwa -and minister of Poona on the other, replaced the Marátha territory -in Gujarát exactly where it was on the outbreak of hostilities -against Rághobá in 1775. It was, however, specially stipulated that -no demand for arrears of tribute during the late hostilities should -be made against the Gáikwár, a clause that led to misunderstandings -many years later. The town of Broach was given over to Sindia in -accordance with the secret negotiation of 1779 and the votes of the -Bengal and Bombay Councils. The territory round Broach yielding a -revenue of three lákhs of rupees, ceded by the Peshwa, was likewise -returned. Rághobá was granted a pension of 25,000 rupees a month and -allowed to select his own place of residence. He went to Kopargaon -and there died a few months after the conclusion of the treaty of -Sálbai. Thus came to an end one of the chief sources of disturbance -to the Poona government. For the next six years no event of any -political importance took place in Gujarát, which province was left -almost entirely to the administration of the Gáikwár family. - -[Death of Fatesingh, 1789.] In 1789, however, Fatesingh died, -leaving Sayájiráv without a guardian. Mánáji, a younger brother, -at once seized the reins of government and began the usual sort of -negotiations to secure his recognition by the Poona government. He -paid a nazarána of 3,13,000 rupees and agreed to pay up thirty-six -lákhs of rupees as arrears, though it is not clear on what account, -unless that sum had accrued since the treaty of Sálbai, or was part -of the long standing account left open by Dámáji in 1753. Mánáji, -however, was not allowed to succeed to the post of guardian without -opposition. Govindráv Gáikwár was living at Poona, and, though he had -himself little influence with the Peshwa's immediate adherents, he had -managed to secure the then powerful Sindia on his side. This chief, -since his recognition as plenipotentiary at the treaty of Sálbai, -had been gradually making good his position with the Peshwa and his -favourites as well as with the leading Marátha nobles, so as to be able -to successfully oppose Nána Phadnis when the time came for a coalition -of the outlying chiefs against the ministerial party. Govindráv offered -his son Ánandráv as husband for the daughter of Sindia, a proposal -which it is not probable that he ever intended to carry out. A grant -of three lákhs of rupees was also promised, in return for which Sindia -allowed his garrison in Broach to assist Govindráv's illegitimate son -Kánhoji to reach Baroda. Mánáji applied to the Bombay Government on -the grounds that the steps taken by Govindráv were contrary to the -provisions of the treaty of 1780. As however this treaty had been -abrogated by the later agreement at Sálbai, the Bombay Government -declined to interfere. Mánáji's agents at Poona contrived to get -Nána Phadnis to propose a compromise, to which however Govindráv, -at the instigation probably of Sindia, declined to accede. Before -any decision was reached Mánáji died. - -[1793.] Nána detained Govindráv in Poona till he had agreed to hold by -former stipulations and to cede to the Peshwa the Gáikwár's share in -the districts south of the Tápti together with his share of the Surat -customs. To this the Government of Bombay demurred as an infraction -of the provision of the Sálbai treaty whereby the integrity of the -Gáikwár's possessions was assured. Nána Phadnis at once withdrew his -proposals. Govindráv at last joined his brother at Baroda on 19th -December, and took up the office of regent. - -[Ába Shelukar Deputy Governor of Gujarát, 1796.] For two years -Gujarát remained quiet. In 1796 Bájiráv, son of Rághobá, succeeded to -the Peshwa's dignity and at once appointed his younger brother, ten -years of age, governor of Gujarát. In accordance with Marátha custom -a deputy was sent to take charge of the province, one Ába Shelukar, -and he too seems to have administered vicariously, for next year -(1797) we find him amongst those taken prisoners with Nána Phadnis -when that minister was treacherously seized by Daulatráv Sindia in the -Dakhan. Ába was released on promising to pay ten lákhs of rupees as -ransom. [1797.] He then joined his appointment as subhedár in order -to take measures to get together the money he required. - -[Disputes between Ába and Govindráv Gáikwár.] Bájiráv Peshwa was -anxious to embroil Ába with Govindráv, whom he knew to be favourable -to Nána Phadnis and too powerful to be allowed to acquire influence -beyond the reach of head-quarter supervision. A cause of quarrel soon -arose. Daulatráv pressed Ába for part payment of the above ten lákhs, -and the latter being unable to squeeze enough out of his own territory, -forced contributions from some of the villages administered by the -Gáikwár. Govindráv at once took up arms against him and applied for aid -to the English Agent at Surat. In this city Governor Jonathan Duncan -had just assumed chief authority in accordance with an agreement -between the English and the Nawáb. Duncan was anxious to secure for -his government the land round Surat and the Gáikwár's share in the -chauth of the town and district. Govindráv, when this demand was -made, referred the Governor to Poona, knowing that under the treaty -of Sálbai the British Government had no more right to acquire a -share of the Gáikwár territory than the Poona authorities had when -they made a somewhat similar demand in 1793, which was withdrawn as -stated above. Before the reference could be made, Ába was penned up -by Govindráv's own army in Ahmedábád and forced to surrender that -city. He was kept in confinement for more than seven years. - -[Gujarát farmed to the Gáikwár, 1799.] In the same year (1799) the -Peshwa, apparently without formally revoking the appointment of his -brother Chimnáji as Subhedár, gave Govindráv a farm for five years -of his whole rights in Gujarát, at the rate of five lákhs of rupees -a year. These rights included shares in the Káthiáváda and Sorath -tribute, the revenue of Petlád, Nápád, Ránpur, Dhandhuka, and Gogha, -together with rights to certain customs dues in Cambay and a share -in the revenue of the city of Ahmedábád. Govindráv unfortunately died -a month before this farm was formally made over by the Peshwa. - -[Ánandráv Gáikwár, 1800.] As had happened at the death of Dámáji, so -again now, the heir Ánandráv was all but an idiot and quite incapable -of managing his affairs. The disputes as to the guardianship again -set the whole state in confusion. Kánhoji, a son of Govindráv by a -Rájputni princess of Dharampor, who had been the first agent of his -father in Baroda in 1793, had been put in prison for refusing to give -place to Govindráv when the latter at length joined him at Baroda. At -the death of Govindráv, Kánhoji managed to obtain his liberty and -to secure the ascendancy in the counsels of his weak-minded elder -brother. He assumed, in fact, the whole government. His arrogant -conduct in this new position excited the Arab guard against him and -he was again thrown into confinement. His mother Gajrábái, who was -a refugee in Surat, endeavoured to get assistance from the English -there, and at the same time made overtures to Malhár, son of Khanderáv -Gáikwár, who had formerly been one of Govindráv's bitterest opponents. - -[1800.] Meanwhile the administration of the Gáikwár's affairs passed -into the hands of Rávji and Bábáji Áppa, two brothers who had been -brought to Baroda in 1793 by Govindráv himself. Rávji took charge of -the civil work, whilst Bábáji undertook the military duties, which -at that time consisted in great measure in collecting the revenue by -show of force. These two ministers, on hearing of the proceedings of -[The British aid Govindráv's Party.] Gajrábái, outbid her for the aid -of the Bombay Government. In addition to the cessions formerly offered -by Govindráv, they were willing to give up Chikhli also. Matters were -precipitated by the successes of Malháráv in the field. Rávji offered -to subsidize five European battalions, and Governor Duncan took upon -himself the responsibility of sending an auxiliary force of 1600 -men under Major Walker to act with the troops of Rávji and Bábáji -north of Ahmedábád. Reinforcements were afterwards sent up, but the -campaign was not closed till April 1802, when the fort of Kadi had -been taken by storm. Malháráv surrendered and a residence in Nadiád -was assigned him with a liberal pension out of the revenues of that -sub-division. The fort of Sankheda, which had been held by Ganpatráv -Gáikwár for his cousin Malháráv, was soon after this reduced and the -country for a time pacified. - -[The British and the Gáikwár, 1800.] In March Rávji had an interview -at Cambay with Governor Duncan, which was followed on June 6th by a -definite treaty, of which the groundwork had been previously sketched -in anticipation of the reduction of the revolted Gáikwárs. Two -thousand men, besides artillery, were to be subsidized and a jáidád -or assignment for their payment was made on the revenue of Dholka and -the part of Nadiád not assigned to Malhárráv. Chikhli was given to the -British in reward for their aid in storming Kadi, and Residents were -to be appointed reciprocally. A large sum of money was borrowed by -Rávji, partly from Bombay partly from Baroda bankers, to pay off the -arrears due to about 7000 Arab mercenaries, who had usurped a great -deal of objectionable influence in civil affairs at the Gáikwár's -capital. Major Walker was appointed Resident and proceeded to Baroda -on 8th June. - -[The Gáikwár's Minister Rávji.] On the same day was signed a secret -compact assuring Rávji of the support of the British Government -and awarding him a village out of the territory ceded by the treaty -of June 6th. It was deemed advisable by the British Government to -have at the Baroda court some leading personage who might, in the -present state of the relations between Bombay and Poona, further -the designs of the former government in preventing a recurrence of -the coalition of Marátha powers. Rávji was sure of his reward if he -served British interests, whilst in case of the reorganization of -a Marátha confederacy the state he was administering would probably -play but a very subordinate part in subsequent events. - -[Treaty of Bassein, 31st Dec. 1802.] The treaty of June 6th was -disapproved by the Court of Directors as being in direct contravention -of the treaty of Sálbai. Before, however, any orders had been issued -by the Home authorities to restore to the Gáikwár the territory he -had ceded, the Peshwa, out of regard for whom the treaty had been -disavowed, was a fugitive before the army of Holkar, and by December -had ratified these very concessions at the treaty of Bassein. By -this treaty the Peshwa virtually placed his independence in the -hands of the British. He ceded his share of Surat, thus giving them -sole control over that district. In payment of the subsidiary force -required he handed over territory in Gujarát, the revenue of which -amounted to 12,28,000 rupees, and finally he constituted the British -Government arbiter in the disputes between his government and that -of Baroda. The grants made by the Gáikwár for the support of the -subsidiary force amounted in 1802 to 7,80,000 rupees. - -[Arabs Disbanded.] Major Walker attempted to negotiate with the Arab -guard, but the greater part of them flew to arms and released Kánhoji -Gáikwár. The latter then tried to collect an army near Baroda, and -succeeded in obtaining possession of the person of Ánandráv the titular -ruler. The British force then took Baroda by storm, after which most -of the Arabs submitted, except a few who joined Kánhoji. The rest took -the arrears due to them and left the country. Kánhoji was not subdued -till February 1803. [Malhárráv in Revolt, 1803.] Malhárráv meanwhile -had broken out in rebellion in Káthiáváda and was plundering the -Marátha possessions there. Bábáji Áppáji and a young officer named -Vithal Deváji (or Divánji) led the operations against him; and to -the latter belongs the honour of having captured this troublesome -member of the ruling family. The estate of Nadiád, which had been -assigned to Madhavráo by Govindráv, was resumed by Rávji Áppáji -and made over in its entirety to the British Government. A treaty, -supplementary to that of 1802, was drawn up guaranteeing this cession -as well as the inám or free gift of the fort and district of Kaira, -"out of gratitude for the support given in the recent troubles to the -Gáikwár's honour and for assistance in securing the good of the State." - -[Contingent Strengthened, 1803.] Very soon after this agreement Rávji -applied for an addition to the subsidiary force, in payment of which -he assigned Mátar Mahudha and the customs of Kim-Kathodra, a station -about seventeen miles north of Surat. His reason for strengthening the -subsidiary force appears to have been that owing to the reduction of -the Arabs, his own force was not enough to guard even the frontier, -and that a great part of that duty fell on the European contingent, -which was numerically insufficient for service on so extended a -scale. [Death of Rávji, 1803.] This was the last public act of note -on the part of Rávji Áppa, who died in July 1803, after adopting one -Sitárám to succeed to his estate. - -[War with Sindia.] Whilst these arrangements were being carried -out at Baroda, Bájiráv Peshwa, chafing at the dependence to which -his straits of the previous winter had reduced him with regard to -the English, was actively propagating dissension between Sindia and -the Calcutta Government. Not long after, the war that had been some -time imminent broke out, and a contingent of 7352 men from Gujarát -was ordered to the field. In August or September Broach and Pávágad -[1063] both fell to the British. - -[The Revenue Collecting Force.] Under the treaty of Sirjé Anjangaon -in December 1803, both Pávágad and Dohad were restored to Sindia, -but Broach remained British. By this means one of the rising Marátha -powers was extruded from the centre to the outlying portion of -the province. The employment of all the British contingent against -Sindia's possessions in Gujarát precluded Major Walker from furnishing -any portion of the army that was annually sent to collect the tribute -in Káthiáváda. Rávji Áppáji had expressly stipulated that some part -of the contingent might be so used when it could be spared from -its main duties. The Supreme Government agreed to the proposal when -made by Governor Duncan, on the grounds of the advantage both to the -Gáikwár and the tributaries of employing on this disagreeable duty -a strong and well-disciplined force. Already some of the tributaries -had made overtures to Major Walker with a view to obtaining British -protection against powerful neighbours. Governor Duncan was in -favour of accepting the duty of protection and also of helping -the Gáikwár's commander in his expeditions through the peninsula -on these grounds. Firstly, the officer in command could exercise a -certain supervision over the collections in which the British as part -assignees had a direct interest. Secondly, a way could thus be opened -for the acquisition of a port on the coast from which the intrigues, -supposed to be carried on by agents from the Isle of France, could -be watched and counteracted. From such a point, too, the views of -the Bombay Government as regards Kachh could be promoted. Thirdly, -the commandant could take steps to improve the system of forcible -collections, and towards abolishing the barbarous features of this -rude method of levying tribute. He could also, perhaps, suggest some -system by which the advantages of all three parties concerned would -be better secured than by reliance on the uncertainty of temporary -expeditions. The fourth and last reason given savours strongly of the -Marátha policy of the time, of which the leading maxim was Divide et -impera. It was represented that Bábáji, who had successfully collected -the tribute during 1802-03 and whose subordinate and companion Vithal -Deváji was a person of similar energy and capability, might possibly -acquire too great influence if left in a quasi-independent command -at such a distance from the Court. It was politic, then, to join with -the force under his command a strong foreign body, thus dividing both -the power and the responsibility. The war with Sindia caused these -proposals to fall into abeyance for some time. - -[Renewal of Farm, 1804.] Meanwhile the Resident at Poona was doing his -best to secure for the Gáikwár a further lease for ten years of the -farm of the Peshwa's dominions in Gujarát, so that the inconveniences -of dual government might be avoided. In October 1804 a ten years' -farm was granted in the name of Bhagvantráv Gáikwár at an annual rate -of 4 1/2 lákhs of rupees. - -[The British and the Gáikwár, 1805.] This grant led to the -consolidation of all previous engagements into a single treaty, which -was signed in April 1805. Previous agreements were confirmed and the -whole brought into consonance with the treaty of Bassein. Districts -yielding 11,70,000 rupees per annum were made over for the support -of the subsidiary force, and arrangements were also made for the -repayment of the cash loan advanced by the British Government in 1802, -when the liquidation of the arrears due to the Arabs was a matter of -urgent political necessity. The British contingent was to be available -in part for service in Káthiáváda, whenever the British Government -thought such an employment of it advisable. - -Finally, the British Government was constituted arbiter in all -disputes of the Gáikwár, not alone with foreign powers, but also in the -adjustment of his financial transactions with the Peshwa his paramount -power. These transactions, which ranged back from the capture of -Dámáji in 1751, had never been the subject of a formal investigation, -and were by this time complicated by the numerous engagements with -third parties into which both governments had been obliged to enter -at their various moments of distress. Bájiráv, who was apparently -intriguing for a Marátha coalition against his new protectors, was -careful not to bring before the notice of the chiefs, whose esteem -he wished to gain, a provision which exhibited him as in any way -dependent upon the arbitration of a foreign power. He therefore -granted the farm for ten years to the Gáikwár, as much by way of -remanding for a time the proposed inquiries and settlement of their -respective claims as for the purpose of diverting the attention of the -British to the administration of this new appanage, whilst leaving him -free scope for his intrigues in the Dakhan. He used, moreover, every -pretext to defer the consideration of the Gáikwár question until he -could make use of his claims to further his own designs. His success -in preventing a discussion of these transactions is apparent by the -fact that in the financial statement of the Gáikwár's affairs made by -Colonel Walker in 1804, no mention of the Poona demand is to be found. - -No important event took place during the next year or two. Bábáji -relinquished the command of the force in Káthiáváda in favour -of Vithalráv Deváji, whilst he himself took part in the civil -administration at Baroda. The Resident, too, seems to have been -likewise engaged in internal matters and in securing the country -against an invasion by Kánhoji, now a fugitive at the court of Holkar. - -[1807.] In 1807 the Resident made over Ába Shelukar, late Sar Subhedár -of the Peshwa, to the British Government, by whom he could be prevented -from engaging in fresh conspiracies. After this Colonel Walker was at -last enabled to leave Baroda in order to assist in the settlement of -the Káthiáváda tribute question, an object he had long had in view, -but which the necessity for his continuous presence at the Gáikwár's -capital had hitherto prevented him from undertaking. - -[Káthiáváda Tribute.] The changes with regard to the collection of the -tribute from the chiefs of Káthiáváda that were carried out in 1807 -deserve a special description. Firstly, they placed the relations of -the tributary to the paramount power on quite a new basis. Secondly, -by them the British influence over both parties concerned was much -increased and the connection between the governments of Bombay and -Baroda drawn closer. Thirdly, they were subsequently, as will be seen -hereafter, the subject of much discussion and delay in the settlement -of the questions at issue between the Peshwa and the Gáikwár. And -lastly, their effect was most beneficial to both the chiefs and their -subjects in removing the uncertainty that had hitherto pervaded the -whole revenue administration of Káthiáváda. - -Before entering on the details of the settlement itself, some -description is necessary of the social and political state of the -peninsula at the time the changes were introduced. - -[State of Káthiáváda, 1807.] The greater part of the population of -Káthiáváda consisted of two classes, chiefs and cultivators, called -Bhumiás and ryots. The power of the chief ranged from the headship of -a single village up to absolute jurisdiction over several score. The -ryots were usually tenants long resident in the province. The chiefs -were in almost every case foreigners, invaders from the north and -north-east; Muhammadan adventurers from the court of Ahmedábád; -Káthis animated by the love of plunder and cattle-lifting; and -Miánás and Vághelás who had settled on the coast on account of the -facilities it afforded for their favourite pursuits of wrecking -and piracy. More numerous than any others were the Rájputs, driven -south by the disturbed state of their native kingdoms or by the -restless spirit of military adventure to be found in a class where -one profession alone is honourable. There is a certain uniformity -in the building up of all these chieftainships. A powerful leader, -with a sufficient band of followers, oppressed his weaker neighbours -till they were glad to come to terms and place themselves under his -protection, so as both to escape themselves and to take their chance -of sharing in the plunder of others. It frequently happened in the -growth of one of these states that the bháyád or relations of the -chief (who are sure to be numerous in a polygamous society) were -influential enough to assume, in their turn, a partial independence -and to claim recognition as a separate state. As a rule, however, -they continued to unite with the head of the family against external -foes, and only disagreed as to domestic administration. It is also -noticeable that though so addicted to the profession of arms, the -Rájputs cannot be called a military race; they possess few of the -true military virtues; hence the slowness of their advance, and -their failure in competition with perhaps less courageous though -more compact and pliable races. In Káthiáváda fortified strongholds, -formidable enough to an army moving rapidly without siege trains, -arose in all directions, and even villages were surrounded by a high -mud wall as a protection against cattle-lifters. - -The groundwork of these states being itself so unstable, their -relations with each other were conducted on no principle but the -law of the stronger. General distrust reigned throughout. Each chief -well knew that his neighbours had won their position as he had won -his own by the gradual absorption of the weaker, and that they were -ready enough whenever opportunity offered to subject his dominions -to the same process. The administration of his territory consisted -merely in levying, within certain limits sanctioned by long usage, -as much revenue as would suffice to maintain himself and his forces -in their position with regard to the surrounding states. When a -foreign enemy appeared there was no co-operation amongst the local -chiefs in resistance. It was a point of honour not to yield except -to a superior force. Each chief, therefore, resisted the demands -made upon him until he considered that he had done enough to satisfy -the family conscience and then, agreeing to the terms proposed, he -allowed the wave of extortion to pass on and deluge the domains of his -neighbour. It should be remembered that the peninsula had never been -subjugated, though overrun times innumerable. The evil of invasion was -thus transitory. To a chief the mere payment of tribute tended in no -wise to derogate from his independence. In his capacity of military -freebooter he acknowledged the principle as just. His country had been -won by the sword and was retained by the sword and not by acquiescence -in the payment of tribute, so that if he could avoid this extortion -he was justified in doing so. If he weakened his state in resisting -foreigners, he knew that his neighbours would certainly take advantage -of the favourable juncture and annex his territory. It was his policy -therefore, after resistance up to a certain point, to succumb. - -[The Revenue Raid System.] Owing to this local peculiarity and to -the general want of union in the province, both the Mughals and -Maráthás found it advantageous to follow a system of successive -expeditions rather than to incur the expense of permanently occupying -the peninsula with an army which would necessarily have to be a large -one. There is every reason to believe that in adopting the raid system -the Musalmáns were only pursuing the practice of their predecessors, -who used to take tribute from Jodhpur to Dwárka. - -Some of the subhedárs of Ahmedábád divided their tributary district -into three circuits of collection and personally undertook the charge -of one each year. This was the mulakgiri land-raiding system. Besides -this chief expedition, there was the smaller one of the Bábi of -Junágadh and the still more minute operations of the Rával of Bhávnagar -against some of his weaker neighbours. The great Ahmedábád expedition -had long been an annual grievance and was conducted with some show -of system and under special rules called the Raj-ul-Mulak. Three -of these rules are of importance, and seem to have been generally -acquiesced in before the great incursions of Bábáji and Vithalráv -at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The first was that the -paramount power (by which was meant the foreign government which was -strong enough to enforce tribute from all the chiefs) had authority -to interfere in cases of dismemberment, or in proceedings tending -to the depreciation of the revenue or to the dismemberment of any -tributary state. It was again an acknowledged rule that whilst the -mulakgiri expedition of the paramount power was in motion no other -army should be in the field throughout the whole province. The third -provision was not so well established, but it appears to have been -understood that the tribute from each state should be regulated by -some standard of former date. In practice, however, the measure of -the Marátha demand was simply the power to enforce payment. - -It is worthy of remark that about the beginning of this century the -resistance to the collection of tribute was stronger towards the west -than in the east and south of the province. In the Mahi Kántha the -lawlessness of the Koli chiefs, who had established themselves in the -ravines and on the hills, necessitated the employment of a military -force for collections. In the neighbourhood of Bijápur and Kadi, the -chiefs would not pay tribute except under the compulsion of a siege -or raid, but the mulakgiri system only reached its full development -west of Dholka. - -From these explanatory remarks the system and practice of the Maráthás -can be clearly understood. - -[The Maráthás in Sorath.] The Maráthás found their way to Sorath very -early in their Gujarát career. The first raid probably took place -about 1711, when the Muhammadans were occupied near Ahmedábád. After -this incursions were frequent, and under Dámáji Gáikwár became, as -has been seen above, annual. This leader did more. He took to wife a -daughter of the Gohil chief of the small state of Láthi in east central -Káthiáváda, whose dowry in land gave him the standpoint he sought in -the heart of the peninsula. He managed also to secure his position -in what are known as the Amreli Maháls, probably under the force of -circumstances similar to those which caused the weaker Rájputs to -gravitate towards the stronger of their own tribe. His expedition -through the peninsula, generally as near the time of harvest as -possible, was made regularly every year as soon as he had amassed a -sufficient number of troops on the mainland to admit of a force being -detached for mulakgiri. The object of these inroads was plunder, not -conquest; the leaders would readily have entered into negotiations for -the payment of the tribute had the chieftains been disposed to treat -otherwise than after defeat. The expenses of such an army were heavy, -and the more so as the time during which it would be in the field was -quite indefinite, and dependent entirely upon the amount of resistance -offered. In more than one instance the Marátha leaders, who usually -had no artillery for a siege, were obliged to regularly beleaguer a -town. Early in this century the town of Mália successfully defended -itself against a remarkably well equipped force under Bábáji, and the -Junágadh state was usually avoided by the Maráthás as much as possible -on account of the time it would take to reduce its army to terms. - -It is not on record that the mulakgiri force habitually devastated -the country over which it passed, or caused much greater hardships -to the ryots than are inseparable from the passage of an army in -the field. There are, however, well authenticated stories of the -depredations and damage committed during these expeditions. A village -is said to have been deserted by order of the bhumia in order that -the timber of its houses might furnish fuel for the Marátha army on -its march. Tortures were doubtless inflicted on men supposed to be -well off, who were suspected to have hidden their property. A Marátha -army was usually, if not always, ill disciplined, as is proved by -the testimony of Mr. Forbes, an eye witness of the campaigns of -1775. [1064] From the same writer it is learned what an immense -proportion the camp followers bore to the actual combatants. If -this were the case in a real campaign against a formidable and -active enemy, it is likely that the irresponsible element was still -larger in an expedition like this of mulakgiri, where the enemy was -insignificant and the country at the mercy of the invaders. It is -probable therefore that the troops have been credited with misconduct -that should in point of fact be attributed to these Pindháris. In -after years, when the expeditions were conducted systematically, -villages on the line of march were always allowed the alternative of -entertaining a pioneer or two as a sort of guarantee. If no bandhári -of this sort were accepted, the army occupied the place. In many cases -the demands for supplies made by these pioneers were so exorbitant -that the villagers preferred to compound in turn with them also for -their absence. Another method by which a chieftain might avoid the -necessity of the army's passing through his territories was by sending -to the commander of the expedition an envoy empowered to treat for -the amount of tribute and to execute a provisional guarantee for -its future liquidation. This deed was destroyed on the subsequent -confirmation by the chief himself of the agreement for the sum fixed. - -[Securities.] This habit of taking securities in all engagements was -so prevalent in all parts of the province, and played so prominent -a part in the financial administration of the Gáikwár's home and -tributary domains, that its main features are worth describing. - -It is a well known characteristic of Hindu dealings that no transaction -is carried on by two parties alone if a third can possibly be dragged -in. This practice no doubt originated in the former insecure state -of society when no man considered himself safe in person or property -from government on the one hand and his neighbour on the other. With -classes like Kolis and predatory Rájputs, the feeling is intelligible -enough, and from these it spread into other branches of the society. To -such a pitch was distrust carried in the early part of the nineteenth -century, that the Gáikwár himself could find no one to enter into a -contract with him without the guarantee of one of his own subjects. The -consequences of this practice and the power it threw into the hands of -the Arab mercenaries, who were the principal securities for the public -debts, are matters that touch the history of the Baroda State rather -than that of the province. The chiefs in their dealings employed a -special sort of security which owed its validity not to political -consideration like that of the Arab Jamádárs but entirely to its -religious and traditional character. - -[Bháts and Chárans, 1807.] A society of the military type like the -Rájput has a tendency towards caste and privilege. Without a leader -the warlike instincts of the tribe would not carry them beyond petty -robberies; whilst with a leader they can achieve greater exploits -of valour and destruction. The successful chief then is idolized, -and after a certain stage the privileges of the chieftainship become -hereditary. Once this system is established, the celebration of -ancestors follows, and when circumstances are favourable to the -perpetuation of the hereditary position, the genealogy of the chief -is a matter of the highest importance, and the person entrusted -with the record of this is vested with peculiar sanctity. It is the -genealogist's duty to enter in the record, not only the direct line -but the names of the more distant relations of the chief by whom he -is retained, and also to be the continual chanter of the glorious -deeds of their common ancestors. He is therefore a referee of the -highest authority in questions of pedigree or of the partition of -inheritance. An injury to his person might entail the loss of the -pedigree of the ruling family (especially as many of the bards kept no -written record) and thus produce a misfortune which would be felt by -the whole tribe. The chief, being a warrior, must take his chance in -the field with the rest, but the person of the genealogist was sacred -and inviolable. Amongst the Rájputs the greatest reverence was paid to -purity of pedigree, and each principal family had its Bhát to record -births and deaths amongst its members and to stimulate pride in their -lineage by the recital of the wars and exploits of their ancestors. - -These Bháts necessarily multiplied beyond the number of the families -that could entertain them, so that many took to banking and some -to cultivation. Surrounded as they were by the social system of -the Hindus, it was not long before they became differentiated into -a distinct caste, and the inviolability of their persons, formerly -due only to respect for the pedigree, was now extended to the whole -tribe, even though a large proportion of it performed none of the -duties of genealogists. Similar to the Bháts in many respects, -notably in that of sacredness of person, were the Chárans, numerous -in Káthiáváda, where they had founded villages and lived as ordinary -cultivators. This tribe also claimed divine origin like the race -whose annals they had the privilege of recording. It is said that -Rája Todar Mal, the celebrated minister of the Dehli empire, was the -first to introduce the practice of taking these Bháts as securities -for the Rájputs. The assertion is possibly true, but rests merely on -tradition, and after ages usually find some great man as a sponsor for -all such innovations. It is clear however that for many years before -1807 no dealings of Kolis or Rájputs with the state or with each other -took place without the security of a Bhát being taken. This practice -seems to have been as prevalent on the mainland as in the peninsula, -the Kolis having doubtless borrowed it from their Rájput neighbours -after the Bháts had become a separate caste. - -Under this system the Bháts acquired considerable wealth, as they -usually demanded a percentage on the amount for which they became -security. There are instances in which they presumed upon the strength -of their engagements and sacred character to bully or dictate to -their employer. Such was the case of the Rával of Bhávnagar in 1808, -which is also interesting in another way, as showing how the spirit -of industry and commerce tends to sap the old observances which have -their roots in superstition. This chief engaged in trade, fostered -merchants, and increased his revenue. When his security, a Bhát, -got troublesome and interfering, he applied to the power to whom he -paid tribute to have the old security bond cancelled and a fresh one -taken on his own personal responsibility. In doing this he seems to -have been prompted by nothing but his appreciation of the modern code -of commercial honour. - -To return to the mulakgiri. The tribute for which preliminary security -had been taken seems to have fluctuated from year to year, but always -with reference to a fixed standard. It was one of the Marátha rules -never to recede from a former demand lest they should be thereby -setting up a precedent for future years. They preferred to secure -a year or two's arrears at the full rate to the payment of all the -arrears due at a reduced rate. - -In spite of this fiction of a settled jama or tribute, the Maráthás, -when they had a sufficient force at their back, invariably demanded -a larger sum, the excess being called khará-ját or extra distinct -from the actual tribute. This ingenious plan of increasing the -collections originated, it is said, with Shivrám Gárdi, and was -carried out scrupulously by both Bábáji and Vithalráv in their -tours. In fact during the last few years of the old system Vithalráv -had so good a force with him that the extra demand formed a large -proportion of the whole tribute collected and had been paid only -under strong protest. [British Intervention.] The British had not -long been established in Ránpur, Gogha, and Dhandhuka before a few -petty chiefs of Gohilvád and Sorath applied to the Resident at Baroda -for protection against the mulakgiri of the Nawáb of Junágadh and the -Rával of Bhávnagar, offering to cede the sovereignty of their states -to the British on condition that certain rights and privileges were -preserved to the chiefs and their families. The conditions they named -were not such as were likely to meet with the approval of the British -Government, and do not seem to have received much consideration. The -proposals had, however, the effect of drawing the attention of the -Bombay Government towards the state of Káthiáváda, and permission -to aid the mulakgiri of the Gáikwár by detaching a few companies of -British troops was accorded by the Supreme Government. The outbreak -of hostilities with Sindia led to the whole question as to the -best means of collecting the tribute being for a time deferred. The -internal disputes of some of the more turbulent states, a few years -afterwards, gave the Resident an opportunity of sending an envoy to -one or two courts to see how matters stood, and to open a way for -a settlement in conjunction with the Gáikwár. Affairs at Baroda, as -mentioned above (page 416), detained the Resident there till 1807, -in which year he joined Vithalráv's army with a British contingent, -at a place in the Morvi state. - -[Settlement of 1807.] Before treating directly with the chiefs a -circular was sent round to all of them both by the Gáikwár's agent and -by Colonel Walker the Resident, containing the basis of the proposals -with regard to the tribute about to be submitted to them. The position -of the British Government throughout this negotiation is not clearly -defined. Vithalráv in his circular mentions indeed that a British force -was with his own, but urges the chiefs to come to a settlement entirely -with the government he represented. Colonel Walker's note was longer, -more explicit, and conciliatory, but at the same time assumes a tone -of protection and superiority. The replies of the chiefs were various, -and, as a rule, seem to show that they regarded the British Government -as the chief mover in these negotiations. They were probably aware -of the position in which the engagements of the Gáikwár had placed -him with reference to the British, and for some years had had the -latter as their neighbours in the east of the peninsula. They were -therefore not able at once to take in the whole scope of the action -of the British Government in the tribute question. - -Many seemed to take the note as a preliminary to a mulakgiri on the -part of the East India Company. The Rája of Mália, who had just been -causing disturbances in the dominions of all his neighbours, had -repulsed Bábáji and permitted the self-immolation of a Bhát rather -than fulfil an engagement, openly proposed a joint expedition across -the Ran to plunder Kachh and Sindh. From the inquiries made by the -Resident and from information gathered from the Gáikwár's accounts, -it was anticipated that separate engagements need only be entered into -with the twenty-nine chiefs to whom the circular invitation had been -issued, provided that the rights and interests of subordinate members -of the Bháyád were clearly defined in the agreement. When, however, -these rights came to be investigated in the light of the peculiar rules -of Rájput inheritance, it was found that no less than one hundred and -fifty-three persons had a claim to settle independently of each other -for their tribute. This greatly prolonged the settlement, but at last -the agreements were all framed on one principle. The amount settled -was determined by a close scrutiny of the collections of past years, -and Colonel Walker found it advisable to make great reductions in the -item of extras or kharáját, for which the later Gáekwár collectors -had such predilection. The engagements were of the following nature. - -[Settlement of 1807. Financial.] First, the chief bound himself his -heirs and successors to pay at Baroda each year the tribute fixed -in perpetuity in 1807. He also procured a counter security for this -payment who engaged himself in this capacity for ten years. The -Honourable Company's government had then to become security on the -part of the Gáikwár for the fixity of the tribute demanded. This -participation of the British in the engagement was insisted upon by -the chiefs, and in all probability Colonel Walker was not averse from -admitting it. Having thus arranged for the payment of the tribute and -guaranteed the amount to be demanded, it was proposed to take measures -to prevent internal quarrels between the chiefs themselves. The -object of a fixed settlement was simply to remove the necessity for -overrunning the country from time to time with an irregular army and -to protect the chiefs against extortion. It was found that if the army -of the paramount power were removed, all means of keeping order in -the province would be lost, and the internecine feuds of the chiefs -would soon destroy the good effects of the permanent settlement -by materially altering the then existing position of the weaker -feudatories and rendering them unable to pay the tribute. It was -also the wish of the British Government to bring about such a state -of things in Káthiáváda that the presence of an army to control the -chiefs would be wholly uncalled-for and that the chiefs themselves -would co-operate to keep order and maintain the permanent settlement. - -[Political.] A second agreement therefore was called for from each -signatory state of the nature of a security for good and peaceful -conduct. The counter security to this was usually that of another -chief. This bond was perpetual. On the execution of both these -engagements the chief received a parvána or guarantee that the Gáikwár -government would not take from him more than the tribute agreed upon, -and to this deed the countersignature of the Resident on behalf of -the British Government was affixed. This guarantee, like the promise -of the chief himself, was apparently given in perpetuity. It will be -noted that the amount of tribute was fixed permanently, but that it was -considered advisable to renew the security every ten years. It is also -remarkable that, except in the failzámin or bond for good behaviour, -the name of the Peshwa's government, the rights of which over the -tribute had only been temporarily alienated, does not appear. The -total amount of the tribute thus settled was Rs. 9,79,882. - -By means of these engagements the relations of the tributaries to -their paramount power were made a matter of contract, instead of as -heretofore a series of uncertain and arbitrary exactions dependent -upon the respective means of coercion and resistance. - -[Peshwa's Share in Káthiáváda.] Seven years of the lease granted to -the Gáikwár in 1804 by the Peshwa still remained unexpired and during -at least six of these the arrangements that had been made about the -Káthiáváda tribute do not seem to have been officially communicated to -the Peshwa's government. It was not until 1815, when the Resident at -Poona was trying to procure the renewal of the lease for the Gáikwár, -that an account of the settlement was drawn up in a draft agreement -which the Resident submitted to Bájiráv. In this draft the curious -mistake was made of mentioning the settlement instead of only the -security bond as decennial. The Peshwa, whose policy was to protract -negotiations, submitted in his turn a second draft which he said he -was willing to sign. In this he seized at once on the supposition -that the tribute was fixed only for ten years and stipulated for -an increase at the expiration of that period. He also demanded -that certain extra collections should be refunded by the Gáikwár, -and assumed the British Government to have become security for the -tribute owed by the chiefs to his own government. - -It was evident that no accord would be reached on the lines of either -of these draft agreements as they stood. Before others were prepared, -Gangádhar Shástri had been murdered and the treaty of June 1817 was -a completed act, leaving further negotiations unnecessary. - -[Later Arrangements.] Meanwhile the tribute since the expiry of -the farm of 1804 had been collected by a joint British and Gáikwár -expedition, for it was found that partly from their own disputes -and partly owing to the instigation of the agents of Bájiráv, the -chiefs were little disposed to act up to the engagements of 1807, -either with respect to tribute or good conduct. The Peshwa, whose -interference in the affairs of the peninsula had been constantly -discouraged, declined to trouble himself to collect the tribute, -the responsibility of which he asserted rested entirely upon the -British and Gáikwár governments. He subsequently ceded the tribute -to the British Government on account of military expenses. After his -fall in 1819 his territories, including the rights in Gujarát, fell -to the British Government, and in 1820 the Gáikwár arranged that the -whole of the Káthiáváda tribute, except that due from the districts -directly subordinate to Baroda, should be collected by the agency of -the British. - -[The Mahi Kántha.] Turning to the events on the mainland, we find that -soon after Colonel Walker's return from the Káthiáváda expedition, -he introduced the Káthiáváda tribute system into the Mahi Kántha, -in spite of the opposition of Sitárám Rávji and the anti-English -party in the Darbár. - -[Supplementary Treaty, 1808.] The territory ceded for the payment -of the British contingent in 1805 was found to yield less revenue -than had been anticipated, so in 1808 a treaty supplementary to -the consolidating one of 1805 was drawn up, allotting additional -assignments amounting to about 1,76,168 rupees to the British. This -revenue was derived partly from alienated villages in Nadiád, Mahudha, -Dholka, Mátar, and near the Ranjar Ghát. The ghásdána or tribute of -Bhávnagar was also made over by this agreement. With regard to this -latter acquisition, it is to be noticed that the agreement is drawn up -in the name of the Honourable Company alone, and not in that of the -British Government on account of Ánandráv Gáikwár. It also differs -from other engagements of a similar nature in containing a provision -against the contingency of future irregular demands being made by the -Peshwa's army. The reason for this distinction is evidently that the -Bhávnagar contribution was not part of the Káthiáváda revenue farmed to -the Gáikwár by Bájiráv, and was thus not divisible on the expiration -of the lease. The right to this tribute rested with the British by -virtue of the previous cession of Gogha, of which sub-division the -fifty nine villages of the Bhávnagar Bháyád formed part. - -[Okhámandal, 1809.] Next year the Okhámandal chiefs, who had not come -under the settlement of 1807, were driven to engage not to continue -their piratical depredations along the coast, and to admit one Sundarji -Shivji as Resident on behalf of the British Government. The Gáikwár -government then, too, seems to have become their counter security, -an arrangement which led to misunderstandings a short while afterwards. - -[Disturbances in Káthiáváda, 1811.] In 1811, some disturbances in -Navánagar and Junágadh and symptoms of discontent in Okhámandal took -the Resident from Baroda into the peninsula with part of the British -contingent. - -The Jám of Navánagar had got involved in pecuniary transactions with -the Ráv of Kachh, and the British Government had mediated with a -view of arranging for the repayment by gradual instalments. The Jám, -however, repudiated all the engagements of 1807 both as regards the -debt and the tribute, ejected the Gáikwár's agent from his dominions, -and prepared for war. He also began to incite the neighbouring -chiefs to join in sweeping out the paramount power from the whole of -Káthiáváda. It was not till after a considerable show of force that he -laid down his arms and came to terms. Captain Carnac, the Resident, -got him to submit the Kachh claims to the arbitration of the English -Government, and after fixing them at Rs. 4,33,830, Captain Carnac -made an arrangement similar to that originally intended. - -There remained the question of a disputed succession in -Junágadh. Bahádur Khán, son of a slave girl, was put forward in -opposition to a younger aspirant, Salábat Khán, reputed to be the -son of a lady of the Rádhanpur house. The Baroda government with the -concurrence of the Resident had admitted the claims of the latter. On -a report, however, by the Assistant Resident in Káthiáváda, Captain -Carnac was induced to alter his opinion and to support Bahádur Khán, -on the grounds that Salábat Khán was a spurious child, and that Bahádur -was ready to make concessions of value to the Gáikwár government. The -Bombay Council, however, disavowed all countenance of the claims of -Bahádur Khán, and the matter was let drop. - -[1812.] In the year 1812 the Gáikwár had paid off the pecuniary -loan borrowed in 1803 from the British Government, but there still -remained the debts for which that government had become bhandári or -security in place of the ejected jamádârs of the Arab force. These -claims could not be paid off for at least two years longer, so that -for that period the Resident was ordered to maintain the same close -supervision of Baroda affairs as heretofore. - -[1813-14.] The next two years were spent chiefly in discussions -with the Poona government about the old claims by the Peshwa on the -Gáikwár's estate. There is no doubt that at the time of his death, -Dámáji had not paid up nearly all that he had bound himself in 1753 -to pay. On the other hand there had been at least six intermediate -compacts between the Peshwa and various members of the Gáikwár -family. Amongst others was that of 1768 fixing the arrears of the -previous three years, that of 1778 and of 1781, by the tenth clause of -which Fatehsingh was excused payment of arrears for the time during -which he was engaged in hostilities against Rághobá. Then came the -agreement with Govindráv in 1797, to which a sort of debit and credit -account is appended. - -[Peshwa Intrigue in Baroda, 1814.] The Peshwa had been content, for -reasons that have been shown above, to let these claims lie dormant -during the currency of the ten years' farm. But, as the question -of the renewal of this agreement became imminent, he gradually -opened more frequent communications with the Baroda council, using -these claims as a pretext for sounding the disposition of the chief -officials and ascertaining their feelings especially towards the -British Government. When the negotiations for the settlement of -these claims were fairly set on foot, he used every possible means to -protract them till he had finally decided what he should do in 1814, -when the Ahmedábád farm expired. - -It was easy for Bájiráv to discover who were the malcontents at the -Baroda Court. Sitárám, the adopted son of Rávji Áppáji, having been -found both incompetent and untrustworthy in the management of affairs, -had been practically removed from any post of influence in the council, -and was moreover chafing at the refusal of the British Government -to recognize him in the same way as they had done his father. He had -also been superseded as Suba of Káthiáváda by Vithalráv Deváji. Under -these circumstances, and finding that he had the support of a large -number of the older court party against the authority of the Resident -and of his native agent, he either himself opened communications -with Bájiráv or readily listened to the counsels sent to him direct -from Poona. Before long, agents were sent to the Peshwa's Court by -Takhtbái, wife of Ánandráv, with instructions, it is supposed, to -thwart all the proposals and designs of Gangádhar Shástri, who had been -recently sent as envoy by the Gáikwár council of administration. The -chief obstacle to the settlement of the Peshwa's claims was the -counter-demand made by the Baroda government on account of Broach, -which had been disposed of without the Gáikwár's consent, and also -on account of the damage caused by the inroads of Ába Shelukar, -when accredited agent of Bájiráv in Gujarát. - -There is no need to detail here the events that took place in Poona -during these negotiations. On the expiration of the farm in 1814, -Bájiráv appointed Trimbakji Dengle Sarsuba of Ahmedábád. The latter, -however, did not leave Poona, where his presence was indispensable to -his master, but sent agents with instructions rather of a political -than of a fiscal nature. He himself undertook the task of disposing -of Gangádhar Shástri, whom he caused to be assassinated at Pandharpur -in July 1815. - -Meanwhile the Jám of Navánagar had died leaving a disputed -succession. The chief's Khavás or family slaves, instigated probably -by agents from Ahmedábád, began to usurp the government, and the -whole question was submitted by the Darbár to the Peshwa as being -lord paramount. The Ahmedábád commander sent a body of two hundred -cavalry to Navánagar, but before they could arrive, the Khavás' revolt -had been quelled by a British force detached from the contingent. They -therefore dispersed through the province inciting discontent and revolt -amongst the Játs and Káthis. In Kaira they instigated a tribe of Kolis -to attack the British lines by night. Sitárám Rávji's adherents also -collected a force at Dhár, a state well-known for lending itself for -such purposes, and kept the frontier in confusion. Severe measures at -Poona and Baroda soon put an end to this state of things, and at last -Trimbakji Dengle was surrendered to the British Government to answer -for his share in the murder of Gangádhar Shástri. The discussion of -the Gáikwár's debts, however, was carried on all through the year -at Poona, whilst Bájiráv was maturing his then vacillating plans for -extirpating the British from the west of India. - -[Okhámandal ceded to the Gáikwár.] In 1816 the chiefs of Okhámandal -again betook themselves to piracy. Their territory was occupied by -a British force. It will be remembered that in 1809 the Gáikwár's -government had become counter security for these chiefs, but owing -to the distance of the district from a military post, the Baroda -authorities found themselves unable to spare troops enough to put a -check on the misconduct of their tributaries. In A.D. 1816, at the time -of occupation, the Bombay Government informed the Baroda administration -that they had no wish to permanently establish themselves at so distant -a spot, which contained, moreover, a much frequented shrine of Hindu -worship, and that they were willing to put the Gáikwár in possession -if he would engage to keep up a sufficient force in the district to -protect the neighbouring ports and shores from the pirates and wreckers -that infested the island of Dwárká and the adjoining mainland. The -Bombay Government made a point of asserting on this occasion, in -opposition apparently to some proposal by the Baroda Darbár, that -they could not admit that the mere fact of having become security -or counter-security gave any preferential right to the possession of -the country. Finally, the Gáikwár government agreed to the condition -proposed, and the district was made over to them. - -[British Aid at Junágadh.] In the same year (A.D. 1816) British aid was -invoked by the Nawáb of Junágadh who was oppressed by a too powerful -minister, backed by the Arab mercenaries. After a settlement of this -dispute had been satisfactorily brought about, the Nawáb, in gratitude, -waived his rights to tribute over the territories recently ceded to the -British in the peninsula, where his family had formerly great influence -and considerable property. The escape of Trimbakji Dengle from Thána, -and the subsequent attempts of the Peshwa to prevent the re-capture -of his favourite and to re-unite the Marátha confederacy, led to the -execution of a fresh treaty on June 13th, 1817, in accordance with -the orders of the Supreme Government. - -[Treaty of Poona, 1817.] It was intended to bind the Peshwa in such -a way that he could never again enjoy the ascendancy amongst the -Marátha chiefs to which he aspired. The Resident at Poona took this -opportunity of also putting an end to the discussions about the mutual -claims on each other by the Poona and Baroda governments. The Peshwa -agreed to abandon all claims on any territory in possession of the -Gáikwár and to accept an annual payment of four lákhs of rupees in -satisfaction of all previous debts. The farm of Gujarát was made -perpetual to the Gáikwár on the payment of four and a half lákhs -annually, but the Káthiáváda tribute was made over to the British -Government in liquidation of military expenses. The latter Government, -by this treaty, also entered into possession of the Peshwa's revenue in -Gujarát, except that of Ulpád, which had been assigned to a favourite -officer. All the Peshwa's rights north of the Narbada were also ceded. - -[Treaty with the Gáikwár, 1817-18.] These conditions necessitated a -readjustment of the agreements with the Gáikwár. On November 1817, -a definitive treaty, afterwards supplemented by one of November 1818, -was executed between the Baroda and British Governments. The force -furnished by the former state was found inefficient and the employment -of a larger body of British troops was therefore necessary. To pay -for these the Gáikwár ceded his share in the fort of Ahmedábád and the -districts immediately surrounding that city. [1065] He also made over -some districts near Surat, and the town of Umreth in Kaira with the -whole of the rights acquired by the perpetual farm of Ahmedábád. The -British remitted the mughlái or dues taken by the Nawábs of Surat on -the Gáikwár's possessions near that city. Okhámandal having now been -pacified, was also given up to the Gáikwár, but revolted four months -afterwards and was not again subdued for a considerable time. - -[1819.] At the final settlement of the dominions of the late Peshwa -in 1819, the whole of his rights in Gujarát passed in sovereignty -to the British, who remitted the four lákhs due from the Gáikwár in -composition of arrears claimed by Bájiráv. [1820.] The next year a -special inquiry was made into the respective shares of the Peshwa and -Baroda governments in the Káthiáváda tribute and in the extra allowance -levied by the Gáikwár called ghás-dána allowance. In the course of -this inquiry so many abuses of power and instances of extortion on -the part of the Gáikwár's officers were brought to light, that the -Bombay Government on these grounds, and on account also of the general -deterioration in the province since the Gáikwár's troops were stationed -there, prevailed upon Sayájiráv, who had now succeeded to the throne, -to let the duty of collection be undertaken and superintended by a -British officer stationed in Káthiáváda, who should, however, employ -the Gáikwár's troops on occasions of necessity. A similar arrangement -was made with regard to the Mahi Kántha, where the effects of the -settlement of 1811 had been much weakened by the disorderly conduct -of the Gáikwár's troops stationed there. The administration of nearly -the whole of the province passed into the hands of the British and -the period of Marátha ascendancy came to an end. - -[General Review.] It remains to review generally the nature and -characteristics of the Marátha connection with Gujarát, the chief -events in which have been chronicled above. The most prominent feature -has already been indicated at the beginning of this section and is -apparent throughout the whole narrative. It is, in fact, the small -space in history occupied during this period by the people, compared -with the share appropriated to the actions of the government and -its delegates. The reasons for this are as easily seen as the fact -itself. From first to last the Marátha interests in Gujarát were, -except at one or two special junctures, simply pecuniary ones. In -comparison with other countries within reach of Marátha arms, Gujarát -has always had a very large proportion of inhabitants engaged in -commerce and manufacturing industries. It was the object of Siváji -to get as much booty as he could and carry it away then and there; -hence the commercial classes and manufacturers presented the most -favourable opportunities for pillage, and the agriculturists were at -first only mulcted in forage and provisions. Rapidity of action was -another of Siváji's aims, so not only were his visits short and their -effects transitory, but all his booty consisted of property that could -be carried away by his horsemen. No women or followers accompanied -his expeditions, no prisoners were made excepting the few who could -afford to pay a heavy ransom. Torture was resorted to only when the -captive was suspected of having concealed his treasure. Cows women -and cultivators were, according to Siváji's system, exempted from -capture. Assignments on revenue were seldom made by him for fear -of weakening his own authority. Subsequently the Marátha demands -became more regular and assumed the form of a certain proportion -of the revenue. The sar-deshmukhi and chauth were supposed to be -calculated on the standard assessment so as to avoid subsequent claims -as tribute or over-collection. In reality, however, they consisted of -a fixed share in actual collections together with whatever extras the -officer in charge could manage to extort, and which were, of course, -kept undefined in any agreement. The expeditions, too, moved more -leisurely and in greater force. The passes and roads in their rear were -protected by their own comrades, so that the booty could be brought -to the Dakhan in carts, and more bulky property therefore was removed -than in former times. The times, too, when the demands were likely -to be made were known to the headmen of the district and village, -so that the cultivators could be pressed beforehand to furnish their -share of the contributions. The extortion by this means passed from -the commercial classes down to the agriculturists, the latter having -also the burden of supporting a larger and more cumbrous army for a -longer period. - -When the power of the Dábháde and his deputy the Gáikwár was fairly -established, a regular system of administration was introduced. It -will be remembered that by the treaty of 1729 as few Marátha officers -were to be employed as possible beyond those necessary to collect -the Dábháde's share of the revenue. In consequence, however, of -the internal struggles of the Muhammadan chiefs, this minimum quota -grew to be a large establishment, with the usual accompaniment of -alienations and assignments for the support of the officers and their -religious institutions which the weakness of the central power had -allowed to become customary. The Dábháde himself was non-resident and -his deputy usually being too valuable an assistant to be spared from -the arena of Dakhan politics, the collection was left to sub-deputies -and their subordinates, who in turn delegated a great part of their -duties to village officers and even to strangers. The Dábhádes, who -were throughout more interested in the Dakhan than in Gujarát, had, -no doubt, an idea of raising up a power in the latter province in -opposition to the administration of the Peshwa, which was conducted -purely by Bráhman agency. It was soon evident, however, that all that -could be done politically with Gujarát was to make it a treasury for -the support of schemes that had to be carried out in the Dakhan. - -The fertility of the soil and the facilities the country afforded -for commerce and manufactures both tended to make it unlikely to -become a field for recruiting. The inhabitants of the towns had -fixed and lucrative occupations; the cultivators were mostly of -a class which on account of the fertility of their land neither -Muhammadan nor Marátha had been able to impoverish. The Maráthás -had still to seek for soldiers in the rugged and barren country on -the Gháts and in the Konkan, where the people could only look for a -hand-to-mouth existence if they remained at home. The warlike tribes -of Gujarát were, as has been already seen, too proud by birth and -position to engage themselves to fight for any but their own race and -interest. The aboriginal races were not likely to prove effective -allies even if they had been willing to move from their own woods -and fortresses. None of the Marátha governors of Gujarát seem to have -consistently attempted to weld the various interests subordinate to -them into a cohesion and unity that they might have made politically -useful against the Poona influence. All that they endeavoured to do -was to draw from their charge as much revenue as possible and to keep -out interlopers. To the taxpayer the result was the same, whether -his district was invaded by Kantáji or Piláji. If one anticipated -the other in carrying off the harvest, the ryot still had to pay the -latter for ejecting the intruder. The only resistance to be feared -by the Maráthás was that, not of the cultivators, but of their own -race or of the Rájput Girásiás. These latter were treated in all -districts as mere robbers, probably because the class which bears -that name near Rájpipla, where the Maráthás first came in contact -with it subsists usually on blackmail. In the north, however, the -Girásiás were landowners of great influence and fixed residence, not -likely to be conciliated by the knowledge that the invaders of their -country classed them along with Bhils and Kolis as mehvásis or outlaws. - -In order to relieve the chief officials of direct responsibility for -the revenue, the Gáikwár towards the last quarter of the eighteenth -century if not before, introduced the system of letting out each -revenue sub-division in farm for from one to five years at a fixed -annual rate. The farmer was as often as not an absentee, but the -supervision and administration were never entrusted to any one but a -Marátha Bráhman. The revenue for the year was settled by an inspection -of the accounts of previous years and the crops of each village. The -amount was taken in kind, but the actual distribution of the whole -on individual cultivators was left to the headman, who was in most -cases made responsible for the assessment imposed on his village. - -The frequent passages of hostile armies and other causes had left -much culturable land a desert. In order to restore the population and -induce colonists to settle and cultivate in such spots, leases on -favourable terms were granted to desáis, who administered the land -as they pleased, and were directly responsible to the head revenue -authority of the sub-division for the annual rent. The patels and other -village officials also made use of their position with reference to -the foreign supervisors in appropriating large tracts of waste land -to their own uses. The kamávísdár or farmer for the time being was -interested only in recouping himself for the amount he had agreed -to pay the Marátha government, together with a margin for bribes -paid to underlings at head-quarters for good offices with regard -to the farm. He was ready, therefore, to make use of any agency in -collecting his revenue that he found effective, and which saved the -cost of a personal establishment. In many parts of the country there -were hereditary village headmen accustomed to the duty of extorting -money from unwilling ryots. In other places, such for instance as -Dholka, it had been customary for certain Muhammadans called Kasbátis, -to become responsible for the revenue of certain villages in return -for a discount on the jama or amount collected (manoti). These -manotidárs were found so useful by the Marátha officials that they -gradually acquired an hereditary position and claimed proprietary -rights in the villages for which they had been formerly mere agents -for collection. They also acted as desáis or colonists, and succeeded -in getting their leases of certain tracts renewed long after they -had ceased to actively improve the land, which had in fact been all -brought under regular cultivation. - -Such was the agency employed in administering the revenue. The -kamávísdár was also the dispenser of justice both civil and -criminal. As his object was to make money and not to improve the -condition of his charge, his punishments consisted chiefly in fines, -and most offences could be paid for. No record of trials was kept -except a memorandum of the amount passed at each decision to the -credit of the farmer. In civil suits sometimes one-fourth of the -amount in dispute was assigned as costs and appropriated by the -court. The Girásiás in their own territory exercised somewhat similar -jurisdiction, but grave crimes with violence were apparently left -to the party injured or his relations to decide after the manner -of the offence. Arbitration, too, was a frequent mode of deciding -differences of both civil and criminal nature, but the kamávísdár or -girásiá usually managed that the State should not be a loser by such -a method of settlement. - -The whole system indicates clearly enough the slight hold the Maráthás -had on the province and their desire to make the most out of it -for the furtherance of court intrigues or political ends above the -Gháts. There is nothing to show that they contemplated a permanent -colonization of the country until the British Government undertook -the task of dividing the Marátha nation by the establishment of a -powerful and independent court at Baroda. - -The home of the Maráthás was always the Dakhan, and for many -years after they had effected a lodgment in Gujarát, their army -regularly returned for the rainy season to the country from whence -they originally came. Their leaders were encouraged to be as much as -possible near the court by the Dábháde, or the regent on the one side -and by the Peshwa on the other: the former on account of their weight -with the army and the Marátha chiefs, the latter in order that their -influence in a distant dependency might not grow beyond what prudence -recommended or might be counteracted if its tendency to increase became -manifest. For similar reasons no force was allowed to be maintained in -Gujarát sufficient to consolidate the Marátha acquisitions there into -a manageable whole. Dámáji Gáikwár, had he lived, would undoubtedly -have done much towards this end by means of his personal influence; -but, as it happened, the thin crust of Marátha domination rapidly -disappeared before it either was assimilated into the system of the -province or hardened over it. A military occupation of a large and -civilised district at a distance from the mother-country, and prevented -by the jealousy of the central authority and the short-sightedness -of those in charge of its exploitation, from either conforming itself -to the elements it found already established, or absorbing the vital -forces of the government it dispossessed, a system without the breath -of life, without elasticity, without the capacity of self-direction, -imposed bodily upon a foreign people, without even the care of -preparing a foundation, such seems to have been the Marátha government, -containing within itself all that was necessary to ensure a precarious, -but while it lasted, an oppressive existence. - - - - - - - - - - GUJARÁT DISTURBANCES, - - 1857-1859. - - BY L. R. ASHBURNER Esq., C.S.I., - LATE OF H.M.'s BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE. - - - [CONTRIBUTED May 1880.] - - - - - - - - -GUJARÁT DISTURBANCES, - -1857-1859. - - -[The Red Salt Scare, 1857.] Very soon after the outbreak of the -mutinies in the North-West of India in May 1857, an uneasy feeling -began to prevail in the Bombay Presidency, especially in Gujarát. The -story of the greased cartridges had been industriously repeated and -found credulous listeners in every village. A similar incident occurred -in Gujarát. A consignment of salt from the Ran of Kachh having been -carried in bags which had previously held red ochre (sindur) had -become discoloured. This was observed at Sádra in the Mahi Kántha as -the salt was in transit to Rájputána, and a report was at once spread -that the salt had been defiled with cow's blood. It was believed in -Ahmedábád and throughout Gujarát that this was a device of the British -Government to destroy the caste of the people as a preliminary to -their forcible conversion to Christianity. - -[The Passing of the Pariah Dog.] About the time that the cakes or -chapátis were being circulated throughout the North-West of India, -a common pariah dog was passed from village to village in the Panch -Maháls and eastern Gujarát. It was never ascertained who first set -the dog in motion, but it came from the Central India frontier with -a basket of food which was given to the village dogs, and a similar -supply with the dog was forwarded to the next village. When pestilence -or other calamity threatens an Indian village, it is the custom to -take a goat or a buffalo to the boundary and drive it into the lands -of the adjoining village, in the hope that it will avert evil from -the community. A similar belief prevailed among the Jews. There is -no reason to suppose that this movement of the dog in Gujarát was -a signal of revolt or had any deeper political significance than a -vague feeling that troublous times were approaching. Still it was by -many regarded as an evil omen and created considerable alarm. [1066] - -[Gold Hoarding.] Although Gujarát was apparently tranquil in the hot -season of 1857, those who were most familiar with native opinion were -aware of the existence of very serious discontent, and indications -of the storm which lowered on the horizon were not wanting. When -disturbances are impending natives invariably convert their savings -into gold, because gold is more portable and more easily concealed -than silver. A sudden and unusual demand for gold in the markets, -especially by the native troops, had been observed. This fall of the -political barometer should never be disregarded. It indicates the -approach of a storm with great certainty. - -[Seditious Native Press.] The native press, which had been merely -disloyal, now assumed an attitude of decided hostility. Every paper -contained the most exaggerated accounts of the massacre of Europeans -in the North-West Provinces, and absurd rumours were circulated of -the approach of a combined Russian and Persian army, which, it was -said, had reached Attok and would shortly invade Hindustán. It is -much to be regretted that the measures which were found necessary in -1880 for the suppression of seditious publications were not enforced -in 1857. Had this been done much evil would have been averted. The -native mind would not have become familiar with the spectacle of -the British Government held up to the execration and contempt of its -subjects and the vilest motives attributed to every public measure. - -[Maulvi Saráj-ud-din.] The native press was not the only source of -sedition. The fall of the British Government was openly predicted -in every masjid, and in Ahmedábád a Maulvi named Saráj-ud-din -became especially prominent by preaching a jehád in the Jáma Masjid -to audiences of native officers and savárs of the Gujarát Horse -and troops from the Ahmedábád cantonment. The Maulvi was expelled -from Ahmedábád and found his way to Baroda, where he was afterwards -arrested; but the impunity he so long enjoyed brought great discredit -upon Government, for it was very naturally supposed that a government -which tamely submitted to be publicly reviled was too weak to resent -the indignity. Oriental races are so accustomed to violent measures -that they seldom appreciate moderation or forbearance. The generation -that had known and suffered from the anarchy of the Peshwa had passed -away. The seditious language of the native press and the masjid was -addressed to a population too ignorant to understand the latent power -of the British Government. - -[Apparent Weakness of British Rule.] In 1857 the immense continent -of Hindustán was governed by what appeared to the people to be a -few Englishmen unsupported by troops, for they knew that the native -army was not to be depended on, and the European troops were so few -that they were only seen in the larger military cantonments. It must -have seemed an easy task to dispose of such a handful of men, and it -probably never occurred to those who took part in the insurrection -that the overthrow of the British Government would involve more -serious operations than the capture or murder of the Europeans who -governed the country so easily. They could not perceive that England -would never submit to a defeat, and that the handful of men who ruled -India were supported by the whole power of the nation. The plotters -had no very definite ideas for the future. The Musalmáns regarded -the subversion of a government of Káfirs as a triumph of Islám, -and both Muslims and Hindus looked forward to a period of anarchy -during which they might indulge that appetite for plunder which had -been restrained for so many years. The descendants of the feudal -aristocracy of the Peshwa are an ignorant and improvident race deeply -involved in debt. They could not fail to see that under the operation -of our laws their estates were rapidly passing into the possession -of the more intelligent mercantile classes, and they hoped to recover -their position in the revolution that was about to ensue. - -[Administrative Defects.] A great change had taken place in the -character of the administration. The civilians of the school of Duncan, -Malcolm, and Mountstuart Elphinstone, though not deeply learned in the -law, were accomplished earnest men, sufficiently acquainted with the -unalterable principles of right and wrong to administer substantial -justice to a simple people who had not yet learnt the art of lying. The -people asked for justice rather than law. They were satisfied with -the justice they obtained from the able and upright men who ruled -this country during the first half of this century. The writings and -official reports of the officers of that period indicate a knowledge -of native customs and feelings and a sympathy with the people that -is unknown in the present day, for knowledge and sympathy cannot be -acquired except by a long and familiar residence amongst the people -which is now becoming every year more impossible. When the overland -route rendered communication with England more easy and frequent, -a reaction set in against patriarchal administration. Concubinage -with native women, which had been common, was now declared vulgar, -if not immoral; and the relations between Europeans and Natives soon -became less cordial than they had been during the early period of -British rule. About this time a considerable immigration of lawyers -appeared in India. [The Courts Disliked.] These briefless gentlemen, -envious of the official monopoly of the Civil Service, raised an outcry -that justice was being administered by men who had not acquired that -knowledge of law which the formality of eating a certain number of -dinners at the Temple was supposed to guarantee. They worked the press -so industriously to this cry, that in the course of a few years they -had succeeded in impressing their views on the Court of Directors -in London and on the less intelligent members of the Civil Service -in India. - -Unfortunately the Sadar Court was then presided over by a succession -of feeble old gentlemen who had not sufficient force of character -to resist this selfish agitation, and by way of refuting the charge -of ignorance of law devoted themselves to the study of those petty -technicalities which have so often brought the administration of -justice into contempt, and which the progress of law reform has -not even now removed from the law of England. In 1827, Mountstuart -Elphinstone had enacted a Civil and Criminal Code which was still the -substantive law of the land. It was simple and admirably suited to the -people, but justice was administered according to the spirit rather -than the letter of the law. A district officer would have incurred -severe censure if his decisions were found to be inequitable, however -they might have been supported by the letter of the law. The national -character for even-handed justice had made the English name respected -throughout India and far across the steppes of Central Asia. But -the demoralizing example of the Sadar Adálat soon extended to the -lower grades of the service. The Civil Service was afflicted with the -foolishness which, we are told, precedes ruin. Its members diligently -searched their law-books for precedents and cases, and rejoiced -exceedingly if they could show their knowledge of law by reversing -the decision of a lower Court on some long-forgotten ruling of the -Courts of Westminster. The first effect of this evil was to fill the -courts with corrupt and unprincipled vakils who perverted the course of -justice by perjury, forgery, and fraud of every description. Litigation -increased enormously, no cause was too rotten, no claim too fraudulent -to deprive it of the chance of success. The grossest injustice was -committed in the name of the law, and though the Civil Service was -above all suspicion of corruption, the evil could hardly have been -greater if the Judges had been corrupt. This state of affairs gave -rise to great discontent, for the administration of justice fell -almost entirely into the hands of the vakils. When men quarrelled -they no longer said, "I'll beat or I'll kill you," but "I'll pay a -vakil Rs. 50 to ruin you," and too often this was no mere idle threat. - -[The Inám Commission.] The operations of the Inám Commission and -of the Survey Department were also a fruitful cause of alarm and -discontent. Many of the estates of the more influential Jághírdárs had -been acquired by fraud or violence during the period of anarchy which -preceded the fall of the Peshwa. The Patels and Deshmukhs had also -appropriated large areas of lands and had made grants of villages to -temples and assignments of revenue to Bráhmans, religious mendicants, -and dancing girls. The Peshwa had never recognized these alienations -as any limitation of his rights, for he farmed his revenues, and so -long as a large sum was paid into his treasury by the farmers it was -immaterial to him how much land was alienated. But when the Survey -Department revealed the fact that nearly a fourth part of the fertile -province of Gujarát was unauthorizedly enjoyed by these parasites; -and that in other districts the proportion of alienations was nearly -equally large, a due regard for the public interests demanded that -there should be an investigation into the title on which the lands were -held rent-free. It became the duty of the Inám Commission to make this -inquiry, and though a very small portion of land was resumed or rather -assessed to the land revenue and the rules for the continuation of -cash allowances were extremely liberal, they could hardly be expected -to give satisfaction to those who had so long enjoyed immunity from -any share of the public burdens. The Bráhmans and the priesthood of -every sect deeply resented the scrutiny of the Inám Commission and -excited an intensely fanatical spirit by representing the inquiry as -a sacrilegious attack on their religious endowments and a departure -from the principle of neutrality and toleration which had been the -policy of Government from a very early period. - -[The Army Disloyal.] Notwithstanding all these elements of danger -there would probably have been no revolt if the army had remained -loyal. Fortunately the Bombay army was composed of a great variety of -races, Musalmáns of the Shia and Sunni sects, Maráthás of the Dakhan -and Konkan, Parváris, Pardeshis, and a few Jews and Christians. Little -community of sentiment could exist, in so heterogeneous a force, -and to this circumstance we may trace the failure of each mutinous -outbreak in the regiments of the Bombay army. Many of its regiments -had, however, recruited extensively in the North-West Provinces -which were then the centre of the political cyclone, and it was soon -discovered that seditious overtures were being made to them not only -by their brethren in the regiments which had already mutinied, but by -discontented persons of higher rank. [Báiza Bái of Gwálior.] The most -important of these was a clever woman known as the Báiza Bái. She was -the daughter of a Dakhan Sardár named Sirji Ráo Ghátke, and had been -married in early life to His Highness Dowlat Ráo Sindia the Mahárája -of Gwálior. On his death she had been allowed to adopt Jankoji Ráo as -heir to the gádi, and during his minority she had been appointed by -the British Government Regent of the Gwálior state. In this position -the Bái had accumulated great wealth. She had deposited £370,000 -(37 lákhs of rupees) for safe custody in the treasury at Benares, -and it was known that she had other resources at Gwálior. Her avarice -and ambition were insatiable. She sent emissaries to all the Marátha -chiefs and Thákors in Western India calling on them to take up arms -and restore the empire of Shiváji. She appealed to the troops, urging -them to emulate the deeds of their comrades in the Bengal army who -had already nearly exterminated the Europeans in the North-West, -and warned them that if they did not now strike in defence of their -religion they would shortly be converted to Christianity and made to -drink the blood of the sacred cow. - -[Pársi Riot in Broach, June 1857.] In May and June 1857 our troops -were fighting before Delhi, only just holding their own, and making -little impression on the walls of the city which were strongly held -by the mutinous regiments. Gujarát was still tranquil. It is true -there had been a riot in Broach originating in a long-standing feud -between the Pársis and Musalmáns of that town, but it had no political -significance and had been promptly suppressed. The ringleaders were -arrested, tried, and sentenced to be hanged for the murder of a -Pársi, but there is no reason to suppose that this disturbance had -any immediate connection with the outbreak in the North-West. It -was probably only a coincidence, but the violence of the rioters -was no doubt encouraged by the weakness of our position in Gujarát, -and the exaggerated rumours which reached them of the massacre of -our countrymen. - -[Mutiny at Mhow, July 1857.] On July 1st, 1857, the 23rd Bengal Native -Infantry and the 1st Bengal Cavalry stationed at Mhow mutinied and -murdered Colonel Platt, Captain Fagan, Captain Harris, and a number -of European subordinates of the Telegraph Department. The troops -of His Highness Holkar fraternized with the mutineers, attacked the -Residency, and after a desultory fight drove out Colonel Durand the -Resident, who took refuge in Bhopál with the surviving Europeans -of Indor. Information of the mutiny at Mhow soon reached Ahmedábád, -and treasonable negotiations were at once opened for a simultaneous -rising of the Gujarát Horse and of the troops in the cantonment; but -they could not agree to combined operations. The Maráthás hoped for -the restoration of the dynasty of the Peshwa, while the Pardeshis -looked towards Dehli where their brethren were already in arms, -without any very definite comprehension of what they were fighting -for, but with some vague idea that they would establish a Musalmán -Ráj on the throne of the Great Mughal. - -[Mutiny at Ahmedábád, July 1857.] On July 9th, 1857, seven savárs -of the Gujarát Horse raised a green flag in their regimental lines -in Ahmedábád and attempted to seize the quarter guard in which -the ammunition was stored; but the guard made some slight show of -resistance, and finding the regiment did not join them the mutineers -left the lines in the direction of Sarkhej. They were followed by the -Adjutant, Lieutenant Pym, with twelve savárs, and Captain Taylor, -the commandant, joined them soon after with three men of the Koli -Corps, whom he had met on the Dholka road. The savárs were overtaken -near the village of Tájpor, and having taken up a strong position -between three survey boundary-marks opened fire on their officers -and the Kolis, the savárs standing aloof. After many shots had -been exchanged without result, Captain Taylor advanced to parley, -and while endeavouring to reason with his men was shot through the -body. The Kolis now re-opened fire and having shot two of the savárs -the rest laid down their arms. They were tried under Act XIV. of 1857 -and hanged. The savárs who followed Lieutenant Pym passively declined -to act against their comrades, and if the Kolis had not been present -the mutineers would have escaped. Captain Taylor's wound was severe; -the bullet passed through his body, but he eventually recovered. The -execution of the savárs had a good effect on the troops, but it became -evident that a serious struggle was impending, and Lord Elphinstone, -who was then at the head of the Bombay Government, took all the -precautions that were possible under the circumstances. - -[Mr. Ashburner's Force.] Mr. Ashburner, Assistant Magistrate -of Kaira, was ordered to raise a force of 200 Foot and 30 Horse -for the protection of his districts, and Husain Khán Battangi, a -Musalmán gentleman of Ahmedábád, was authorized to enlist 2000 of -the dangerous classes. It was not expected that this Ahmedábád force -would add to our fighting strength, but the employment of the rabble -of Ahmedábád on good pay kept them out of mischief till the crisis was -passed. Mr. Ashburner's small force was composed of Rájputs, Makránis, -and Kolis. They were a very useful body of men and were afterwards -drafted into the Kaira Police of which they formed the nucleus. It -was this force that suppressed the rising of the Thákors on the Mahi, -which will be described below. - -[Genl. Roberts.] General Roberts, a very able soldier, commanded the -Northern Division at this time. He fully realized the critical position -of affairs in Gujarát. He was aware that the troops were on the verge -of mutiny, that the Thákors were sharpening their swords and enlisting -men, and that no relief could be expected till after the rains. But he -was not the man to despond or to shirk the responsibility now thrown -upon him. He proved equal to the occasion and met each emergency as -it arose with the calm determination of a brave man. - -[Rising at Amjera.] When the troops at Mhow mutinied, the Rája of -Amjera took up arms and attacked Captain Hutchinson the Political -Agent of Bhopáwar. He fled and was sheltered by the Rája of Jábwa. At -the same time (July 1857) the Musalmán Kanungus or accountants and -Zamíndárs of the [And in the Panch Maháls, July 1857.] Panch Maháls -revolted, laid siege to the fort of Dohad, and threatened the Kaira -district. Captain Buckle, the Political Agent, Rewa Kántha, marched -from Baroda with two guns under Captain Sheppee, R. A., and two -companies of the 8th Regiment Native Infantry, to relieve Dohad, -while Major Andrews, with a wing of the 7th Regiment, two guns -under Captain Saulez, R. A., and 100 Sabres of the Gujarát Horse, -marched on Thásra to support Mr. Ashburner and act generally under -his orders. On the approach of Captain Buckle's force the insurgents -abandoned the siege, and Captain Hutchinson soon after re-established -his authority in Bhopáwar by the aid of the Málwa Bhil Corps which -remained loyal. He arrested the Rája of Amjera and hanged him. - -[Mutinies at Abu and Erinpur, 1857.] On the 5th August the Jodhpur -Legion stationed at Abu mutinied. They made a feeble attack on the -barracks of H. M. 33rd Regiment and Captain Hall's bungalow, into -which they fired a volley of musketry, but were repulsed, leaving one -of their men on the ground badly wounded. The fog was so dense that it -was impossible to use firearms effectively. Mr. Lawrence of the Civil -Service was the only person wounded. A party of the 17th Bombay Native -Infantry who were on duty at Ábu, were suspected of complicity with -the Jodhpur Legion and were disarmed. The head-quarters of the Legion -mutinied at Erinpur on the same day as the attack at Ábu; they made -the Adjutant, Lieutenant Conolly, prisoner and plundered the treasury. - -[Disturbance at Ahmedábád, 14th Sept. 1857.] An incident occurred early -in September which had an important influence on events. The two Native -regiments quartered at Ahmedábád were the 2nd Regiment of Grenadiers -and the 7th Native Infantry. The Grenadiers were chiefly Pardeshis -from Oudh, while the majority of the 7th Regiment were Maráthás. As -is often the case, an enmity sprang up between the two regiments. One -night Captain Muter of the 2nd Grenadiers was visiting the guards -as officer of the day. On approaching the quarter guard of the 7th -Regiment, the sentry demanded the password which Captain Muter could -not give. The sentry very properly refused to let him pass. Captain -Muter returned to his lines, called out a party of Grenadiers, and made -the sentry a prisoner. Next morning General Roberts put Captain Muter -under arrest and released the sentry. This incident intensified the -ill-feeling between the two regiments, and prevented their combination -when the Grenadiers mutinied a few days later. It had been arranged -that the two Native Regiments and the Golandauz artillery should -mutiny at the same time, but there was mutual distrust between them, -and the Native officers of the artillery had stipulated that they -should make a show of resistance in order to let it appear that they -had been overpowered by a superior force. About midnight on the 14th -September 1857 the Grenadiers turned out and fell in on their parade -ground armed and loaded. The guns were also brought out and loaded on -their own parade ground. A Native officer of the Grenadiers was sent -with a party to take possession of the guns in accordance with the -preconcerted agreement, but the Subhedár of the Artillery threatened -to fire on them, and the Native officer expecting that the guns -would be given up without resistance, thought he had been betrayed, -and retreated with his party, who threw away their arms as they ran -across the parade ground. The Grenadiers were under arms on the parade -waiting for the guns, when seeing the disorder in which the party was -retreating from the Artillery lines, they also were seized with a panic -and broke up in confusion. Then for the first time the Native officers -reported to Colonel Grimes that there had been a slight disturbance -in the lines. The mere accident that the Native officer detached -to take the guns had not been informed of the show of resistance he -was to expect from the Artillery, probably averted the massacre of -every European in Gujarát. Twenty-one loaded muskets were found on -the parade ground, and though the whole regiment was guilty it was -decided to try the owners of those muskets by court martial. They -were sentenced to death. As it was doubtful if the Native troops would -permit the execution it was considered prudent to await the arrival of -the 89th Regiment under Colonel Ferryman and Captain Hatch's battery -of Artillery. They had been landed at Gogha during the monsoon with -great difficulty, and were compelled to make a wide detour to the -north owing to the flooded state of the country. On their arrival -the executions were carried out; five of the mutineers were blown -from guns, three were shot with musketry, and the rest were hanged -in the presence of the whole of the troops. They met their death with -a gentlemanly calmness which won the respect of all who were present. - -[Rádhanpur Disloyal.] The example thus made, together with the presence -of the European troops in Gujarát, restored our prestige and gave us -time to attend to affairs on our frontier. The whole country was in -a very disturbed state. On the fall of Delhi on September 28th, 1857, -a treasonable correspondence was found between the Nawáb of Rádhanpur -in Gujarát and the Emperor of Delhi, which deeply implicated the -Nawáb. He and his ministers had forwarded nazránás of gold mohars to -Delhi and asked for orders from the Emperor, offering to attack the -British cantonments at Disa and Ahmedábád. The Nawáb had been on the -most friendly terms with Captain Black the Political Agent, and had -been considered perfectly loyal. Preparations were made to depose him -for this treacherous conduct. We were then so strong in Gujarát that -his estate could have been seized without the least difficulty, but he -was considered too contemptible an enemy and his treason was pardoned. - -[Arab Outbreak at Sunth.] Lieutenant Alban, with a party of Gujarát -Horse, was now sent to settle affairs in Sunth, a petty state in the -Rewa Kántha. Mustapha Khán, at the head of a turbulent body of Arabs, -had made the Rája a prisoner in his own palace with a view to extort -arrears of pay and other claims. Lieutenant Alban's orders were to -disarm the Arabs. After some negotiations Mustapha Khán waited on -Lieutenant Alban. He was attended by the whole of his armed followers -with the matches of their matchlocks alight, thinking no doubt to -intimidate Lieutenant Alban. On entering the tent Lieutenant Alban -disarmed him, but imprudently placed his sword on the table. While -they were conversing Mustapha Khán seized his sword and Lieutenant -Alban immediately shot him with a revolver. The Arabs who crowded -round the tent now opened fire on Alban and his men, but they were -soon overpowered. Mustapha Khán, four Arabs, and one savár of the -Gujarát Horse were killed. - -[Disturbance in Lunáváda.] Lieutenant Alban, with a party of the 7th -Native Infantry under Lieutenant Cunningham then proceeded to Páli. A -few months before one Surajmal, a claimant of the Lúnáváda gádi, had -attacked the Rája of Lúnáváda, but was repulsed with severe loss and -had since been harboured in the village of Páli. On the approach of -Alban's force, it was attacked by Surajmal's Rájputs and the village -was accordingly burnt. Order was then restored in the Panch Maháls, -and it was not again disturbed till Tátia Topi entered the Maháls. - -[Conspiracy at Disa.] In October 1857 a conspiracy was discovered -between the Thákor of Samda near Disa and some Native officers of the -2nd Cavalry and 12th Regiment Native Infantry to attack and plunder -the camp at Disa and to murder the officers; but the evidence was -not very clear, and before the trial could take place the amnesty had -been published under which the suspected men were released. The peace -of Northern Gujarát was much disturbed at this time by the Thákor of -Rova, who plundered the Pálanpur and Sirohi villages at the head of -500 men, and the Thákor of Mandeta was also in arms but was held in -check by a detachment of the 89th Regiment and a squadron of cavalry at -Ahmednagar near Ídar. [1067] [Conspiracy at Baroda.] The two Thákors -were acting in concert with some influential conspirators at Baroda -of whom Malhár Ráo Gáikwár alias Dáda Sáheb was the chief. It was -this man who afterwards became Gáikwár of Baroda and was deposed for -the attempt to murder Colonel Phayre by poison. - -[Want of Combination.] It is very remarkable that the sepoy war -did not produce one man who showed any capacity for command. Every -native regiment was in a state of mutiny and a large proportion of -the civil population was ripe for revolt. If only one honest man had -been found who could have secured the confidence and support of his -fellow-countrymen, the fertile province of Gujarát would have been -at his mercy; but amongst natives conflicting interests and mutual -distrust make combination most difficult. In India a conspirator's -first impulse is to betray his associates lest they should anticipate -him. The failure of every mutinous outbreak in Gujarát was due to this -moral defect. This trait may be traced throughout the history of the -war and should be studied by those who advocate the independence of -India, and the capacity of the native for self-government. It is an -apt illustration of native inability to organize combined operations -that the most formidable conspiracy for the subversion of our power -should have been delayed till October 1857. By this time the arrival -of Her Majesty's 89th Regiment and a battery of European artillery at -Ahmedábád had rendered a successful revolt impossible. The mutinies -of the Gujarát Horse and Grenadiers had been promptly suppressed and -severely punished. The termination of the monsoon had opened the ports -and reinforcements were daily expected. Had the outbreak occurred -simultaneously with the mutiny of the Gujarát Horse, the Artillery, -and the Second Grenadiers, Gujarát must have been lost for a time -and every European would have been murdered. - -[Marátha Conspiracy.] For many years Govindráo alias Bápu Gáikwár, -a half brother of His Highness the Gáikwár, had resided near the -Sháhibág at Ahmedábád. He had been deported from Baroda for intriguing -against his brother and had been treated as a political refugee. This -man with Malhárráo, another brother of His Highness the Gáikwár, Bháu -Sáheb Pawár, and a Sardár who called himself the Bhonsla Rája, also -related to His Highness by marriage, conceived the design to murder the -Europeans in Baroda Ahmedábád and Kaira and establish a government in -the name of the Rája of Sátára. To Bápu Gáikwár was entrusted the task -of tampering with the troops in Ahmedábád, and frequent meetings of -the Native officers were held at his house every night. The Bhonsla -Rája, with a man named Jhaveri Nálchand, was deputed to the Kaira -district to secure the aid of the Thákors of Umeta, Bhádarva, Kera, -and Dáima, and of the Patels of Ánand and Partábpur. - -[Marátha Conspiracy.] These landholders assured Bápu of their support -and the Thákor of Umeta mounted some iron guns and put his fort in a -state of defence. An agent named Maganlál was sent into the Gáikwár's -Kadi Pargana, where he enlisted a body of 2000 foot and 150 horse, -which he encamped near the village of Lodra. The followers of the -Kaira Thákors assembled in the strong country on the banks of the -Mahi near the village of Partábpur with a detachment and advanced to -the Chauk Taláv within five miles of Baroda. The massacre at Baroda -was fixed for the night of October 16th. The native troops in Baroda -had been tampered with and had promised in the event of their being -called out that they would fire blank ammunition only. - -[Gathering at Partábpur,] The Thákors had been encamped at Partábpur -for several days, but owing partly to the sympathy of the people and -partly to the terror which they inspired, no report was made to any -British officers till the 15th October, when Mr. Ashburner, who was -encamped at Thásra, marched to attack them with his new levies and a -party of the Kaira police. There was, as usual, disunion in the ranks -of the insurgents; they had no leaders they could depend upon, and -they dispersed on hearing of the approach of Ashburner's force without -firing a shot. Ninety-nine men who had taken refuge in the ravines -of the Mahi were captured and a commission under Act XIV. of 1857 was -issued to Mr. Ashburner and Captain Buckle, the Political Agent in the -Rewa Kántha, to try them. Ten of the ringleaders were found guilty of -treason and blown from guns at Kanvári, nine were transported for life, -and the remainder were pardoned. The turbulent villages of Partábpur -and Angar in Kaira were destroyed and the inhabitants removed to more -accessible ground in the open country. Their strong position in the -ravines of the Mahi river had on several occasions enabled the people -of Partábpur and Angar to set Government at defiance, and this was -considered a favourable opportunity of making an example of them and -breaking up their stronghold. - -[And at Lodra.] In the meantime information of the gathering at Lodra -had reached Major Agar, the Superintendent of Police, Ahmedábád. He -marched to attack them with the Koli Corps and a squadron of the -Gujarát Horse. Maganlál fled to the north after a slight skirmish in -which two men were killed and four wounded, and was captured a few days -afterwards by the Thándár of Sammu with eleven followers. They were -tried by General Roberts and Mr. Hadow, the Collector of Ahmedábád, -under Act XIV. of 1857. Three of them were blown from guns at Waizápur, -three were hanged, and the rest were transported for life. - -It is much to be regretted that Malhárráo Gáikwár and the Bhonsla Rája -were allowed to escape punishment. There was very clear evidence of the -guilt of the Bhonsla Rája, but His Highness the Gáikwár interceded for -him, and Sir Richmond Shakespeare, the Resident, weakly consented that -his life should be spared on condition that he should be imprisoned -for life at Baroda, a sentence which, it is hardly necessary to say, -was never carried out. - -[Partial Disarming.] On the suppression of this abortive insurrection -it was determined to disarm Gujarát, and in January 1858 strong -detachments of the 72nd Highlanders and of Her Majesty's 86th Regiment -with the 8th Regiment Native Infantry, two guns under Captain Conybere, -and a squadron of Gujarát Horse were placed at the disposal of -Mr. Ashburner to carry out this measure. His Highness the Gáikwár -had consented to a simultaneous disarmament of his country, but he -evaded the performance of his promise. In the Kaira district and in the -Jambusar táluka of Broach the disarmament was very strictly enforced; -every male adult of the fighting classes was required to produce an -arm of some kind. The town of Ahmedábád was relieved of 20,000 arms -in the first two days, but the Highlanders and 86th Regiment were -required for operations in Rájputána, and after their departure from -Gujarát it was deemed prudent to postpone this very unpopular measure. - -[Náikda Revolt, Oct. 1858.] After these events Gujarát remained -tranquil for nearly a year till, in October 1858, the Náikda Bhils of -Nárukot revolted under Rupa and Keval Náiks, and a few months later -Tátia Topi's scattered force being hard-pressed by Colonel Park's -column, plundered several villages of the Panch Maháls during its -rapid march through that district. - -[Tátia Topi, 1858.] In 1858, after his defeat at Gwálior, at the -close of the mutinies in Northern India, Tátia Topi moved rapidly -towards the Dakhan. The chiefs of Jamkhandi and Nárgund had been in -treasonable correspondence with the rebel chiefs in the North-West -and had invoked their aid. It is more than probable that if Tátia -Topi had entered the Dakhan in force, there would have been a general -insurrection of the Marátha population. Tátia's march to the Dakhan -soon assumed the character of a flight. He was closely pressed by two -columns under Generals Somerset and Mitchell, and a very compact and -enterprizing little field force commanded by Colonel Park. Colonel -Park's own regiment, the 72nd Highlanders, many of the men mounted on -camels, formed the main fighting power of this force. His indefatigable -energy in the pursuit of the enemy allowed them no rest, and eventually -brought them to bay at Chhota Udepur. Fearing to face the open country -of Berár with such an uncompromising enemy in pursuit, Tátia recrossed -the Narbada at Chikalda and marched towards Baroda. He had, by means -of an agent named Ganpatráo, for some time been in communication with -the Bháu Sáheb Pavár, a brother-in-law of His Highness the Gáikwár, and -had been led to expect aid from the Baroda Sardárs and the Thákors of -the Kaira and Rewa Kántha districts. Immediately it became known that -Tátia had crossed the Narbada, troops were put in motion from Kaira, -Ahmedábád, and Disa for the protection of the eastern frontier of -Gujarát. Captain Thatcher, who had succeeded to the command of the -irregular levies raised by Mr. Ashburner in Kaira, was ordered to -hold Sankheda with the irregulars and two of the Gáikwár's guns. He -was afterwards reinforced by Captain Collier's detachment of the 7th -Regiment N. I., which fell back from Chhota Udepur on the approach -of the enemy. - -[Tátia Topi's Defeat at Chhota Udepur, Dec. 1858.] Tátia Topi at -this time commanded a formidable force composed of fragments of many -mutinous Bengal regiments. He had also been joined by a mixed rabble -of Villáyatis, Rohillás, and Rájputs, who followed his fortune in -hopes of plunder. Ferozsha Nawáb of Kamona and a Marátha Sardár who -was known as the Ráo Sáheb, held subordinate commands. Each fighting -man was followed by one or more ponies laden with plunder which greatly -impeded their movements. It was chiefly owing to this that Colonel Park -was enabled to overtake the rebels and to force them into action. On -reaching Chhota Udepur the troops of the Rája fraternised with the -enemy, and Captain Collier having evacuated the town, Tátia Topi was -allowed to occupy it without opposition. He had intended to halt at -Chhota Udepur to recruit his men and to develop his intrigues with -the Baroda Sardárs, but Park gave him no respite. On the 1st December -1858, he fell upon Tátia's rebel force and defeated it with great -slaughter, his own loss being trifling. After this defeat there was -great confusion in the ranks of the insurgents. Tátia Topi abandoned -his army and did not rejoin it till it had reached the forest lands -of Párona. Discipline which had always been lax, was now entirely -thrown aside. The muster roll of one of Tátia's cavalry regiments was -picked up and showed that out of a strength of 300 sabres only sixteen -were present for duty. The rebel force separated into two bodies, -one doubled back and plundered Park's baggage which had fallen far to -the rear, the other under Ferozsha entered the Panch Maháls and looted -Báriya, Jhálod, Limbdi, and other villages; Godhra being covered by -Muter's force was not attacked. Park's force was so disabled by the -plunder of its baggage and by long continued forced marches, that it -was compelled to halt at Chhota Udepur, but General Somerset took up -the pursuit and rapidly drove Tátia from the Panch Maháls. He fled -in the direction of Salumba. The Thákor of that place was in arms, -and Tátia no doubt expected support from him, but the Thákor was -too cautious to join what was then evidently a hopeless cause. On -reaching Nargad on the 20th February 1859, Ferozsha made overtures -of surrender, and a week later 300 cavalry and a mixed force of -1500 men under Zahur Ali and the Maulvi Vazir Khán laid down their -arms to General Mitchell. They were admitted to the benefit of the -amnesty. The remnant of Tátia's force fled to the north-east. - -[Náikda Disturbance, 1858.] In October 1858, instigated by the -intrigues of the Bháu Sáheb Pavár, the Sankheda Náikdás, a very wild -forest tribe, took up arms under Rupa and Keval Náiks, and after having -plundered the outpost, thána, at Nárukot, attacked a detachment of -the 8th Regiment N. I. under Captain Bates at Jámbughoda. They were -repulsed with considerable loss after a desultory fight during the -greater part of two days. On the arrest of Ganpatráo, the Bháu Sáheb's -agent, this troublesome insurrection would probably have collapsed, -but the Naikdás were joined by a number of Villáyatis, matchlock-men, -the fragments of Tátia's broken force, who encouraged them to hold -out. They occupied the very strong country between Chámpáner and -Nárukot, and kept up a harassing warfare, plundering the villages as -far north as Godhra. - -A field force commanded by the Political Agent of the Rewa Kántha, -Colonel Wallace, was employed against the Náikdás during the cold -weather of 1858, and in one of the frequent skirmishes with the -insurgents Captain Hayward of the 17th Regiment N. I. was severely -wounded by a matchlock bullet on the 28th January 1859. The only -success obtained by the Náikdás was the surprise of Hassan Ali's -company of Hussein Khán's levy. The Subhedár had been ordered to -protect the labourers who were employed in opening the pass near the -village of Sivrájpur, but the duty was very distasteful to him, and his -son deserted with twenty-four men on the march to Sivrájpur. They were -suddenly attacked by a mixed force of Makránis and Náikdás. Seven men -including the Subhedár were killed and eleven wounded without any loss -to the enemy. The Subhedár neglected to protect his camp by the most -ordinary precautions and his men appear to have behaved badly. They -fled without firing a shot directly they were attacked. But little -progress had been made in pacifying the Náikdás till Captain Richard -Bonner was employed to raise and organize a corps composed chiefly of -Bhils with their head-quarters at Dohad in the Panch Maháls. Captain -Bonner's untiring energy and moral influence soon reduced the Náikdás -to submission. Rupa Náik laid down his arms and accepted the amnesty -of the 10th March 1859, and Keval Náik followed his example soon after. - -[Wágher Outbreak, 1859.] In July 1859 the Wághers of Okhámandal, -a mahál in Káthiáváda belonging to His Highness the Gáikwár, -suddenly seized and plundered Dwárka, Barvála, and Bet. They were -led by a Wágher chief named Toda Manik, who alleged that he had been -compelled to take up arms by the oppression of the Gáikwár's kámdárs; -but it is probable that he was encouraged to throw off allegiance -by the weakness of the Baroda administration and the belief that he -would have to deal with the troops of the Darbár only. He soon found -he was in error. Major Christie with 200 sabres of the Gujarát Horse -and a wing of the 17th Regiment Native Infantry from Rájkot marched to -Mandána on the Ran to cut off the communication between Okhámandal and -the Káthiáváda peninsula. The cantonment of Rájkot was reinforced from -Ahmedábád by six guns of Aytoun's battery, a wing of the 33rd Regiment -and a detachment of the 14th Regiment Native Infantry under Captain -Hall, and a naval and military force was at the same time prepared in -Bombay for the recovery of Bet and Dwárka as soon as the close of the -monsoon should render naval operations on the western coast possible. - -[Expedition against Bet, 1859.] On the 29th September 1859, the -following force embarked in the transports South Ramillies and -Empress of India, towed by Her Majesty's steam-ships Zenobia and -Victoria, and followed by the frigate Firoz, the gunboat Clyde, -and the schooner Constance: - - - Her Majesty's 28th Regiment 500 Men. - Her Majesty's 6th Regiment Native Infantry 600 Men. - Marine Battalion 200 Men. - Royal Artillery 60 Men. - Sappers and Miners 90 Men. - - -The expedition was under the command of Colonel Donovan of Her -Majesty's 28th Regiment, but it was intended that on arrival at -Bet, Colonel Scobie should command the combined naval and military -force. Colonel Scobie marched from Rájkot early in October with the -wings of Her Majesty's 33rd Regiment and 17th Native Infantry, the -12th Light Field Battery and detachments of the 14th Native Infantry -and Gujarát Horse. Had Colonel Donovan waited for this force he -might have effectually invested the fort of Bet, which is situated -on an island, and exterminated the rebels; but he was too anxious -to distinguish himself before he could be relieved of command. He -arrived off Bet on the 4th October 1859, and at sunrise that morning -the steam-ships Firoz, Zenobia, Clyde, and Constance took up their -positions off the fort of Bet and opened fire with shot and shell -at 950 yards. The fort replied feebly with a few small guns. Shells -effectually scorched the fort and temples occupied by the enemy, but -the shot made little impression on the wall which was here thirty feet -thick. The bombardment continued throughout the day and at intervals -during the night. Next morning Dewa Chabasni, the Wágher chief in -command of the fort, opened negotiations for surrender, but he would -not consent to the unconditional surrender which was demanded, and -after an interval of half an hour the artillery fire was resumed and -preparations were made to disembark the troops. They landed under -a heavy musketry fire from the fort and adjacent buildings, and an -attempt was made to escalade. The ladders were placed against the wall -but the storming party of Her Majesty's 28th Regiment and 6th Regiment -Native Infantry were repulsed with heavy loss. Captain McCormack of -Her Majesty's 28th Regiment, Ensign Willaume of the 6th Regiment, -and ten European soldiers were killed; and Captain Glasspoole, -Lieutenant Grant of the 6th Native Infantry, and thirty-seven men of -the 28th Regiment were wounded, many of them severely. One sepoy of -the Marine Battalion was killed and five wounded. - -[Bet Fort Taken.] During the night which succeeded this disastrous -attack the Wághers evacuated the fort. They reached the mainland, -taking with them their women the children and the plunder of the -temple, but Dewa Chabasni, the Wágher chief, had been killed the -previous day. Considering the large and well-equipped force at Colonel -Donovan's disposal and the facilities which the insular position of -Bet afforded to a blockading force, the escape of the Wághers almost -with impunity, encumbered with women and plunder, did not enhance -Colonel Donovan's military reputation. Captain D. Nasmyth, R. E., -Field Engineer of the Okhámandal Force, was directed to destroy the -fort of Bet and carried out his instructions most effectually. Some -of the Hindu temples nearest the walls were severely shaken by -the explosion of the mines, and a great outcry was raised of the -desecration of the temples; but if Hindus will convert their temples -into fortified enclosures, they must take the consequence when they -are occupied by the enemies of the British Government. - -Lieutenant Charles Goodfellow, R. E., greatly distinguished himself on -this occasion. He earned the Victoria Cross by carrying off a wounded -man of Her Majesty's 28th Regiment under a very heavy fire. Treasure -valued at 3 1/2 lákhs of rupees was taken on board the Firoz for safe -custody. It was eventually restored to the Pujáris of the temples, -but most of the temples had been carefully plundered by the Wághers -before the entry of the British force. - -[Dwárka Fort Taken.] Many of the fugitives from Bet took refuge in -Dwárka, and Colonel Donovan's force having re-embarked proceeded to -Dwárka to await the arrival of Colonel Scobie's small brigade. Scobie's -force did not reach Dwárka till October 20th. The Naval Brigade under -Lieutenant Sedley with sixteen officers and 110 men had already landed -under very heavy matchlock fire, and thrown up a slight breastwork -of loose stone within 150 yards of the walls. A field piece from the -Zenobia and afterwards a thirty-two pounder were placed in position in -this work. The successful result of the siege was mainly due to the -determined bravery of this small naval force. They repulsed repeated -sorties from the fort and inflicted severe losses on the enemy. As -soon as the stores and ammunition could be landed, Colonel Donovan -took up a position to the north-east of the fort, Colonel Scobie to -the south-east, and Captain Hall occupied an intermediate position -with detachments of Her Majesty's 33rd Regiment, the 14th Native -Infantry, and Gujarát Horse under Lieutenant Pym. The garrison made -several determined attempts to break through Captain Hall's position, -but they were on each occasion driven back with loss. - -The first battery opened fire on the northern face of the fort on -October 28th, while the Zenobia and the Firoz poured a well-directed -fire of shells on the houses and temples which sheltered the enemy -towards the sea. The shells did immense execution and relieved the -attack on the Naval Brigade which continued to hold its position -with the greatest gallantry though several times surrounded by the -enemy. On the night of the 31st October the garrison evacuated the -fort and cut its way through a picket of Her Majesty's 28th Regiment, -wounding Ensign Hunter and four men. A detachment under Colonel -Christie followed the fugitives next morning and overtook them near -Vasatri. A skirmish ensued, but they escaped without much loss and -took refuge in the Barda hill. They continued to disturb the peace -of Káthiáváda for several years. In one of the desultory skirmishes -which followed, Lieutenants LaTouche and Hebbert were killed. - -[Rising in Nagar Párkar.] While these events were in progress, -Karranji Hati the Rána of Nagar Párkar on the Sindh frontier of -Gujarát, took up arms at the head of a band of Sodhás, plundered -the treasury and telegraph office at Nagar Párkar, and released the -prisoners in the jail. Colonel Evans commanded the field force which -was employed against him for many months without any very definite -results. The country is a desert and the Sodhás avoided a collision -with the troops. The Rána eventually submitted and peace was restored. - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -BHINMÁL. - - -[Description.] Bhinmál, [1068] North Latitude 24° 42' East Longitude -72° 4', the historical Shrimál, the capital of the Gurjjaras from -about the sixth to the ninth century, lies about fifty miles west of -Ábu hill. The site of the city is in a wide plain about fifteen miles -west of the last outlier of the Ábu range. To the east, between the -hills and Bhinmál, except a few widely-separated village sites, the -plain is chiefly a grazing ground with brakes of thorn and cassia -bushes overtopped by standards of the camel-loved pilu Salvadora -persica. To the south, the west, and the north the plain is smooth and -bare passing westwards into sand. From the level of the plain stand -out a few isolated blocks of hill, 500 to 800 feet high, of which -one peak, about a mile west of the city, is crowned by the shrine -of Chámunda the Srí or Luck of Bhinmál. From a distance the present -Bhinmál shows few traces of being the site of an ancient capital. Its -1500 houses cover the gentle slope of an artificial mound, the level -of their roofs broken by the spires of four Jain temples and by the -ruined state office at the south end of the mound. Closer at hand -the number and size of the old stone-stripped tank and fortification -mounds and the large areas honeycombed by diggers for bricks show that -the site of the present Bhinmál was once the centre of a great and -widespread city. Of its fortifications, which, as late as A.D. 1611, -the English merchant Nicholas Ufflet, in a journey from Jhálor to -Ahmedábád, describes as enclosing a circuit of thirty-six miles -(24 kos) containing many fine tanks going to ruin, almost no trace -remains. [1069] The names of some of the old gates are remembered, -Surya in the north-east, Srí Lakshmí in the south-east, Sanchor in the -west, and Jhálor in the north. Sites are pointed out as old gateways -five to six miles to the east and south-east of the present town, and, -though their distance and isolation make it hard to believe that these -ruined mounds were more than outworks, Ufflet's testimony seems to -establish the correctness of the local memory. [1070] Besides these -outlying gateways traces remain round the foot of the present Bhinmál -mound of a smaller and later wall. To the east and south the line of -fortification has been so cleared of masonry and is so confused with -the lines of tank banks, which perhaps were worked into the scheme -of defence, that all accurate local knowledge of their position has -passed. The Gujarát gate in the south of the town though ruined -is well marked. From the Gujarát gateway a line of mounds may be -traced south and then west to the ruins of Pipalduara perhaps the -western gateway. The wall seems then to have turned east crossing the -watercourse and passing inside that is along the east bank of the -watercourse north to the south-west corner of the Jaikop or Yaksha -lake. From this corner it ran east along the south bank of Jaikop to -the Jhálor or north gate which still remains in fair preservation its -pointed arch showing it to be of Musalmán or late (17th-18th century) -Ráhtor construction. From the Jhálor gate the foundations of the wall -may be traced east to the Kanaksen or Karáda tank. The area to the -east of the town from the Karáda tank to the Gujarát gate has been so -quarried for brick to build the present Bhinmál that no sign remains -of a line of fortifications running from the Karáda tank in the east -to the Gujarát gate in the south. - -The site of the present town the probable centre of the old city, is a -mound stretching for about three-quarters of a mile north and south and -swelling twenty to thirty feet out of the plain. On almost all sides -its outskirts are protected by well made thorn fences enclosing either -garden land or the pens and folds of Rabáris and Bhíls. The streets -are narrow and winding. The dwellings are of three classes, the flat -mud-roofed houses of the Mahájans or traders and of the better-to-do -Bráhmans and craftsmen with canopied doors and fronts plastered with -white clay: Second the tiled sloping-roofed sheds of the bulk of -the craftsmen and gardeners and of the better-off Rabáris and Bhíls: -and Third the thatched bee-hive huts of the bulk of the Rabáris and -Bhíls and of some of the poorer craftsmen and husbandmen. Especially -to the north-west and west the houses are skirted by a broad belt of -garden land. In other parts patches of watered crops are separated -by the bare banks of old tanks or by stretches of plain covered with -thorn and cassia bushes or roughened by the heaps of old buildings -honeycombed by shafts sunk by searchers for bricks. Besides the four -spired temples to Párasnáth the only outstanding building is the old -kacheri or state office a mass of ruins which tops the steep south -end of the city mound. - -[People.] Of the 1400 inhabited houses of Bhinmál the details are: -Mahájans 475, chiefly Oswál Vánis of many subdivisions; Shrimáli -Bráhmans, 200; Shevaks 35, Maga Bráhmans worshippers of the sun -and priests to Oswáls; Sonárs, 30; Bándháras or Calico-printers, -35; Kásáras or Brass-smiths 4, Ghánchis or Oilpressers, 30; Mális or -Gardeners, 25; Káthias or Woodworkers, 12; Bháts 120 including 80 Gunas -or Grain-carriers, and 40 Rájbhats or Bráhm Bháts, Genealogists [1071]; -Kumbhárs or Potters, 12; Musalmán Potters, 4; Rehbáris or Herdsmen, -70 [1072]; Shádhs Beggars, 10; Shámia Aliks Beggars, 10; Kotwál and -Panjára Musalmáns, 15; Lohárs or Blacksmiths, 3; Darjis or Tailors, -12; Nais or Barbers, 7; Bhumiás that is Solanki Jágirdárs, 15 [1073]; -Kavás Bhumiás servants, 12; Játs Cultivators, 2; Deshantris or Saturday -Oilbeggars, 1; Achárayas or Funeral Bráhmans, 1; Dholis Drumbeaters, -12; Pátrias or Professionals that is Dancing Girls, 30 [1074]; -Turki Vohorás that is Memons, 2; Vishayati Musalmán Padlock-makers, -1; Rangrez or Dyers, 2; Mochis or Shoemakers, 30; Karias or Salávats -that is Masons, 6; Churigars Musalmán Ivory bangle-makers, 2; Jatiyas -[1075] or Tanners, 17; Khátiks or Butchers working as tanners, 1; -Sargaras, Bhíl messengers, 1; Bhíls, 120; Tirgars or Arrowmakers, -5; Gorádas priests to Bombias leather-workers, 2; Bombias literally -Weavers now Leather-workers, 40; Wághria Castrator, 1; Mirásis Musalmán -Drummers, 8; Mehtars or Sweepers, 1. - -[Objects. In the Town.] Inside of the town the objects of interest -are few. The four temples of Párasnáth are either modern or altered -by modern repairs. A rest-house to the south of a temple of Barági -or Varáha the Boar in the east of the town has white marble pillars -with inscriptions of the eleventh and thirteenth centuries which show -that the pillars have been brought from the ruined temple of the -sun or Jag Svámi Lord of the World on the mound about eighty yards -east of the south or modern Gujarát gate. In the west of the town, -close to the wall of the enclosure of the old Mahálakshmi temple, is -a portion of a white marble pillar with an inscription dated S. 1342 -(A.D. 1286) which apparently has been brought from the same ruined -sun temple. In the kacheri ruins at the south end of the mound the -only object of interest is a small shrine to Máta with two snakes -supporting her seat and above in modern characters the words Nágáne -the kuldevi or tribe guardian of the Ráhtors. - -[Surroundings.] The chief object of interest at Bhinmál is the ruined -temple of the Sun on a mound close to the south of the town. Of this -temple and its inscriptions details are given below. About fifty -yards west of the Sun temple are the remains of a gateway known -as the Gujarát gateway. This modern name and the presence near -it of blocks of the white quartz-marble of the Sun temple make it -probable that the gateway is not older than Musalmán or eighteenth -century Ráhtor times. Close to the west of the gate is Khári Báva -the Salt Well an old step and water-bag well with many old stones -mixed with brick work. About a hundred yards south of the Gujarát -gate, in a brick-walled enclosure about sixteen yards by eight and -nine feet high topped by a shield parapet, is the shrine of Mahádeva -Naulákheshwar. An inscription dated S. 1800 (A.D. 1744) states that -the enclosure marks the site of an old temple to Naulákheshwar. About -fifty yards east of the Naulákheshwar shrine is a large brick enclosure -about seventy-five yards square with walls about twelve feet high and -a pointed-arched gateway in the Moslim wave-edged style. On entering, -to the left, is a plinth with a large Hanumán and further to the -left in domed shrines are a Ganpati and a Máta. A few paces south is -Brahma's Pool or Brahmakhund with steep steps on the west and north, -a rough stone and brick wall to the east, and a circular well to the -south. The pool walls and steps have been repaired by stones taken -from Hindu temples or from former decorations of the pool on some of -which are old figures of Matás in good repair. The story is that Som, -according to one account the builder of the Sun temple according -to another account a restorer of Shrimál, wandering in search of a -cure for leprosy, came to the south gate of Shrimál. Som's dog which -was suffering from mange disappeared and soon after appeared sound -and clean. The king traced the dog's footmarks to the Brahmakhund, -bathed in it, and was cured. As a thank-offering he surrounded the -pool with masonry walls. To the south of the pool, to the right, are -an underground ling sacred to Patáleshwar the lord of the Under World -and south of the ling a small domed shrine of Chandi Devi. To the left, -at the east side of a small brick enclosure is a snake-canopied ling -known as Chandeshwar hung about with strings of rudráksh Elæocarpus -ganitrus beads. [1076] In front of Chandeshwar's shrine is a small -inscribed stone with at its top a cow and calf recording a land grant -to Shrimáli Bráhmans. About forty yards north-east of the Brahmakhund -a large straggling heap of brick and earth, now known as Lakshamíthala -or Lakshmí's settlement, is said to be the site of a temple to Lakshmí -built, according to the local legend, by a Bráhman to whom in return -for his devotedness Lakshmí had given great wealth. The hollow to the -south-east is known as the Khandália pool. About fifty yards south-east -at the end of a small enclosure is a shrine and cistern of Jageshwar, -said to be called after a certain Jag who in return for the gift -of a son built the temple. Several old carved and dressed stones -are built into the walls of this temple. About seventy-five yards -further south-east a large area rough with heaps of brick is said to -be the site of an old Vidhya-Sála or Sanskrit College. This college -is mentioned in the local Mahátmya as a famous place of learning -the resort of scholars from distant lands. [1077] The local account -states that as the Bhils grew too powerful the Bráhmans were unable -to live in the college and retired to Dholka in north Gujarát. - -The slope and skirts of the town beyond the thorn-fenced enclosures -of Bhils and Rabáris lie in heaps honeycombed with holes hollowed -by searchers for bricks. Beyond this fringe of fenced enclosures -from a half to a whole mile from the city are the bare white banks -of pools and tanks some for size worthy to be called lakes. Of -these, working from the south northwards, the three chief are the -Nimbáli or Narmukhsarovar, the Goni or Gayakund, and the Talbi or -Trambaksarovar. The Nimbáli tank, about 300 yards south-east of the -college site, is a large area opening eastwards whence it draws -its supply of water and enclosed with high bare banks scattered -with bricks along the south-west and north. The lake is said to be -named Nimbáli after a Váni to whom Mahádeva granted a son and for -whom Mahádeva formed the hollow of the lake by ploughing it with his -thunderbolt. About half a mile north-east of Nimbáli a horseshoe bank -fifteen to thirty feet high, except to the open east, is the remains -of the Goni lake. Lines of stone along the foot of the north-west and -north-east banks shew that portions at least of these sides were once -lined with masonry. A trace of steps remains at a place known as the -Gau Ghát or Cowgate. The lake is said to have been named Goni after a -Bráhman whose parents being eaten by a Rákshas went to hell. For their -benefit Goni devoted his life to the worship of Vishnu and built a -temple and lake. In reward Vishnu gave to the water of the lake the -merit or cleansing virtue of the water of Gáya. In the foreground -a row of small chatris or pavilions marks the burying ground of the -Mahajan or high Hindu community of Bhinmál. Behind the pavilions are -the bare banks of the Talbi lake. At the west end is the Bombáro well -and near the south-west is the shrine of Trímbakeshvar Mahádev. This -lake is said to have been made in connection with a great sacrifice -or yag, that is yajna, held by Bráhmans to induce or to compel the -god Trimbakeshwar to slay the demon Tripurásur. Beginning close -to the south of Talbi lake and stretching north-west towards the -city is the Karádá Sarovar or Karádá lake said to have been built -by Kanaksen or Kanishka the great founder of the Skythian era -(A.D. 78). On the western bank of the lake stands an open air ling -of Karaiteshwar. [1078] At the south end of the Karádá lake, which -stretches close to the fenced enclosures round the city, are the -remains of a modern bastion and of a wall which runs north-west to -the Jhálor gate. Beyond the site of the bastion is an enclosure and -shrine of Maheshwar Mahádev. To the north and north-west of the Karait -sea lie four large tanks. Of these the most eastern, about 300 yards -north-west of Karádá, is Brahmasarovar a large area fed from the north -and with high broken banks. Next, about 500 yards north-west, lies the -far-stretching Vánkund or Forest Pool open to the north-east. About -800 yards west is Gautam's tank which holds water throughout the -year. The banks of brick and kankar form nearly a complete circle -except at the feeding channels in the east and south. In the centre of -the lake is an islet on which are the white-stone foundations (18' × -12') of Gautam's hermitage. On the bank above the east feeding-channel -is an image of Hanumán and on the east side of the southern channel at -the foot of the bank is a white inscribed stone with letters so worn -that nothing but the date S. 1106 (A.D. 1049) has been made out. Of -the balls of kankar or nodular limestone which are piled into the -bank of the tank those which are pierced with holes are lucky and are -kept to guard wooden partitions against the attacks of insects. The -last and westmost of the north row of tanks is the Jaikop properly -Jakshkop that is the Yaksha's Pool about 600 yards south-west of -the Gautam tank and close to the north-west of the town. [1079] -This tank holds water throughout the year and supplies most of the -town's demand. Along the south bank of the Jaikop, where are tombs, -a shrine to Bhairav and a ruined mosque, the line of the later city -walls used to run. At the south-east corner of the tank are three -square masonry plinths each with a headstone carved with the figure of -a man or woman. One of the plinths which is adorned with a pillared -canopy has a stone carved with a man on horseback and a standing -woman in memory of a Tehsildar of Bhinmál of recent date (S. 1869; -A.D. 1812) whose wife became Sati. About 200 yards south-east is -a row of white pália or memorial slabs of which the third from the -south end of the row is dated S. 1245 (A.D. 1186). On the south-east -bank is the shrine of Nimghoria Bhairav at which Shrávaks as well -as other Hindus worship. In the centre of the shrine is a leaning -pillar about five feet high with four fronts, Hanumán on the east, -a standing Snake on the south, a Sakti on the west, and Bhairav -on the north. To the south of the pillar, about a foot out of the -ground rises a five-faced ling or pillar-home of the god one facing -each quarter of the heaven and one uncarved facing the sky. Close to -a well within the circuit of the lake near the south-east corner is -a stone inscribed with letters which are too worn to be read. At the -east end of the north bank under a pilu Salvadora persica tree is a -massive seated figure still worshipped and still dignified though the -features have been broken off, and the left lower arm and leg and both -feet have disappeared. This is believed to be the image of the Yaksha -king who made the tank. Details are given Below pages 456-458. To the -west of the seated statue are the marks of the foundations of a temple, -shrine hall and outer hall, which is believed to have originally been -the shrine of Yaksh. About a hundred yards west, under a pillared -canopy of white quartz, are two Musalmán graves in honour of Ghazni -Khán and Hamál Khán who were killed about 400 years ago at Jhálor -fighting for Shrimál. In obedience to their dying request their Bháts -brought the champions' bodies to Yaksh's tank. The white quartz, the -shape of the pillars, and an inscription on one of them dated S. 1333 -(A.D. 1276), go to show that the stones have been brought from the -Sun temple to the south of the town. To the north of the canopy is a -large step-well the Dadeli Well separated into an outer and an inner -section by a row of Hindu pillars supporting flat architraves. Some of -the stones have figures of goddesses and in a niche is an old goddess' -image. The upper part of the well and the parapet are of recent brick -work. On a low mound about 150 yards to the north is the shrine of -Nilkanth Máhádev, with, about a hundred paces to the south-east, -a fine old step-well. The lake was fed from the south-west corner -where is a silt trap built of stones in many cases taken from old -temples and carved with the chaitya or horse-shoe ornament. Some of -the stones have apparently been brought from the great white quartz -Sun temple. Several of them have a few letters of the fourteenth -century character apparently the names of masons or carvers. Some of -the blocks are of a rich red sandstone which is said to be found only -in the Rupe quarries eight miles south of Bhinmál. - -On the right, about half a mile south of the south-west corner of -the Jaikop lake, is a ruined heap hid among trees called the Pipal -Duára or Gateway perhaps the remains of the western Gateway which -may have formed part of the later line of fortifications which can -be traced running south along the inner bank of the Jaikop feeding -channel. About a mile south of the Pipal Duára are the bare banks of -the large lake Bansarovar the Desert Sea. To the north-west north and -north-east its great earthen banks remain stripped of their masonry -gradually sloping to the west and south the direction of its supply -of water. The island in the centre is Lakhára. This lake was made by -Gauri or Párvati when she came from Sunda hill to slay the female -demon Uttamiyár. When Párvati killed the demon she piled over her -body Shri's hill which she had brought with her to form a burial -mound. At the same time Párvati scooped the tank, and crowned Shri's -hill with a tower-like temple. This hill, where lives the Srí or Luck -of Shrimál, rises 500 feet out of the plain about a mile west of the -town. It is approached from the south by a flight of unhewn stones -roughly laid as steps. The hill-top is smoothed into a level pavement -of brick and cement. The pavement is supported on the east side by -a lofty bastion-like wall. It is surrounded by a parapet about two -feet high. On the platform two shrines face eastwards. To the left -or south is the main temple of Lakshmí and to the right or north the -smaller shrine of Sunda Máta. The main shrine has a porch with pillars -and shield frieze of white quartz limestone apparently spoils of the -great Sun Temple. Three or four bells hang from the roof of the porch -and some loose white stones apparently also from the Sun temple are -scattered about. In the west wall of the main shrine facing east is -the image of the Guardian of Bhinmál covered with red paint and gold -leaf. The only trace of ornament on the outside of Lakshmí's shrine -is in the north-face portion of a belt of the horse-shoe or chaitya -pattern and a disc perhaps the disc of the Sun. The smaller shrine -of Sunda Máta to the right or north is square and flat-roofed. The -ceiling is partly made of carved stones apparently prepared for, -perhaps formerly the centre slabs of domes. The door posts and lintels -are of white quartz marble. On the right door post are two short -inscriptions of A.D. 1612 and 1664 (S. 1669 and 1691). A second -pillar bears the date A.D. 1543 (S. 1600). The roof is supported -by four square central pillars which with eight wall pilasters form -four shallow domes with lotus carved roof-stones from some other or -some older temple. In a recess in the west wall, surmounted with a -stone carved in the chaitya or horse-shoe pattern, is the Trident or -Trisula of Sunda Máta the only object of worship. - -From the hill-top the mound of Bhinmál hardly seems to stand out of -the general level. The mound seems hidden in trees. Only in the south -gleam the white pillars of the Sun Temple and to the north rise the -high mound of the old offices, and still further north the spires -of the four temples of Párasnáth. Beyond the town to the south and -west spread green gardens fenced with dry thorn hedges. Outside of -the garden enclosures to the south-east south and south-west run the -lofty bare banks of dry lakes confused in places with the lines of old -fortifications. To the north-west and north shine the waters of the -Jaikop and Gautam tanks. Westwards the plain, dark with thorn brake -and green with acacias, stretches to the horizon. On other sides the -sea-like level of the plain is broken by groups of hills the Borta -range along the north and north-east and to the east the handsomer -Ratanágar, Thur, and Ram Sen rising southwards to the lofty clear-cut -ranges of Dodala and Sunda. - -Only two objects of interest in Bhinmál require special description, -the massive broken statue of the Jaksha or Yaksha on the north bank of -the Jaikop lake, and the temple to Jagsvámi the Sun at the south-east -entrance to the city. - -[Jaikop.] On the north bank of the Jaikop or Yaksha Lake, [1080] -leaning against the stem of a pilu or jál Salvadora persica tree, -is a massive stone about 4' high by 2' 6'' broad and 1' thick. The -block is carved with considerable skill into the seated figure of -a king. The figure is greatly damaged by the blows of a mace. The -nose and mouth are broken off, half of the right hand and the whole -of the left hand and leg are gone and the feet and almost the whole -of the seat or throne have disappeared. The figure is seated on a -narrow lion-supported throne or sinhásan the right hand resting on -the right knee and holding a round ball of stone about six inches in -diameter. The left foot was drawn back like the right foot and the -left hand apparently lay on the left knee, but, as no trace remains -except the fracture on the side of the stone the position of the left -hand and of the left leg is uncertain. The head is massive. The hair -falls about two feet from the crown of the head in four long lines of -curls on to the shoulders, and, over the curls, or what seems more -likely the curled wig, is a diadem or mukut with a central spike -and two upright side ornaments connected by two round bands. The -face is broken flat. It seems to have been clean shaved or at least -beardless. A heavy ring hangs from each ear. A stiff collar-like -band encircles the neck and strings of beads or plates hang on the -chest too worn to be distinguished. On both arms are upper armlets, -a centre lion-face still showing clear on the left armlet. On the -right hand is a bracelet composed of two outer bands and a central -row of beads. A light belt encircles the waist. Lower down are the -kandora or hip girdle and the kopul or dhotar knot. [1081] In spite -of its featureless face and its broken hands and feet the figure has -considerable dignity. The head is well set and the curls and diadem -are an effective ornament. The chest and the full rounded belly are -carved with skill. The main fault in proportion, the overshortened -lower arm and leg and the narrowness of the throne, are due to the -want of depth in the stone. The chief details of interest are the -figure's head-dress and the ball of stone in its right hand. The -head-dress seems to be a wig with a row of crisp round curls across -the brow and four lines of long curls hanging down to the shoulders -and crisp curls on the top of the head. The mukut or diadem has three -upright faces, a front face over the nose and side faces over the -ears joined together by two rounded bands. At first sight the stone -ball in the right hand seems a cocoanut which the king might hold in -dedicating the lake. Examination shows on the left side of the ball an -outstanding semicircle very like a human ear. Also that above the ear -are three rolls as if turban folds. And that the right ear may be hid -either by the end of the turban drawn under the chin or by the fingers -of the half-closed hand. That the front of the ball has been wilfully -smashed further supports the view that it was its human features that -drew upon it the Muslim mace. The local Bráhmans contend that the ball -is either a round sweetmeat or a handful of mud held in the right hand -of the king during the dedication service. But Tappa a Bráhm-Bhát, -a man of curiously correct information, was urgent that the stone -ball is a human head. Tappa gives the following tale to explain why -the king should hold a human head in his hand. An evil spirit called -Satka had been wasting the Bráhmans by carrying off the head of each -bridegroom so soon as a wedding ceremony was completed. The king vowed -that by the help of his goddess Chamunda he would put a stop to this -evil. The marriage of a hundred Bráhman couples was arranged for one -night. The king sat by. So long as the king remained awake the demon -dared not appear. When the hundredth marriage was being performed -the king gave way to sleep. Satka dashed in and carried off the last -bridegroom's head. The girl-bride awoke the king and said I will curse -you. You watched for the others, for me you did not watch. The king -said to his Luck Chamunda, What shall I do. Chamunda said Ride after -Satka. The king rode after Satka. He overtook her fourteen miles out -of Shrimál and killed her. But before her death Satka had eaten the -bridegroom's head. What is to be done the king asked Chamunda. Trust me -said his guardian. The king rode back to Shrimál. As he was entering -the city the goddess pointed out to him a gardener or Máli and said -off with his head. The king obeyed. The goddess caught the falling -head, stuck it to the bridegroom's neck, and the bridegroom came to -life. Thus, ends the tale, the local Bráhmans are known as Shrimális -that is men with gardeners' heads. This meaning-making pun and the -likeness of the stone-ball to a human head may be the origin of this -story. On the other hand the story may be older than the image and -may be the reason why the king is shown holding a human head in his -hand. On the whole it seems likely that the story was made to explain -the image and that the image is a Bhairav holding the head of a human -sacrifice and acting as gatekeeper or guardian of some Buddhist or -Sun-worshipping temple. [1082] The appearance of the figure, its -massive well-proportioned and dignified pose, and the long wiglike -curls, like the bag wig on the figure of Chánd on the south-west or -marriage compartment of the great Elephanta Cave, make it probable -that this statue is the oldest relic of Shrimál, belonging like -the Elephanta wigged figures to the sixth or early seventh century -the probable date of the founding or refounding of the city by the -Gurjjarás. [1083] According to the local story the image stands about -twenty paces east of the temple where it was originally enshrined -and worshipped. The lie of the ground and traces of foundations seem -to show about fifty paces west of the present image the sites of an -entrance porch, a central hall or mandap, and a western shrine. The -surface of what seemed the site of the shrine was dug about two feet -deep on the chance that the base of the throne might still be in -site. Nothing was found but loose brickwork. Mutilated as he is the -Yaksha is still worshipped. His high day is the A'shad (July-August) -fullmoon when as rain-mediator between them and Indra the villagers -lay in front of him gugri that is wheat boiled in water and milk, -butter, flour, molasses, and sugar. - -[Sun Temple.] The second and main object of interest is the ruined Sun -temple in the south of the town on a brick mound about eighty yards -east of the remains of the Gujarát gateway. The brick mound which is -crowned by the white marble pillars and the massive laterite ruins -of the temple of Jagsvámi Lord of the World has been so dug into that -its true form and size cannot be determined. The size of many of the -bricks 1' 16'' × 1' × 3'' suggests that the mound is older even than -the massive laterite masonry of the shrine. And that here as at Multán -about the sixth century during the supremacy of the sun-worshipping -White Húnas a temple of the Sun was raised on the ruins of a Buddhist -temple or relic mound. Still except the doubtful evidence of the size -of the bricks nothing has been found to support the theory that the -Sun temple stands on an earlier Buddhist ruin. The apparent present -dimensions of the mound are 42' broad 60' long and 20' high. Of the -temple the north side and north-west corner are fairly complete. The -east entrance to the hall, the south pillars of the hall, and with them -the hall dome and the outer wall of the temple round the south and west -of the shrine have disappeared. A confused heap of bricks on the top of -the shrine and of the entrance from the hall to the shrine is all that -is left of the spire and upper buildings. The materials used are of -three kinds. The pillars of the hall are of a white quartzlike marble; -the masonry of the shrine walls and of the passage round the north of -the shrine is of a reddish yellow laterite, and the interior of the -spire and apparently some other roof buildings are of brick. Beginning -from the original east entrance the ground has been cut away so close -to the temple and so many of the pillars have fallen that almost no -trace of the entrance is left. The first masonry, entering from the -east, are the two eastern pillars of the hall dome and to the north of -this central pair the pillar that supported the north-eastern corner -of the dome. Except the lowest rim, on the east side, all trace of the -dome and of the roof over the dome are gone. The centre of the hall -is open to the sky. The south side is even more ruined than the east -side. The whole outer wall has fallen and been removed. The south-east -corner the two south pillars of the dome and the south-west corner -pillars are gone. The north side is better preserved. The masonry -that rounds off the corners from which the dome sprung remains and -along the rim of the north face runs a belt of finely carved female -figures. The north-east corner pillar, the two north pillars of the -dome, and the north-west corner pillar all remain. Outside of the -pillars runs a passage about four feet broad and eleven feet high, -and, beyond the passage, stands the north wall of the temple with -an outstanding deep-eaved window balcony with white marble seats and -backs and massive pillars whose six feet shafts are in three sections -square eightsided and round and on whose double-disc capitals rest -brackets which support a shallow cross-cornered dome. At its west end -the north passage is ornamented with a rich gokla or recess 3 1/2 broad -with side pillars 3 1/4 feet high. On the west side of the dome the -central pair of dome pillars and as has been noticed the north corner -pillar remain. About three feet west of the west pair of dome pillars -a second pair support the domed entrance to the shrine. The richly -carved side pillars, a goddess with fly-flap bearers, and the lintel -of the shrine door remain but the bare square chamber of the shrine is -open to the sky. To the south of the shrine the entire basis of the -south side of the spire, the outer circling or pradakshana passage -and the outer wall of the temple have disappeared. The north side is -much less ruinous. There remain the massive blocks of yellow and red -trap which formed the basis of the spire built in horizontal bands -of deep-cut cushions, and in the centre of the north wall a niche -with outstanding pillared frame, the circling passage with walls of -plain trap and roof of single slabs laid across and the outer wall of -the temple with bracket capitaled pillars and a central deep-eaved -and pillared hanging window of white marble. The circling passage -and the outer wall of the temple end at the north-west corner. Of -the western outer wall all trace is gone. The pillars of the temple -are massive and handsome with pleasantly broken outline, a pedestal, -a square, an eightsided band, a sixteensided band, a round belt, a -narrow band of horned faces, the capital a pair of discs, and above -the discs outstanding brackets each ending in a crouching four-armed -male or female human figure upholding the roof. The six central dome -pillars resemble the rest except that instead of the sixteensided -band the inner face is carved into an urn from whose mouth overhang -rich leafy festoons and which stand on a roll of cloth or a ring of -cane such as women set between the head and the waterpot. [1084] On -the roof piles of bricks show that besides the spire some building -rose over the central dome and eastern entrance but of its structure -nothing can now be traced. - -[History.] According to a local legend this temple of the Sun was built -by Yayati the son of king Nahush [1085] of the Chandravansi or Moon -stock. Yayati came to Shrimál accompanied by his two queens Sharmistha -and Devyani, and began to perform severe austerities at one of the -places sacred to Surya the Sun. Surya was so pleased by the fervour -of Yayati's devotion that he appeared before him and asked Yayati to -name a boon. Yayati said May I with god-like vision see thee in thy -true form. The Sun granted this wish and told Yayati to name a second -boon. Yayati said I am weary of ruling and of the pleasures of life. My -one wish is that for the good of Shrimálpur you may be present here in -your true form. The Sun agreed. An image was set up in the Sun's true -form (apparently meaning in a human form) and a Hariya Bráhman was -set over it. [1086] The God said Call me Jagat-Svámi the Lord of the -World for I am its only protector. According to a local Bráhman account -the original image of the Sun was of wood and is still preserved in -Lakshmí's temple at Pátan in North Gujarát. [1087] Another account -makes the builder of the temple Shripunj or Jagsom. According to one -legend Jagsom's true name was Kanak who came from Kashmír. According -to the Bráhm Bhát Tappa Jagsom was a king of Kashmír of the Jamáwal -tribe who established himself in Bhinmál about 500 years before -Kumárapála. As Kumárapála's date is A.D. 1186, Jagsom's date would be -A.D. 680. According to the common local story Jagsom was tormented -by the presence of a live snake in his belly. When Jagsom halted at -the south gate of Bhinmál in the course of a pilgrimage from Káshmír -to Dwárka, he fell asleep and the snake came out at his mouth. At the -same time a snake issued from a hole close to the city gate and said -to the king's belly snake 'You should depart and cease to afflict -the king.' 'There is a fine treasure in your hole' said the belly -snake. 'How would you like to leave it? Why then ask me to leave -my home?' The gate snake said 'If any servant of the king is near -let him hearken. If some leaves of the kir Capparis aphylla tree are -plucked and mixed with the flowers of a creeper that grows under it and -boiled and given to the king the snake inside him will be killed.' 'If -any servant of the king is near' retorted the king's snake 'let him -hearken. If boiling oil is poured down the hole of the gate-snake -the snake will perish and great treasure will be found.' A clever -Kayasth of the king's retinue was near and took notes. He found the -kir tree and the creeper growing under it: he prepared the medicine -and gave it to the king. The writhing of the snake caused the king -so much agony that he ordered the Kayasth to be killed. Presently the -king became sick and the dead snake was thrown up through the king's -mouth. The king mourned for the dead Kayasth. So clever a man, he said, -must have made other good notes. They examined the Kayasth's note -book, poured the boiling oil down the hole, killed the gate-snake, -and found the treasure. To appease the Kayasths and the two snakes -lákhs were spent in feeding Bráhmans. With the rest a magnificent -temple was built to the Sun and an image duly enshrined. Nine upper -stories were afterwards added by Vishvakarma. - -[Legends.] The legends of Bhinmál are collected in the Shrimál -Mahátmya of the Skanda Purána a work supposed to be about 400 years -old. According to the Mahátmya the city has been known by a different -name in each of the chief cycles or Yugs. In the Satyayug it was -Shrimál, in the Tretayug Ratanmál, in the Dwáparyug Pushpamal, -and in the Káliyug Bhinmál. In the Satyayug Shrimál or Shrinagar -had 84 Chandis; 336 Kshetrapáls; 27 Varáhas; 101 Suryás; 51 Mátás; -21 Brehispatis; 300 to 11,000 Lingas; 88,000 Rushis; 999 Wells and -Tanks; and 3 3/4 krors of tirthas or holy places. At first the plain -of Bhinmál was sea and Bhraghurishi called on Surya and the sun dried -the water and made it land. Then Braghu started a hermitage and the -saints Kashyáp, Atri, Baradwaj, Gautam, Jámdagni, Vishvamitra, and -Vashista came from Ábu to interview Braghu. Gautam was pleased with -the land to the north of Braghu's hermitage and prayed Trimbakeshwar -that the place might combine the holiness of all holy places and -that he and his wife Ahilya might live there in happiness. The God -granted the sage's prayer. A lake was formed and in the centre an -island was raised on which Gautam built his hermitage the foundations -of which may still be seen. The channel which feeds Gautam's lake -from the north-east was cut by an ascetic Bráhman named Yajanasila -and in the channel a stone is set with writing none of which but -the date S. 1117 (A.D. 1060) is legible. Some years after Gautam had -settled at Shrimál a daughter named Lakshmí was born in the house of -the sage Braghu. When the girl came of age Braghu consulted Naradji -about a husband. When Naradji saw Lakshmí, he said; This girl can be -the wife of no one but of Vishnu. Naradji went to Vishnu and said -that in consequence of the curse of Durvasarashi Lakshmí could not -be born anywhere except in Braghu's house and that Vishnu ought to -marry her. Vishnu agreed. After the marriage the bride and bridegroom -bathed together in the holy Trimbak pond about half a mile east of -Gautam's island. The holy water cleared the veil of forgetfulness and -Lakshmí remembered her former life. The devtas or guardians came to -worship her. They asked her what she would wish. Lakshmí replied; -May the country be decked with the houses of Bráhmans as the sky -is decked with their carriers the stars. Bhagwán that is Vishnu, -pleased with this wish, sent messengers to fetch Bráhmans and called -Vishvakarma the divine architect to build a town. Vishvakarma built -the town. He received golden bangles and a garland of gold lotus -flowers and the promise that his work would meet with the praise of -men and that his descendants would rule the art of building. This -town said the Gods has been decked as it were with the garlands or -mála of Srí or Lakshmí. So it shall be called Shrimála. When the -houses were ready Bráhmans began to gather from all parts. [1088] -When the Bráhmans were gathered Lakshmí asked Vishnu to which among -the Bráhmans worship was first due. The Bráhmans agreed that Gautam's -claim was the highest. The Bráhmans from Sindh objected and withdrew -in anger. Then Vishnu and Lakshmí made presents of clothes, money -and jewels to the Bráhmans, and they, because they had settled in -the town of Shrimál, came to be known as Shrimáli Bráhmans. - -The angry Sindh Bráhmans in their own country worshipped the Sea. And -at their request Samudra sent the demon Sarika to ruin Shrimál. Sarika -carried off the marriageable Bráhman girls. And the Bráhmans finding -no one to protect them withdrew to Ábu. Shrimál became waste and the -dwellings ruins. [1089] When Shrimál had long lain waste a king named -Shripunj, according to one account suffering from worms, according to -another account stricken with leprosy, came to the Brahmakund to the -south of the city and was cleansed. [1090] Thankful at heart Shripunj -collected Bráhmans and restored Shrimála and at the Brahmakund built a -temple of Chandish Mahádev. When they heard that the Shrimál Bráhmans -had returned to their old city and were prospering the Bráhmans -of Sindh once more sent Sarika to carry away their marriageable -daughters. One girl as she was being haled away called on her house -goddess and Sarika was spell-bound to the spot. King Shripunj came up -and was about to slay Sarika with an arrow when Sarika said Do not kill -me. Make some provision for my food and I will henceforth guard your -Bráhmans. The king asked her what she required. Sarika said Let your -Bráhmans at their weddings give a dinner in my honour and let them -also marry their daughters in unwashed clothes. If they follow these -two rules I will protect them. The king agreed and gave Sarika leave to -go. Sarika could not move. While the king wondered the home-goddess of -the maiden appeared and told the king she had stopped the fiend. Truly -said the king you are the rightful guardian. But Sarika is not ill -disposed let her go. On this Sarika fled to Sindh. And in her honour -the people both of Shrimál and of Jodhpur still marry their daughters -in unwashed clothes. [1091] The Bráhman girls whom Sarika had carried -off had been placed in charge of the snake Kankal lord of the under -world. The Bráhmans found this out and Kankal agreed to restore the -girls if the Bráhmans would worship snakes or nágs at the beginning of -their shrádh or after-death ceremonies. Since that time the Shrimális -set up the image of a Nág when they perform death rites. Other legends -relating to the building of the Jagsvámi or Sun temple, to the temple -of Chandish Mahádev near the Brahmakund, [1092] and to the making of -the Jaikop lake are given above. The dates preserved by local tradition -are S. 222 (A.D. 166) the building of the first temple of the Sun; -S. 265 (A.D. 209) a destructive attack on the city; S. 494 (A.D. 438) -a second sack by a Rákshasa; S. 700 (A.D. 644) a re-building; S. 900 -(A.D. 844) a third destruction; S. 955 (A.D. 899) a new restoration -followed by a period of prosperity which lasted till the beginning -of the fourteenth century. - -[Caste Legends.] That Shrimál was once the capital of the Gurjjaras -seems to explain the local saying that Jagatsen the son of the -builder of the Sun temple gave Shrimál to Gujarát Bráhmans where -Gujarát is a natural alteration of the forgotten Gurjjaras or Gurjjara -Bráhmans. That Shrimál was once a centre of population is shown by the -Shrimáli subdivisions of the Bráhman and Váni castes who are widely -scattered over north Gujarát and Káthiáváda. Most Shrimáli Vánis are -Shrávaks. It seems probable that their history closely resembles the -history of the Osvál Shrávaks or Jains who take their name from the -ancient city of Osia about fifteen miles south of Jodhpur to which they -still go to pay vows. The bulk of these Osvál Vánis, who are Jains -by religion, were Solanki Rájputs before their change of faith which -according to Jain records took place about A.D. 743 (S. 800). [1093] -The present Bhinmál bards claim the Osváls as originally people of -Shrimál. Lakshmí they say when she was being married to Vishnu at -Shrimál looked into her bosom and the Jariya goldsmiths came forth: -she looked north and the Oswáls appeared, east and from her look were -born the Porwáls. [1094] From her lucky necklace of flowers sprang the -Shrimáli Bráhmans. According to other accounts the Shrimáli Bráhmans -and Vánis were of Kashmír origin of the Jamawála caste and were brought -to south Márwár by Jag Som by which name apparently Kanaksen that is -the Kushán or Kshatrapa (A.D. 78-250) dynasty is meant. They say that -in S. 759 (A.D. 703) Bugra an Arab laid the country waste and that -from fear of him the Shrimáli Bráhmans and Vánis fled south. Another -account giving the date A.D. 744 (S. 800) says the assailants were -Songara Rájputs. The Shrimális were brought back to Bhinmál by Abhai -Singh Ráhtor when viceroy of Gujarát in A.D. 1694 (S. 1750). - -The memory of the Gurjjaras, who they say are descended from Garab -Rishi, lingers among the Bháts or bards of Shrimál. They say the -Gurjjaras moved from Shrimál to Pushkar about ten miles north-west -of Ajmír and there dug the great lake. They are aware that Gurjjaras -have a very sacred burning ground at Pushkar or Pokarn and also that -the Sávitrí or wife of Brahma at Pokarn was a Gurjjara maiden. - -But as the leading Gurjjarás have dropped their tribe name in -becoming Kshatriyás or Rájputs the bards naturally do not know of -the Gurjjaras as a ruling race. The ordinary Gurjjara they say is -the same as the Rehbári; the Bad or High Gujjars to whom Krishna -belonged are Rájputs. The bards further say that the Sompuras who -live near Poshkar (Pokarn north of Ajmír) and are the best builders -who alone know the names of all ornamental patterns are of Gurjjara -descent and of Shrimál origin. They do not admit that the Chávadás -were Gurjjarás. In their opinion Chávadás are the same as Bhárods -and came north into Márwár from Dánta in Jháláváda in north-east -Káthiáváda. The Choháns they say came from Sámbhar to Ajmír, from -Ajmír to Delhi, from Delhi to Nágor north of Jodhpur, from Nágor to -Jodhpur, from Jodhpur to Bhadgaon thirty miles south of Bhinmál, and -from Bhadgaon to Sirohi. According to a local Jaghirdár of the Devra -caste the Choháns' original seat was at Jhálor forty miles north of -Shrimál. They say that in the eighteenth century the Solankis came -north from Pátan in north Gujarát to Hiyu in Pálanpur where they have -still a settlement, and that from Hiyu they went to Bhinmál. - -In connection with the Sun temple and the traces of sun worship among -the Jains, whose gurus or religious guides have a sun face which they -say was given them by the Rána of Chitor, the existence in Bhinmál -of so many (thirty-five) houses of Shevaks is interesting. These -Shevaks are the religious dependents of the Oswál Shrávaks. They -are strange highnosed hatchet-faced men with long lank hair and long -beards and whiskers. They were originally Magha Bráhmans and still are -Vaishnavas worshipping the sun. They know that their story is told in -the Námagranth of the Surya Purána. The Bhinmál Shevaks know of sixteen -branches or sákas but remember the names of ten only: Aboti, Bhinmála, -Devira, Hirgota, Kuwara, Lalár, Mahtariya, Mundiara, Saparwála, and -Shánda. The story of these Maghás in the Surya and Bhavishya Puránas, -how they were brought by Garuda from the land of the Sakas and were -fire and sun worshippers, gives these Shevaks a special interest. The -Devalás are believed to have come from Kashmír with Jog Svámi who -is said to have been a Yaksh of the Rákshas division of Parihár -Rájputs. The other division of Parihárs were girásias of Ábu who in -virtue of the fire baptism of the Agnikund became Kshatriyás. The -Devalás are supposed to get their name because they built Jag Som's -temple at Bhinmál. The Devra Rájputs whose head is the Sirohi chief -and who according to the bards are of Chohán descent, came at the -same time and marry with the Devalás. With this origin from Kanaksen -it is natural to associate the Devras and Devalás with the Devaputras -of the Samudragupta (A.D. 370-395) inscription. Of Húna or of Javla, -the tribe name of the great Húna conquerors Toramána and Mihirakula -(A.D. 450-530), few signs have been traced. The Jaghirdár of Devala -knows the name Húna. They are a Rákshasa people he says. He mentions -Honots or Sonots who may be a trace of Húnas, and Húnáls in Káthiáváda -and a Huni subdivision among the Kunbis of Márwár. Jávla he does not -know as a caste name. - -[History.] The historical interest of Shrimál centres in the fact that -it was long the capital of the main branch of the great northern race -of Gurjjaras. It is well known that many mentions of the Gurjjaras -and their country in inscriptions and historical works refer to -the Chaulukya or Solanki kingdom of Anahilaváda (A.D. 961-1242) -or to its successor the Vághelá principality (A.D. 1219-1304). But -the name Gurjjara occurs also in many documents older than the tenth -century and has been most variously and inconsistently explained. Some -take the name to denote the Chávadás of Anahilaváda (A.D. 746-942), -some the Gurjjaras of Broach (A.D. 580-808) and some, among them -Dr. Bhagvánlál Indraji, even the Valabhis (A.D. 509-766), but not -one of these identifications can be made to apply to all cases. As -regards the Valabhis even if they were of Gurjjara origin they are not -known to have at any time called themselves Gurjjaras or to have been -known by that name to their neighbours. The identification with the -Gurjjaras of Broach is at first sight more plausible, as they admitted -their Gurjjara origin as late as the middle of the seventh century, -but there are strong reasons against the identification of the Broach -branch as the leading family of Gurjjaras. Pulakesi II. in his Aihole -inscription of A.D. 634 (S. 556) [1095] claims to have subdued by his -prowess the Látas Málavas and Gurjjaras, which shows that the land -of the Gurjjaras was distinct from Láta, the province in which Broach -stood. Similarly Hiuen Tsiang (c. 640 A.D.) speaks of the kingdom of -Broach by the name of the city and not as Gurjjara or the Gurjjara -country. In the following century the historians of the Arab raids -[1096] notice Barus (Broach) separately from Jurz or Gurjjara, and the -Chálukya grant of 490 that is of A.D. 738-739 mentions the Gurjjaras -after the Chávotakas (Chávadás) and the Mauryas (of Chitor) as the -last of the kingdoms attacked by the Arab army. Later instances occur -of a distinction between Láta and Gurjjara, but it seems unnecessary -to quote them as the Gurjjara kingdom of Broach probably did not -survive the Ráshtrakúta conquest of south Gujarát (A.D. 750-760). - -The evidence that the name Gurjjara was not confined to the Chávadás -is not less abundant. It will not be disputed that references of -earlier date than the foundation of Anahilaváda (A.D. 746) cannot -apply to the Chávadá kingdom, and further we find the Chálukya grant -of A.D. 738-739 expressly distinguishing between the Chávadás and the -Gurjjaras and calling the former by their tribal name Chávotaka. It -might be supposed that as the power of the Chávadás increased, they -became known as the rulers of the Gurjjara country; and it must be -admitted that some of the references to Gurjjaras in the Ráshtrakúta -grants are vague enough to apply to the Chávadás. Still, if it can -be shown that others of these references cannot possibly apply to the -Chávadás, and if we assume, as we must, that the name of Gurjjara was -used with the slightest consistency, it will follow that the ninth -and tenth century references to the Gurjjaras do not apply to the -Chávadá kingdom of Anahilaváda. - -The Van-Dindori and Rádhanpur plates of the great Ráshtrakúta -Govinda III. [1097] state that Govinda's father Dhruva (C. 780-800 -A.D.) "quickly caused Vatsarája, intoxicated with the goddess of the -sovereignty of Gauda that he had acquired with ease, to enter upon the -path of misfortune in the centre of Maru" and took away from him the -two umbrellas of Gauda. A comparison of this statement with that in -the Baroda grant of Karka II. [1098] which is dated A.D. 812-813, to -the effect that Karka made his arm "the door-bar of the country of the -lord of the Gurjjaras, who had become evilly inflamed by conquering -the lord of Gauda and the lord of Vanga" makes it highly probable -that Vatsarája was king of the Gurjjaras at the end of the eighth -century. As no such name occurs in the Chávadá lists, it follows that -the Gurjjaras referred to in the inscriptions of about A.D. 800 were -not Chávadás. - -It is also possible to show that more than a century later the Chávadás -were distinct from the Gurjjaras. The Kánarese poet Pampa, writing -in A.D. 941, [1099] states that the father of his patron Arikesari -vanquished Mahipála king of the Gurjjaras, who may be identified with -the Mahipála who is named as overlord in the grant of Dharanívaráha -of Wadhwán, [1100] dated A.D. 914. As no Mahipála occurs in the -Chávadá lists, the Gurjjara kingdom must be sought elsewhere than -at Anahilaváda. Since the Gurjjaras of the eighth and ninth century -inscriptions cannot be identified either with the Valabhis, the Broach -Gurjjaras, or the Anahilaváda Chávadás, they must represent some other -family of rulers. A suitable dynasty seems to be supplied by Hiuen -Tsiang's kingdom of Kiu-che-lo or Gurjjara, the capital of which he -calls Pi-lo-mo-lo. [1101] The French translators took Pi-lo-mo-lo to be -Bálmer in Rájputána. But Dr. Bühler following the late Colonel Watson, -identifies it, no doubt rightly, with Bhinmál or Bhilmál. [1102] - -A short sketch of the history of the Gurjjaras, so far as it can -be pieced together from contemporary sources, may help to show the -probability of these identifications. The Gurjjaras apparently entered -India in the fifth century A.D. The earliest notice of them occurs in -the Srí Harshacharita, a work of the early seventh century, in which -during the early years of the seventh century Prabhákaravardhana -the father of Srí Harsha of Magadha (A.D. 606-641) is said to have -conquered the king of Gandhára, the Húnas, the king of Sindh, the -Gurjjaras, the Látas, and the king of Málava. [1103] The date of their -settlement at Bhinmál is unknown, but as their king was recognised as -a Kshatriya in Hiuen Tsiang's time (c. 640 A.D.) it probably was not -later than A.D. 550. Towards the end of the sixth century (c. 585) -they seem to have conquered northern Gujarát and Broach and to have -forced the Valabhis (A.D. 509-766) to acknowledge their supremacy. (See -above page 465.) They took very kindly to Indian culture, for in -A.D. 628 the astronomer Brahmagupta wrote his Siddhánta at Bhinmál -under king Vyághramukha, who, he states, belonged to the Srí Chápa -dynasty. [1104] This valuable statement not only gives the name of -the Gurjjara royal house but at the same time proves the Gurjjara -origin of the Chápotkatas or Chávotakas, that is the Chávadás of later -times. This Vyághramukha is probably the same as the Gurjjara king whom -in his inscription of S. 556 (A.D. 634) Pulakesi II. claims to have -subdued. [1105] A few years later (c. 640 A.D.) Hiuen Tsiang describes -the king (probably Vyághramukha's successor) as a devout Buddhist and -just twenty years of age. The country was populous and wealthy, but -Buddhists were few and unbelievers many. The Gurjjaras did not long -retain their southern conquests. In Hiuen Tsiang's time both Kaira -(Kie-cha) and Vadnagar (Ánandapura) belonged to Málava, while the -Broach chiefs probably submitted to the Chálukyas. No further reference -to the Bhinmál kingdom has been traced until after the Arab conquest -of Sindh when (A.D. 724-750) the Khalifa's governor Junaid sent his -plundering bands into all the neighbouring countries and attacked -among other places Márwád (Márwár), Maliba (Málwa), Barus (Broach), -Uzain (Ujjain), Al Bailamán (Bhilmál ?), and Jurz (Gurjjara). [1106] -As noticed above the contemporary Chálukya plate of A.D. 738-9 also -mentions Gurjjara as one of the kingdoms attacked. After these -events the Arabs seem to have confined themselves to raiding the -coast towns of Káthiáváda without attacking inland states such as -Bhinmál. Immediately after the Arab raids ceased the Gurjjaras had to -meet a new enemy the Ráshtrakútas who after supplanting the Chálukyas -in the Dakhan turned their attention northwards. Dantidurga in his -Samangad grant of A.D. 753-4 [1107] speaks of ploughing the banks of -the Mahí and the Revá (Narbada), and in his Elura inscription [1108] -of conquering among other countries Málava Láta and Tanka. [1109] -A few years later (A.D. 757-58) a branch of the main Ráshtrakúta line -established its independence in Láta in the person of Kakka. - -The next notice of the Gurjjaras occurs in the Rádhanpur and -Van-Dindori grants of Govinda III. [1110] who states that his father -Dhruva (c. 780-800 A.D.) caused "Vatsarája, intoxicated with the -goddess of the sovereignty of Gauda that he had acquired with ease, -to enter upon the path of misfortune in the centre of Maru" and -took from him the two white umbrellas of Gauda. As already stated, -a comparison with the Baroda grant of Karka II. [1111] shows that -this Vatsarája was a Gurjjara king and that he had made extensive -conquests in Upper India as far east as Bengal. Now it is notable -that the genealogies of two of the most important Agnikula races, -the Paramáras and the Chauháns, go back to this very time (c. 800 -A.D.) [1112]. Taking this fact in connection with the prevalence of -the surnames Pavár and Chaván among Gujars in such remote provinces -as the Panjáb and Khándesh, it seems obvious that these two tribes -and therefore also the two other Agnikula races, the Parihárs and -Solankis are, if not of Gurjjara origin, at all events members of -the great horde of northern invaders whom the Gurjjaras led. The -agreement between this theory and the Agnikula legends of Ábu need -only be pointed out to be admitted. The origin of the modern Rájput -races has always been one of the puzzles of Indian history. This -suggestion seems to offer at least a partial solution. - -The Rádhanpur grant (A.D. 807-8) further states that when the -Gurjjara saw Govinda III. approaching, he fled in fear to some unknown -hiding-place. This probably means no more than that Vatsarája did not -oppose Govinda in his march to the Vindhyas. The next reference is in -the Baroda grant of Karka II. of Gujarát who boasts that his father -Indra (c. 810 A.D.) alone caused the leader of the Gurjjara lords to -flee. Karka adds that he himself, for the purpose of protecting Málava, -"who had been struck down," made his arm the door-bar of the country -of Gurjjaresvara, who "had become evilly inflamed" by the conquest -of Gauda and Vanga. [1113] It is difficult to avoid supposing that we -have here a reference to the Paramára conquest of Málwa and that Karka -checked the southward march of the victorious army. For some years no -further mention has been traced of the Gurjjaras. But in A.D. 851 the -Arab merchant Sulaiman states [1114] that the king of Juzr was one of -the kings "around" the Balhára, that is the Ráshtrakúta, and that he -was very hostile to the Musalmáns, which is not surprising, considering -how his kingdom was exposed to the Arab raids from Sindh. Dhruva -III. of Broach, in his Bagumrá grant of A.D. 867 [1115] speaks of -"the host of the powerful Gurjjaras" as one of the dangerous enemies -he had to fear. About A.D. 890 a Gurjjara chief named Alakhána ceded -Takkadesa in the Panjáb to Sankaravarmman of Kashmir. [1116] But as -Alakhána was a vassal of Lalliya, the Sáhi of Ohind near Swát, this -event did not affect the Bhínmál empire. To about A.D. 900 belongs the -notice of the Ráshtrakúta Krishna II. in the Deoli and Navsári grants -[1117] where he is stated to have frightened the Gurjjaras, destroyed -the pride of Láta, and deprived the coast people of sleep. His fights -with the Gurjjaras are compared to the storms of the rainy season, -implying that while the relations of the two empires continued hostile, -neither was able to gain any decisive advantage over the other. To -this same period belongs Ibn Khurdádba's (A.D. 912) statement [1118] -that the king of Juzr was the fourth in rank of the kings of India and -that the Tátariya dirhams were used in his country. In connection -with the latter point it is worth noting that the pattávali of -the Upakesagaccha [1119] gives a story which distinctly connects -the origin of the Gadhia coinage with Bhínmál. [1120] The grant of -Dharanívaráha, the Chápa chief of Vadhván, dated A.D. 914 [1121] -gives us the name of his overlord Mahipála, who, as already pointed -out, must be identified with the Mahipála who was defeated by the -Karnátak king Narasimha. [1122] The fact that Vadhván was a Chápa -dependency implies that Anahilaváda was one also. We may in fact -conclude that throughout the Chávadá period Anahilaváda was a mere -feudatory of Bhínmál, a fact which would account for the obscurities -and contradictions of Chávadá history. - -The Deoli grant of the Ráshtrakúta Krishna III. which is dated A.D. 940 -[1123] describes the king's victories in the south as causing the -hope of Kálanjara and Chitrakúta to drop away from the heart of -the Gurjjara. At this time Kalinjar belonged to the Kalachuris of -Central India and Chitrakúta or Chitod to the Gehlots of Mewád and -the phrase used by Krishna implies that the Gurjjara chief had his -eye on these two famous fortresses and had perhaps already besieged -them unsuccessfully. In either case this notice is evidence of the -great and far-reaching power of the Gurjjaras. Masudi (A.D. 915) -notices that the king of Juzr was frequently at war with the Balhara -(Ráshtrakúta) and that he had a large army and many horses and camels. - -A Chandel stone inscription from Khajuráho describes Yasovarmman and -Lakshavarmman as successful in war against Gaudas, Khasas, Kosalas, -Kásmíras, Maithilas, Málavas, Chedis, Kurus, and Gurjjaras. [1124] And -soon after about A.D. 953 during the reign of Bhímasena a migration of -18,000 Gurjjaras from Bhínmál is recorded. [1125] The memory of this -movement remains in the traditions of the Gujars of Khándesh into which -they passed with their carts in large numbers by way of Málwa. [1126] -An important result of this abandonment of Bhínmál was the transfer -of overlordship from Bhínmál to Anahilaváda whose first Chálukya or -Solanki king Múlarája (A.D. 961-996) is, about A.D. 990, described -as being accompanied by the chief of Bhinmál as a subordinate ally in -his war with Graharipu (see above page 451). The Gurjjara or Bhinmál -empire seems to have broken into several sections of which the three -leading portions were the Chauháns of Sámbhar, the Paramáras of Málwa, -and the Solankis of Anahilaváda. - -The inscriptions which follow throw a certain amount of light on -the history of Bhinmál during and after the Solanki period. The -two earliest in date (Nos. 1 and 2) which are probably of the -tenth century, give no historical details. Nos. 3 and 4 show that -between A.D. 1057 and 1067 Bhinmál was ruled by the Mahárájádhirája -Krishnarája of the Paramára race. This is a valuable confirmation -of Rájput tradition, according to which [1127] the Paramára Rája of -Ábu was followed by the prince of Srímála, when he aided Múlarája -against Graharipu (c. 990 A.D.) and the Paramáras remained paramount -in this region until the beginning of the thirteenth century. [1128] -The title of Mahárájádhirája meant much less at this period than -it meant before the Valabhi kings had cheapened it. Still it shows -that Krishnarája's rank was considerably higher than that of a mere -feudatory chieftain. Inscription No. 3 gives the names of Krishnarája's -father Dhamdhuka and of his grandfather Devarája. The first of these -two names occurs in the main line of Ábu as the successor of Dhúmarája -the first Paramára sovereign. [1129] According to Rájput tradition -the Paramáras were at one time supreme in Marásthalí and held all -the nine castles of the Waste. But in the historical period their -chief possessions in Márwád lay about Ábu and Chandrávati, though we -have a glimpse of another branch maintaining itself at Kerálu near -Bádmer. [1130] The Paramára chiefs of Ábu are constantly referred to in -the Solanki annals, and during the golden age of the Solanki monarchy -(A.D. 1094-1174) they were the vassals of that power, and their Bhinmál -branch, if it was ever a distinct chiefship, probably followed the -fortunes of the main line, though the Bhinmál inscriptions give us -no facts for this long period. The next item of information is given -by Inscription 5, which is dated in the Samvat year 1239 (A.D. 1183) -in the reign of the Maháraul Srí Jayatasíha-deva. This name is of -special interest, as it can hardly be doubted that we have here to do -with that "Jaitsí Parmár" of Ábu whose daughter's beauty caused the -fatal feud between "Bhíma Solanki" of Anahilaváda and Prithiráj Chohán -of Delhi. [1131] The title of Mahâraul is to be noted as indicating -the decline of the family from the great days of Krishnarája. - -Towards the end of the thirteenth century the old world was falling -to pieces, and the Paramáras lost one after another nearly all -their ancient possessions to the Choháns of Nádol. Bhinmál must have -fallen about A.D. 1200 or a few years before, for Inscription No. 6 -is dated Samvat 1262 (A.D. 1206) in the reign of the Mahárájádhirája -Srí Udayasimhadêva, who, as we learn from Inscription 12, was the son -of the Maháraul Srí Samarasimhadeva, of the Chohán race. The sudden -rise of the son to greatness is implied in the difference of title -and it may be inferred that Udayasimha himself was the conqueror of -Bhinmál, though the capture of Ábu is ascribed by Forbes to a chief -named Lúniga. [1132] - -Inscriptions Nos. 6 to 8 being dated in the reign of Udayasimha, show -that he lived to at least the year A.D. 1249 and therefore reigned -at least forty-three years. He is also referred to in the Inscription -No. 10, dated A.D. 1274, but in a way that does not necessarily imply -that he was still alive, as the record only speaks of an endowment -for his spiritual benefit, made by a person who was perhaps an old -retainer. His name also occurs in the genealogy in No. 12. His reign -was apparently a prosperous one but no historical facts beyond those -already noted are known about him. - -Inscription No. 12 shows that Udayasimha had a son named Váhadhasimha, -who, as he is given no royal title, probably died before his -father. Udayasimha's successor, or at all events the next king in -whose reign grants are dated, was Cáciga, who is given the title of -Maháraul in Inscriptions 11 (A.D. 1277) and 12 (A.D. 1278). [1133] -His relationship to Udayasimha does not clearly appear, but he -was probably either an elder brother or an uncle of the Cámunda -for whose benefit the gift recorded in Inscription 12 was made and -who seems to be a grandson of Udayasimha. Cáciga appears to be the -Mahámandalesvara Cáciga of Inscription 15 in the Bháunagar State -Collection (Bháu. Prá. I. list page 5) which is stated to bear the -date Samvat 1332 (A.D. 1276) and to be engraved on a pillar in the -temple of Pársvanátha at Ratanpur near Jodhpúr. It is clear that -he was tributary to some greater power though it is not easy to say -who his suzerain was. At this period Márwár was in a state of chaos -under the increasing pressure of the Ráthods. Only five years after -Cáciga's last date (A.D. 1278) we meet with the name of a new ruler, -the Maháraul Srí Sámvatasimha. He is mentioned in Inscriptions 13 -(A.D. 1283) 14 (A.D. 1286) and 15 (A.D. 1289) and also in 44 of the -Bháunagar Collection (A.D. 1296 Bháu. Prá. I. list page 13) from a Jain -temple at Juná. He is not stated to have belonged to the same family -as the previous rulers, but he bears the family title of Maháraul, and -it may be inferred with probability that he was a son of Cáciga. He -reigned for at least thirteen years (A.D. 1283-1296). It must have -been about A.D. 1300 or a little later, that the Choháns were deprived -of Bhinmál by the Ráthods and the line of Udayasimha died out. [1134] - -[Inscriptions.] The Jagsvámi temple has the honour of supplying -fifteen of eighteen unmodern inscriptions found at Bhinmál. Of the -fifteen inscriptions belonging to Jagsvámi's temple nine are in place -and six have been removed to other buildings. Of the six which have -been moved five are in Báráji's rest-house in the east and one is in -the enclosure of Mahálakshámí's temple in the south of the town. Of -the three remaining inscriptions of one (No. 3) the date S. 1106 -(A.D. 1043) is alone legible. Of the letters on the two others, one in -the bed and the other on the north bank of the Jaikop lake, no portion -can be read. Arranged according to date the sixteen inscriptions of -which any portion has been read come in the following order: - -I.--(S. 950-1050; A.D. 900-1000. No. 1 of Plan.) On the left hand -side of the eastern face of the broken architrave of the porch of the -shrine of Jagsvâmi. The letters show the inscription to be of about -the tenth century: - - - Srî Jagasvâmidêvasya vâsare - - on the day of Srî Jagasvâmi. [1135] - - -II.--(S. 950-1050; A.D. 900-1000. No. 2 of Plan.) On the south -face of the eightsided section of the northern pillar of the shrine -porch in the temple of Jagsvâmi. Wrongly described in Bhâvanagara -prâcînasodhasangraha I. under No. 46 of the State Collection, as -referring to a man called Vasumdhara and dated Vi. S. 1330. As the -letters show, the inscription is of about the tenth century. It -consists of a single complete verse: - - - 1. Vasumdharî-kâri- - 2. tâu dvâu stambhâv ê- - 3. -tâu manôharâu - 4. svapituh Santaka- - 5. sârthê satatam - 6. punyavriddhayê || - - These two lovely pillars Vasumdharî had made for her father - Santaka's sake for increase of merit for ever. - - -III.--(S. 1106; A.D. 1049. Not on Plan.) On the east side of the -southern water channel into Gautama's lake three-quarters of a mile -north of the town. Except the date nothing can be deciphered. - -IV.--(S. 1117; A.D. 1060. Not on Plan.) On the lower part of a pillar -in the dharmasálá east of the temple of Bârâji on the east of the -town. Prose: - - - 1. Om Namah sûryâya | yasyôdayâstasamayêsuramakutanispri- - - 2. shta-carana-kamalô s pi | kurutê s jalim Trinetrah sa jayati - dhâmnâ nidhi - - 3. Sûryah | Samvat 1117 (A.D. 1057) Mâgha Sudi 6 Ravâu Srî Srîmâle - Paramâravams - - 4. dbhavo Mahârâjâdhîrâjâ Srî Krishnarâjah Srî Dhamdhukasutah Srîmad - Dêvarâ- - - 5. -ja-pauttrah tasmin kshitîsê vijayini | - vartamâna-varsha-vârika-Dharkuta- - - 6. jâti-Kirinâdityô Jêla-sutô Dêda-Harir Mâdhava-sutô Dhamdha-nâkô Dha- - - 7. ranacanda-sutas tathâ Thâkhâta-jâti Dharanâdityah Sarvadêva-sutah - | amî- - - 8. bhiscaturbhis tathâ Vânyêna Dharkuta-jâtyâ Dhamdhakêna Jêlasutêna - nija-ku- - - 9. -la-mandanêna dêva-guru-vrâhmana-susrûshâ-parêna - Ravi-carana-yuga-dhyânâ- - -10. -vishtena samsârasyânityatâm(n)irîkshya râjâno râjaputrâmsca - vrâhmanân (ma-) - -11. -hâjana-paurâmsca tathâ lokân Saura-dharmê pravarttâyya dravyâni - me ... (ni) - -12. -tya-tejo-nidheh Srî Jagatsvâmi-dêvasya deva-bhavana-jîrnoddhâ ... - -13. (kâ)râpitam bhavanasyopari svarnna-kalasam vrâhmanena - para-(ma-dhâ-) - -14. -rmmikena Jêjâkêna nija-dravyena kâritam iti || Sam 1 - -15. Jyeshtha Su di 8 somê râtrâu ghatikâ 3 pala 25 asmin la- - -16. (g)nê sarvakarma nishpâdya kalasam dhvajam ca dayapitam iti || - -17. (Ta)thâ purâtanavrittêna pari devasyâsya Râjñâ Srî Krishnarâjêna - Srî- - -18. ... (pu-)rîya-mandalê grâmam prativao drâ. 20 Sacaliyâ-grâmê - kshêtram êkam - -19. ...... trâyâ râjabhôgât tu drôna ...... sati kâ .. - -20. ... || Râmasî Pômarapi kâ ...... prativao drâ. 1 ...... - -21. .... vijñapya camdanena kârâpitam iti || Tathâ âlav .... - -22. ... ya pra da ... likhitam kada .......... - -23. ............. kâya ..... - - -Translation. - - -1-3. Om! Reverence to the Sun! Victorious is that sun, the storehouse -of brightness, at whose rising and setting the three-eyed (Siva), -even though (his own) lotus feet are touched by the diadems of the -gods, folds his hands (in adoration). - -3-5. On Sunday the 6th of the light half of Mâgha, the year 1113, at -holy Srîmâla the Mahârâjâdhirâja Srî Krishnarâja son of Srî Dhamdhuka -and grandson of the glorious Devarâja, of the Paramâra race--in his -victorious reign. - -6-7. Kirinâditya, Jêla's son, of the Dharkuta family, (being -office-holder) in his turn for the current year, Dada Hari son of -Mâdhava, Dhamdhanaka son of Dharanacanda and Dharanâditya son of -Sarvadeva of the Thâkhâta race. - -8-12. By these four and by the Vânî (?) Dhamdhaka son of Jêla of -the Dharkuta race, the ornament of his family, strict in obedience -to the gods, to his teachers and to Brâhmanas, and full of devotion -to the feet of Ravi (the Sun), observing the perishableness of this -world, and urging kings Kshatriyas Brâhmanas merchants and townsfolk -to worship the sun, repairs were done to the temple of the god Srî -Jagatsvâmi, the everlasting store of light. - -13. The kalasa of gold above the temple the very righteous Brâhmana -Jêjâka had made at his own charges. In the year 1.... - -15. on Monday the 8th of the light half of Jyêshtha, in the 25th pala -of the 3rd ghatikâ of night--at this moment - -16. all the work being finished the kalasa and banner were set up (?) - -17. and after the ancient manner by the king Srî Krishnarâja .... of -this complaint .... - -18. a village in the Srî .... purîya district, yearly 20 drammas. In -Sacaliyâ village a field - -19. .... But from the king's share (of the crop) a drôna .... - -20. ............... yearly 1 dramma ....... - -21. .... by order was caused to be made by Camdana || and ... - -22. ......... written .......... - -23. ...... kâya. - - -V.--(S. 1123; A.D. 1066. No. 3 of Plan.) On the north face of the upper -square section of the more northerly of the two pillars that support -the eastern side of the dome of the temple of Jagsvâmi. Entirely -in prose: - - -1. Om. Samvat 1123, Jyêshtha Vadi 12 Sanâu || adyêha Srî Srîmâlê - Mahârâjâdhirâja-Srî Krishnarà- - -2. ja-râjyê Dêvasrîcandîsa-Mahâdêva-dharmâdhikâra-cêtakaparama - Pâsupatâcârya-Srî Jâvalasyê ... | Sauva- - -3. -rnika Jasanâsâ | Srêshthi Camdanâ Kiranâdityâ Sîharâ - varttamâna-varsha-vârika-Joga-candra ..... - -4. Gugâ navâi .... lôkê ca êka .. matîbhûtvâ -........... .......... Srîmâlîya Vrâ- - -5. hmana Vâhatêna ......... Srî Camdîsa ............ ...... drammâ .... - -6-13. Badly damaged: only a few letters legible here and there. - - -Translation. - -1-2. Ôm! On Saturday the 12th of the dark half of Jyêshtha Samvat -1123--on this day at holy Srîmâla, in the reign of the Mahârâjâdhirâja -Srí Krishnarâja--of Srî Jâvala, the servant of the offices of religion -to the god Srî Camdîsa Mahâdêva, the supreme teacher of the Pâsupatas -... - -3. The goldsmith Jasanâsâ, the seth Camdanâ, Kiranâditya, Sîharâ, -Jogacamdra the office-holder in turn for the current year - -4-5. Gugâ ... and in the world ... being of one mind ... ... by Vâhata -the Srîmâlî Brâhmana ... Srî Camdîsa ... drammas ... - - -VI.--(S. 1239; A.D. 1183. No. 4 of Plan.) On the upper face of the -eightsided section of the fallen pillar on the south side of the dome -of the temple of Jagsvâmi. Entirely in prose: - - - 1. Sam. 1239 Âsvina Vadi 10 Vudhê - 2. Adyêha Srî Srîmâle Mahârâja- - 3. -putra Srî Jayatasîha-dêva-râjyê || - 4. Guhilo Pramahidâsuta-trao arava- - 5. sâka Vahiyana Vâlâka-dêvâya - 6. drava dra. 1 tathâ bhâryâ Mâlhanadê- - 7. dî krita dra. 1 yê kêpi pa ati bhava - 8. mti teshâm pratidrao vi 1 labhyâ yahko(s) - 9. pi catra-pâlô bhavati tena varshân(u-) - 10. -varsha(m) dinê dêvâya dâtavyam || - - -Translation. - -1. In the year 1239 (1183 A.D.) on Wednesday the tenth of the dark -half of Âsvina - -2-3. On this day here in holy Srîmâla in the reign of his majesty -Srî Jayatasîha the Mahâraul. - -4-6. Aravasâka Vahiyana the Guhila, the Trao, [1136] son of Pramahidâ -(gave) to Vâlâka-dêva one dramma in cash. - -6-7. And (his) wife Mâlhana-dêdî (dêvî) (gave) one dramma. Whosoever -are , by them for each dramma one vi is to be received. Whosoever - -9. is the ruler by him every - -10. year on the day it is to be given to the god. - - - -VII.--(S. 1262; A.D. 1206. No. 5 of Plan.) On the upper face of the -lower square section of the fallen pillar which is one of the pair -of three dome pillars. Prose: - - - 1. o || Om. Namah Suryâyah || Yasyodayâstasamayê sura-makuta-nispri- - - 2. shta-carana-kamalopi kurutê mjali(m) trinêtra(h) sajayati dhâmnâm - niddhi(h) sûryah || - - 3. Samvat 1262 varshê adyêha Srî Srîmâle Mahârâjâdhirâja Srî Uda- - - 4. -yasîmha-dêva-kalyâna-vijaya-râjyê mahao - Âsvapasî-prabhriti-pamca-kula- - - 5. pratipattâu || Kâyastha-jâtîya-Vâlamyânvayê mahao Yasôpâlasrêyô - rthamvê (cê?)- - - 6. -taka-Vîlhâkêna Srî Jayasvâmi-dêvîya-bhâmdâgârê kshêpita dra. 40 - catvari(m). - - 7. Sat Âsvina mâsê yâtr(ôtsavê?) Âsvina sudi 13 ... 1 Âgni câyê. - - 8. Mâlâyâ, pushpamû dra. 4 aguru dra ... - - 9. -dra. 4 pramadâ kulasya dra. 1 êvam dra. 12 dvâdasa-drammâ - âcamdrârkam prativarsham dêvêna kârâpa - -10. nîyâ || tathâ srêyârtham Madrakêna(?) dêva bhâmdâgârê kshipita - dra. 15 pamcadasa drammâ Mâgha- - -11. -vadi 6 dinê balinibamdhê(?) gôdhûma sê 2 pâkâ ghrita palî 9 - naivêdya 32 amga- - -12. -bhôgô prativarshamâcamdrârkam yâvat dêvêna karanîyah ... dinê - Âhadasvâ- - -13. -mi-suhâlam/ Bhadrasvâmi-suhâlam/ Acamdrârkavat âpanîya(m) - likhitam pâ° Bâmdhavada su(tê)- - -14. -na Câmdapasâkêna hînâksharam adhikâksharam pramânam || - - -Translation. - -1-2. Om. Reverence to the Sun! Victorious is that sun, the storehouse -of brightness, at whose rising and setting the three-eyed (Siva) folds -his hands (in adoration), even though his lotus feet are touched by -the diadems of the gods. - -3-5. In the Samvat year 1262 (1206 A.D.), on this day here in holy -Srîmâla, in the prosperous and victorious reign of his majesty the -Mahârâjâdhirâja Srî Udayasîmha in the term of office of the panch -(consisting of) Âsvapasî &c. - -5-7. For the (spiritual) benefit of Yasôpâla in the Vâlamya family of -the Kâyastha caste, dra. 40, forty drammas were deposited by Vîlhâka -the Vetaka (or Cêtaka) in the treasury of the god Srî Jayasvâmi. - -7. At the yâtrâ festival in the month of Âsvina, on the 13th of the -light half of Âsvina ... | , at the building of the fire-(altar). - -8. ... for flowers for the garland dra. 4, aloewood dra.... - -9. 4 drammas, for the band of singing women one dramma: thus dra. 12, -twelve drammas (in all) are to be applied yearly by the god so long -as sun and moon endure. - -10. So also the dra. 15, fifteen drammas deposited in the treasury -of the god by Madraka(?) for (spiritual) benefit. - -11-12. On the sixth of the dark half of Mâgha in the fixed ritual of -the bali, wheat one ser, ... ghi nine palîs, the naivêdya ... 32, -the angabhôga is to be performed yearly by the god so long as sun -and moon endure. - -12-13. On the ... day the suhâla of Âhadasvâmi and the suhâla of -Bhadrasvâmi is to be given so long as sun and moon endure. - -13-14. Written by the pâ° Camdapasâka son of Bâmdhavada. [1137] The -letter less or the letter more ... of authority. - - -VIII.--(S. 1274; A.D. 1218. Not in Plan.) In Bârâji's rest-house on -the west face of the third right hand pillar. Prose: - - -1. Samvat 1274 varshê Bhâdrapada sudi 9 Sukrê dyêha Srî-Srîmâ- -2. -lê Mahârâjâdhirâja Srî Udaya-simha-dêva-kalyâna-vijaya-râjyê Sa°. -3. Dêpâlaprabhriti-pamcakula pratipattâu.... -4. ..... Srî Udayasîha ...... Srîdêva Jagasvâmi-naivêdyê .. -5. ..... dina .. nityadêya lô 2 dvân. -6. } -7. } Illegible. -8. } - - -Translation. - - -1. In the Samvat year 1274 (1218 A.D.) on Friday the 9th of the bright -half of Bhâdrapada--on this day here in holy Srîmâla, - -2. in the prosperous and victorious reign of his majesty the -Mahârâjâdhirâja Srî Udayasimha, in - -3. the term of office of the panch (consisting of) Sa° Dêpâla and -others ..... - -4. ... Srî Udayasîha ..... in the naivedya of Srîdêva Jagasvâmi.... - -5. ..... day ... to be given regularly 2 two lô° (?). - - -IX.--(S. 1305; A.D. 1249. Not in Plan.) On the south face of the -fifth right pillar on the right hand of Bârâji's rest-house. Prose: - - - 1. Ôm Namah Sûryâyah || yasyodayâstasa- - 2. -mayê Sura-makuta-nisprishta-carana- - 3. -kamalo pi kurutê mjalim Trinetra sa - 4. jayati dhâmnâ(m) nidhi(h) Suryah || Sam. 1305 va- - 5. -rshê adyêha Srî Srîmâlê Mahârâjâdhirâjasrî (Uda-) - 6. -ya-siha-dêva-kalyâna-vijaya-râjyê maha° Gaja(si-) - 7. -ha-prabhriti pamca(kula-pratipattâu) ..... nadêvî ... - 8. vâha ... Srî Jagasvâmidêvîyabhândâgâre kshêpita dra. 50 pamcâ - (saddrammâ â-) - 9. -Svina-yâtrâyâm Âsvina sudi (4) dinê divasa-bali .. -10. ................................ (gô-) -11. -dhûma sê 2 .. ghrita ka 8 ........... muga pâ 2 ghrita ka 2. -12. } -13. } -14. } Illegible. -15. } - - -Translation. - -1-4. Ôm. Reverence to the Sun! Victorious is that sun, the storehouse -of brightness, at whose rising and setting the three-eyed (Siva) -folds his hands (in adoration), even though his feet are touched by -the diadems of the gods. - -4-7. In the year Sam. 1305 (1249 A.D.), on this day here in holy -Srîmâla in the prosperous and victorious reign of his majesty the -Mahârâjâdhirâja Srî Udayasiha, in the term of office of the panch -(consisting of) Maha° Gajasiha and others ...... nadêvî. - -8. Vâha ... dra. 50 fifty drammas deposited in the treasury of the -god Srî Jagasvâmi. - -9. At the Âsvina festival on the 4th day of the light half of Âsvina -the day's bali. - -10. .......... - -11. Wheat sers 2 .. ghî karshas (8) ..... mung pâ 2, ghî -karshas 2. - -12-15. Illegible. - - -X.--(S. 1320; A.D. 1264. No. 6 of Plan.) On the east face of the -lower square section of the more northerly of the east pair of dome -pillars of Jagsvâmi's temple. First thirteen lines in verse, the rest -in prose. No. 49 of the Bhâunagar State Collection (Bhâu. Prâ. I.) - - - 1. Ôm namo Vighnarâjâya namo devâya bhâsvate | namo nanta-sva- - - 2. rûpâya Harayê Cakrapânayê || namah SivâyaSomâya namah para- - - 3. ma-Vrahmanê | Iti pamcanamaskârâh sarvapâpapranâ-sakâh || sarva-mam- - - 4. gala-mamgalyâh sarva-saukhya-pradâyakâh | sarvârtha-siddhi-sampannâh - sam- - - 5. -tu mê hridi sarvadâ || Iti jantur japan nityam nityam âsrayatê - sukham | ta- - - 6. -smâd asmin japê punyê ratir astu sadaiva mê || Iti - dhyânaikanishthâtmâ- - - 7. Kâyastho naigamânvayê | Rishir âsît purâ Sadhunamdano namdanah - satâin || - - 8. Srikrishna-Krishna-Govinda-pranidhâna-parâyanah | Pautras tasyâjani - Srîmâ- - - 9. -n Sadhdhalo Valanâmgajah || Sadaiva - datta-mishtânna-toshitâneka-vâdavah | - -10. Ahâra-prasaro yasya pânih padmâlayâlayah || paropakâra-vratinâm - vaishna - -11. vadharmasêvinâm || yêna janmâtmanascakrê sâdhuvâda-vibhûshitam || - tatah parama- - -12. -dharmmâtmâ sadâ visadamânasah || dêvîdatta-varah Srîmân Subhato - bhût tadamgabhûh | - -13. Câgneyas tasya Kêdâra-pukah Kânhado bhavat | Mahâdêvasuto yasya - bhrârau Râ- - -14. -ma. Âsalô || Têna Srîkêdâraputraka Kânhadêna svasrêyasê Sam - 1320 va- - -15. -rshê Mâgha Su di 9 navamîdinê prativarasham balinimittam Srî - Jayasvâmi-dê- - -16. vîya-bhândâgârê kshêpita dra. 50 pamcâsan drammâh || bali-nibamdhê - godhûma sê 1 1/2 - -17. ghrita ka 6 naivêdyê mâ 1/2 muga mâ 3/4 ghrita ka 1/2 Âbôtî dra - 1/4 + 2 - -18. Vyâsa lô 2 pushpakumkumâguru-mûlyê dra. 2 patra-pûga-mû dra | - pramadâkula - -19. dra. 1 Êvam prativarsham dêvakîyabhândâgârât shad drammâ vyayê - dêvêna kârâ - -20. pyam || Iyam prasastir Maha° Subhatêna bhanitâ | - Dhruva-Nâgvala-suta-Dêdâ- - -21. -kêna likhitâ || sûtra° Gôgâ Suta-Bhîmasîhênôtkîrnâ || ka || ka || - - -Translation. - - -1. "Om. Reverence to the lord of obstacles (Ganesa), reverence to -the brilliant god (the Sun), reverence to him of everlasting nature, - -2. To Hari, wielder of the discus. Reverence to Siva (and) to Sôma, -reverence - -3-5. to the highest Brahma. May these five reverences which destroy -all sin, the most auspicious of all auspicious (sayings), which -grant all happiness, attended with the accomplishment of all objects, -be ever in my heart." - -5-6. The creature that constantly murmurs (these words) resorts to -everlasting happiness. Therefore may I for ever take pleasure in this -holy murmur. - -6-7. There was formerly in the Naigama family a Kâyastha, Rishi son -of Sadhu, the delight of the good, whose mind was solely intent upon -(the above) meditation. - -7-9. (He was) devoted to meditation on (the names) Srí Krishna, -Krishna, and Govinda. To him was born a grandson, the glorious -Sadhdhala son of Valana, who constantly satisfied numerous Brâhmanas -with gifts of sweet food, - -10. whose hand was not stretched out to steal, who was the home of -Lakshmî for the followers of the Vaishnava religion, who are vowed -to doing good to others, - -11-12. who adorned his life with the discussions of saints. From him -there was the glorious Subhata, the very righteous, whose mind was -ever clear, and to whom Dêvî granted a boon. Born of his body - -13-14. was Câgneya. His (grandson) was Kânhâda son of Kêdâra or -Mahâdêva and his (Kânhada's) two brothers were Râma and Âsala. - -14-16. By this Kânhada, son of Kêdâra for his own benefit, fifty -drammas dra. 50, were deposited in the treasury of Srî Jayasvâmidêva -for a yearly bali, on the ninth (9) of the light half of Mâgha, -in the Samvat year 1320 (1264 A.D.) - -16-18. In the Bali endowment wheat 1 1/2 seers, ghî 6 karshas, in the -naivêdya 1 measure, mung 3/4 measure, ghî 1/2 karsha, Âbôti (?) 1/4 -dramma + 2, Bhata lô (?), for the price of flowers turmeric and aloe -wood one dramma, for the price of leaves and betelnut one dramma, -for the band of singing women one dramma. - -19. So let six drammas be expended every year by the god from his -treasury. - -20-21. This prasasti was spoken (composed) by the Maha-(ttara - ?) Subhata. It was written by Dêdâka, son of Nâgvala the Dhruva. It -is engraved by the carpenter Bhîmasêna son of Gôgâ. - - -XI.--(S. 1330; A.D. 1264. No. 7 of Plan.) On the south face of -the lower square section of the western side of the north pair -of dome pillars. First 11 1/2 lines and lines 21 22 and half of -23 in verse, the rest in prose. No. 47 of the Bhâunagar State -Collection. (Bhâu. Prâ. I. list page 14): - - - 1. Namah Srî Vighnarâjâya namo dêvâya bhâsvatê namo ... - - 2. Paramâna(m) dadâyinê cakrapânayê | Kâyastha-vámsa prasavah purâsît. - - 3. Srî Sâdha-nâmâ purushah purânah | Rishi .... - - 4. } - 5. } Damaged and illegible. - 6. } - - 7. ....... dharmârtha ... vigâha- - - 8. -mânô ânamdakârah ....... janishta sû - - 9. nuh Subhata ............ saubhâgya-sampal-lalitâ- 10. -bhidhânâ | - trivarga-sâram tanaya-svarûpam ........ sajjanâgryam Râjâdhi. - -11. Râjôdaya-siha-deva-nihsreyasê Srî Subhatêna têna | dêvasya kosê.... - -12. ..... mkshêpitam ..... || Tênaiva Maha° Subhatêna-sva srê- - -13. -yasê Samvat 1330 varshê Âsvina su di 4 caturthîdinê divasa bali- - -14. -pûjâ-prêkshanîyakârtha(m) dêva Srî Jayasvâmi-bhândâgârê - dra. 50 pam- - -15. -câsan drammâ nikshêpitâh || Tathâ Srîkaranê Maha° - Gajasîhaprabhriti- - -16. -pamcakulam upârâdhayita(-yati) | Balidinê varshanibamdhê kârâpita - dra. 4 catu- - -17. -ro drammâh prativarsham svîya pastalâ bhâvya ... pamcakulêna - dâtâvyâh - -18. Vali-nivamdhê gôdhûma sê 2 ghrita ka 8 muga mâ | côshâm mâ 1/2 - ghrita ka 1/2 vyâ- - -19. -sa-nirvâpa I Abôtî nirvâpa I Kumkumâguru dra. 2 pushpa dra. 2 - patrapûga dra. 2. - -20. Pramadâkula dra. 2 êvam êtat prativarsham âcamdrârkkam dêvêna - kârâpyam || - -21. Srîsatya-ratna-pura-lâta-hradâdhikârî, Srîmâladesavahikâdhikri | - -22. -to dhurînah | vyâsêna candaharinâ vidushâm varêna yo dhyâpitah - sa vi- - -23. -dadhê Subhatah prasastim || Dhru° Dêdâkêna likhitâ sûtra° - Gôshasîhê- - -24. -na utkirnâ || la || - - -Translation. - - -1-2. Reverence to the Lord of Obstacles (Ganesa). Reverence to the -shining god. Reverence ... to (Vishnu) the holder of the discus who -bestows supreme happiness. - -2-3. There was formerly an ancient man named Srî Sâdha born of the -Kâyastha race. Rishi ...... - -4-6. Illegible. - -7-9. .... for righteousness .... entering ..... giving pleasure -.... there was born a son Subhata-- - -9-10. ... (a wife) Lalitâ by name, rich in excellence ... the -summing-up of the three objects of human effort (religious merit, -wealth, and pleasure) in the form of a son ... the chief of the -virtuous-- - -11. By that Srî Subhata for the spiritual benefit of the king of kings -his majesty Udayasîha in the treasury of the god ... deposited ...... - -12-15. By that same Maha° Subhata for his own (spiritual) benefit -in the Samvat year 1330 (1274 A.D.) on the fourth day of the bright -half of Âsvina, for the day's bali, worship and darsana dra. 50, -fifty drammas were deposited in the treasury of the god Srî Jayasvâmi. - -15-17. And he serves (propitiates ?) the pamca consisting of Maha° -Gajasîha and the rest at Srî Karana. On the bali day the four (4) -drammas given for the bali endowment are to be paid every year by -the pamca from their own.... - -18-20. In the bali endowment wheat sê 2, ghî ka(rshas) 8, mung one -measure, côsha 1/2 measure, ghî ka(rsha) 1/2, the Bhat's dole 1, -the Abôtî's dole 1, turmeric and aloewood dra. 2, flowers dra. 2, -leaves and betelnut dra. 2, the band of singing women dra. 2: so is -this to be given yearly by the god so long as sun and moon endure. - -21-23. Subhata, the officer of Srî Satyapura Ratnapura and Lâta-hrada, -the chief set over the vahikas of the Srîmâla country, who was taught -by Canda Hari the purânic, best of the learned, composed the prasasti. - -24. Written by Dêdâka the Dhruva and engraved by Gôshasîha the -carpenter. - - -XII--(S. 1333; A.D. 1277. Not in Plan.) On the north bank of Jaikop -lake on a fallen pillar to the west of Ghazni Khán's tomb. Lines -1-4 and half of line 5 and lines 18-22 (and perhaps 23 and 24) in -verse, the rest in prose. No. 52 of the Bhâunagar State Collection -(Bhâu. Prâ. I. list pages 15-16): - - - 1. Yah purâtra mahâsthânê Srîmâlê susamâgatah | sa deva(h) Srî - - 2. Mahâvîra ........ bhayatrâtâ (?) prajñâ - - 3. Yam saranam gatáh | tasya Vîrajinêmdrasya prajârtham sasanam navam - || 2 Pâ- - - 4. -râpaddha-mahâgacchê punya-punya-svabhâvinâ( ?) Srî - pûrnacamdra-sûri- - - 5. nâ prasâdâl likhyatê yathâ || svasti Samvat 1333 varshê || Âsvi- - - 6. -na su di 14 Sômê | adyêha Srî Srîmâlê Mahârâjakula Srî Ca (?) - - 7. -ciga-dêva-kalyâna-vijayi-râjyê tanniyukta-maha° Gajasîha- - - 8. -prabhriti-pamcakula-pratipattâu Srî Srimâla-dêsa-vahikâdhikritêna - - 9. Naigamânvaya-kâyastha-mahattama-Subhatêna tathâ(ve?) cêtaka - Karmasîhê- - -10. -na svaârêyasê Âsvinamâsîya-yâtrâ-mahôtsavê Âsvina Su di 14 ca- - -11. -turdasî-dinê Srî Mahâvîradêvâya prativarsham - pamcôpacâra-pûjânimi- - -12. -ttam Srîkaranîyapamcakulam - sêlahatha-dâsî-narapâla-varakti-pûrvasambô- - -13. -dhya-talapa-dêhala-sahadî-pada-ma ... hala-sahadî - -14. da 5 saptavisôpakôpê pamcadrammâ samâ sêlahathâbhâvyê âtha - -15. drâ°. ma dra. 8 ashtâu dramma: || ubhayam saptavisôpakôpêna - trayôdasa dra- - -16. -mmâ âcamdrârkkam dêvadâyê kârâpitâh || varttamâna-pamca-kulêna va- - -17. -rttamâna-sêlahathêna dêvadâyê kritam idam svasrêyasê pâlanîyam || - -18. Yasmân pamcakulô sarvô mantavyam iti sarvadâ | tasya tasya - tadâ srêyo - -19. Yasya yasya yadâ padam || || Srîsatya-ratna-pura-Lâta-hradâdhikârî - Srî- - -20. -mâla-dêsa-vahikâdhikrito dhurînah | vyâsêna Candaharinâ - vidushâm va- - -21. -rêna yodhyâpitah sa vidadhê Subhatah prasastim || tha || Iyam - Gôgânujâtê- 22. (-na) sûtradhârêna dhîmatâ | utkirnâ Bhîmasîhêna - sâsanâkshara-mâlikâ | - -23. .. sanam idam mathapatimahendragoshtika Âcamdrapratipattâu || - tha || - -24. .. vasasamaya ..... (li) khitam têna dhîmatâ | yo vâcayati punyâ- - -25. ... sata ........ tî || tha || ma(m)gala-sadâsrîh || sivamastu - samp. - - -Translation. - - -1. The god Srî Mahâvîra who formerly came in(to) this great town -Srîmâla ..... in whom the wise protected from fear take refuge--a -new ordinance is written as follows for the people's sake through -the favour of that Vîra, chief of the Jinas by Srî Pûrnacandra Sûri, -whose nature is most holy. - -5-9. Good luck! In the Samvat year 1333 (1277 A.D.), on Monday the -14th of the light half of Âsvina--on this day here in holy Srîmâla -in the prosperous and victorious reign of his majesty Srî Câciga -the Mahâraul, in the term of office of the panch (consisting of) -Mahao Gajasîha and others, appointed by him. - -9-11. By Subhata the leading Kâyastha, of the Naigama family, the -officer in authority over the Vahikas of the Srîmâla country, and by -Karmasîha the Cêtaka (servant) (or vêtaka), for their own (spiritual) -benefit, at the great festival of the jatrâ of the month of Âsvina -on the fourteenth day 14 of the light half of Âsvina, for the worship -(consisting of) the five services yearly to the god Srî Mahâvîra. - -12-15. [These four lines seem to be made up chiefly of Prâkrit words -which I am unable to translate. They specify two sums, one of 5 and -the other of 8 drammas.] - -15-17. Both, with the twenty-seventh upakopa (?), the 13 drammas -have been given in religious endowment. This which has been made -as a religious endowment is to be maintained by the pamca and by -the Sêlahatha (?) officiating (from time to time) for their own -(spiritual) benefit. - -18-19. Because every pamca is always to be honoured, the benefit -(of maintaining the endowment) belongs to whomsoever at any time -(holds) the office. - -19-22. Subhata, the officer of Srîsatyapura Ratnapura and Lâtahrada, -the chief set over the vahikas of the Srîmâla country, who was -taught by Candahari the purânik, the best of the learned, composed -the prasasti. The series of letters of this grant was engraved by -the wise carpenter Bhîmasîha the son of Gôga. - -23-25. This grant was written by that wise one ... at the time ..... in -the term of office of the Abbot Mahêndra and the committeeman Âcamdra -(?) .. who causes to speak .. .... Good luck! Bliss for ever! May it -be auspicious ... Finis. - - -XIII.--(S. 1334; A.D. 1278. No. 8 in Plan.) On the north face of -the lower square section of the eastern of the north pair of dome -pillars. All in prose: - - - 1. Om namah Sûryâyah || yasyôdayâstasamayê - suramukuta-nisprîshta-carana- - - 2. kamalo pi kurutê mjalim trinêtra - sajayati dhâmnâ(m) nidhi(h) sûryah || | Samvat 1334. - - 3. Varshê Âsvina va di 8 adyêha Srî Srîmâlê - Mahârâjakula-Srî-Câciga-Kalyâna-vija- - - 4. -ya-râjyê tanníyukta-mahao - ... (si)ha-prabhriti-pamcakula-pratipattâu | êvam kâlê pravarttamânê - - 5. Câhumânânvayê Mahârâja(ku)la Srî Samarasihâtmaja-Mahârâjâdhirâja-Srî - Udaya || - - 6. Sihadêvâmgaja-Srî Vâhadhasiha ......... Sri - Câmunda-râja-deva-srêyasê mahao - - 7. Dêdâkêna ...... Srî Jagasvâmidêvîya bhândâgâre ... bali ....... - - 8. ... dra. 100 satam drammâ nikshêpitâ Âsvina-yâtrâyâ(m) Âsvina vadi - 8 ashtamî-dinê divasa-bali ta- - - 9. -thâ amgabhôga ... prêkshanika ..... Srîdêvîya-bhâmdâgârât - kârâpanîya | bali-nibamdhê - -10. gôdhûma sê 3 ghrita ka 1 (naivêdyê) ..... côshâ(m) mâ 2, muga sê - 1/4, ghrita ka 1/2 vyâsanirvâpa 1 Âbôtî. - -11. -nirvâpa 1 kumkumâguru-mûly(ê) dra. 2 tathâ pushphamûlyê dra. 2 - (?) tathâ patrapûga-mûlyê dra. 2 pramadâkulê mûlyê dra. 2 ê- - -12. -vam êtat Vyâsa-Âbôtika-srêshti-goshtika- ... kula-pramadâkula - prabhritinâm varsham varsham prati â- - -13. camdrârka-yâvat tathâ ...... îtî kârâpanîya srî-dêvêna kârâpanîya | - pari kênâpi na karanî- - -14. -yâ | likhitam dhruo Nâgula-suta-Dêdâkêna ...... hînâksharam - adhikâksharam vâ sarvam pramâna- - -15. -miti || mamgalam sadâ srîh || (sûtradhâréna ?) Nânâ-suta Dêpâla - Sam 33 varshê Caitra va di 15 ...... saha. - -16. Manasihêna (?) ..... || - - -Translation. - - -1-2. Ôm. Reverence to the Sun! Victorious is that sun, the storehouse -of brightness, at whose rising and setting the three-eyed (Siva), -even though (his own) lotus feet are touched by the diadems of the -gods, folds his hands (in adoration). - -3-4. In the Samvat year 1334 (1278 A.D.) on the 8th of the dark half -of Âsvina--on this day here in holy Srîmâla in the prosperous and -victorious reign of his majesty the Mahâraul Srî Câciga, in the term -of office of the pamca (consisting of) the Mahao .... Sîha and the -rest, appointed by him--at this time - -5-6. for the (spiritual) benefit of his majesty Srî Câmunda-râja -.... (son of) Srî-Vâhadhasiha the son of his majesty Srî Udayasiha -the Mahârâjâdhirâja, (who was) the son of his majesty the Mahâraul -Srî Samarasiha in the Câhumâna race - -7. By the Mahao Dêdâka .... in the treasury of the god Srî Jagasvâmi -.... bali ... - -8. dra. 100, one hundred drammas, were deposited. At the Âsvina yâtrâ -the day's bali on the eighth 8 of the dark half of Âsvina - -9. and the amgabhoga .. darsana, .. to be expended from the treasury -of the god. In the endowment of the bali - -10-11. Wheat sê. 3: ghi ka(rshas) 1: in the naivêdya .. Côsha measures -2, munga sê. 3/4, ghi ka(rsha) 1/2, the Bhat's dole 1, the Âbôtî's -dole 1, for buying turmeric and aloe wood dra. 2, and for buying -flowers dra. 2 (?), and for buying leaves and betel dra. 2, for the -band of singing women dra. 2. - -12-13. Thus this for the Bhat's, Âbôtîs, Committeemen, ..., band -of singing women &c. every year so long as sun and moon (endure) is -so .... to be expended, is to be expended by the god. Interruption -(?) is to be made by no one. - -14. Written by Dêdâka son of Nâgula the dhruva .... the letter less -or the letter more--all is of (no?) authority. - -15. Good luck! Bliss for ever. By the carpenter Dêpâla son of Nânâ, -on the 15th of the dark half of Çaitra in the year 33 ... - -16. By Manasiha (?) .... - - -XIV.--(S. 1339; A.D. 1283. Not on Plan.) In Báráji's rest-house on the -south face of the first right pillar. Prose. No. 51 of the Bhâunagar -State Collection (Bhâu. Prâ. I. list page 5): - - - 1. Ôm namah Sûryâyah || yasyôdayâstasamayê - sura-mukuta-nisprishta-carana- - - 2. -kamalô pi | kurutê mjalim trinètra sa jayati dhâmnâm nidhih - sûryah || samva - - 3. t. 1339 varshê Âsvina Su di | sanâv adyêha Srî Srîmâlê Mahârâja - kula-Srîsâmva- - - 4. -tasîha-dêva-kalyâna-vîjaya-râjyê tanniyukta-mahâ° sîha - prabhriti-pamcakula- - - 5. pratipattau Srî Jâvâlipurât atrâyâta-Guhilò -Ru- - - 6. -drapâla-suta-sâha° Sahajapâlêna âtmasrêyasê pitrimâtrisrêyasê - bali-pujâ- - - 7. amga bhôga pratyam(gam) Srî Jayasvâmi-dêvâya Sûryadêvâya bhâmdâgârê - (k)shêpita dra. 20 vim - - 8. sati drammâ || Svîya-Jâyakâsarahi Rudrâmârga-samîpe Kathara-pânâ- - - 9. âbhidhâna-kshêtra | êka pradattah | dêvâya dinê pûjâ nimi(t) - am Sâha° Saha- - -10. -ja-pâla-bhâryâ âtma-srêyasê mâtâ-pitrôsrêyasê bhamdâgâre - (k)shêpita- - -11. dra. 10 dasa-drammâ .......................... drammâ Asvi- - -12. -na-yâtràyâm Âsvina-su-di | dinê divasa-bali-pujâ bhâmdâgârât - Srîdêvê- - -13. -na kâràpanîyâ | vali-nivamdhê gôdhuma sê 2 ghrita ka 8 naivêdyê - côshâ(m) pâ 2 mu- - -14. -ga ghrita ka 1/2 amgabhôgê patra-puga - -15. pratyam(gam) dra. | Vyâsanirvâpa ....... pôtî-nirvâpa | - pramadâ-kula dra. 2 êtat samrva Srîdêvîya......... 16. kosa dra - .............. pramadâkulêna ........... âcamdrâ-kâlam yâva - -17. -t. ......... nirvâpanîyam || karâpanîyam. .......... nâgula-sutêna - maha° Dê- - -18. -dâkêna .............. | Guhilô Sâha° Rudrapâla-suta-sôdha° - Harisîhê na (Srîdê-) - -19. -vîya-sthitaka dra. 4 Sahajapâla-suta-sâ sthita- - -20. -ka dra 4. ................... - -21-23. Illegible. - - -Translation. - - -1-2. Ôm. Reverence to the Sun! Victorious is that sun, the storehouse -of brightness, at whose rising and setting the three-eyed (Siva), -even though (his own) lotus feet are touched by the diadems of the -gods, folds his hands (in adoration). - -3-5. On Saturday the first of the light half of Âsvina in the year 1339 -(1283 A.D.) on this day here in holy Srîmâla, in the prosperous and -victorious reign of his majesty the Mahâraul Srî Sâmvatasîha, in the -term of office of the pamca (consisting of) the maha° ........ sîha -and the rest, appointed by him. - -5-8. Dra. 20, twenty drammas, were deposited in the treasury for the -sun-god Srî Jagasvâmi by Sâha° Sahajapâla son of Rudrapâla the Guhila, -who came here from Srî Jâvâlipura, for every part of the bali, the -worship, and the amgabhoga, for his own (spiritual) benefit and for -the benefit of his father and mother. - -8-9. ........ near the Rudrâ road 1 one field was given called -Kathara-pânâ - -9-11. To the god on ......... day for worship, the wife of Sâha° -Sahajapâla for her own benefit and for the benefit of her father and -mother. .......... deposited dra. 10, ten drammas. .............. - -11-12. Drammas in the Âsvina Yâtrâ on the first day of the light -half of Âsvina are to be expended by the god from the treasury (for) -the day's bali, worship. ........... - -13-17. In the bali endowment wheat sê 2. .... ghi ka(rshas) 8: in the -nâivêdya côsha pâ 2 mung ..... ghi ka(rsha) 1/2: in the amgabhôga for -every part of the leaves and betel dra. 1, the Bhat's dole ........., -(the Âb)ôtî's dole 1, the band of singing women dra. 2; all this -the god's treasury dra. .............. by the band of singing women -................. so long as sun and moon endure ................. is -to be doled out, is to be expended. - -17-20. By the Maha° Dêdâka son of Nâgula .............. By Sôdha° -Harisîha son of Sâha° Rudrapâla the Guhila, four sthitaka drammas -of the god ............. By Sâ ................ son of Sahajapâla -......... sthitaka drammas 4. .......................... - -21-23. Illegible. - - -XV.--(S. 1342; A.D. 1286. Not in Plan.) In the ground close to the -wall on the right in entering the enclosure of old Mahâlakshmí's -temple. Prose. No. 50 of the Bhâunagar State Collection -(Bhâu. Prâ. I. page 15.) - - - 1. Ôm. Namah Sûryâyah || Yasyôdayâstasamayê sura-ma- - - 2. -kuta-nisprishta-carana kamalô pi kurutê mjalim trinêtra saja- - - 3. -yati dhâmnâm nidhih sûryah || Samvat 1342 (1286 A.D.) Âsvina vadi - 10 Ra- - - 4. -vâvadyêha Srî Srîmâlê Mahârâjakula Srî Sâmvatasîha dê- - - 5. -va-kalyâna-vijaya-râjyê tanniyukta-maha° Pândyâ-prabhriti-pamca- - - 6. -kula pratipattâu | Sâsanâksharâni praya(c)chati yathâ | Râthôda- - - 7. -jâtîya-Ûtisvatîha-pâutra Vâgasasuta Sîla° Alhanasîhê- - - 8. -na âtmîya-mâtâ-pitrô srêyasê svasrêyasê Srî Jagasvâmi-dê- - - 9. -vâya Âsvinê yâtrâyâm dasamîdinê divasa-bali-pûja prê- - -10. -kshanîkâdi amga-bhôga-nimi(t)tam sêlahathâbhâvya- - -11. -t Srî kârâpita âcamdrârkayâvat pradatta dra. 4 1/2. - -12. Srîdêvîya-kôtadî. - -13. Âcamdrârkam yah kôpi Sêlahathô bhavati têna varsham varsham - prati pâ- - -14. -lanîyam ca | vahubhir vasudhâ bhuktâ râjabhi Sagarâdibhi yasya - -15. yasya yadâ bhûmî tasya tasya tadâ phalam || 1 Asvina vadi 10 va- - -16. -li-nibamdhê gôdhûma sê ghrita ka 12 naivêdyê côsham pâ 4. - -17. mugâm mâ 1 ghrita ka 1/2 Vyâsanirvâpa 1 Abôtînirvâpa 1 kumkuma - -18. kastûrî-pratyam(gam) dra. 4 pushpa-pratyam(gam) dra. 4 - pramadâkula-pratyam(gam) dra. 4 patra-pû- - -19. ga-pratyam(gam) dra. 4 êtat sarvam varsham 2 prati Srîdêvîya - bhâmdâgârât - -20. Varttâpakai kârâpanîyam || mamgalam sadâsrîh || likhitam Dhruva - -21. Nâgula-suta-dhru° Dêdâkêna Utkîrnnâ sûtra° Bhîmasîhêna ||. - - -Translation. - - -1-3. Ôm. Reverence to the Sun! Victorious is that sun, the storehouse -of brightness, at whose rising and setting the three-eyed (Siva), -even though (his own) lotus feet are touched by the diadems of the -gods, folds his hands (in adoration). - -3-6. Samvat 1342 on Sunday the 10th of the dark half of Âsvina, -on this day here in holy Srîmâla, in the prosperous and victorious -reign of his majesty the Maharâul Srî Sâmvatasîha-dêva, in the term -of office of the pamca (consisting of) Maha° Pândyâ and the rest, -appointed by him, he sets forth the writing of the grant as follows. - -6-11. By Sîla° Alhanasîha son of Vâgasa and grandson of Ûtisvâtîha of -the Râthôda race, for the benefit of his own mother and father and for -his own benefit, 4 1/2 drammas (were) given to the god Srî Jagasvâmi, -for the day's bali, the worship, the darsana &c., and the amgabhôga -on the 10th day at the Âsvina yâtrâ .... so long as sun and moon -(endure). ... - -12-14. The god's treasure house ..... whosoever is Sêlahatha, by him -every year it is to be maintained also. - -14-15. The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, beginning with -Sagara. Whosesoever the earth is at any time, his is also the fruit -thereof. - -15-16. In the endowment of the bali for the 10th of the dark half of -Âsvina wheat sê ... ghi ka[rshas) 12: in the naivêdya côsha pâ 4. - -17-19. Mung mâ 1, ghi ka 1/2, the Bhat's dole 1, the Âbôtî's dole 1, -for turmeric and musk each dra. 4, for flowers each dra. 4, for the -band of singing women each dra. 4, for leaves and betel each dra. 4. - -19-21. All this is to be expended yearly from the god's -treasury.... Good luck! Bliss for ever. Written by Dhru° Dêdâka son -of Dhruva Nâgula. Engraved by Bhîmasîha the carpenter. - - -XVI.--(S. 1345; A.D. 1289. No. 9 of Plan.) On the south face of the -lower square section of the north-east corner pillar of the dome. The -first thirteen lines are in verse, the rest in prose. No. 48 of the -Bhâunagar State Collection (Bhâu. Prâ. I. list page 14): - - - 1. Svargâpavargasukhadam paramâtmarûpam dhrisayamti yam sukritinô - hridi sa- - - 2. -rvadâiva tasmâi namaj-janahitâya surâsurêmdra - samstûyamâna-caritâya - - 3. namah Sivâya || 1 Slâghyah satâm sukritî sakritî manushyôs mânyô - maha- - - 4. -ttama-gunâi Subhatah sa êva | yascâ jagattrayagurum - girijâdhinâtham devam - - 5. namasyati natô nudinam mahêsa || 2 Sômô si nâtha - natimattara-kâiravê- - - 6. -shu punya-Prabhâsa-sarasi sthitim âsritêshu | tasmâ ... mahâbdhi- - - 7. -tîrê Srî Sômanâtha iti siddhigatam smarâmi || 3 Punyaih - Prabhâsasasi-bhûsha- - - 8. -na-Kardamâla-pâpa-pramôcana-runârtti-vimôcanâdyaih | êtâih Ka- - - 9. -pardi-krita-sat-tithibhih pradhânais tîrthâir alam kritam idam - hridayam mamâstu || - -10. 4 Êtasya punya-payasô jaladhês tathâsya Sârasvata-nivahasyata. - -11. Da° || Ôm namah Sûryâyah Jaj(j)yôti prasarati tarâm lôka - krityâya ni- - -12. -tyam | yannâmôktam sakalakalusham yâti páram payodhê | sarvasyâtmâ - sugati- - -13. -surathô -dhvâmta-mâtamga-simgha | drishta-sûryô nava(bha) - si bhagavân sarvasyântyamka- - -14. -rôti || Samvat 1345 varshê Mâgha Vadi 2 Sôme dyêha Srî 2 mâlê - mahârâja- - -15. -kula-Srî Sâmvata-simgha-dêva-kalyâna-vijaya-râjyê - tanniyukta-maha° châmhâ- - -16. -prabhriti-pamcakula-pratipatâu êvamkâle pravarttamâne - Srî-Jâvâlipuravâstavya- - -17. Puskaranisthânîya-yajur-vêda pâthakâya | Padamalasyagô- trâya | - Vrâhma° na- - -18. -vaghana-vamsotpannâdhyava° - Vâlhâpâutra | Jyôti° Mâdhava-pratidâuhitrâ Jyô° - -19. Tilaka-dâuhitra-So[d].hala-putra-mâtu-Pûnala-suta | Vrâhma° - Vâgada samsârasyâ - -20. Asâratâm jñâtvà | Srî Jagasvâmina | Srîsûryasya mûrttô prâsâdê - sâuvarnnaka- - -21. -lasârôpita | jâtasradha dêvam sampûjya - samasta-dêva-lôka-Vrahma-lôka-pra- - -22. -tyaksham | Vamsadvayôdharana-samaksham | Âtmanasca Âcamdrârkayâvat - sûrya-prasâda-prâ- - -23. -pta-tyartham | prativarsham | pûjâm Srî Jagasvâmi-dêva-bhâmdâgârê - nikshipita | râukma-vî - -24. sana-prî-dra. 200 dvâu Satâni Amîshâm drammânâm vyâjapadât - Âsvina-yâtrâyâm Asvi- - -25. -na vadi || dinê divasa-vali kâyôvali nivamdhê gôdhûma sê 4 pakvê - ghrita || - -26. ka 16 nâivêdyê côshâm mâ 1 muga mâ 1 1/2 ghrita ka | vîdakê patra - 8 pûga 2 amga- - -27. -bhôga-pratya° dra. 4 pushpha pratya° dra. 6 patrapûga-pratya° - dra. 4 vyâsa-nirvâpa-Âbôtî-nirvâ- - -28. -pa-nivamdhê côshâm sê 1/4 muga pâ 3 ghrita ka 1 dakshinâ lô 2 - pramadâkula dra. 4 êta- - -29. -t sarvam prativarsham âcamdrârka-yávat Srîdevasya bhâmdâgârât - vêcanîyam kârâpa- - -30. -nîyam ca | subham bhavatu sarvadâ | Jyoti° Sûguda-sutêna - Camdrâdityêna samaksham li- - -31. -khitam Kava° Nâgula sutêna Dêdâkêna utkîrnnâ Sûtra° - Nânâ-suta-Dêpâlê- - -32. -na || mamgalam sadâ Srîh. - - -Translation. - - -1-3. Reverence to that Siva! the benefactor of those who bow to him, -whose actions are praised by the leaders of gods and demons, who -gives the happiness of heaven and of salvation, whose form is the -supreme soul, whom the wise ever lay hold upon in (their) heart. - -3-5. Oh Mahêsa, whosoever bowing daily does reverence to the god -who is guru of the three worlds, the lord of the mountain's daughter -(Pârvatî), that man is worthy of praise from the righteous, fortunate, -wise, to be honoured for most excellent virtues, a true hero. - -5-7. Oh Lord thou art the moon among the bending lotuses that have -found their place in the holy pool of Prabhâsa: therefore I make -mention (of thee) famous by the name of Sômanâtha on the seashore .... - -7-9. May this heart of mine be adorned by these holy chief tîrthas, -Prabhâsa, the moon's ornament, the Lotus (pool), the Release from Sin, -the Release from Debt and Suffering &c., whose lucky days have been -fixed by Kapardi (Siva). - -10. Of this pool of pure water and .... of Sarasvatî. ..... - -11. Da° Om! Reverence to the Sun, whose light ever reaches far for -the work of mankind, at the mention of whose name all sin goes beyond -the ocean: the soul of all, whose path and whose car are good, a lion -to the trumpeting elephants (of darkness): When the Lord Sun is seen -in the sky, he makes the last (?) .. of all. - -14-16. On Monday the second of the dark half of Mâgha in the Samvat -year 1345 (1289 A.D.), on this day here in holy Srîmâla, in the -prosperous and victorious reign of his majesty the Mahâraul Srî -Sâmvata Simgha, in the term of office of the pamca (consisting of) -the Maha° Châmhâ and the rest, appointed by him. - -16-21. At this time to (read by) Vâgada the Brâhmana son of Sôdhala and -grandson of Adhyava° Vâlhâ, of the Navaghana family, of the Padamala -gôtra, student of the Yajurvêda, of the town of Puskarini and living in -Srî Jâvâlipura, son of his mother Pûnala, and daughter's son of Tilaka -the Jôshî, and granddaughter's son of Mâdhava the Jôshî--recognizing -the impermanence of this world, a golden kalasa was set up on the -palace ... of the Sun Jagasvâmi. - -21-24. (By him) worshipping the god in faith, before the world of -the gods and the world of Brahma, for the purpose (?) of saving -his ancestors in both lines, and himself, to gain the favour of the -Sun so long as sun and moon (endure), (for) worship every year, 200 -Vîsalaprî drammas in gold were deposited in the treasury of the god -Srî Jagasvâmi. - -24-28. Out of the interest of these drammas, in the endowment of the -day's bali and the kâyôvali on the 11th of the dark half of Âsvina -at the Âsvina festival, wheat sê 4, ghî ka(rshas) 16: in the Nâivêdya -côsha measure 1, mung pâ. 1 1/2, ghî ka(rsha) 1, for pânsupârî leaves -8, betel 2: for the Amgabhôga severally dra. 4, for flowers severally -dra. 6, for leaves and betel severally dra. 4: in the endowment of -the Bhat's dole and the Abôtî's dole, côsha sê. 1/4, mung pâ. 3, -ghî ka(rsha) 1, dakshinâ lô 2, the band of singing women dra. 4. - -29-32. All this is to be separated and expended from the treasury of -the god every year so long as sun and moon (endure). May it always be -auspicious. Written by Dêdâka son of Kava° Nâgula for Camdrâditya son -of Jyoti° Sûgada. Engraved by Dêpâla son of Nânâ the carpenter. Good -luck! Bliss for ever! - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX IV. - -JAVA AND CAMBODIA. - - -[Java.] An incident redeems the early history of Gujarát from -provincial narrowness and raises its ruling tribes to a place among -the greater conquerors and colonisers. This incident is the tradition -that during the sixth and seventh centuries fleets from the coasts of -Sindh and Gujarát formed settlements in Java and in Cambodia. The Java -legend is that about A.D. 603 Hindus led by Bhruvijáya Savelachála the -son of Kasamachitra or Bálya Achá king of Kujrát or Gujarát settled -on the west coast of the island. [1138] The details of the settlement -recorded by Sir Stamford Raffles [1139] are that Kasamachitra, ruler -of Gujarát, the tenth in descent from Arjun, was warned of the coming -destruction of his kingdom. He accordingly started his son Bhruvijáya -Savelachála with 5000 followers, among whom were cultivators artisans -warriors physicians and writers, in six large and a hundred small -vessels for Java. After a voyage of four months the fleet touched -at an island they took to be Java. Finding their mistake the pilots -put to sea and finally reached Matarem in the island of Java. The -prince built the town of Mendang Kumulan. He sent to his father for -more men. A reinforcement of 2000 arrived among them carvers in stone -and in brass. An extensive commerce sprang up with Gujarát and other -countries. The bay of Matarem was filled with stranger vessels and -temples were built both at the capital, afterwards known as Brambanum, -and, during the reign of Bhruvijáya's grandson Ardivijáya that is about -A.D. 660, at Boro Buddor in Kedu. [1140] The remark that an ancestor -of the immigrant prince had changed the name of his kingdom to Gujarát -is held by Lassen to prove that the tradition is modern. Instead of -telling against the truth of the tradition this note is a strong -argument in its favour. One of the earliest mentions of the name -Gujarát for south Márwár is Hiuen Tsiang's (A.D. 630) Kiu-che-lo or -Gurjjara. As when Hiuen Tsiang wrote the Gurjjara chief of Bhinmál, -fifty miles west of Ábu, already ranked as a Kshatriya his family -had probably been for some time established perhaps as far back as -A.D. 490 a date by which the Mihira or Gurjjara conquest of Valabhi and -north Gujarát was completed. [1141] The details of the help received -from Gujarát after the prince's arrival show that the parent state -had weathered the storm which threatened to destroy it. This agrees -with the position of the Bhinmál Gurjjaras at the opening of the -seventh century, when, in spite of their defeat by Prabhákaravardhana -(A.D. 600-606) the father of Srí Harsha (A.D. 606-641) of Magadha, -they maintained their power at Broach and at Valabhi as well as at -Bhinmál. [1142] The close relations between the Gurjjaras and the -great seafaring Mihiras or Meds make it likely that the captains and -pilots who guided the fleets to Java belonged to the Med tribe. Perhaps -it was in their honour that the new Java capital received the name -Mendan, as, at a later period it was called Brambanum or the town of -Bráhmans. The fact that the Gurjjaras of Broach were sun-worshippers -not Buddhists causes no difficulty since the Bhilmál Gurjjaras whom -Hiuen Tsiang visited in A.D. 630 were Buddhists and since at Valabhi -Buddhism Shaivism and sun-worship seem to have secured the equal -patronage of the state. - -Besides of Gujarát and its king the traditions of both Java and -Cambodia contain references to Hastinagara or Hastinapura, to Taxila, -and to Rumadesa. [1143] With regard to these names and also with regard -to Gandhára and to Cambodia, all of which places are in the north-west -of India, the question arises whether the occurrence of these names -implies an historical connection with Kábul Pesháwar and the west -Panjáb or whether they are mere local applications and assumptions -by foreign settlers and converts of names known in the Bráhman and -Buddhist writings of India. [1144] That elaborate applications of -names mentioned in the Mahábhárata to places in Java have been made -in the Java version of the Mahábhárata is shown by Raffles. [1145] -Still it is to be noticed that the places mentioned above, Kamboja or -Kábul, Gandhára or Pesháwar, Taxila or the west Panjáb, and Rumadesa -apparently the south Panjáb are not, like Ayodhya the capital of -Siam or like Intha-patha-puri that is Indraprastha or Dehli the -later capital of Cambodia, [1146] the names of places which either by -their special fame or by their geographical position would naturally -be chosen as their original home by settlers or converts in Java and -Cambodia. Fair ground can therefore be claimed for the presumption that -the leading position given to Kamboja, Gandhára, Taxila, and Rumadesa -in Javan and Cambodian legends and place-names is a trace of an actual -and direct historical connection between the north-west of India -and the Malay Archipelago. This presumption gains probability by the -argument from the architectural remains of the three countries which in -certain peculiar features show so marked a resemblance both in design -and in detail as in the judgment of Mr. Fergusson to establish a strong -and direct connection. [1147] A third argument in favour of a Gujarát -strain in Java are the traditions of settlements and expeditions by -the rulers of Málwa which are still current in south Márwár. [1148] -Further a proverb still well known both in Márwár and in Gujarát runs: - - - Je jae Jáve te kadi nahi áve - Áve to sáth pidhi baithke kháve. - - Who to Java roam ne'er come home. - If they return, through seven lives - Seated at ease their wealth survives. [1149] - - -Once more the connection with Gujarát is supported by the detail in -the Java account which makes Laut Mira the starting point for the -colonising fleet. This Sir S. Raffles supposed to be the Red Sea but -the Mihiras' or Meds' sea may be suggested as it seems to correspond -to the somewhat doubtful Arab name Baharimad (sea of the Meds ?) for -a town in western India sacked by Junaid. Against this evidence two -considerations have been urged [1150]: (a) The great length of the -voyage from Gujarát to Java compared with the passage to Java from -the east coast of India; (b) That no people in India have known enough -of navigation to send a fleet fit to make a conquest. As regards the -length of the voyage it is to be remembered that though Sumatra is -more favourably placed for being colonised from Bengal Orissa and -the mouths of the Godávari and Krishna, in the case either of Java -or of Cambodia the distance from the Sindh and Káthiáváda ports is -not much greater and the navigation is in some respects both safer -and simpler than from the coasts of Orissa and Bengal. In reply to -the second objection that no class of Hindus have shown sufficient -skill and enterprise at sea to justify the belief that they could -transport armies of settlers from Gujarát to Java, the answer is -that the assumption is erroneous. Though the bulk of Hindus have at -all times been averse from a seafaring life yet there are notable -exceptions. During the last two thousand years the record of the -Gujarát coast shows a genius for seafaring fit to ensure the successful -planting of north-west India in the Malay Archipelago. [1151] - -That the Hindu settlement of Sumatra was almost entirely from the east -coast of India and that Bengal Orissa and Masulipatam had a large share -in colonising both Java and Cambodia cannot be doubted. [1152] Reasons -have been given in support of the settlement in Java of large bodies of -men from the north-west coasts of India and evidence has been offered -to show that the objections taken to such a migration have little -practical force. It remains to consider the time and the conditions of -the Gujarát conquest and settlement of Java and Cambodia. The Javan -date S. 525 that is A.D. 603 may be accepted as marking some central -event in a process which continued for at least half a century before -and after the beginning of the seventh century. Reasons have been given -for holding that neither the commercial nor the political ascendancy of -Rome makes it probable that to Rome the Rúm of the legends refers. The -notable Roman element in the architecture of Java and Cambodia may -suggest that the memory of great Roman builders kept for Rome a place -in the local legends. But the Roman element seems not to have come -direct into the buildings of Java or Cambodia; as at Amrávati at the -Krishna mouth, the classic characteristics came by way of the Panjáb -(Táhia) only, in the case of Java, not by the personal taste and study -of a prince, but as an incident of conquest and settlement. [1153] Who -then was the ruler of Rúm near Taxila, who led a great settlement of -Hindus from the Panjáb to Java. Names in appearance like Rome, occur -in north-west India. None are of enough importance to explain the -prince's title. [1154] There remains the word raum or rum applied to -salt land in the south Panjáb, in Márwár, and in north Sindh. [1155] -The great battle of Kárur, about sixty miles south-east of Multán, -in which apparently about A.D. 530 Yasodharmman of Málwa defeated the -famous White Húna conqueror Mihirakula (A.D. 500-550) is described -as fought in the land of Rúm. [1156] This great White Húna defeat is -apparently the origin of the legend of the prince of Rúm who retired -by sea to Java. At the time of the battle of Kárur the south Panjáb, -together with the north of Sindh, was under the Sáharáis of Aror in -north Sindh, whose coins show them to have been not only White Húnas, -but of the same Jávla family which the great conquerors Toramána and -Mihirakula adorned. So close a connection with Mihirakula makes it -probable that the chief in charge of the north of the Aror dominions -shared in the defeat and disgrace of Kárur. Seeing that the power of -the Sáharáis of Aror spread as far south as the Káthiáváda ports of -Somnáth and Diu, and probably also of Diul at the Indus mouth, if the -defeated chief of the south Panjáb was unable or unwilling to remain -as a vassal to his conqueror, no serious difficulty would stand in -the way of his passage to the seaboard of Aror or of his finding in -Diu and other Sindh and Gujarát ports sufficient transport to convey -him and his followers by sea to Java. [1157] This then may be the -chief whom the Cambodian story names Phra Tong or Thom apparently -Great Lord that is Mahárája. [1158] - -The success of the Javan enterprise would tempt others to follow -especially as during the latter half of the sixth and almost -the whole of the seventh centuries, the state of North India -favoured migration. Their defeats by Sassanians and Turks between -A.D. 550 and 600 would close to the White Húnas the way of retreat -northwards by either the Indus or the Kábul valleys. If hard pressed -the alternative was a retreat to Kashmir or an advance south or -east to the sea. When, in the early years of the seventh century -(A.D. 600-606), Prabhákaravardhana the father of Srí Harsha of Magadha -(A.D. 610-642) defeated the king of Gandhára, the Húnas, the king of -Sindh, the Gurjjaras, the Látas, and the king of Malava, [1159] and -when, about twenty years later, further defeats were inflicted by Srí -Harsha himself numbers of refugees would gather to the Gujarát ports -eager to escape further attack and to share the prosperity of Java. It -is worthy of note that the details of Prabhákaravardhana's conquests -explain how Gandhára and Láta are both mentioned in the Java legends; -how northerners from the Panjáb were able to pass to the coast; how -the Márwár stories give the king of Málwa a share in the migrations; -how the fleets may have started from any Sindh or Gujarát port; and -how with emigrants may have sailed artists and sculptors acquainted -both with the monasteries and stupas of the Kábul valley and Pesháwar -and with the carvings of the Ajanta caves. During the second half of -the seventh century the advance of the Turks from the north and of the -Arabs both by sea (A.D. 637) and through Persia (A.D. 650-660); [1160] -the conquering progress of a Chinese army from Magadha to Bamian in -A.D. 645-650 [1161]; the overthrow (A.D. 642) of the Buddhist Sáharáis -by their usurping Bráhmanist minister Chach and his persecution of -the Jats must have resulted in a fairly constant movement of northern -Indians southwards from the ports of Sindh and Gujarát. [1162] In the -leading migrations though fear may have moved the followers, enterprise -and tidings of Java's prosperity would stir the leaders. The same -longing that tempted Alexander to put to sea from the Indus mouth; -Trajan (A.D. 116) from the mouth of the Tigris; and Mahmúd of Ghazni -from Somnáth must have drawn Saka Húna and Gurjjara chiefs to lead -their men south to the land of rubies and of gold. [1163] - -Of the appearance and condition of the Hindus who settled in Java -during the seventh and eighth centuries the Arab travellers Sulaimán -A.D. 850 and Masúdi A.D. 915 have left the following details. The -people near the volcanoes have white skins pierced ears and shaved -heads: their religion is both Bráhmanic and Buddhist; their trade is -in the costliest articles camphor aloes cloves and sandalwood. [1164] - - - - -CAMBODIA. - -[Cambodia.] The close connection between Java and Cambodia, the -alternate supremacy of Cambodia in Java and of Java in Cambodia, -the likelihood of settlers passing from Java to Cambodia explain, to -a considerable extent, why the traditions and the buildings of Java -and Cambodia should point to a common origin in north-west India. The -question remains: Do the people and buildings of Cambodia contain a -distinct north Hindu element which worked its way south and east not -by sea but by land across the Himálayas and Tibet and down the valley -of the Yang-tse-kiang to Yunnan and Angkor. Whether the name Cambodia -[1165] proves an actual race or historical connection with Kamboja -or the Kábul valley is a point on which authorities disagree. Sir -H. Yule held that the connection was purely literary and that as -in the case of Inthapatha-puri or Indraprastha (Dehli) the later -capital of Cambodia and of Ayodhya or Oudh the capital of Assam no -connection existed beyond the application to a new settlement of -ancient worshipful Indian place-names. The objection to applying this -rule to Cambodia is that except to immigrants from the Kábul valley -the name is of too distant and also of too scanty a reputation to -be chosen in preference to places in the nearer and holier lands of -Tirhut and Magadha. For this reason, and because the view is supported -by the notable connection between the two styles of architecture, -it seems advisable to accept Mr. Fergusson's decision that the name -Cambodia was given to a portion of Cochin-China by immigrants from -Kamboja that is from the Kábul valley. Traces remain of more than one -migration from India to Indo-China. The earliest is the mythic account -of the conversion of Indo-China to Buddhism before the time of Asoka -(B.C. 240). A migration in the first century A.D. of Yavanas or Sakas, -from Tamluk or Ratnávate on the Hugli, is in agreement with the large -number of Indian place-names recorded by Ptolemy (A.D. 160). [1166] -Of this migration Hiuen Tsiang's name Yavana (Yen-mo-na) for Cambodia -may be a trace. [1167] A Saka invasion further explains Pausanias' -(A.D. 170) name Sakæa for Cochin-China and his description of the -people as Skythians mixed with Indians. [1168] During the fifth and -sixth centuries a fresh migration seems to have set in. Cambodia -was divided into shore and inland and the name Cambose applied -to both. [1169] Chinese records notice an embassy from the king -of Cambodia in A.D. 617. [1170] Among the deciphered Cambodian -inscriptions a considerable share belong to a Bráhmanic dynasty whose -local initial date is in the early years of the seventh century, -[1171] and one of whose kings Somasarmman (A.D. 610) is recorded -to have held daily Mahábhárata readings in the temples. [1172] Of a -fresh wave of Buddhists, who seem to have belonged to the northern -branch, the earliest deciphered inscription is A.D. 953 (S. 875) -that is about 350 years later. [1173] Meanwhile, though, so far as -information goes, the new capital of Angkor on the north bank of lake -Tale Sap about 200 miles up the Mekong river was not founded till -A.D. 1078 (S. 1000), [1174] the neighbourhood of the holy lake was -already sacred and the series of temples of which the Nakhonwat or -Nága's Shrine [1175] is one of the latest and finest examples, was -begun at least as early as A.D. 825 (S. 750), and Nakhonwat itself -seems to have been completed and was being embellished in A.D. 950 -(S. 875). [1176] During the ninth and tenth centuries by conquest -and otherwise considerable interchange took place between Java and -Cambodia. [1177] As many of the inscriptions are written in two -Indian characters a northern and a southern [1178] two migrations -by sea seem to have taken place one from the Orissa and Masulipatam -coasts and the other, with the same legend of the prince of Rúm land, -from the ports of Sindh and Gujarát. [1179] The question remains -how far there is trace of such a distinct migration as would explain -the close resemblance noted by Fergusson between the architecture of -Kashmir and Cambodia as well as the northern element which Fergusson -recognises in the religion and art of Cambodia. [1180] The people -by whom this Panjáb and Kashmir influence may have been introduced -from the north are the people who still call themselves Khmers to -whose skill as builders the magnificence of Cambodian temples lakes -and bridges is apparently due. [1181] Of these people, who, by the -beginning of the eleventh century had already given their name to the -whole of Cambodia, Alberuni (A.D. 1031) says: The Kumairs are whitish -of short stature and Turk-like build. They follow the religion of -the Hindus and have the practice of piercing their ears. [1182] It -will be noticed that so far as information is available the apparent -holiness of the neighbourhood of Angkor had lasted for at least 250 -years before A.D. 1078 when it was chosen as a capital. This point is -in agreement with Mr. Fergusson's view that the details of Nakhonwat -and other temples of that series show that the builders came neither -by sea nor down the Ganges valley but by way of Kashmir and the back -of the Himálayas. [1183] Though the evidence is incomplete and to -some extent speculative the following considerations suggest a route -and a medium through which the Roman and Greek elements in the early -(A.D. 100-500) architecture of the Kábul valley and Pesháwar may have -been carried inland to Cambodia. It may perhaps be accepted that -the Ephthalites or White Húnas and a share of the Kedarites, that -is of the later Little Yuechi from Gandhára the Pesháwar country, -retreated to Kashmir before the father of Srí Harsha (A.D. 590-606) -and afterwards (A.D. 606-642) before Srí Harsha himself. [1184] -Further it seems fair to assume that from Kashmir they moved into -Tibet and were the western Turks by whose aid in the second half of -the seventh century Srongbtsan or Srongdzan-gambo (A.D. 640-698), -the founder of Tibetan power and civilization, overran the Tarim -valley and western China. [1185] During the first years of the -eighth century (A.D. 703) a revolt in Nepal and the country of the -Bráhmans was crushed by Srongdzan's successor Donsrong, [1186] and the -supremacy of Tibet was so firmly established in Bengal that, for over -200 years, the Bay of Bengal was known as the sea of Tibet. [1187] -In A.D. 709 a Chinese advance across the Pamirs is said to have been -checked by the great Arab soldier Kotieba the comrade of Muhammad -Kasim of Sindh. [1188] But according to Chinese records this reverse -was wiped out in A.D. 713 by the defeat of the joint Arab and Tibet -armies. [1189] In the following years, aided by disorders in China, -Tibet conquered east to Hosi on the upper Hoangho and in A.D. 729 -ceased to acknowledge the overlordship of China. Though about A.D. 750 -he was for a time crippled by China's allies the Shado Turks the chief -of Tibet spread his power so far down the Yangtsekiang valley that -in A.D. 787 the emperor of China, the king of Yunnan to the east of -Burma, certain Indian chiefs, and the Arabs joined in a treaty against -Tibet. As under the great Thisrong (A.D. 803-845) and his successor -Thi-tsong-ti (A.D. 878-901) the power of Tibet increased it seems -probable that during the ninth century they overran and settled in -Yunnan. [1190] That among the Tibetans who passed south-east into -Yunnan were Kedarites and White Húnas is supported by the fact that -about A.D. 1290, according both to Marco Polo and to Rashid-ud-din, -the common name of Yunnan was Kárájang whose capital was Yachi and -whose people spoke a special language. [1191] The name Kárájang was -Mongol meaning Black People and was used to distinguish the mass of -the inhabitants from certain fair tribes who were known as Chaganjang -or Whites. That the ruler of Kárájang was of Hindu origin is shown -by his title Mahara or Mahárája. That the Hindu element came from the -Kábul valley is shown by its Hindu name of Kandhár that is Gandhára or -Pesháwar, a name still in use as Gandálarit (Gandhára-rashtra) the -Burmese for Yunnan. [1192] The strange confusion which Rashid-ud-din -makes between the surroundings of Yunnan and of Pesháwar is perhaps -due to the fact that in his time the connection between the two places -was still known and admitted. [1193] A further trace of stranger -whites like the Chaganjang of Yunnan occurs south-east in the Anin -or Honli whose name suggests the Húnas and whose fondness for silver -ornaments at once distinguishes them from their neighbours and connects -them with India. [1194] Even though these traces may be accepted -as confirming a possible migration of Húnas and Kedaras to Yunnan -and Anin a considerable gap remains between Anin and Angkor. Three -local Cambodian considerations go some way to fill this gap. The -first is that unlike the Siamese and Cochin Chinese the Khmers are -a strong well made race with very little trace of the Mongoloid, -with a language devoid of the intonations of other Indo-Chinese -dialects, and with the hair worn cropped except the top-knot. The -second point is that the Khmers claim a northern origin; and the -third that important architectural remains similar to Nakhonwat are -found within Siam limits about sixty miles north of Angkor. [1195] -One further point has to be considered: How far is an origin from -White Húnas and Kedáras in agreement with the Nága phase of Cambodian -worship. Hiuen Tsiang's details of the Tarim Oxus and Swát valleys -contain nothing so remarkable as the apparent increase of Dragon -worship. In those countries dragons are rarely mentioned by Fa Hian -in A.D. 400: dragons seem to have had somewhat more importance in -the eyes of Sung-Yun in A.D. 520; and to Hiuen Tsiang, the champion -of the Maháyána or Broadway, dragons are everywhere explaining all -misfortunes earthquakes storms and diseases. Buddhism may be the state -religion but the secret of luck lies in pleasing the Dragon. [1196] - -This apparent increased importance of dragon or Nága worship in -north-west India during the fifth and sixth centuries may have -been due partly to the decline of the earlier Buddhism partly to -the genial wonder-loving temper of Hiuen Tsiang. Still so marked an -increase makes it probable that with some of the great fifth and sixth -century conquerors of Baktria Kábul and the Panjáb, of whom a trace -may remain in the snake-worshipping Nágas and Takkas of the Kamaon -and Garhwal hills, the Dragon was the chief object of worship. Temple -remains show that the seventh and eighth century rulers of Kashmir, -with a knowledge of classic architecture probably brought from beyond -the Indus, were Nága worshippers. [1197] The fact that the ninth -century revision of religion in Tibet came mainly from Kashmir and -that among the eighteen chief gods of the reformed faith the great -Serpent had a place favours the view that through Tibet passed the -scheme and the classic details of the Kashmir Nága temples which in -greater wealth and splendour are repeated in the Nakhonwat of Angkor -in Cambodia. [1198] It is true that the dedication of the great temple -to Nága worship before the Siamese priests filled it with statues of -Buddha is questioned both by Lieut. Garnier and by Sir H. Yule. [1199] -In spite of this objection and though some of the series have been -Buddhist from the first, it is difficult to refuse acceptance to -Mr. Fergusson's conclusions that in the great Nákhon, all traces -of Buddhism are additions. The local conditions and the worshipful -Tale Sap lake favour this conclusion. What holier dragon site can be -imagined than the great lake Tale Sap, 100 miles by 30, joined to -the river Mekong by a huge natural channel which of itself empties -the lake in the dry season and refills it during the rains giving a -water harvest of fish as well as a land harvest of grain. What more -typical work of the dragon as guardian water lord. Again not far off -between Angkor and Yunnán was the head-quarters of the dragon as the -unsquared fiend. In Carrajan ten days west of the city of Yachi Marco -Polo (A.D. 1290) found a land of snakes and great serpents ten paces in -length with very great heads, eyes bigger than a loaf of bread, mouths -garnished with pointed teeth able to swallow a man whole, two fore-legs -with claws for feet and bodies equal in bulk to a great cask. He adds: -'These serpents devour the cubs of lions and bears without the sire and -dam being able to prevent it. Indeed if they catch the big ones they -devour them too: no one can make any resistance. Every man and beast -stands in fear and trembling of them.' Even in these fiend dragons -was the sacramental guardian element. The gall from their inside -healed the bite of a mad dog, delivered a woman in hard labour, and -cured itch or it might be worse. Moreover, he concludes, the flesh -of these serpents is excellent eating and toothsome. [1200] - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX V. - -ARAB REFERENCES. [1201] - - -[Arab References, A.D. 851-1350.] The earliest Arab reference to -Gujarát is by the merchant Sulaimán [1202] A.D. 851 (A.H. 237). Other -Arab accounts follow up to A.D. 1263, a period of over four -centuries. Sulaimán describes Jurz or Gujarát as bordering on the -kingdom of the Balhára (A.D. 743-974) and as forming a tongue of land, -rich in horses and camels and said to have "mines of gold and silver, -exchanges being carried on by means of these metals in dust." - -Al Biláduri [1203] (A.D. 892) states that the first Islámic expedition -to India was the one despatched against Táná [1204] (Thána) by Usmán, -son of Al-Ási the Thakafi, who in the fifteenth year of the Hijrah -(A.D. 636) was appointed governor of Bahrein and Umán (the Persian -Gulf) by the second Khalífah Umar, the son of Khattáb. On the return -of the expedition, in reply to his governor's despatch, the Khalífah -Umar is said to have written: [1205] "Oh brother of Thakíf, thou -hast placed the worm in the wood, but by Alláh, had any of my men -been slain, I would have taken an equal number from thy tribe." In -spite of this threat Usmán's brother Hakam, who was deputed by the -governor to the charge of Bahrein, despatched a force to Bárúz [1206] -(Broach). Al Biláduri does not record the result of this expedition, -but mentions a more successful one to Debal at the mouth of the Indus -sent by Hakam under the command of his brother Mughaira. On the death -of his uncle Al-Hajjáj (A.D. 714; H. 95) Muhammad the son of Kásim -the Arab conqueror of Sindh, is said to have made peace with the -inhabitants of Surast or Káthiávád with whom he states the people of -Bátia [1207] that is Bet to the north of Dwárka were then at war. Al -Biláduri describes the Bátia men as Meds seafarers and pirates. In -the reign of Hishám (A.D. 724) Junnaid, son of Abdur Rahmán Al Murri, -who was appointed to the frontier of Sindh is stated to have conquered -Jurz (Gujarát) and Bárús (Broach). [1208] A more permanent result -followed a great expedition from Mansúrah in Sindh. This result was -the overthrow, from which it never recovered, of the great seaport -and capital of Vala or Valabhi. [1209] Al Biláduri's next mention -[1210] of Gujarát is in connection with the conquest of Sindán in -Kachh and the founding there of a Jámá mosque by Fazl, son of Mahán -in the reign of the Abbási Khalífah Al Mámún (A.D. 813-833) the son -of the famous Hárún-ur-Rashíd. After Fazl's death his son Muhammad -sailed with sixty vessels against the Meds of Hind, captured Máli -[1211] apparently Mália in north Káthiávád after a great slaughter -of the Meds and returned to Sindán. - -The dissension between Muhammad and his brother Mahán, who in -Muhammad's absence had usurped his authority at Sindán, re-established -the power of the Hindus. The Hindus however, adds Al Biláduri, -spared the assembly mosque in which for long the Musalmáns used -to offer their Friday prayers. [1212] Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912; -H. 300) erroneously enumerates Bárúh and Sindán (Broach and Sindán) -as cities of Sindh. [1213] The king of Juzr he describes as the -fourth Indian sovereign. According to Al Masúdi [1214] (A.D. 915) -the country of the Balháras or Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 743-974), which is -also called the country of Kumkar (Konkan), is open on one side to -the attacks of the king of Juzr (Gujarát) a prince owning many horses -and camels and troops who does not think any king on earth equal to -him except the king of Bábal (Babylon). He prides himself and holds -himself high above all other kings and owns many elephants, but hates -Musalmáns. His country is on a tongue of land, and there are gold and -silver mines in it, in which trade is carried on. Al Istakhri [1215] -(H. 340; A.D. 951) gives an itinerary in which he shows the distance -between Mansúrah and Kámhal [1216] (Anhilwára) to be eight days' -journey; from Kámhal to Kambáya (Cambay) four days; from Kambáya to -the sea about two farasangs that is between seven and eight miles -[1217]; from Kambáya to Surabáya [1218] perhaps Surabára the Surat -river mouth which is half a farasang (between 1 1/2 and two miles) -from the sea, about four days. He places five days between Surabáya -(Surat) and Sindán (St. John near Daman) and a like distance between -Sindán and Saimúr (Chewal or Cheul) thirty miles south of Bombay. Ibni -Haukal [1219] (H. 366; A.D. 976) enumerates [1220] (Fámhal) [1221] -(Anhilwára), Kambáya (Cambay), Surbáráh (Surat), Sindán (Daman), and -Saimúr (Cheul) as cities of Al Hind (India), as opposed to As Sindh -or the Indus valley. From Kambáya to Saimúr, he writes, is the land -of the Balhára, which is in the possession of several kings. [1222] -Ibni Haukal describes the land between Kámhal (Anhilwára) and Kambáya -(Cambay), and Bánia three days' journey from Mansúrah as desert, [1223] -and between Kambáya and Saimúr as thickly covered with villages. Al -Bírúni, [1224] in his famous Indica about A.D. 1030-31 writes: From -Kanauj, travelling south-west you come to Ási, a distance of eighteen -farsakhs [1225] that is of seventy two miles; to Sahiva 17 farsakhs -or sixty-eight miles; to Chandra 18 farsakhs or seventy-two miles; -to Rajauri fifteen farsakhs or sixty miles; and to Nárána (near -Jaipur) the former capital of Gujarát, 18 farsakhs or seventy-two -miles. Nárána he adds was destroyed and the capital transferred to -another town on the frontier. From Nárána at a distance of 60 farsakhs -or 240 miles south-west lies Anhilwára, and thence to Somnáth on the -sea is fifty farsakhs or 200 miles. From Anhilwára, passing south -is Lárdes with its capitals Bihruch (Broach) and Rahánjur [1226] -(Rándir) forty-two farsakhs (168 miles). These he states are on -the shore of the sea to the east of Tána (the modern Thána). [1227] -After describing the coast of Makrán till it reaches Debal [1228] -(Karáchi or Thatta) Abu Rihán comes to the coast of Kachh [1229] -and Somnáth, the population of which he calls the Bawárij because, -he says, they commit their piratical depredations in boats called -Baira. [1230] He gives the distance [1231] between Debal (Karáchi or -Thatta) and Kachh the country that yields mukl (gum or myrrh) [1232] -and bádrúd (balm) as six farsakhs (24 miles); to Somnáth (from Debal) -fourteen (56 miles); to Kambáya thirty (120 miles); to Asáwal the -site of Ahmedábád (from Cambay) two days' journey; to Bahrúj (Broach) -(from Debal) [1233] thirty, to Sindán or St. John (from Debal) fifty; -to Subára (Sopára) from Sindán six [1234]; to Tána (from Sopára) -five. Rashíd-ud-dín in his translation (A.D. 1310) of Al Bírúni -(A.D. 970-1031) states [1235] that beyond Gujarát are Konkan and -Tána. He calls Tánah the chief town of the Konkans and mentions the -forest of the Dángs as the habitat of the sharva an animal resembling -the buffalo, but larger than a rhinoceros, with a small trunk and two -big horns with which it attacks and destroys the elephant. Al Idrísi, -[1236] writing about the end of the eleventh century but with tenth -century materials, places [1237] in the seventh section of the second -climate, the Gujarát towns of Mámhal (Anhilwára), Kambáya (Cambay), -Subára (apparently Surabára or Surat), Sindán [1238] (Sanján in -Thána), and Saimúr (Chewal or Cheul). He adds, probably quoting from -Al Jauhari (A.D. 950), that Nahrwára is governed by a great prince who -bears the title of Balhára who owns the whole country from Nahrwára to -Saimúr. He ranks the king of Juzr fourth among Indian potentates. The -country from Debal to Kambáya (Karáchi to Cambay) he describes [1239] -as "nothing but a marine strand without habitations and almost without -water, and impassable for travellers." [1240] The situation of Mámhal -(Anhilwára) he gives as between Sindh and Hind. He notices the Meds -as Mánds [1241] grazing their flocks to within a short distance of -Mámhal (Anhilwára). He speaks of Mámhal, Kambáya, Subára (probably -Surabára or Surat), Sindán, and Saimúr as countries of Hind (India) -touching upon Sindh. [1242] He describes Mámhal as a frontier town, -numbered by some among the cities of Sindh, and he classifies Aubkin, -Mánd, Kulámmali (Quilon), [1243] and Sindán (Sandhán in Kachh) -as maritime islands. Among the numerous towns of India are Mámhal -(Anhilwára), [1244] Kambáya (Cambay), Subára, Asáwal (Ahmedábád), -Janáwal (Chunvál), Sindán, Saimúr, Jandur [1245] (Rándir), Sandur -(apparently a repetition of Rándir), and Rumála (perhaps the south -Panjáb). [1246] He speaks of Kalbata, Augasht, Nahrwára (Anhilwára), -and Lahawar (Lahori Bandar) as in the desert [1247] of Kambáya. Of the -three Subára (Surabára or Surat), Sindán (the Thána Sanján), and Saimúr -(Cheul), he says Saimúr alone belongs to the Balhára, whose kingdom, -he adds, is large, well-peopled, commercial, and fertile. Near Subára -(apparently Surabára) he locates small islands which he styles Bára -where, he adds, cocoanuts and the costus grow. [1248] East of Sindán, -due to a confusion between Sandhán in Kachh and Sanján in Thána, -he places another island bearing the same name as the port and -under the same government as the mainland, highly cultivated and -producing the cocoa palm the bamboo and the cane. Five miles by sea -from Kulámmali lies another island called Máli, an elevated plateau, -but not hilly, and covered with vegetation. The mention of the pepper -vine suggests that Al Idrísi has wandered to the Malabár Coast. In the -eighth section of the second clime Al Idrísi places Bárúh (Broach), -Sandápúr (apparently Goa), Tána (Thána), Kandárina (Gandhár, north -of Broach), Jirbátan a town mentioned by Al Idrísi as the nearest in -a voyage from Ceylon to the continent of India on that continent. It -is described as a populous town on a river supplying rice and grain -to Ceylon, [1249] Kalkáyan, Luluwa, Kanja, and Samandirún, and in the -interior Dulaka (Dholka), Janwál (Chunvál or Viramgám), and Nahrwár -(Anhilwára). [1250] Opposite the sea-port of Bárúh (Broach), Al -Idrísi places an island called Mullán, producing large quantities of -pepper. Al Idrísi describes the port of Bárúh (Broach) as accessible -to ships from China and Sindh. The distance from Bárúh to Saimúr -he puts at two days journey, and that between Bárúh and Nahrwára -(Anhilwára) at eight days through a flat country travelled over in -wheeled carriages drawn by oxen, which he adds furnished the only -mode for the conveyance also of merchandise. He locates the towns -of Dulaka and Hanawal or Janáwal (Chunwál or Jháláwár) with Asáwal -(Ahmedábád) between Bárúh and Nahrwára. He represents all three of -these towns to be centres of a considerable trade, and among their -products mentions the bamboo and the cocoanut. From Bárúh to Sandábúr -(that is, Goa), a commercial town with fine houses and rich bazárs -situated on a great gulf where ships cast anchor, the distance along -the coast given by Al Idrísi is four days. Al Kazwíni [1251] writing -about the middle of the thirteenth century A.D. 1263-1275, but mainly -from information of the tenth century notes Saimúr (Cheul) "a city of -Hind near the confines of Sindh" with its handsome people of Turkish -extraction worshippers of fire having their own fire-temples. Al -Kazwíni (A.D. 1230) dwells at length on the wonders of Somnáth and its -temple. He calls it a celebrated city of India situated on the shore -of the sea and washed by its waves. Among its wonders is Somnáth, -an idol hung in space resting on nothing. In Somnáth he says Hindus -assemble by the ten thousand at lunar eclipses, believing that the -souls of men meet there after separation from the body and that at -the will of the idol they are re-born into other animals. The two -centuries since its destruction by the idol-breaker of Ghaznah had -restored Somnáth to its ancient prosperity. He concludes his account -of Somnáth by telling how Mahmúd ascertained that the chief idol was -of iron and its canopy a loadstone and how by removing one of the -walls the idol fell to the ground. - -[Rivers.] Regarding the rivers and streams of Gujarát the Arab writers -are almost completely silent. The first reference to rivers is in -Al Masúdi (A.D. 944) who in an oddly puzzled passage says: [1252] -"On the Lárwi Sea (Cambay and Cheul) great rivers run from the south -whilst all the rivers of the world except the Nile of the Egypt, the -Mehrán (Indus) of Sindh, and a few others flow from the north." Al -Bírúni A.D. 970-1030) states that between the drainage areas of -the Sarsut and the Ganges is the valley of the river Narmaza [1253] -which comes from the eastern mountains and flows south-west till it -falls into the sea near Bahrúch about 180 miles (60 yojanas) east of -Somnáth. Another river the Sarsut (Sarasvatí) he rightly describes -as falling into the sea an arrowshot to the east of Somnáth. [1254] -He further mentions the Tábi (Tápti) from the Vindu or Vindhya hills -and the Támbra Barani or copper-coloured, apparently also the Tápti, -as coming from Málwa. In addition he refers to the Máhindri or Máhi -and the Sarusa apparently Sarasvatí perhaps meant for the Sábarmati. Al -Idrísi (A.D. 1100) is the only other Arab writer who names any of the -Gujarát rivers. As usual he is confused, describing Dulka (Dholka) -as standing on the bank of a river flowing into the sea which forms -an estuary or gulf on the east of which stands the town of Bárúh -(Broach). [1255] - -The Arab writers record the following details of twenty-two leading -towns: - -[Towns. Anahalváda.] Anahalváda (Ámhal, Fámhal, Kámhal, Kámuhul, -Mámhul, Nahlwára, Nahrwála). Al Istakhri (H. 340; A.D. 951) mentions -Ámhal Fámhal and Kámhal, Ibni Haukal (A.D. 976) Fámhal Kámhal and -Kámuhal, and Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh century) Mámhul. That these -are perversions of one name and that this town stood on the border of -'Hind' or Gujarát (in contradistinction to Sindh) the position given to -each by the Arab geographers [1256] places beyond question. Al Istakhri -(A.D. 951) alone calls the place by the name of Ámhal which he mentions -[1257] as one of the chief cities of 'Hind.' Later he gives the name -of Fámhal to a place forming the northern border of "Hind", as all -beyond it as far as Makrán belongs to Sindh. Again a little later -[1258] he describes Kámhal as a town eight days from Mansúrah and four -days from Kambáya, thus making Kámhal the first Gujarát town on the -road from Mansúrah about seventy miles north of Haidarábád in Sindh to -Gujarát. Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968-976) in his Ashkál-ul-Bilád gives Fámhal -in his text and Kámhal in his map [1259] and again while referring -[1260] to the desert between Makrán and Fámhal as the home of the -Meds, he styles it Kámhal. Once more he refers to Fámhal as a strong -and great city, containing a Jámá or Assembly Mosque; a little later -[1261] he calls it Kámuhul and places it eight days from Mansúrah -and four from Kambáya. He afterwards contradicts himself by making -Mansúrah two days' journey from 'Kámuhul,' but this is an obvious -error. [1262] Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1039) notices Anhilwára and does -not recognize any other form. [1263] Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh -century) adopts no form but Mámhal referring to it as one of the towns -of the second climate [1264] on the confines of a desert between -Sindh and "Hind" (India or Gujarát) the home of the sheep-grazing -and horse and camel-breeding Meds, [1265] as a place numbered by some -among the cities of Hind (Gujarát) by others as one of the cities of -Sindh situated at the extremity of the desert which stretches between -Kambáya, Debal, and Bánia. [1266] Again he describes Mámhal as a town -of moderate importance on the route "from Sindh to India," a place of -little trade, producing small quantities of fruit but numerous flocks, -nine days from Mansúrah through Bánia and five from Kambáya. [1267] Al -Idrísi (quoting from tenth century materials) also notices Nahrwára as -eight days' journey from Bárúh (Broach) across a flat country a place -governed by a prince having the title of the Balhára, a prince with -numerous troops and elephants, a place frequented by large numbers -of Musalmáns who go there on business. [1268] It is remarkable that -though Vanarája (A.D. 720-780?) founded Anhilwára as early as about -A.D. 750 no Arab geographer refers to the capital under any of the -many forms into which its name was twisted before Al Istakhri in -A.D. 951. At first Anhilwára may have been a small place but before -the tenth century it ought to have been large enough to attract the -notice of Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) and Al Masúdi (A.D. 915). In -the eleventh century the Musalmán historians of Mahmúd's reign are -profuse in their references to Anhilwára. According to Farishtah -[1269] after the capture of Anhilwára and the destruction of Somnáth -(H. 414; A.D. 1025) Mahmúd was anxious to make Anhilwára his capital -especially as it had mines of gold and as Singaldip (Ceylon) rich -in rubies was one of its dependencies. Mahmúd was dissuaded from the -project by his ministers. [1270] But two mosques in the town of Pattan -remain to show Mahmúd's fondness for the city. The next Muhammadan -reference to Anhilwára is by Núr-ud-dín Muhammad Úfi, who lived in -the reign of Shams-ud-dín Altamsh (A.D. 1211). [1271] In his Romance -of History Úfi refers to Anhilwára as the capital of that Jai Ráj, -who on receiving the complaint of a poor Musalmán preacher of Cambay, -whose mosque the Hindus instigated the fire-worshippers of the place -to destroy, left the capital alone on a fleet dromedary and returning -after personal enquiry at Cambay summoned the complainant and ordered -the chief men of the infidels to be punished and the Musalmán mosque -to be rebuilt at their expense. [1272] - -The Jámi-ûl-Hikáyát of Muhammad Úfi alludes [1273] to the defeat of -Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín or Muhammad bin Sám, usually styled Muhammad -Ghori, at the hands of Múlarája II. of Anahilaváda in A.D. 1178. And -the Tájul Maásir [1274] describes how in A.D. 1297 the Musalmáns under -Kutb-ud-dín Aibak retrieved the honour of their arms by the defeat of -Karan and his flight from Anhilwára. This account refers to Gujarát as -"a country full of rivers and a separate region of the world." It -also notices that Sultán Násir-ud-dín Kabáchah (A.D. 1246-1266) -deputed his general Kháskhán from Debal to attack Nahrwála and -that Kháskhán brought back many captives and much spoil. After the -conquest of Gujarát, in A.D. 1300 Sultán Alá-ud-dín Khilji despatched -Ulughkhán (that is the Great Khán commonly styled Alfkhán) to destroy -the idol-temple of Somnáth. This was done and the largest idol was -sent to Alá-ud-dín. [1275] - -[Chief Towns. Asáwal.] Asáwal. Abú Rihán Al Bírúni is the first -(A.D. 970-1039) of Arab geographers to mention Asáwal the site -of Ahmedábád which he correctly places two days journey from -Cambay. [1276] The next notice is along with Khábirún (probably Kávi -on the left mouth of the Máhi) and near Hanáwal or Janáwal, apparently -Chunvál or Viramgám, by Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh century) as -a town, populous, commercial, rich, industrious, and productive of -useful articles. [1277] He likens Asáwal "both in size and condition" -to Dhulaka both being places of good trade. [1278] In the early -fourteenth century (A.D. 1325) Ziá-ud-dín Barni refers to Asáwal -as the place where Sultán Muhammad Tughlak (A.D. 1325-1351) had to -pass a month in the height of the rains owing to the evil condition -to which his horses were reduced in marching and countermarching -in pursuit of the rebel Tághi. In the beginning of the fifteenth -century (A.D. 1403-4) the Tárikh-i-Mubárak Sháhi notices Asáwal as -the place where Tátárkhán the son of Zafarkhán had basely seized and -confined his own father. [1279] The Mirát-i-Sikandari also speaks -[1280] of Asáwal (A.D. 1403) but with the more courtly remark that -it was the place where Zafarkhán the grandfather of Sultán Ahmad the -founder of Ahmedábád, retired into private life after placing his -son Tátárkhán on the throne. [1281] The Mirát-i-Sikandari states that -[Ahmedábád.] the city of Ahmedábád was built [1282] in the immediate -vicinity of Asáwal. The present village of Asarwa is, under a slightly -changed name, probably what remains of the old town. - -[Barda.] Barda. See Valabhi. - -[Capital and Port Towns. Broach.] Broach (Báhrúj, Bárúh, Bárús) -is one of the places first attacked by the Muslim Arabs. In the -fifteenth year of the Hijrah (A.D. 636) the Khalífah Umar appointed -Usmán son of Abdul Ási to Bahrein. Usmán sent Hakam to Bahrein and -Hakam despatched a float to Báráúz (or Broach). [1283] Al Biláduri -(A.D. 892-93) speaks of Junnaid the son of Abdur Rahmán Al Murri on -his appointment to the frontier of Sindh in the Khiláfat of Hishám bin -Abdal Malik (A.D. 724-743) sending an expedition by land against Bárús -(Broach) ... and overrunning Jurz [1284] (Gujarát). Ibni Khurdádbah -(A.D. 912) enumerates Bárúh among the countries of Sindh. [1285] Broach -is next noticed [1286] by Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1039) as standing near -the estuary of the river Narbada, as 120 miles (30 parasangs) from -Debal, and as being with Rahanjur (Ránder) the capital of Lárdes. In -describing the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean Al -Masúdi (A.D. 915-944) speaks of Broach as Barús adding from which -come the famous lance shafts called Bárúsi. [1287] Al Idrísi (A.D. -1100) mentions [1288] Bárúh as a large town well-built of brick and -plaster, the inhabitants rich, engaged in trade and ready to enter -upon speculations and distant expeditions, a port for vessels coming -from China and Sindh, being two days' journey from Saimúr (Cheul) and -eight days from Nahrwára Anhilwára Pattan. In the fourteenth century -(A.D. 1325) Broach is described as in the flames of the insurrection -caused by the foreign amírs or nobles of the hot-tempered and impolitic -Muhammad bin Tughlak (A.D. 1325-1351) who visited it in person to -quell their revolt. Ziá-ud-dín Barni the famous annalist of his reign -and the author of the Tárikh-i-Fírúz Sháhi speaks of his deputation -to Broach by Malik Kabír the future Sultán Fírúz Sháh with a letter -to the Sultán. [1289] - -[Port or Coast Towns. Cambay.] Cambay (Kambáya, Kambáyat, Kambáyah, -Khambáit.) According to Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) Kambáya formed the north -boundary of the land of the Balháras. [1290] Al Istakhri describes -it as four days from Kámhal (Anhilwára) sixteen miles (4 farsangs) -from the sea and four days from Surabáya probably Surabára or the -mouth of the Tápti a term which is still in use. [1291] Al Masúdi -(A.D. 915) in speaking [1292] of the ebb and flow of the ocean mentions -Kambáya. He notices that Kambáya was famous in Baghdád, as it still -is famous in Gujarát, for its shoes. These shoes, he says, were made -in Kambáya and the towns about it like Sindán (Sanján in Thána) and -Sufáráh (Supára). He notices that when he visited Kambáya in H. 303 -(A.D. 913-14) the city was ruled by a Bráhman of the name of Bánia, -on behalf of the Balhára, lord of Mánkir (Málkhet). He states that this -Bánia was kind to and held friendly discussions with stranger Musalmáns -and people of other faiths. He gives a pleasing picture of Cambay, -on a gulf far broader than the estuaries of the Nile, the Euphrates, -or the Tigris whose shores were covered with villages, estates, and -gardens wooded and stocked with palm and date groves full of peacocks -parrots and other Indian birds. Between Kambáya and the sea from which -this gulf branches was two days' journey. When, says Al Masúdi, the -waters ebb from the gulf stretches of sands come to view. One day I saw -a dog on one of these desert-like stretches of sand. The tide began to -pour up the gulf and the dog hearing it ran for his life to the shore, -but the rush was too rapid. The waters overtook and drowned him. Al -Masúdi speaks of an emerald known as the Makkan emerald being carried -from Kambáya by Aden to Makkah where it found a market. [1293] Ibni -Haukal (A.D. 968-996) names Kambáya among the cities of Hind. [1294] -In his time there were Jámá or assembly mosques in Kambáya, where -the precepts of Islám were openly taught. Among the productions of -Kambáya he gives mangoes cocoanuts lemons and rice in great plenty -and some honey but no date trees. [1295] He makes Kambáya four miles -(one farasang) from the sea and four (that is four days' journey) -from Subára apparently Surabára that is Surat. The distance to Kámuhul -or Anhilwára by some mistake is shown as four farsangs instead of -four days' journey. [1296] Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) places Kambáya -within the large country of Gujarát (120 miles) [1297] (30 farsakh) -from Debal (Karáchi). He says the men of Kambáya receive tribute from -the chiefs of the island of Kís or Kísh (probably Kich-Makrán). [1298] -Al Idrísi (A.D. 1100) places Kambáya with other Gujarát cities in the -second climate. [1299] He says it is a pretty and well known naval -station, second among the towns of Gujarát. [1300] It stands at the -end of a bay three miles from the sea where vessels can enter and -cast anchor. It is well supplied with water and has a fine fortress -built by the Government to prevent the inroads of the pirates of -Kísh (Makrán). From Kambáya to the island of Aubkin (Píram) is two -and a half days' sail and from Aubkin to Debal (or Karáchi) two days -more. The country is fertile in wheat and rice and its mountains yield -the bamboo. Its inhabitants are idolators. In his Tazjiyat-ul-Amsár, -Abdullah Wassáf [1301] in A.D. 1300 (H. 699) writes: "Gujarát which -is commonly called Kambáyat contains 70,000 villages and towns all -populous and the people abounding in wealth and luxuries. In the -course of the four seasons seventy different species of beautiful -flowers bloom. The purity of the air is so great that the picture of -an animal drawn with the pen is lifelike. Many plants and herbs grow -wild. Even in winter the ground is full of tulips (poppies). The air -is healthy, the climate a perpetual spring. The moisture of the dew -of itself suffices for the cold season crops. Then comes the summer -harvest which is dependent on the rain. The vineyards bring forth -blue grapes twice a year." - -The trade in horses from the Persian isles and coast and from Katíf, -Láhsa, Bahrein, and Hurmuz was so great that during the reign of Atábak -Abu Bakr [1302] (A.D. 1154-1189) 10,000 horses worth 2,20,000 dínárs -[1303] (Rs. 1,10,00,000) were imported into Cambay and the ports -of Malabár. These enormous sums were not paid out of the government -treasuries but from the endowments of Hindu temples and from taxes -on the courtezans attached to them. The same author mentions the -conquest [1304] of Gujarát and the plunder of Kambáyat by Malik -Muîzz-ud-dín (called by Farishtah Alf and by Barni Ulugh meaning the -great Khán.) The Táríkh-i-Fírúz Sháhi states that Nasrat Khán and -not Ulugh Khán took and plundered Cambay and notices that in Cambay -Nasrat Khán purchased Káfúr Hazár Dínári (the thousand Dínár Káfur), -the future favourite minister and famous general of Alá-ud-dín. About -fifty years later the hot-headed Muhammad bin Tughlak (A.D. 1325-1351) -was in Cambay quelling an insurrection and collecting the arrears of -Cambay revenue. [1305] - -[Cheul.] Cheul (Saimúr). Al Masúdi (A.D. 943) is the first Arab -geographer to mention Saimúr. [1306] He says: On the coast as in -Saimúr Subára and Tána the Láriyyah language is spoken. In describing -Saimúr Al Masúdi states [1307] that at the time of his visit (H. 304; -A.D. 914) the ruler on behalf of the Balhára was Jhánjha (this is the -fifth Siláhára A.D. 916). Nearly ten thousand Musalmáns were settled -in Saimúr including some (called Bayásirah) born in the land of Arab -parents and others from Síráf and Persian Gulf, Basrah, Baghdád, and -other towns. A certain Músa bin Is-hák was appointed Raís or ruler -[1308] by the Balhára or Valabhi, that is the reigning Ráshtrakúta -Indra Nityamvarsha to adjudicate Muhammadan disputes according to -Musalmán law and customs. He describes [1309] at length the ceremony -of self-destruction by a Besar [1310] youth (a Hindu by religion) -to gain a better state in his future life, his scalping himself and -putting fire on his head, his cutting out a piece of his heart and -sending it to a friend as a souvenir. - -Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) mentions Saimúr as one of the cities of Hind, -makes it the southern end of the Balhára kingdom with Kambáya as the -northern, [1311] and places it at a distance of five days from Sindán -(the Thána Sanján) and fifteen days from Sarandíb or Ceylon. [1312] -Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968) notices Saimúr as one of the cities of Hind -known to him and mentions the sea of Fárs (or the Indian Ocean) -as stretching from Saimúr on the east to Tíz or Makrán. [1313] He -states [1314] that the country between Saimúr and Támhal (Anhilawára) -belongs to Hind. He makes [1315] the distance between Subára (probably -Surabára or Swát), Sindán, and Saimúr five days each and between Saimúr -and Sarandib (Ceylon) fifteen days. Al Bírúni (A.D. 1020) says: [1316] -"Then you enter the land of Lárán in which is Saimúr also called Jaimúr -or Chaimúr." Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh century) mentions Saimúr -as one of the towns of the second climate. [1317] He describes it as -large and well-built, five days from Sindán and among its products -notes cocoanut trees in abundance, henna (Lawsonia inermis), and on its -mountains many aromatic plants. [1318] His remark that Saimúr formed -a part of the vast, fertile, well-peopled and commercial kingdom of -the Balháras must be taken from the work of Al-Jauhari (A.D. 950). - -Al Kazwíni (A.D. 1236) quoting Misâar bin Muhalhil (A.D. 942) -describes Saimúr as one of the cities of Hind near the confines -of Sind, [1319] whose people born of Turkish and Indian parents -are very beautiful. It was a flourishing trade centre with a mixed -population of Jews, Fireworshippers, Christians, and Musalmáns. [1320] -The merchandise of the Turks (probably of the Indo-Afghán frontier) -was conveyed thither and the best of aloes were exported and called -Saimúri after its name. The temple of Saimúr was on an eminence -with idols of turquoise and baidjadak or ruby. In the city were many -mosques churches synagogues and fire-temples. - -[Chief Towns. Dholka.] Dholka (Dúlaka). Al Idrísi (end of the -eleventh century) places Dúlaka and another town he calls Hanáwal -that is Chunwal or Junawal perhaps Jháláwár between Bárúh (Broach) -and Nahrwára. He describes Dúlaka as on the banks of a river (the -Sábarmati) which flows into the sea, which forms an estuary or gulf -on the west (east) of which stands the town of Bárúh. Both these -towns, he adds, stand at the foot of a chain of mountains which lie -to the north and which are called Undaran apparently Vindhya. The kana -(bamboo) grows here as well as a few cocoanut trees. [1321] - -[Goa.] Goa. See Sindábur. - -[Gondal.] Gondal (Kondal). Ziá-ud-dín Barni in his Tárikh-i-Fíruz -Sháhi states [1322] that Sultán Muhammad Tughlak spent (A.D. 1349) -his third rainy season in Gujarát in Kondal (Gondal). Here the Sultán -assembled his forces before starting on his fatal march to Sindh. - -[Capitals. Kachh.] Kachh. Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) is the only Arab -writer who refers to Kachh. He calls Kachh [1323] with Somnáth the -head-quarters of the country of the Bawárij or Medh pirates. Speaking -of the Indus he notices [1324] that one of its branches which reaches -the borders of Kachh is known as Sind Ságar. In a third passage he -refers [1325] to Kachh as the land of the mukl or balsamodendron -and of bádrúd or bezoar. It was twenty-four miles (6 farsangs) -from Debal (Karáchi). According to the Táríkh-i-Maâsúmi [1326] when -(A.D. 1069) the sovereignty of Sindh passed from the descendants -of Mahmúd of Ghazni to the Sumras, Singhar, the grandson of Sumra -(A.D. 1069) [1327] extended his sway from Kachh to Nasarpúr [1328] -near Sindh Haidarábád and Khafíf the son of Singhar consolidated his -power and made Kachh a Sumra dependency. [1329] Dúda the grandson of -Khafíf quelled a threatened Sumra rising by proceeding to Kachh and -chastising the Sammas. [1330] On the fall of the Sumras the Chauras -became masters of Kachh from whose hands the country passed to those -of the Sammas. Ground down under the iron sway of the Sumras a number -of Sammas fled from Sindh and entered Kachh where they were kindly -received by the Chauras who gave them land to cultivate. After -acquainting themselves with the country and the resources of its -rulers the Samma immigrants who seem to have increased in numbers and -strengthened themselves by union, obtained possession by stratagem but -not without heroism of the chief fortress of Kachh. [1331] This fort -now in ruins was the fort of Gúntrí. [1332] The Tárikh-i-Táhiri states -that up to the time the history was written (A.D. 1621) [1333] the -country was in the possession of the Sammas, both the Ráis Bhára and -Jám Sihta of great and little Kachh in his time being of Samma descent. - -[Kaira.] Kaira (Karra). One mention of Karra apparently Kaira or Khedá -occurs in Ziá-ud-dín Barni's [1334] account of Muhammad Tughlak's -(A.D. 1325) pursuit of his rebellious Gujarát noble Tághi. He speaks -of Muhammad's detention for a month at Asáwal during the rains and -his overtaking and dispersing Tághi's forces at Karra. From Karra the -rebels fled in disorder to Nahrwára (Anhilwára). Several of Tághi's -supporters sought and were refused shelter by the Rána of Mándal that -is Pátri near Viramgám. - -[Chief Towns. Kábirún.] Kábirún. Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh -century) mentions Kábirún and Asáwal as towns of the same 'section' -both of them populous, commercial, rich, and producing useful -articles. He adds that at the time he wrote the Musalmáns had made -their way into the greater portion of these countries and conquered -them. Kábirún like the Akabarou of the Periplus (A.D. 240) is perhaps -a town on the Káveri river in south Gujarát. - -[Kambay.] Kambay. See Cambay. - -[Kanauj.] Kanauj. Al Masúdi [1335] (A.D. 956) is the first Arab -traveller who gives an account of Kanauj. He says: [1336] The kingdom -of the Baûúra king of Kanauj extends about a hundred and twenty square -parasangs of Sindh, each parasang being equal to eight miles of this -country. This king has four armies according to the four quarters -of the world. Each of them numbers 700,000 or 900,000. The army of -the north wars against the prince of Multán and with his Musalmán -subjects on the frontier. The army of the south fights against -the Balhára king of Mánkír. The other two armies march to meet -enemies in every direction. Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968-976) says [1337] -that from the sea of Fárs to the country of Kanauj is three months -journey. Rashíd-ud-dín from Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1039) places [1338] -Kanauj south of the Himálayas and states [1339] that the Jamna falls -into the Ganga below Kanauj which is situated on the west of the river -(Ganga). The chief portion of Hind included in the "second climate" -is called the central land or Madhya Desh. He adds that the Persians -call it Kanauj. It was the capital of the great, haughty, and proud -despots of India. He praises the former magnificence of Kanauj, -which he says being now deserted by its ruler has fallen into neglect -and ruin, and the city of Bári, three days' journey from Kanauj on -the eastern side of the Ganges being now the capital. Kanauj was -celebrated for its descendants of the Pándavas as Máhura (Mathra) -is on account of Bás Dev (Krishna). Al Idrísi, end of the eleventh -century, speaks [1340] of Kanauj in connection with a river port -town of the name of Samandár "a large town, commercial and rich, -where there are large profits to be made and which is dependent" -on the rule of the Kanauj king. Samandár, he says, stands on a river -coming from Kashmír. To the north of Samandár at seven days is, he -says, the city of Inner Kashmír under the rule of Kanauj. The Chách -Námah (an Arabic history of great antiquity written before A.D. 753, -translated into Persian in the time of Sultán Násir-ud-dín Kabáchah) -(A.D. 1216) says [1341] that when Chách A.D. 631-670) advanced against -Akham Lohána of Brahmanábád that the Lohána wrote to ask the help of -"the king of Hindustán," that is Kanauj, at that time Satbán son of -Rásal, but that Akham died before his answer came. - -[Kol.] Kol. Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) has Kol seventy-two miles (18 -farsakhs) from Sanján in Kachh. [1342] And the Táj-ul-Mâásir [1343] -relates how in A.D. 1194 Kutb-ud-dín advanced to Kol and took the fort. - -[Málkhet.] Málkhet (Mánkír). Al Masúdi (A.D. 943) is the first Arab -writer to mention Mánkír that is Mányákheta now Málkhet about sixty -miles south-east of Sholápúr. In relating the extinction of the great -Brahma-born dynasty of India Al Masúdi states [1344] that at the time -the city of Mánkír, the great centre of India, submitted to the kings -called the Balháras who in his time were still ruling at Mánkír. [1345] - -Al Masúdi correctly describes the position of Málkhet as eighty -Sindh or eight-mile farsakhs that is six hundred and forty miles -from the sea in a mountainous country. Again he notices that the -language spoken in Mánkír was Kiriya, [1346] called from Karah or -Kanara the district where it was spoken. The current coin was the -Tártariyeh dirham (each weighing a dirham and a half) [1347] on which -was impressed the date of the ruler's reign. He describes the country -of the Balháras as stretching from the Kamkar (or Konkan) in the south -or south-west north to the frontiers of the king of Juzr (Gujarát), -"a monarch rich in men horses and camels." Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) -describes Mánkír as the dwelling of the wide-ruling Balhára. Ibni -Haukal (A.D. 968-976) repeats almost to the letter the information -given by Al Istakhri. The destruction of Málkhet (Mánya Kheta) by -the western Chálukya king Tailappa in A.D. 972 explains why none of -the writers after Ibni Haukal mentions Mánkír. - -[Mándal.] Mándal. Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) enumerates Mándal -(in Viramgám) with Rúmla, [1348] Kuli, and Bárúh as countries -of Sindh. During the Khiláfat of Hishám the son of Abdul Malik -(A.D. 724-743) Junnaid son of Abdur Rahman-al-Murri was appointed to -the frontier of Sindh. According to Al Biláduri (A.D. 892) Junnaid -sent his officers to Mándal, [1349] Dahnaj perhaps Kamlej, and Báhrús -(Broach). - -[Nárána.] Nárána. In his Indica Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) notices -Nárána near Jaipur as the ancient capital of Gujarát. He says that -its correct name is Bazánah but that "it is known to our people (the -Arabs) as Náráin." He places it eighty miles (20 farsakhs) south-west -of Kanauj, and adds that when it was destroyed the inhabitants -removed to and founded another city. [1350] Abú Rihán makes Nárána -the starting point of three itineraries to the south the south-west -and the west. Al Bírúni's details suffice to place this centre in the -neighbourhood of the modern Jaipúr and to identify it with Náráyan -the capital of Bairat of Matsya which according to Farishtah [1351] -Mahmúd of Ghazni took in A.D. 1022 (H. 412). - -[Ránder.] Ránder (Ráhanjir or Rahanjúr). Al Bírúni (A.D. 1031) gives -[1352] Ráhanjúr and Báhrúj (Broach) as the capitals of Lar Desh or -south Gujarát. Elliot (Note 3. I. 61) writes the word Damanhúr or -Dahanhúr but the reading given by Sachau in his Arabic text of Al -Bírúni (page 100 chapter 18) is plainly Rahanjúr and the place -intended is without doubt Ránder on the right bank of the Tápti -opposite Surat. In his list of Indian towns Al Idrísi (end of the -eleventh century) seems to refer [1353] to it under the forms Jandúr -and Sandúr. - -[Sanján.] Sanján (Sindán). The two Sanjáns, one in Kachh the other -in Thána, complicate the references to Sindán. Sindán in Kachh was -one of the earliest gains of Islám in India. Al Biláduri [1354] -(A.D. 892) speaks of Fazl, the son of Máhán, in the reign of the -greatest of the Abbási Khalífáhs Al-Mámún (A.D. 813-833), taking -Sindán and sending Al Mámún the rare present of "an elephant and -the longest and largest sáj or turban or teak spar ever seen." Fazl -built an assembly mosque that was spared by the Hindus on their -recapture of the town. Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) includes this -Kachh Sindán with Broach and other places in Gujarát among the -cities of Sindh. In his itinerary starting from Bakkar, he places -Sindán seventy-two miles [1355] (18 farsakhs) from Kol. Al Masúdi -(A.D. 915-944) states that Indian emeralds from (the Kachh) Sindán -and the neighbourhood of Kambáyat (Cambay) approached those of the -first water in the intensity of their green and in brilliance. As -they found a market in Makkah they were called Makkan emeralds. [1356] -Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) under cities of Hind places the Konkan Sindán -five days from Surabáya (Surabára or Surat) and as many from Saimúr -[1357] (Chewal). Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968) mentions (the Kachh) Sindán -among the cities of Hind, which have a large Musalmán population and -a Jámá Masjid [1358] or assembly mosque. Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) -[1359] in his itinerary from Debal in Sindh places the Kokan 200 miles -(50 farsakhs) from that port and between Broach and Supára. At the -end of the eleventh century probably the Kachh Sindán was a large -commercial town rich both in exports and imports with an intelligent -and warlike, industrious, and rich population. Al Idrísi gives the -situation of the Konkan Sindán as a mile and a half from the sea and -five days from Saimúr (Cheval). [1360] Apparently Abul Fida [1361] -(A.D. 1324) confused Sindán with Sindábúr or Goa which Ibni Batúta -(A.D. 1340) rightly describes as an island. [1362] - -[Port or Coast Towns. Sindábúr or Sindápúr.] Sindábúr or Sindápúr. Al -Masúdi (A.D. 943) places Sindápúr he writes it Sindábúra or Goa in -the country of the Bughara (Balhára) in India. [1363] Al Bírúni -(A.D. 1021) places Sindápúr or Sindábúr that is Goa as the first -of coast towns in Malabár the next being Fáknúr. [1364] Al Idrísi -(end of the eleventh century) describes Sindábúr as a commercial town -with fine buildings and rich bazaars in a great gulf where ships cast -anchor, four days along the coast [1365] from Thána. - -[Somnáth.] Somnáth. Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) is the first of the Arab -writers to notice Somnáth. He calls Somnáth and Kachh the capital of -the Bawárij pirates who commit their depredations in boats called -baira. [1366] He places Somnáth (14 farsakhs) fifty-six miles from -Debal or Karáchi 200 miles (50 farsakhs) from Anhilwára and 180 miles -(60 yojánas) from Broach. He notes that the river Sarsút falls into -the sea an arrow-shot from the town. He speaks of Somnáth as an -important place of Hindu worship and as a centre of pilgrimage from -all parts of India. He tells of votaries and pilgrims performing -the last stage of their journey crawling on their sides or on their -ankles, never touching the sacred ground with the soles of their feet, -even progressing on their heads. [1367] Al Bírúni gives [1368] the -legendary origin of the Somnáth idol: how the moon loved the daughters -of Prajápati; how his surpassing love for one of them the fair Rohini -kindled the jealousy of her slighted sisters; how their angry sire -punished the partiality of the moon by pronouncing a curse which caused -the pallor of leprosy to overspread his face; how the penitent moon -sued for forgiveness to the saint and how the saint unable to recall -his curse showed him the way of salvation by the worship of the Lingam; -how he set up and called the Moon-Lord a stone which [1369] for ages -had lain on the sea shore less than three miles to the west of the -mouth of the Sarasvatí, and to the east of the site of the golden -castle of Bárwi (Verával) the residence of Básúdeo and near the scene -of his death and of the destruction of his people the Yádavas. The -waxing and the waning of the moon caused the flood that hid the Lingam -and the ebb that showed it and proved that the Moon was its servant -who bathed it regularly. Al Bírúni notices [1370] that in his time -the castellated walls and other fortifications round the temple were -not more than a hundred years old. Al Bírúni represents the upper part -of the Lingam as hung with massive and bejewelled gold chains. These -chains together with the upper half of the idol were, he observes, -carried away by the Emir [1371] Mahmúd to Ghazna, where a part of -the idol was used to form one of the steps of the Assembly Mosque and -the other part was left to lie with Chakra Swám, the Thánesar idol, -in the maidán or hippodrome of Mahmúd's capital. Somnáth, says Al -Bírúni, [1372] was the greatest of the Lingams worshipped in India -where in the countries to the south-west of Sindh the worship of -these emblems abounds. A jar of Ganges water and a basket of Kashmir -flowers were brought daily to Somnáth. Its worshippers believed the -stone to possess the power of curing all diseases, and the mariners -and the wanderers over the deep between Sofálá and China addressed -their prayers to it as their patron deity. [1373] Ibni Asír [1374] -(A.D. 1121) gives a detailed account of the temple of Somnáth and its -ancient grandeur. He says Somnáth was the greatest of all the idols of -Hind. Pilgrims by the hundred thousand met at the temple especially -at the times of eclipses and believed that the ebb and flow of the -tide was the homage paid by the sea to the god. Everything of the most -precious was brought to Somnáth and the temple was endowed with more -than 10,000 villages. Jewels of incalculable value were stored in the -temple and to wash the idol water from the sacred stream of the Ganga -was brought every day over a distance of two hundred farsangs (1200 -miles). A thousand Bráhmans were on duty every day in the temple, -three hundred and fifty singers and dancers performed before the -image, and three hundred barbers shaved the pilgrims who intended to -pay their devotions at the shrine. Every one of these servants had a -settled allowance. The temple of Somnáth was built upon fifty pillars -of teakwood covered with lead. The idol, which did not appear to be -sculptured, [1375] stood three cubits out of the ground and had a girth -of three cubits. The idol was by itself in a dark chamber lighted by -most exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain of -gold to which bells were hung weighing 200 mans. The chain was shaken -at certain intervals during the night that the bells might rouse fresh -parties of worshipping Bráhmans. The treasury containing many gold and -silver idols, with doors hung with curtains set with valuable jewels, -was near the chamber of the idol. The worth of what was found in the -temple exceeded two millions of dínárs (Rs. 1,00,00,000). According -to Ibni Asír Mahmúd reached Somnáth on a Thursday in the middle of -Zilkaáda H. 414 (A.D. December 1023). On the approach of Mahmúd -Bhím the ruler of Anhilvád fled abandoning his capital and took -refuge in a fort to prepare for war. From Anhilvád Mahmúd started -for Somnáth taking several forts with images which, Ibni Asír says, -were the heralds or chamberlains of Somnáth. Resuming his march he -crossed a desert with little water. Here he was encountered by an -army of 20,000 fighting men under chiefs who had determined not to -submit to the invader. These forces were defeated and put to flight -by a detachment sent against them by Mahmúd. Mahmúd himself marched -to Dabalwárah a place said by Ibni Asír to be two days journey from -Somnáth. When he reached Somnáth Mahmúd beheld a strong fortress whose -base was washed by the waves of the sea. The assault began on the -next day Friday. During nearly two days of hard fighting the invaders -seemed doomed to defeat. On the third the Musalmáns drove the Hindus -from the town to the temple. A terrible carnage took place at the -temple-gate. Those of the defenders that survived took themselves -to the sea in boats but were overtaken and some slain and the rest -drowned. [1376] - -[Supára.] Supára (Subárá, Sufára, or Surbáráh.)--The references to -Subárá are doubtful as some seem to belong to Surabára the Tápti -mouth and others to Sopára six miles north of Bassein. The first -Arab reference to Subára belongs to Sopára. Al Masúdi's (A.D. 915) -[1377] reference is that in Saimúr (Cheval), Subára (Sopára), and -Tána (Thána) the people speak the Láriyáh language, so called from -the sea which washes the coast. On this coast Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) -[1378] refers to Subára that is apparently to Surabára or Surat a -city of Hind, four days from Kambáyah (Cambay). [1379] - -Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968-976) mentions [1380] Surbárah apparently the -Tápti mouth or Surat as one of the cities of Hind four farsakhs, -correctly days, from Kambáyah and two miles (half farsakh) from -the sea. From Surbára to Sindán, perhaps the Kachh Sanján, he makes -ten days. Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) makes Subára perhaps the Thána -Sopára six days' journey from Debal [1381] (perhaps Diu). Al Idrísi -(A.D. 1100) mentions Subára apparently Sopára as a town in the second -climate, a mile and a half from the sea and five days (an excessive -allowance) from Sindán. It was a populous busy town, one of the -entrepôts of India and a pearl fishery. Near Subára he places Bára, -a small island with a growth of cactus and cocoanut trees. [1382] - -[Surábára.] Surábára. See Supára. - -[Capitals. Thána.] Thána (Tána).--That Thána was known to the Arabs in -pre-Islám times is shown by one of the first Musalmán expeditions to -the coast of India being directed against it. As early as the reign -of the second Khalifah Umar Ibnal Khattáb (A.D. 634-643; H. 13-23) -mention is made [1383] of Usmán, Umar's governor of Umán (the Persian -Gulf) and Bahrein, sending a successful expedition against Thána. Al -Masúdi (A.D. 943) refers to Thána on the shore of the Lárwi sea or -Indian Ocean, as one of the coast towns in which the Lárwi language is -spoken. [1384] Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) gives [1385] the distance from -Mahrat Desh (the Marátha country) to the Konkan "with its capital Tána -on the sea-shore" as 100 miles (25 farsakhs) and locates the Lár Desh -(south Gujarát) capitals of Báhrûj and Rahanjur (Broach and Ránder) -to the east of Thána. He places Thána with Somnáth Konkan and Kambáya -in Gujarát and notices that from Thána the Lár country begins. Al -Idrísi (end of the eleventh century) describes [1386] Thána as a -pretty town upon a great gulf where vessels anchor and from where -they set sail. He gives the distance from Sindábur (or Goa) to Thána -as four days' sail. From the neighbourhood of Thána he says the kana -or bamboo and the tabáshír or bamboo pith are transported to the east -and west. [1387] - -[Vála or Valabhi.] Baráda (Porbandar).--Of the Arab attacks on the -great sea-port Vala or Valabhi, twenty miles west of Bhávnagar, -during the eighth and ninth centuries details are given Above pages -94-96. The manner of writing the name of the city attacked leaves it -doubtful whether Balaba that is Valabhi or Baráda near Porbandar is -meant. But the importance of the town destroyed and the agreement in -dates with other accounts leaves little doubt that the reference is -to Valabhi. [1388] - -In the fourth year of his reign about A.D. 758 the Khalífah -Jaâfar-al-Mansúr [1389] (A.D. 754-775) the second ruler of the house -of Abbás appointed Hishám governor of Sindh. Hishám despatched a -fleet to the coast of Barádah, which may generally be read Balabha, -under the command of Amru bin Jamál Taghlabi. Tabari (A.D. 838-932) -and Ibni Asír (A.D. 1160-1232) [1390] state that another expedition -was sent to this coast in A.H. 160 (A.D. 776) in which though the -Arabs succeeded in taking the town, disease thinned the ranks of the -party stationed to garrison the port, a thousand of them died, and the -remaining troops while returning to their country were shipwrecked -on the coast of Persia. This he adds deterred Al Mahdi [1391] -(A.D. 775-785) the succeeding Khalífah from extending the eastern -limits of his empire. Besides against Balaba the Sindhi Arabs sent a -fleet against Kandhár apparently, though somewhat doubtfully, [1392] -the town of that name to the north of Broach where they destroyed -a temple or budd and built a mosque. Al Bírúni [1393] (A.D. 1030) -writing of the Valabhi era describes the city of Balabah as nearly -thirty jauzhans (yojanas) that is ninety miles to the south of -Anhilvára. In another passage [1394] he describes how the Bánia -Ránka sued for and obtained the aid of an Arab fleet from the Arab -lord of Mansúrah (built A.D. 750) for the destruction of Balaba. A -land grant by a Valabhi chief remains as late as A.D. 766. For this -reason and as the invaders of that expedition fled panic-struck by -sickness Valabhi seems to have continued as a place of consequence -if the expedition of A.D. 830 against Bala king of the east refers -to the final attack on Valabhi an identification which is supported -by a Jain authority which places the final overthrow of Valabhi at -888 Samvat that is A.D. 830. [1395] - -[Kings.] Of the rulers of Gujarát between A.D. 850 and A.D. 1250 -the only dynasty which impressed the Arabs was the Balháras of -Málkhet or Mányakheta (A.D. 630-972) sixty miles south-east of -Sholápúr. From about A.D. 736 to about A.D. 978, at first through -a more or less independent local branch and afterwards (A.D. 914) -direct the Ráshtrakútas continued overlords of most of Gujarát. The -Arabs knew the Ráshtrakútas by their title Vallabha or Beloved in -the case of Govind III. (A.D. 803-814), Prithivívallabha, Beloved -by the Earth, and of his successor the long beloved Amoghavarsha -Vallabhaskanda, the Beloved of Siva. Al Masúdi (A.D. 915-944) said: -Bálárái is a name which he who follows takes. So entirely did the -Arabs believe in the overlordship of the Ráshtrakútas in Gujarát -that Al Idrísi (A.D. 1100, but probably quoting Al Jauhari A.D. 950) -describes Nehrwalla as the capital of the Balarás. Until Dr. Bhandárkar -discovered its origin in Vallabha, the ease with which meanings could -be tortured out of the word and in Gujarát its apparent connection -with the Valabhi kings (A.D. 509-770) made the word Balarái a cause -of matchless confusion. [1396] -The merchant Sulaimán (A.D. 851) ranks the Balhára, the lord of Mánkír, -as the fourth of the great rulers of the world. Every prince in -India even in his own land paid him homage. He was the owner of many -elephants and of great wealth. He refrained from wine and paid his -troops and servants regularly. Their favour to Arabs was famous. Abu -Zaid (A.D. 913) says that though the Indian kings acknowledge the -supremacy of no one, yet the Balháras or Ráshtrakútas by virtue of -the title Balhára are kings of kings. Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) -describes the Balháras as the greatest of Indian kings being as -the name imports the king of kings. Al Masúdi (A.D. 915) described -Balhára as a dynastic name which he who followed took. Though he -introduces two other potentates the king of Jurz and the Baûra or -Parmár king of Kanauj fighting with each other and with the Balhára -he makes the Balhára, the lord of the Mánkír or the great centre, -the greatest king of India [1397] to whom the kings of India bow -in their prayers and whose emissaries they honour. He notices that -the Balhára favours and honours Musalmáns and allows them to have -mosques and assembly mosques. When Al Masúdi was in Cambay the town -was ruled by Bánia, the deputy of the Balhára. Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) -describes the land from Kambáyah to Saimúr (Cheul) as the land of -the Balhára of Mánkír. In the Konkan were many Musalmáns over whom -the Balhára appointed no one but a Musalmán to rule. Ibni Haukal -(A.D. 970) describes the Balhára as holding sway over a land in which -are several Indian kings. [1398] Al Idrísi (A.D. 1100 but quoting -Al Jauhari A.D. 950) agrees with Ibni Khurdádbah that Balhára is a -title meaning King of Kings. He says the title is hereditary in this -country, where when a king ascends the throne he takes the name of -his predecessor and transmits it to his heirs. [1399] - -[Condition.] That the Arabs found the Ráshtrakútas kind and liberal -rulers there is ample evidence. In their territories property was -secure, [1400] theft or robbery was unknown, commerce was encouraged, -foreigners were treated with consideration and respect. The Arabs -especially were honoured not only with a marked and delicate regard, -but magistrates from among themselves were appointed to adjudicate -their disputes according to the Musalmán law. - -[The Gurjjaras.] The ruler next in importance to the Balhára was the -Jurz that is the Gurjjara king. It is remarkable, though natural, -that the Arabs should preserve the true name of the rulers of -Anhilváda which the three tribe or dynastic names Chápa or Chaura -(A.D. 720-956), Solanki or Cáulukya (A.D. 961-1242), and Vághela -(A.D. 1240-1290) should so long have concealed. Sulaimán (A.D. 851) -notices that the Jurz king hated Musalmáns while the Balhára king loved -Musalmáns. He may not have known what excellent reasons the Gurjjaras -had for hating the Arab raiders from sea and from Sindh. Nor would it -strike him that the main reason why the Balhára fostered the Moslem -was the hope of Arab help in his struggles with the Gurjjaras. - -[Jurz.] According to the merchant Sulaimán [1401] (A.D. 851) the -kingdom next after the Balhára's was that of Jurz the Gurjjara king -whose territories "consisted of a tongue of land." The king of Jurz -maintained a large force: his cavalry was the best in India. He was -unfriendly to the Arabs. His territories were very rich and abounded -in horses and camels. In his realms exchanges were carried on in -silver and gold dust of which metals mines were said to be worked. - -The king of Jurz was at war with the Balháras as well as with the -neighbouring kingdom of Táfak or the Panjáb. The details given under -Bhínmál page 468 show that Sulaimán's tongue of land, by which he -apparently meant either Káthiávád or Gujarát was an imperfect idea of -the extent of Gurjjara rule. At the beginning of the tenth century -A.D. 916 Sulaimán's editor Abu Zaid describes Kanauj as a large -country forming the empire of Jurz, [1402] a description which the -Gurjjara Vatsarája's success in Bengal about a century before shows -not to be impossible. Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) ranks the king of -Juzr as fourth in importance among Indian kings. According to him -"the Tátariya dirhams were in use in the Juzr kingdom." Al Masúdi -(A.D. 943) speaks of the Konkan country of the Balhára as on one -side exposed to the attacks of the king of Juzr a monarch rich in -men horses and camels. He speaks of the Juzr kingdom bordering -on Táfán apparently the Panjáb and Táfán as bounded by Rahma -[1403] apparently Burma and Sumátra. Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968-976) -notices that several kingdoms existed, including the domain of the -Siláháras of the north Konkan within the land of the Balhára between -Kambáyah and Saimúr. [1404] Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) uses not Juzr, -but Gujarát. [1405] Beyond that is to the south of Gujarát he places -Konkan and Tána. In Al Bírúni's time Náráyan near Jaipúr, the former -capital of Gujarát, had been taken and the inhabitants removed to a -town on the frontier. [1406] Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh century -really from tenth century materials) ranks the king of Juzr as the -fourth and the king of Sáfán or Táfán as the second in greatness to -the Balhára. [1407] In another passage in a list of titular sovereigns -Al Idrísi enters the names of Sáfir (Táfán) Hazr (Jazr-Juzr) and Dumi -(Rahmi). [1408] By the side of Juzr was Táfak (doubtfully the Panjáb) -a small state producing the whitest and most beautiful women in India; -the king having few soldiers; living at peace with his neighbours and -like the Balháras highly esteeming the Arabs. [1409] Ibni Khurdádbah -(A.D. 912) calls Tában the king next in eminence to the Balhára. [1410] -Al Masúdi (A.D. 943) calls Táfak the ruler of a mountainous country -like Kashmír [1411] with small forces living on friendly terms with -neighbouring sovereigns and well disposed to the Moslims. [1412] Al -Idrísi (end of eleventh century but materials of the tenth century) -notices Sáfán (Táfán) as the principality that ranks next to the -Konkan that is to the Ráshtrakútas. - -[Rahma or Ruhmi.] Rahma or Ruhmi, according to the merchant Sulaimán -(A.D. 851) borders the land of the Balháras, the Juzr, and Táfán. The -king who was not much respected was at war with both the Juzr and -the Balhára. He had the most numerous army in India and a following -of 50,000 elephants when he took the field. Sulaimán notices a cotton -fabric made in Rahma, so delicate that a dress of it could pass through -a signet-ring. The medium of exchange was cowries Cypræa moneta shell -money. The country produced gold silver and aloes and the whisk of the -sámara or yák Bos poëphagus the bushy-tailed ox. Ibni Khurdádbah [1413] -(A.D. 912) places Rahmi as the sixth kingdom. He apparently identified -it with Al Rahmi or north Sumátra as he notes that between it and the -other kingdoms communication is kept up by ships. He notices that the -ruler had five thousand elephants and that cotton cloth and aloes -probably the well-known Kumári or Cambodian aloes, were the staple -produce. Al Masúdi (A.D. 943) after stating that former accounts of -Rahma's [1414] elephants, troops and horses were probably exaggerated, -adds that the kingdom of Rahma extends both along the sea and the -continent and that it is bounded by an inland state called Káman -(probably Kámarup that is Assam). He describes the inhabitants as -fair and handsome and notices that both men and women had their ears -pierced. This description of the people still more the extension of -the country both along the sea and along the continent suggests that -Masúdi's Al Rahmi is a combination of Burma which by dropping the B -he has mixed with Al Rahma. Lane identifies Rahmi [1415] with Sumátra -on the authority of an Account of India and China by two Muhammadan -Travellers of the Ninth Century. This identification is supported by -Al Masúdi's [1416] mention of Rámi as one of the islands of the Java -group, the kingdom of the Indian Mihráj. The absence of reference to -Bengal in these accounts agrees with the view that during the ninth -century Bengal was under Tibet. - -[Products.] In the middle of the ninth century mines of gold and -silver are said to be worked in Gujarát. [1417] Abu Zaid (A.D. 916) -represents pearls as in great demand. The Tártáriyah, or according -to Al Masúdi the Táhiriyah dínárs of Sindh, fluctuating [1418] in -price from one and a half to three and a fraction of the Baghdád -dínárs, were the current coin in the Gujarát ports. Emeralds also -were imported from Egypt mounted as seals. [1419] - -Ibni Khurdádbah [1420] (A.D. 912) mentions teakwood and the bamboo -as products of Sindán that is the Konkan Sanjan. [1421] Al Masúdi -(A.D. 943) notes that at the great fair of Multán the people of -Sindh and Hind offered Kumar that is Cambodian aloe-wood of the purest -quality worth twenty dínárs a man. [1422] Among other articles of trade -he mentions an inferior emerald exported from Cambay and Saimúr to -Makkah, [1423] the lance shafts of Broach, [1424] the shoes of Cambay, -[1425] and the white and handsome maidens of Táfán [1426] who were in -great demand in Arab countries. Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968-976) states that -the country comprising Fámhal, Sindán, Saimúr, and Kambáyah produced -mangoes cocoanuts lemons and rice in abundance. That honey could be -had in great quantities, but no date palms were to be found. [1427] - -Al Bírúni (A.D. 1031) notices that its import of horses from Mekran -and the islands of the Persian Gulf was a leading portion of Cambay -trade. [1428] According to Al Idrísi (A.D. 1100) the people of Mámhal -[1429] (Anhilwára) had many horses and camels. [1430] One of the -peculiarities of the Nahrwála country was that all journeys were -made and all merchandise was carried in bullock waggons. Kambáyah -was rich in wheat and rice and its mountains yielded the Indian -kaná or bamboo. At Subára [1431] (Sopára) they fished for pearls -and Bára a small island close to Subára produced the cocoanut and -the costus. Sindán according to Al Idrísi produced the cocoa palm, -the ratan, and the bamboo. Saimúr had many cocoa palms, much henna -(Lawsonia inermis), and a number of aromatic plants. [1432] The hills -of Thána yielded the bamboo and tabáshír [1433] or bamboo pith. From -Saimúr according to Al Kazwíni (A.D. 1236, but from tenth century -materials) came aloes. Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) states that in -Kambáyah, Somnáth, Kankan, and Tána the vines yield twice a year and -such is the strength of the soil that cotton-plants grow like willow -or plane trees and yield produce for ten years. He refers to the betel -leaf, to which he and other Arab writers and physicians ascribe strange -virtues as the produce of the whole country of Malabár. The exports -from the Gujarát coasts are said to be sugar (the staple product of -Málwa), bádrúd that is bezoar, and haldi that is turmeric. [1434] - -According to Ibni Haukal (A.D. 170) from Kambáya to Saimúr the villages -lay close to one another and much land was under cultivation. [1435] -At the end [1436] of the eleventh century trade was brisk merchandise -from every country finding its way to the ports of Gujarát whose -local products were in turn exported all over the east. [1437] -The Ráshtrakúta dominion was vast, well-peopled, commercial, and -fertile. [1438] The people lived mostly on a vegetable diet, rice -peas beans haricots and lentils being their daily food. [1439] Al -Idrísi speaks of certain Hindus eating animals whose deaths had been -caused by falls or by being gored, [1440] but Al Masúdi states that the -higher classes who wore the "baldric like yellow thread" (the Janoi) -abstained from flesh. According to Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968-970) the -ordinary dress of the kings of Hind was trousers and a tunic. [1441] -He also notices that between Kambáyah and Saimúr the Muslims and -infidels wear the same cool fine muslin dress and let their beards -grow in the same fashion. [1442] During the tenth century on high -days the Balhára wore a crown of gold and a dress of rich stuff. The -attendant women were richly clad, wearing rings of gold and silver -upon their feet and hands and having their hair in curls. [1443] -At the close of the Hindu period (A.D. 1300) Rashíd-ud-dín describes -Gujarát as a flourishing country with no less than 80,000 villages and -hamlets the people happy the soil rich growing in the four seasons -seventy varieties of flowers. Two harvests repaid the husbandman, -the earlier crop refreshed by the dew of the cold season the late -crop enriched by a certain rainfall. [1444] - -[Review.] In their intercourse with Western India nothing struck the -Arabs more than the toleration shown to their religion both by chief -and peoples. This was specially marked in the Ráshtrakúta towns where -besides free use of mosques and Jámá mosques Musalmán magistrates or -kázis were appointed to settle disputes among Musalmáns according to -their own laws. [1445] Toleration was not peculiar to the Balháras. Al -Bírúni records [1446] that in the ninth century (A.D. 581), when the -Hindus recovered Sindán (Sanján in Kachh) they spared the assembly -mosque where long after the Faithful congregated on Fridays praying -for their Khalífah without hindrance. In the Balhára country so -strongly did the people believe in the power of Islám or which is -perhaps more likely so courteous were they that they said that our -king enjoys a long life and long reign is solely due to the favour -shown by him to the Musalmáns. So far as the merchant Sulaimán saw -in the ninth century the chief religion in Gujarát was Buddhism. He -notices that the principles of the religion of China were brought from -India and that the Chinese ascribe to the Indians the introduction -of Buddhas into their country. Of religious beliefs metempsychoses -or re-birth and of religious practices widow-burning or satti and -self-torture seem to have struck him most. [1447] As a rule the dead -were burned. [1448] Sulaimán represents the people of Gujarát as steady -abstemious and sober abstaining from wine as well as from vinegar, -'not' he adds 'from religious motives but from their disdain of -it.' Among their sovereigns the desire of conquest was seldom the -cause of war. [1449] Abu Zaid (A.D. 916) describes the Bráhmans as -Hindus devoted to religion and science. Among Bráhmans were poets -who lived at kings' courts, astronomers, philosophers, diviners, and -drawers of omens from the flight of crows. [1450] He adds: So sure -are the people that after death they shall return to life upon the -earth, that when a person grows old "he begs some one of his family -to throw him into the fire or to drown him." [1451] In Abu Zaid's -time (A.D. 916) the Hindus did not seclude their women. Even the -wives of the kings used to mix freely with men and attend courts and -places of public resort unveiled. [1452] According to Ibni Khurdádbah -(A.D. 912) India has forty-two religious sects "part of whom believe -in God and his Prophet (on whom be peace) and part who deny his -mission." [1453] Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) describes the Hindus as -divided into seven classes. Of these the first are Thákarias [1454] -or Thákurs men of high caste from whom kings are chosen and to whom -men of the other classes render homage, the second are the Baráhmas -[1455] who abstain from wine and fermented liquors; the third are the -Katariya or Kshatrias who drink not more than three cups of wine; -the fourth are the Sudaria or Shudras husbandmen by profession; -the fifth are the Baisura or Vaish artificers and domestics; the -sixth Sandalias or Chandala menials; and the seventh the 'Lahúd,' -whose women adorn themselves and whose men are fond of amusements -and games of skill. Both among the people and the kings of Gujarát -[1456] wine was "unlawful and lawful" that is it was not used though -no religious rule forbade its use. According to Al Masúdi (A.D. 943) -a general opinion prevailed that India was the earliest home of order -and wisdom. The Indians chose as their king the great Bráhma who ruled -them for 366 years. His descendants retain the name of Bráhman and are -honoured as the most illustrious caste. They abstain from the flesh of -animals. [1457] Hindu kings cannot succeed before the age of forty nor -do they appear in public except on certain occasions for the conduct -of state affairs. Royalty and all the high offices of state [1458] -are limited to the descendants of one family. The Hindus strongly -disapprove of the use of wine both in themselves and in others not -from any religious objection but on account of its intoxicating and -reason-clouding qualities. [1459] Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1031) quoted -by Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) states that the people of Gujarát are -idolators and notices the great penance-pilgrimages to Somnáth details -of which have already been given. [1460] Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh -century) closely follows Ibni Khurdádbah's (A.D. 912) division of the -people of India. The chief exception is that he represents [1461] -the second class, the Bráhmans, as wearing the skins of tigers and -going about staff in hand collecting crowds and from morn till eve -proclaiming to their hearers the glory and power of God. He makes -out that the Kastariás or Kshatriyas are able to drink three ratl -(a ratl being one pound troy) of wine and are allowed to marry -Bráhman women. The Sabdaliya or Chandal women, he says, are noted -for beauty. Of the forty-two sects he enumerates worshippers of -trees and adorers of serpents, which they keep in stables and feed -as well as they can, deeming it to be a meritorious work. He says -that the inhabitants of Kambáya are Buddhists (idolators) [1462] and -that the Balhára also worships the idol Buddha. [1463] The Indians, -says Al Idrísi [1464] (end of the eleventh century) are naturally -inclined to justice and in their actions never depart from it. Their -reputation for good faith, honesty, and fidelity to their engagements -brings strangers flocking to their country and aids its prosperity. In -illustration of the peaceable disposition of the Hindus, he quotes -the ancient practice of duhái or conjuring in the name of the king, -a rite which is still in vogue in some native states. When a man has -a rightful claim he draws a circle on the ground and asks his debtor -to step into the circle in the name of the king. The debtor never -fails to step in nor does he ever leave the circle without paying his -debts. Al Idrísi describes the people of Nahrwára as having so high -a respect for oxen that when an ox dies they bury it. "When enfeebled -by age or if unable to work they provide their oxen with food without -exacting any return." [1465] - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX VI. - -WESTERN INDIA AS KNOWN TO THE GREEKS AND ROMANS. [1466] - - -Hêrodotos and Hekataios, the earliest Greek writers who make mention -of India, give no information in regard to Western India in particular. - -[Ktêsias.] Ktêsias (c. 400 B.C.) learnt in Persia that a race of -Pygmies lived in India in the neighbourhood of the silver mines, -which Lassen places near Udaipur (Mewar). From the description of -these Pygmies (Phôtios. Bibl. LXXII. 11-12) it is evident that they -represent the Bhíls. Ktêsias also mentions (Phôtios. Bibl. LXXII. 8) -that there is a place in an uninhabited region fifteen days from -Mount Sardous, where they venerate the sun and moon and where for -thirty-five days in each year the sun remits his heat for the comfort -of his worshippers. This place must apparently have been somewhere -in Mârwâr, and perhaps Mount Âbu is the place referred to. - -[Alexander.] Alexander (B.C. 326-25) did not reach Gujarát, and his -companions have nothing to tell of this part of the country. It is -otherwise with - -[Megasthenês.] Megasthenês (c. 300 B.C.) who resided with Candragupta -as the ambassador of Seleukos Nikator and wrote an account of -India in four books, of which considerable fragments are preserved, -chiefly by Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian. His general account of the -manners of the Indians relates chiefly to those of northern India, -of whom he had personal knowledge. But he also gave a geographical -description of India, for Arrian informs us (Ind. VII) that he gave -the total number of Indian tribes as 118, and Pliny (VI. 17ff) does -in fact enumerate about 90, to whom may be added some seven or eight -more mentioned by Arrian. It is true that Pliny does not distinctly -state that he takes his geographical details from Megasthenês, and -that he quotes Seneca as having written a book on India. But Seneca -also (Pliny, VI. 17) gave the number of the tribes as 118 in which -he must have followed Megasthenês. Further, Pliny says (ibid.) that -accounts of the military forces of each nation were given by writers -such as Megasthenês and Dionysius who stayed with Indian kings: and -as he does not mention Dionysius in his list of authorities for his -Book VI., it follows that it was from Megasthenês that he drew his -accounts of the forces of the Gangaridæ, Modogalinga, Andaræ, Prasi, -Megallæ, Asmagi, Oratæ, Suarataratæ, Automula, Charmæ, and Pandæ -(VI. 19), names which, as will be shown below, betray a knowledge of -all parts of India. It is a fair inference that the remaining names -mentioned by Pliny were taken by him from Megasthenês, perhaps through -the medium of Seneca's work. The corruption of Pliny's text and the -fact that Megasthenês learnt the tribal names in their Prakrit forms, -make it extremely difficult to identify many of the races referred to. - -That part of Pliny's account of India which may with some certainty -be traced back to Megasthenês begins with a statement of the stages -of the royal road from the Hypasis (Biás) to Palibothra (Patna) -(Nat. Hist. VI. 17). The next chapter gives an account of the Ganges -and its tributaries and mentions the Gangaridæ of Kalinga with -their capital Pertalis as the most distant nation on its banks. In -the 19th chapter, after an account of the forces of the Gangaridæ, -Pliny gives a list of thirteen tribes, of which the only ones that can -be said to be satisfactorily identified are Modogalinga (the three -Calingas: Caldwell Drav. Gr.), Molindæ (compare Mount Mâlindya of -Varâha Mihira Br. S. XIV.), and Thalutæ (McCrindle reads Taluctæ and -identifies with the Tâmraliptakas of Tamluk on the lower Ganges). He -next mentions the Andaræ (Andhras of Telingana) with thirty cities -100,000 foot 2000 horse and 1000 elephants. He then digresses to -speak of the Dardæ (Dards of the Upper Indus) as rich in gold and -the Setæ (of Mêwâr, Lassen) in silver, and next introduces the -Prasi (Prâcyas) of Palibothra (Pâtaliputra) as the most famous and -powerful of all the tribes, having 600,000 foot 30,000 horse and 8000 -elephants. Inland from these he names the Monædes (Munda of Singbhúm) -and Suari (Savaras of Central India) among whom is Mount Maleus -(Mahendra Male?). Then after some account of the Iomanes (Yamunâ) -running between Methora (Mathurâ) and Chrysobora (McCrindle reads -Carisobora, Arrian Ind. VIII. Kleisobora = Krishnapura?) he turns to -the Indus, of some of whose nineteen tributaries he gives some account -in chapter 20. He then digresses to give an account of the coast of -India, starting from the mouth of the Ganges, whence to Point Calingon -(Point Godâvari) and the city of Dandaguda (Cunningham's Râja Mahendri, -but more probably the Dhanakataka or Dhenukâkata of the Western cave -inscriptions) he reckons 625 miles. The distance thence to Tropina -(Tirupanatara near Kochin according to Burgess) is 1225 miles. Next -at a distance of 750 miles is the cape of Perimula, where is the most -famous mart of India. Further on in the same chapter is mentioned a -city named Automula on the sea shore among the Arabastræ (or Salabastræ -and Oratæ, McCrindle) a noble mart where five rivers together flow -into the sea. There can hardly be a doubt that the two places are -the same, the two names being taken from different authorities, -and that the place meant is Chemula or Cheul (Ptolemy's Simulla) -the five rivers being those that flow into Bombay Harbour northward -of Cheul. The distance from Perimula to the Island of Patala in the -Indus is 620 miles. Pliny next enumerates as hill tribes between the -Indus and Jamna, shut in a ring of mountains and deserts for a space -of 625 miles, the Cæsi (the Kekioi of Arr. Ind. IV. and Kêkayas of -the Purânas, about the head waters of the Sutlej), the Cetriboni of -the woods (... Vana?), the Megallæ (Mêkalas) with 500 elephants and -unknown numbers of horse and foot, the Chrysei (Karûsha) Parasangæ -(Pârasava, corrupted by the likeness of its first three syllables -to the word parasanga, the Asmagi (Asmaka of Varâha Mihira) with -30,000 foot 300 elephants and 800 horse. These are shut in by the -Indus and surrounded by a circle of mountains and deserts for 625 -miles. Next come the Dari and Suræ and then deserts again for 187 -miles. Whether these are or are not correctly identified with the -Dhars and Saurs of Sindh, they must be placed somewhere to the north -of the Ran. Below them come five kingless tribes living in the hills -along the sea-coast--the Maltecoræ, Singhæ, Marohæ, Rarungæ, and -Moruni--none of whom are satisfactorily identified, but who may be -placed in Kachh. Next follow the Nareæ, enclosed by Mount Capitalia -(Âbu) the highest mountain in India, on the other side of which are -mines of gold and silver. The identification of Capitalia with Âbu is -probable enough, but the name given to the mountain must be connected -with the Kapishthala of the Purânas, who have given their name to -one of the recensions of the Yajur Veda, though Kaithal, their modern -representative, lies far away from Âbu in the Karnâl district of the -Panjâb, and Arrian places his kambistholoi (Ind. IV) about the head -waters of the Hydraôtês (Râvî). After Capitalia and the Nareæ come the -Oratæ with but ten elephants but numerous infantry. These must be the -Aparântakas of the inscriptions and purânas, Megasthenês having learnt -the name in a Prâkrit form (Avarâta, Orâta). The name of the next -tribe, who have no elephants but horse and foot only, is commonly read -Suarataratæ (Nobbe) but the preferable reading is Varetatæ (McCrindle) -which when corrected to Varelatæ represents Varalatta, the sixth -of the seven Konkans in the purânic lists (Wilson As. Res. XV. 47), -which occupied the centre of the Thána district and the country of -the wild tribe of the Varlîs. Next are the Odonbæores, whose name is -connected with the udumbara Ficus glomerata tree, and who are not the -Audumbari Sâlvas of Pânini (IV. i. 173) but must be placed in Southern -Thána. Next come the Arabastræ Oratæ (so read for Arabastræ Thorace -of Nobbe, and Salabastræ Horatæ of McCrindle) or Arabastra division -of the Oratæ or Konkanîs. Arabastra may be connected with the Ârava -of Varâha-Mihira's South-Western Division (Br. S. XIV. 17) where -they are mentioned along with Barbara (the seventh or northernmost -Konkan). This tribe had a fine city in a marsh infested by crocodiles -and also the great mart of Automula (Cheul) at the confluence of five -rivers, and the king had 1600 elephants 150,000 foot and 5000 horse, -and must therefore have held a large part of the Dakhan as well as -of the sea coast. Next to this kingdom is that of the Charmæ, whose -forces are small, and next to them the Pandæ (Pândya of Travancor) -with 300 cities 150,000 foot and 500 elephants. Next follows a list -of thirteen tribes, some of which St. Martin has identified with -modern Râjput tribes about the Indus, because the last name of the -thirteen is Orostræ, "who reach to the island of Patala," and may -be confidently identified with the Saurâshtra of Kâthiâvâda. We must -however assume that Megasthenês after naming the tribes of the west -coast enumerates the inland tribes of the Dakhan until he arrives at -the point from which he started. But the only identification that seems -plausible is that of the Derangæ with the Telingas or Telugus. Next -to the Orostræ follows a list of tribes on the east of the Indus -from south to north--the Mathoæ (compare Mânthava, a Bâhîka town -Pân. IV. ii. 117), Bolingæ (Bhâulingi, a Sâlva tribe Pân. IV. i. 173), -Gallitalutæ (perhaps a corruption of Tâilakhali, another Sâlva tribe, -ib.), Dimuri, Megari, Ardabæ, Mesæ (Matsya of Jaipur?), Abi, Suri, -(v. 1. Abhis Uri), Silæ, and then deserts for 250 miles. Next come -three more tribes and then again deserts, then four or five (according -to the reading) more tribes, and the Asini whose capital is Bucephala -(Jalâlpur) (Cunningham Anc. Geog. 177). Megasthenês then gives two -mountain tribes and ten beyond the Indus including the Orsi (Urasâ) -Taxilæ (Takshasilâ) and Peucolitæ (people of Pushkâlavatî). Of the -work of Dêïmachos, who went on an embassy to Allitrochadês (Bindusâra) -son of Candragupta, nothing is known except that it was in two books -and was reckoned the most untrustworthy of all accounts of India -(Strabo, II. i. 9). - -[Ptolemy II.] Ptolemy II. Philadelphos (died 247 B.C.) interested -himself in the trade with India and opened a caravan road from -Koptos on the Nile to Berenikê on the Red Sea (Strabo, XVII. i. 45) -and for centuries the Indian trade resorted either to this port or -to the neighbouring Myos Hormos. He also sent to India (apparently -to Asoka) an envoy named Dionysius, who is said by Pliny (VI. 17) -to have written an account of things Indian of which no certain -fragments appear to remain. But we know from the fragments of -[Agatharkhides.] Agatharkhides (born c. 250 A.D.) who wrote in old age -an account of the Red Sea of which we have considerable extracts in -Diodôros (III. 12-48) and Phôtios (Müller's Geogr. Gr. Min. I. 111ff), -states that in his time the Indian trade with Potana (Patala) was in -the hands of the Sabæans of Yemen. (Müller, I. 191.) In fact it was -not until the voyages of Eudoxos (see below) that any direct trade -sprang up between India and Egypt. The mention of Patala as the mart -resorted to by the Arabs shows that we are still in Pliny's first -period (see below). - -[The Baktrian Greeks.] The Baktrian Greeks extended their power into -India after the fall of the Mâurya empire (c. 180 B.C.) their leader -being Dêmêtrios son of Euthydêmos, whose conquests are referred to -by Justin (XLI. 6) and Strabo (XI. ii. 1). But the most extensive -conquests to the east and south were made by Menandros (c. 110 -B.C.) who advanced to the Jumna and conquered the whole coast from -Pattalênê (lower Sindh) to the kingdoms of Saraostos (Surâshtra) and -Sigertis (Pliny's Sigerus?) (Strabo, XI. ii. 1). These statements of -Strabo are confirmed by the author of the Periplus (c. 250 A.D.) who -says that in his time drakhmai with Greek inscriptions of Menandros and -Apollodotos were still current at Barygaza (Per. 47). Apollodotos is -now generally thought to have been the successor of Menandros (C. 100 -B.C.) (Brit. Museum Cat. of Bactrian Coins page xxxiii.). Plutarch -(Reip. Ger. Princ.) tells us that Menandros' rule was so mild, that on -his death his towns disputed the possession of his ashes and finally -divided them. - -[Eudoxos of Cyzicus.] Eudoxos of Cyzicus (c. 117 B.C.) made in company -with others two very successful voyages to India, in the first of which -the company were guided by an Indian who had been shipwrecked on the -Egyptian coast. Strabo (II. iii. 4), in quoting the story of his doings -from Poseidônios, lays more stress upon his attempt to circumnavigate -Africa than upon these two Indian voyages, but they are of very great -importance as the beginnings of the direct trade with India. - -[Eratosthenês.] The Geographers down to Ptolemy drew their knowledge -of India almost entirely from the works of Megasthenês and of the -companions of Alexander. Among them Eratosthenês (c. 275-194 B.C.), -the founder of scientific geography, deserves mention as having first -given wide currency to the notion that the width of India from west to -east was greater than its length from north to south, an error which -lies at the root of Ptolemy's distortion of the map. Eratosthenês' -critic Hipparkhos (c. 130 B.C.) on this point followed the more correct -account of Megasthenês, and is otherwise notable as the first to make -use of astronomy for the determination of the geographical position -of places. - -[Strabo.] Strabo (c. 63 B.C.-23 A.D.) drew his knowledge of India, -like his predecessors, chiefly from Megasthenês and from Alexander's -followers, but adds (XV. i. 72) on the authority of Nikolaos of -Damascus (tutor to the children of Antony and Cleopatra, and envoy of -Herod) (an account of three Indian envoys from a certain king Pôros to -Augustus (ob. A.D. 14), who brought presents consisting of an armless -man, snakes, a huge turtle and a large partridge, with a letter in -Greek written on parchment offering free passage and traffic through -his dominions to the emperor's subjects. With these envoys came a -certain Zarmanokhêgas (Sramanâcârya, Lassen) from Bargosê (Broach, the -earliest mention of the name) who afterwards burnt himself at Athens, -"according to the ancestral custom of the Indians." The fact that -the embassy came from Broach and passed through Antioch shows that -they took the route by the Persian Gulf, which long remained one of -the chief lines of trade (Per. chap. 36). If the embassy was not a -purely commercial speculation on the part of merchants of Broach, it -is hard to see how king Pôros, who had 600 under-kings, can be other -than the Indo-Skythian Kozolakadaphes, who held Pôros' old kingdom -as well as much other territory in North-West India. This if correct -would show that as early as the beginning of our era the Indo-Skythian -power reached as far south as Broach. The fact that the embassy took -the Persian Gulf route and that their object was to open commercial -relations with the Roman empire seems to show that at this period -there was no direct trade between Broach and the Egyptian ports of the -Red Sea. Strabo however mentions that in his time Arabian and Indian -wares were carried on camels from Myos Hormos (near Râs Abu Somer) -on the Red Sea to Koptos on the Nile (XVII. i. 45 and XVI. iv. 24) -and dilates upon the increase of the Indian trade since the days of the -Ptolemies when not so many as twenty ships dared pass through the Red -Sea "to peer out of the Straits," whereas in his time whole fleets of -as many as 120 vessels voyaged to India and the headlands of Ethiopia -from Myos Hormos (II. v. 12 and XV. i. 13). It would seem that we have -here to do with Pliny's second period of Indian trade, when Sigerus -(probably Janjira) was the goal of the Egyptian shipmasters (see -below). Strabo learnt these particulars during his stay in Egypt with -Aelius Gallus, but they were unknown to his contemporary Diodôros who -drew his account of India entirely from Megasthenês (Diod. II. 31-42) -and had no knowledge of the East beyond the stories told by Jamboulos -a person of uncertain date of an island in the Indian Archipelago -(Bali, according to Lassen) (Diod. II. 57-60). Pomponius Mela (A.D. 43) -also had no recent information as regards India. - -[Pliny.] Pliny (A.D. 23-79) who published his Natural History in -A.D. 77 gives a fairly full account of India, chiefly drawn from -Megasthenês (see above). He also gives two valuable pieces of -contemporary information: - -(i) An account of Ceylon (Taprobanê) to which a freedman of Annius -Plocamus, farmer of the Red Sea tribute, was carried by stress of -weather in the reign of Claudius (A.D. 41-54). On his return the king -sent to the emperor four envoys, headed by one Rachias (VI. 22). - -(ii) An account of the voyage from Alexandria to India by a course -which had only lately been made known (VI. 23). Pliny divides the -history of navigation from the time of Nearchus to his own age into -three periods: - - -(a) the period of sailing from Syagrus (Râs Fartak) in Arabia to Patalê -(Indus delta) by the south-west wind called Hippalus, 1332 miles; - -(b) the period of sailing from Syagrus (Râs Fartak) to Sigerus -(Ptol. Milizêgyris, Peripl. Melizeigara, probably Janjíra, and perhaps -the same as Strabo's Sigertis); - -(c) the modern period, when traffic went on from Alexandria to Koptos -up the Nile, and thence by camels across the desert to Berenice -(in Foul Bay), 257 miles. Thence the merchants start in the middle of -summer before the rising of the dogstar and in thirty days reach Okelis -(Ghalla) or Cane (Hisn Ghorab), the former port being most frequented -by the Indian trade. From Okelis it is a forty days' voyage to Muziris -(Muyyiri, Kranganur) which is dangerous on account of the neighbouring -pirates of Nitrias (Mangalor) and inconvenient by reason of the -distance of the roads from the shore. Another better port is Becare -(Kallada, Yule) belonging to the tribe Neacyndon (Ptol. Melkynda, -Peripl. Nelkynda) of the kingdom of Pandion (Pândya) whose capital -is Modura (Madura). Here pepper is brought in canoes from Cottonara -(Kadattanâdu). The ships return to the Red Sea in December or January. - - -It is clear that the modern improvement in navigation on which Pliny -lays so much stress consisted, not in making use of the monsoon wind, -but in striking straight across the Indian ocean to the Malabar -coast. The fact that the ships which took this course carried a -guard of archers in Pliny's time, but not in that of the Periplus, -is another indication that the direct route to Malabar was new and -unfamiliar in the first century A.D. The name Hippalus given to the -monsoon wind will be discussed below in dealing with the Periplus. - -[Dionysios Periégétés.] Dionysios Periégétés who has lately been -proved to have written under Hadrian (A.D. 117-138) (Christ's -Griech. Litteratur Gesch., page 507) gives a very superficial -description of India but has a valuable notice of the Southern -Skythians who live along the river Indus to the east of the Gedrôsoi -(I. 1087-88). - -[Klaudios Ptolemaios.] Klaudios Ptolemaios of Alexandria lived -according to Suidas under Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (A.D. 161-180). He -compiled his account of India as part of a geographical description -of the then known world, and drew much of his materials from -Marinos of Tyre, whose work is lost, but who must have written about -A.D. 130. Ptolemy (or Marinos before him) had a very wide knowledge -of India, drawn partly from the relations of shipmasters and traders -and partly from Indian lists similar to those of the Purânas but drawn -up in Prâkrit. He seems to have made little if any use of Megasthenês -and the companions of Alexander. But his map of India is distorted by -the erroneous idea, which he took from Eratosthenês, that the width -of India from west to east greatly exceeded its length from north to -south. Ptolemy begins his description of India with the first chapter -of his seventh book, which deals with India within the Ganges. He -gives first the names of rivers, countries, towns, and capes along -the whole coast of India from the westernmost mouth of the Indus to -the easternmost mouth of the Ganges. He next mentions in detail the -mountains and the rivers with their tributaries, and then proceeds to -enumerate the various nations of India and the cities belonging to -each, beginning with the north-west and working southwards: and he -finally gives a list of the islands lying off the coast. In dealing -with his account of western India it will be convenient to notice -together the cities of each nation which he mentions separately under -the heads of coast and inland towns. - -He gives the name of Indo-Skythia to the whole country on both sides of -the lower course of the Indus from its junction with the Koa (Kábul -river), and gives its three divisions as Patalênê (lower Sindh) -Abiria (read Sabiria, that is Sauvîra or upper Sindh and Multân) -and Surastrênê (Surâshtra or Kâthiâvâda). We have seen that Dionysios -knew the southern Skythians of the Indus, and we shall meet with them -again in the Periplus (chapter 38ff). - -He enumerates seven mouths of the Indus, but the river is so constantly -changing its course that it is hopeless to expect to identify all the -names given by him (Sagapa, Sinthôn, Khariphron, Sapara, Sabalaessa, -and Lônibare) with the existing channels. Only it may be noted that -Sinthôn preserves the Indian name of the river (Sindhu) and that the -easternmost mouth (Lônibare) probably represents both the present -Korî or Launî and the Lûnî river of Mârwâr, a fact which goes some -way to explain why Ptolemy had no idea of the existence of Kachh, -though he knows the Ran as the gulf of Kanthi. Hence he misplaces -Surastrênê (Surâshtra or Kâthiâvâda) in the Indus delta instead of -south of the Ran. Ptolemy enumerates a group of five towns in the -north-western part of Indo-Skythia (Kohat, Bannu, and Dera Ismail -Khân) of which Cunningham (Anc. Geog. pages 84ff) has identified -Banagara with Bannu, and Andrapana with Daraban, while the sites of -Artoarta, Sabana, and Kodrana are unknown. Ptolemy next gives a list -of twelve towns along the western bank of the Indus to the sea. Of -these Embolima has been identified by Cunningham (Anc. Geog. page -52) with Amb sixty miles above Attok, and Pasipêda is identified by -St. Martin with the Besmaid of the Arab geographers and placed near -Mithankot at the junction of the Chenab with the Indus. Sousikana, -which comes next in the list to Pasipêda, is generally thought to be -a corruption of Mousikanos, and is placed by the latest authority -(General Haig, The Indus Delta Country, page 130) in Bahâwalpur, -though Cunningham (Anc. Geog. page 257) puts it at Alor, which is -somewhat more in accordance with Ptolemy's distances. Kôlaka the -most southerly town of the list, cannot well be the Krôkala of Arrian -(Karâchi) as McCrindle supposes, for Ptolemy puts it nearly a degree -north of the western mouth of the Indus. - -The two great towns of the delta which Ptolemy next mentions, -are placed by General Haig, Patala at a point thirty-five miles -south-east of Haidarâbâd (op. cit. page 19) and Barbarei near Shâh -Bandar (op. cit. page 31). Barbarei is mentioned again in the Periplus -(chapter 38) under the name of Barbarikon. Ptolemy gives the names of -nine towns on the left bank of the Indus from the confluence to the -sea, but very few of them can be satisfactorily identified. Panasa -can only be Osanpur (St. Martin) on Fluellen's principles. Boudaia -must represent the Budhîya of the Arabs, though it is on the wrong -side of the river (see Haig, op. cit. page 57ff). Naagramma may with -Yule be placed at Naushahro. Kamigara cannot be Aror (McCrindle), -if that place represents Sousikana. Binagara is commonly thought to -be a corrupt reading of Minnagara (compare Periplus chapter 38). Haig -(op. cit. page 32 note 47) refers to the Tuhfatu'l Kirâm as mentioning -a Minnagar in pargana Shâhdâdpur (north-east of Haidarâbâd). Parabali, -Sydros, and Epitausa have not been identified, but must be looked -for either in Haidarâbâd or in Thar and Pârkar. Xoana may with Yule -be identified with Siwana in the bend of the Lûnî and gives another -indication that Ptolemy confounded the Lûnî with the eastern mouth -of the Indus. - -On the coast of Surastrênê (Kâthiâvâda) Ptolemy mentions, first, the -island of Barakê (Dvârakâ Bêt): then the city Bardaxêma which must -be Porbandar (Yule), in front of the Barada hills: then the village -of Surastra, which perhaps represents Verâval, though it is placed -too far north. Surastra cannot well be Junâgad (Lassen) which is not -on the coast and in Ptolemy's time was not a village, but a city, -though it is certainly strange that Ptolemy does not anywhere mention -it. Further south Ptolemy places the mart of Monoglôsson (Mangrol). The -eastern boundary of the coast of Indo-Skythia seems to have been the -mouth of the Môphis (Mahî). Ptolemy's account of Indo-Skythia may be -completed by mentioning the list of places, which he puts to the east -of the Indus (i. e. the Lûnî) and at some distance from it. - -These are: Xodrakê, which has not been identified, but which must be -placed somewhere in Mewâr, perhaps at the old city of Pûr, seventy-two -miles north-east of Udaipur, or possibly at the old city of Ahar, -two miles from Udaipur itself (Tod's Râjasthân, I. 677-78). - -Sarbana, which is marked in Ptolemy's map at the head-waters of the -Mahî in the Apokopa mountains (Aravallis), must be identified with -Sarwan about ten miles north-west of Ratlâm. There is also a place -called Sarwanio close to Nimach, which Ptolemy may have confused -with Sarwan. - -Auxoamis, which St. Martin identifies with Sûmî, and Yule with Ajmir, -but neither place suits the distance and direction from Sarwan. If -Ptolemy, as above suggested, confused Sarwan and Sarwanio, Auxoamis -may be Ahar near Udaipur, Pûr being then Xodrakê: otherwise Auxoamis -may be Ídar. The question can only be settled by more exact knowledge -of the age of Ahar and of Ídar. Orbadarou may provisionally with Yule -be placed at Âbu. - -Asinda must be looked for near Sidhpur, though it cannot with -St. Martin be identified with that place. Perhaps Vadnagar (formerly -Ânandapura and a very old town) may be its modern representative. - -Theophila may be Devaliya (Yule) or Thân (Burgess) in north-east -Kâthiâvâda. - -Astakapra is admitted to be Hastakavapra or Hâthab near Bhâvnagar -(Bühler). - -Larikê is described by Ptolemy next after Indo-Skythia on his -way down the West Coast. The northern limit of its coast was the -mouth of the river Môphis (Mahî). Its name is the Lâta of purânas -and inscriptions. Ptolemy mentions as on its coast the village of -Pakidarê, which may be a misreading for Kâpidarê and represent Kâvî -(Kâpikâ of inscriptions) a holy place just south of the Mahî. Next -comes Cape Maleô, which Ptolemy both in his text and in his map -includes in Larikê, though there is no prominent headland in a suitable -position on the east side of the Gulf of Cambay. As he puts it 2 1/4 -degrees west of Broach, it may probably be identified with Gopnâth -Point in Kâthiâvâda on the other side of the gulf (the Pâpikê of -the Periplus), his name for it surviving in the neighbouring shoals -known as the Malai banks. It is in agreement with this that Ptolemy -puts the mouth of the river Namados (Narmadâ) to the north of Cape -Maleô. South of the river is Kamanê which may be identified with the -Kamanijja or Karmanêya of inscriptions, that is with Kamlej on the -Taptî above Surat. It has been supposed to be the Kammôni of the -Periplus (chapter 43), which was the village opposite to the reef -called Hêrônê on the right (east) of the gulf of Barygaza: but it is -perhaps best to separate the two and to identify Kammôni with Kim, -north of Olpâd. The next town mentioned is Nousaripa, which should -probably be read Nousarika, being the Navasârikâ of inscriptions and -the modern Nausârî. The most southerly town of Larikê is Poulipoula, -which has been identified with Phulpâdâ or old Surat, but is too far -south. Bilimora is perhaps the most likely position for it, though the -names do not correspond (unless Pouli is the Dravidian Puli or poli = -a tiger, afterwards replaced by Bili = a cat). Ptolemy begins his list -of the inland cities of Larikê with Agrinagara, which may with Yule -be identified with Âgar, thirty-five miles north-east of Ujjain, and -the Âkara of inscriptions. The next town is Siripalla, which has not -been identified, but should be looked for about thirty miles to the -south-east of Agar, not far from Shâhjahânpur. The modern name would -probably be Shirol. Bammogoura must be identified, not with Pawangad -(Yule), but with Hiuen Tsiang's "city of the Brâhmans" (Beal, Si-yu-ki, -II. 262), 200 li (about 33 miles) to the north-west of the capital -of Mâlava in his time. The distance and direction bring us nearly to -Jaora. Sazantion and Zerogerei have not been satisfactorily identified -but may provisionally be placed at Ratlâm and Badnawar respectively, or -Zêrogerei may be Dhâr as Yule suggested. Ozênê the capital of Tiastanês -is Ujjain the capital of the Kshatrapa Cashtana who reigned c. 130 -A.D. His kingdom included Western Mâlwâ, West Khándesh, and the whole -of Gujarát south of the Mahî. His grandson Rudradâman (A.D. 150) tells -us in his Girnâr inscription (I. A. VII. 259) that his own kingdom -included also Mârwâr Sindh and the lower Panjâb. Next to Ujjain Ptolemy -mentions Minnagara, which must have been somewhere near Mânpur. Then -we come to Tiatoura or Chândor (Yule) on the ridge which separates -Khándesh from the valley of the Godâvari, and finally on that river -itself Nasika the modern Nâsik. It is very doubtful whether Nâsik -at any time formed part of the dominions of Cashtana, since we know -from the inscriptions in the Nâsik caves that the Kshatrapas were -driven out of that part of the country by Gautamîputra Sâtakarni, -the father of Ptolemy's contemporary Pulumâyi. Ptolemy probably found -Nâsik mentioned in one of his lists as on a road leading from Ujjain -southwards and he concluded that they belonged to the same kingdom. - -Ariakê of the Sadinoi included the coast of the Konkan as far south -as Baltipatna (near Mahâd) and the Deccan between the Godâvari and -the Krishna. The name occurs in Varâha Mihira's Brihat Samhitâ XIV. in -the form Âryaka. The tribal name Sadinoi is less easy to explain. The -suggested connection with the word Sâdhana as meaning an agent (Lassen) -and its application to the Kshatrapas of Gujarát, are not tenable. The -only authority for this meaning of Sâdhana is Wilson's Sanskrit -Dictionary, and at this time it is certain that Ariakê belonged, -not to the Kshatrapas of Gujarát, but to the Sâtakarnis of Paithan on -the Godâvari. Bhândârkar's identification of the Sadinoi with Varâha -Mihira's Sântikas seems also somewhat unsatisfactory. Ptolemy's name -may possibly be a corruption of Sâtakarni or Sâtavâhana. The coast -towns of this region were Soupara (Supârâ near Bassein), south of -which Ptolemy places the river Goaris (Vaitaranî), Dounga (perhaps -Dugád ten miles north of Bhiwndi) south of which is the Bênda river -(Bhiwndî Creek), Simylla, a mart and a cape, the Automula and Perimula -of Pliny and the modern Cheul (Chemula); Milizêgyris an island, the -same as the Melizêigara of the Periplus and (probably) as the Sigerus -of Pliny and the modern Janjîra; Hippokoura, either Ghodegâon or Kudâ -(Yule) in Kolâbâ district; Baltipatna, probably the Palaipatmai of -the Periplus and the same as Pâl near Mahâd. - -The inland dominions of the Sadinoi were much more extensive than -their coast line. Ptolemy gives two lists of cities, one of those -lying to the west (i. e. north) of the Bênda, whose course in the -Deccan represents the Bhîmâ river, and the other of those between the -Bênda and the Pseudostomos (here the Mâlprabhâ and Krishna or possibly -the Tungabhadra with its tributaries). The most easterly towns in the -first list, Malippala and Sarisabis, are not satisfactorily identified, -but must be looked for in the Nizâm's country to the south-east of -Haidarâbâd. Next comes Tagara mentioned in the Periplus (chapter -51) as ten days east from Paithan, and therefore about the latitude -of Kulbarga, with which it is identified by Yule. The distance and -direction make its identification with Deogir (Wilford and others), -Junnar (Bhagwanlâl), or Kolhâpur (Fleet) impossible. The best -suggestion hitherto made is that it is Dârur or Dhârur (Bhândârkar), -but Dârur in the Bhîr district is too far north, so Dhârur fifty -miles west of Haidarâbâd must be taken as the most likely site. Next -to Tagara Ptolemy mentions Baithana, which is the Paithana of the -Periplus and the modern Paithan on the Godâvari. It is called by -our author the capital of Siroptolemaios, who is the Srî-Pulumâyi -of the Nâsik cave inscriptions. Next to Baithana comes Deopali, -which may safely be identified with the modern Deoli in the suburbs -of Ahmadnagar. Gamaliba, the next stage, must be placed somewhere on -the line between Ahmednagar and Junnar, which latter ancient town is -to be identified with Ptolemy's Omênogara, although this name is not -easy to explain. - -The second list of towns in Ariakê begins with Nagarouris (Nagarapurî) -which probably represents Poona which even then must have been a -place of importance, being at the head of the great road down the -Bhorghat. Tabasô (compare Varâha Mihira's Tâpasâsrâmâh and Ptolemy's -own Tabasoi) may be the holy city of Pandharpur. Indê has retained -its ancient name (Indî in the north of the Bîjâpur district). Next -follows Tiripangalida (Tîkota in the Kurundwâd State ?) and then -Hippokoura, the capital of Baleokuros. Dr. Bhândârkar has identified -this king with the Vilivâyakûra of coins found in the Kolhápur -state. His capital may possibly be Hippargi in the Sindgi taluka of -the Bîjâpur district. Soubouttou, the next town on Ptolemy's list, -is not identifiable, but the name which follows, Sirimalaga, must be -Sirnâl in the Bîjâpur taluka of the same district. - -Kalligeris may be identified not with Kanhagiri (McCrindle) but with -Galgali at the crossing of the Krishna, and Modogoulla is not Mûdgal -(McCrindle) but Mudhol on the Ghâtprabhâ. Petirgala should probably -read Penengala, and would then represent the old town of Panangala -or Hongal in the Dhârvâd district. The last name on the list is -Banaouasei, which is Vanavâsî, about ten miles from Sirsi in Kanara, -a very old town where a separate branch of the Sâtakarnis once ruled. - -The Pirate Coast is the next division of Western India described by -Ptolemy, who mentions five sea-ports but only two inland cities. It is -clear that the pirates were hemmed in on the land side by the dominions -of the Sâtakarnis, and that they held but little territory above the -ghâts, though their capital Mousopallê was in that region. The places -on the coast from north to south were Mandagara, the Mandagara of -the Periplus (chapter 53) which has been satisfactorily identified -with Mandangad to the south of the Bânkot creek. - -Byzantion, which, as Dr. Bhândârkar first pointed out, is the -Vaijayantî of inscriptions may be placed either at Chiplun or at -Dábhol at the mouth of the Vâsishthî river. Chiplun is the only -town of great antiquity in this part of the Konkan, and if it is not -Vaijayantî Ptolemy has passed over it altogether. The similarity of -the names has suggested the identification of Byzantion with Jaygad -(Bhândârkar) or Vijayadrug (Vincent), but both these places are -comparatively modern. There are indeed no very ancient towns in the -Konkan between Sangamêshvar and the Sâvantvâdi border. - -Khersonêsos is generally admitted to be the peninsula of Goa. - -Armagara is placed a little to the north of the river Nanagouna and -may be represented by Cape Ramas in Portuguese territory. - -The river Nanagouna here is generally supposed to be the Kâlînadî, -though in its upper course it seems to represent the Taptî, and a -confusion with the Nânâ pass led Ptolemy to bring it into connection -with the rivers Goaris and Bênda (Campbell). - -Nitra, the southernmost mart on the pirate coast, is the Nitrias of -Pliny, and has been satisfactorily identified by Yule with Mangalor -on the Nêtravatî. - -The inland cities of the Pirates are Olokhoira and Mousopallê the -capital, both of which must be sought for in the rugged country about -the sources of the Krishna and may provisionally be identified with the -ancient towns of Karâd and Karvîr (Kolhápur) respectively. To complete -Ptolemy's account of this coast it is only necessary to mention the -islands of Heptanêsia (Burnt Islands ?) Trikadiba and Peperinê. We -are not here concerned with his account of the rest of India. - -[Bardesanês.] Bardesanês met at Babylon certain envoys sent from -India to the emperor Antoninus Pius (A.D. 154-181) and received from -Damadamis and Sandanês, who were of their number, accounts of the -customs of the Brâhmans and of a rock temple containing a statue of -Siva in the Ardhanârî form. Lassen (III. 62 and 348) connects Sandanês -with the Sadinoi and places the temple in Western India, but neither of -these conclusions is necessary. The object of the embassy is unknown. - -[Periplus.] The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, formerly though wrongly -attributed to Arrian (150 A.D.), is an account of the Egyptian trade -with East Africa and India, written by a merchant of Alexandria for -the use of his fellows. It is preserved in a single manuscript which -in some places is very corrupt. The age of this work has been much -disputed: the chief views as to this matter are, - - -(i) that the Periplus was written before Pliny and made - use of by him (Vincent, Schwanbeck, and Glaser). The - arguments of Vincent and Schwanbeck are refuted by Müller - (Geogr. Gr. Min. I. xcviii.) Glaser's case is (Ausland 1891, - page 45) that the Malikhas of the Periplus is Malchos III. of - Nabathæa (A.D. 49-71), that the Periplus knows Meroê as capital - of Ethiopia, while at the time of Nero's expedition to East - Africa (A.D. 68), it had almost vanished, and lastly that the - author of the Periplus is Basilis or Basilês, whom Pliny names - as an authority for his Book VI. It may be replied that Malikhas - is the title Malik and may have been applied to any Arab Sheikh - (Reinaud): that the Periplus does not with certainty mention - Meroê at all: and that Basilis whether or not a contemporary of - Ptolemy Philadelphos was at any rate earlier than Agatharkhidês - (c. 200 B.C.), who quotes him (Geog. Gr. Min. I. 156); -(ii) that the Periplus was written at the same time as Pliny's - work, but neither used the other (Salmasius). This view is - refuted by Müller (op. cit. page 155); -(iii) that the Periplus was written after 161 A.D. (Dodwell); - Müller has shown (ibid.) that Dodwell's arguments are - inconclusive; -(iv) the received view that the Periplus was written between - A.D. 80 and A.D. 89 (Müller); -(v) that the Periplus was written about the middle of the third - century (Reinaud Mém. de l'Ac. des Inscr. XXIV. Pt. ii. - translated in I. A. VIII. pages 330ff). - - -The only choice lies between the view of Müller and that of -Reinaud. Müller argues for a date between A.D. 80 and A.D. 89, because -the Periplus knows no more than Pliny of India beyond the Ganges, -whereas Ptolemy's knowledge is much greater: because the Periplus calls -Ceylon Palaisimoundou, which is to Ptolemy (VII. iv. 1) an old name: -because the Nabathæan kingdom, which was destroyed A.D. 105, was still -in existence at the time of the Periplus: because the Periplus account -of Hippalos shows it to be later than Pliny: and because the Periplus -mentions king Zôskalês, who must be the Za Hakalê of the Abyssinian -lists who reigned A.D. 77-89. It may be replied that the Periplus is -not a geography of Eastern Asia, but a guide book for traders with -certain ports only: that Ptolemy must have found in his lists three -names for Ceylon, Taprobanê, Palaisimoundou, and Salikê, and that -he has wrongly separated Palai from Simoundou, taking it to mean -"formerly" and therefore entered Simoundou as the old and Salikê as -the modern name, [1467] whereas all three names were in use together: -that the Nabathæan king Malikhas was simply the Sheikh of the tribe -(Reinaud), and points to no definite date: that the Periplus' account -of Hippalos is certainly later than Pliny: and that the Zôskalês of -the Periplus is the Za Sâgal or Za Asgal of the Abyssinian lists, -who reigned A.D. 246-47 (Reinaud). - -It follows that Reinaud's date for the Periplus (A.D. 250) is the only -one consistent with the facts and especially with the Indian facts. As -will appear below, the growth of the Hippalos legend since Pliny's -time, the rival Parthians in Sindh, the mention of Mambaros and the -supplanting of Ozênê by Minnagara as his capital since Ptolemy's time, -the independence of Baktria, and the notices of Saraganês and Sandanês, -are all points strongly in favour of Reinaud's date. - -In the time of the Periplus the ships carrying on the Indian trade -started from Myos Hormos (near Ras Abu Somer) or Berenikê (in Foul Bay) -and sailed down the Red Sea to Mouza (Musa twenty-five miles north -of Mokhâ), and thence to the watering place Okêlis (Ghalla) at the -Straits. They then followed the Arabian coast as far as Kanê (Hisn -Ghurâb in Hadramaut) passing on the way Eudaimôn Arabia (Aden) once -a great mart for Indian traders, but lately destroyed by king Elisar -(Müller's conjecture for KAISAR of the MS.) From Kanê the routes to -India diverge, some ships sailing to the Indus and on to Barygaza, -and others direct to the ports of Limyrikê (Malabár Coast). There -was also another route to Limyrikê, starting from Arômata (Cape -Guardafui). In all three voyages the ships made use of the monsoon, -starting from Egypt in July. The monsoon was called Hippalos, according -to the Periplus (chapter 57), after the navigator who first discovered -the direct course across the sea, and it has been inferred from Pliny's -words (VI. 23) that this pilot lived in the middle of the first century -A.D. But Pliny's own account shows that, as we should expect, the -progress from a coasting to a direct voyage was a gradual one, with -several intermediate stages, in all of which the monsoon was more or -less made use of. There was therefore no reason for naming the wind -from the pilot who merely made the last step. Further though Pliny -knows Hippalus as the local name of the monsoon wind in the eastern -seas, he says nothing of its having been the name of the inventor of -the direct course. The inference seems to be that Hippalos the pilot -is the child of a seaman's yarn arising out of the local name of the -monsoon wind, and that his presence in the Periplus and not in Pliny -shows that the former writer is much later than the latter. - -The merchant bound for Skythia (Sindh) before he reaches land, which -lies low to the northward, meets the white water from the river Sinthos -(Indus) and water snakes (chapter 38). The river has seven mouths, -small and marshy all but the middle one, on which is the port of -Barbarikon (Shâhbandar, Haig, page 31) whence the merchants' wares -are carried up by river to the capital Minnagar (near Shâhdâdpur, -Haig, page 32), which is ruled by Parthians who constantly expel -one another (chapter 39). These contending Parthians must have been -the remnant of the Karên Pahlavs who joined with the Kushâns to -attack Ardeshir Pâpakân (Journ. As. [1866] VII. 134). The imports -are clothing, flowered cottons, topazes, coral, storax, frankincense, -glass vessels, silver plate, specie, and wine: and the exports costus -(spice), bdellium (gum), yellow dye, spikenard, emeralds, sapphires, -furs from Tibet, cottons, silk thread, and indigo. The list of -imports shows that the people of Skythia were a civilised race and -by no means wild nomads. - -The Periplus next (chapter 40) gives an accurate account of the Ran -(Eirinon) which in those days was probably below sea level (Haig, page -22, Burnes' Travels into Bokhara, III. 309ff), and was already divided -into the Great and the Little. Both were marshy shallows even out of -sight of land and therefore dangerous to navigators. The Ran was then -as now bounded to south and west by seven islands, and the headland -Barakê (Dvârakâ) a place of special danger of whose neighbourhood -ships were warned by meeting with great black water-snakes. - -The next chapter (41) describes the gulf of Barygaza (gulf of Cambay) -and the adjoining land, but the passage has been much mangled -by the copyist of our only MS. and more still by the guesses of -editors. According to the simplest correction (hêrostês' Ariakêschôra) -our author says that next after Barakê (Dvârakâ) follows the gulf -of Barygaza and the country towards Ariakê, being the beginning of -the kingdom of Mambaros and of all India. Mambaros may possibly be a -corruption of Makhatrapos or some similar Greek form of Mahâkshatrapa, -the title of the so-called "Sâh Kings" who ruled here at this period -(A.D. 250). According to the reading of the MS. the author goes on -to say that "the inland part of this country bordering on the Ibêria -(read Sabiria = Sauvîra) district of Skythia is called ... (the -name, perhaps Maru, has dropped out of the text), and the sea-coast -Syrastrênê (Surâshtra)." The country abounded then as now in cattle, -corn, rice, cotton and coarse cotton cloth, and the people were tall -and dark. The capital of the country was Minnagara whence much cotton -was brought down to Barygaza. This Minnagara is perhaps the city -of that name placed by Ptolemy near Mânpur in the Vindhyas, but it -has with more probability been identified with Junâgad (Bhagvânlâl) -which was once called Manipura (Kath. Gaz. 487). Our author states -that in this part of the country were to be found old temples, ruined -camps and large wells, relics (he says) of Alexander's march, but -more probably the work of Menandros and Apollodotos. This statement -certainly points to Kâthiâvâda rather than to Mânpur. The voyage -along this coast from Barbarikon to the headland of Pâpikê (Gopnâth) -near Astakapra (Hâthab) and opposite to Barygaza (Broach) was one of -3000 stadia = 300 miles, which is roughly correct. The next chapter -(42) describes the northern part of the gulf of Cambay as 300 stadia -wide and running northward to the river Maïs (Mahî). Ships bound -for Barygaza steer first northward past the island Baiônes (Peram) -and then eastward towards the mouth of the Namnadios (Narmadâ) the -river of Broach. The navigation (chapter 43) is difficult by reason -of rocks and shoals such as Hêrônê (perhaps named from some wreck) -opposite the village of Kammôni (Kim) on the eastern shore and by -reason of the current on the western near Pâpikê (perhaps a sailor's -name meaning Unlucky). Hence the government sends out fishermen in long -boats called Trappaga or Kotumba (Kotia) to meet the ships (chapter 44) -and pilot them into Barygaza, 300 stadia up the river, by towing and -taking advantage of the tides. In this connection our author gives -a graphic description of the Bore in the Narbadâ (chapter 45) and of -the dangers to which strange ships are exposed thereby (chapter 46). - -Inland from Barygaza (that is, from the whole kingdom, which, as -we have seen, bordered on Sauvîra or Multân) lay (chapter 47) the -Aratrioi (Arattas of the Mahâbhârata and Purânas, who lived in the -Panjâb), the Arakhôsioi (people of eastern Afghanistan), Gandaraioi -(Gandhâra of N.-W. Panjâb), Proklais (near Peshâwar), and beyond -them the Baktrianoi (of Balkh) a most warlike race, governed by their -own independent sovereigns. These last are probably the Kushâns who, -when the Parthian empire fell to pieces in the second quarter of the -third century, joined the Karên Pahlavs in attacking Ardeshir. It was -from these parts, says our author, that Alexander marched into India -as far as the Ganges--an interesting glimpse of the growth of the -Alexander legend since the days of Arrian (A.D. 150). Our author found -old drakhmai of Menandros and Apollodotos still current in Barygaza. - -Eastward in the same kingdom (chapter 48) is the city of Ozênê; -which was formerly the capital, whence onyxes, porcelain, muslins, -and cottons are brought to Barygaza. From the country beyond Proklais -came costus, bdellium, and spikenard of three kinds, the Kattybourine, -the Patropapigic, and the Kabalitic (this last from Kábul). - -We learn incidentally that besides the regular Egyptian trade -Barygaza had commercial relations with Mouza in Arabia (chapter 21) -with the East African coast (chapter 14) and with Apologos (Obollah) -at the head of the Persian Gulf and with Omana on its eastern shore -(chapter 36). The imports of Barygaza were wine, bronze, tin and lead, -coral and gold stone (topaz ?), cloth of all sorts, variegated sashes -(like the horrible Berlin wool comforters of modern days), storax, -sweet clover, white glass, gum sandarac, stibium for the eyes, and -gold and silver coin, and unguents. Besides, there were imported for -the king costly silver plate, musical instruments (musical boxes are -still favoured by Indian royalty), handsome girls for the harem (these -are the famous Yavanî handmaids of the Indian drama), high-class wine, -apparel and choice unguents, a list which shows that these monarchs -lived in considerable luxury. The exports of Barygaza were spikenard, -costus, bdellium, ivory, onyxes, porcelain, box-thorn, cottons, -silk, silk thread, long pepper (chillies), and other wares from the -coast ports. - -From Barygaza our author rightly says (chapter 50) that the -coast trends southward and the country is called Dakhinabadês -(Dakshinâpatha): much of the inland country is waste and infested -by wild beasts, while populous tribes inhabit other regions as far -as the Ganges. The chief towns in Dakhinabadês (chapter 51) are -Paithana (Paithan) twenty days journey south of Barygaza and Tagara -(Dhârur) a very large city ten days east of Paithana. From Paithana -come onyxes, and from Tagara cottons muslins and other local wares -from the (east) coast. - -The smaller ports south of Barygaza are Akabarou (perhaps the Khabirun -of Mahomedan writers and the modern Kâvêrî the river of Nâusâri) -Souppara (Supârâ near Bassein) and Kalliena, which was made a mart by -the elder Saraganês, but much injured when Sandanês became its master, -for from his time Greek vessels visiting the port are sent under -guard to Barygaza. This interesting statement is one of the clearest -indications of the date of the Periplus. As Bhândârkar has shown, -the elder Saraganês implies also a younger, who can be no other than -Yajñasrî Sâtakarni (A.D. 140), and the Periplus must be later than -his time. The Sandanês of the text must have been a ruler of Gujarát -and may be identified with the Kshatrapa Sanghadâman (A.D. 224). - -South of Kalliena (chapter 53) were Sêmylla (Chaul) Mandagora -(Mandangad) Palaipatmai (Pâl near Mahâd) Melizeigara (probably -Janjîra) and Byzantion (Chiplun). The words which follow probably -give another name of Byzantion "which was formerly also called -Turannosboas," the name Toparon being a misunderstanding (Müller, -Geogr. Gr. Min. I. 296). South of this are the islands of Sêsekreienai -(Burnt Islands), Aigidioí (Angediva), Kaineitai (Island of St. George) -near the Khersonêsos (Goa), and Leukê (Laccadives ?) all pirate -haunts. Next comes Limyrikê (the Tamil country) the first marts -of which are Naoura (Cannanor or Tellichery, rather than Honávar, -which is too far north) and Tyndis (Kadalundi near Bepur) and south -of these Muziris (Kranganur) and Nelkynda (Kallada). Tyndis and -Muziris were subject to Kêprobotras (Keralaputra that is the Cera -king) and Nelkynda to Pandion (the Pândya king of Madura). Muziris -was a very prosperous mart trading with Ariakê (North Konkan) as -well as Egypt. Nelkynda was up a river 120 stadia from the sea, -ships taking in cargo at the village of Bekarê at the mouth of the -river. Our author gives an interesting account of the trade at these -ports and further south as well as on the east coast, but we are not -concerned with this part of his work. - -[Markianos.] Markianos of Hîrakleia about the year 400 A.D. is the -leading geographer of the period following Ptolemy, but his work -consisted chiefly in corrections of Ptolemy's distances taken from an -obscure geographer named Prôtagoras. He adds no new facts to Ptolemy's -account of western India. - -[Stephanos.] Stephanos of Byzantium wrote about 450 A.D. (or at -any rate later than Markianos, whom he quotes) a huge geographical -dictionary of which we have an epitome by one Hermolaos. The Indian -names he gives are chiefly taken from Hekataios, Arrianos, and -especially from a poem called Bassarika on the exploits of Dionysos, -by a certain Dionysos. But his geography is far from accurate: he -calls Barakê (Dvârakâ) an island, and Barygaza (Broach) a city, -of Gedrôsia. Among the cities he names are Argantê (quoted from -Hekataios), Barygaza (Broach), Boukephala (Jalâlpur), Byzantion -(Chiplun), Gêreia, Gorgippia, Darsania famous for woven cloths, -Dionysopolis (Nysa ?), Kathia (Multân ?), Kaspapyros and Kaspeiros -(Kasmîr), Margana, Massaka (in Swât), Nysa, Palimbothra (Pâtaliputra), -Panaioura near the Indus, Patala (thirty-five miles south-east of -Haidarâbâd, Sindh), Rhodoê, Rhôganê, Rhôn in Gandarikê, Saneia, -Sesindion, Sinda on the great gulf (perhaps Ptolemy's Asinda, -Vadnagar), Sôlimna, and Taxila. He also names a number of tribes, -of whom none but the Orbitai (Makrân) the Pandai (Pândya) Bôlingæ -(Bhâulingi Sâlvas) and possibly the Salangoi (Sâlankâyana) belong to -the western coast. - -[Kosmas.] Kosmas Indikopleustes, shipman and monk, who wrote his -Topographia Christiana between A.D. 530 and 550, is the last of the -ancient writers who shows independent knowledge of India. He says that -Sindu (Sindh), is where India begins, the Indus being the boundary -between it and Persia. The chief ports of India are Sindu (Debal), -which exports musk and nard: Orrhotha (Surâshtra that is Verâval) -which had a king of its own: Kalliana (Kalyân) a great port exporting -brass, and sîsam (blackwood) logs and cloth having a king of its own -and a community of Christians under a Persian bishop: Sibor which -also had a king of its own and therefore cannot be Supârâ, which is -too close to Kalliana, but must be Goa, the Sindabur of the Arabs: -Parti, Mangaruth (Mangalor), Salopatana, Nalopatana, and Pudopatana -which are the five marts of Malê the pepper country (Malabâr), where -also there are many Christians. Five days' sail south of Malê lay -Sielediba or Taprobanê (Ceylon), divided into two kingdoms in one -of which is found the hyacinth-stone. The island has many temples, -and a church of Persian Christians, and is much resorted to by ships -from India Persia and Ethiopia dealing in silk, aloewood, cloves, -sandalwood, &c. On the east coast of India is Marallo (Morava opposite -Ceylon) whence conch-shells are exported: Then Kaber (Kaveripatam or -Pegu. Yule's Cathay Introd. page clxxviii.) which exports Alabandinum; -further on is the clove country and furthest of all Tzinista (China) -which produces the silk. In India further up the country, that is -further north, are the White Ounoi or Hûnas who have a king named -Gollas (Mihirakula of inscriptions) who goes forth to war with 1000 -elephants and many horsemen and tyrannises over India, exacting tribute -from the people. His army is said to be so vast as once to have drunk -dry the ditch surrounding a besieged city and marched in dryshod. - -In his book XI. Kosmas gives some account of the wild beasts of India, -but this part of his work does not require notice here. - -This is the last glimpse we get of India before the Arabs cut off the -old line of communication with the Empire by the conquest of Egypt -(A.D. 641-2). - - - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] Secretary's Letter 4223 to the Revenue Commissioner dated 30th -December 1843. Revenue Volume 1854 of 1843. - -[2] Rája Tarangini (Calc. Edition), V. 150, 155; Cunningham's -Archæological Survey, II. 8. An earlier but vaguer reference occurs -about the end of the sixth century in Bána's Sríharshacharita, p. 274, -quoted in Ep. Ind. I. 67ff, where Prabhákaravardhana of Thánesar the -father of the great Sri Harsha is said to have waged war with several -races of whom the Gurjjaras are one. - -[3] Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, I. 165 note 1. - -[4] Cunningham's Archæological Survey, II. 71. - -[5] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 270. - -[6] This identification was first made by the late Col. J. W. Watson, -I.S.C. Ind. Ant. VI. 63. Bhinmál or Bhilmál also called Srímál, -is an old town about fifty miles west of Abu, north latitude 25° -4' east longitude 71° 14'. General Cunningham (Ancient Geography -of India, 313) and Professor Beal (Buddhist Records, II. 270) -identify Pi-lo-mo-lo with Bálmer or Bádamera (north latitude 71° 10' -east longitude 20° 0') in the Jodhpur State of West Rájputána. This -identification is unsatisfactory. Bálmer is a small town on the slope -of a hill in an arid tract with no vestige of antiquity. Hiuen Tsiang -notes that the produce of the soil and the manners of the people of -Pi-lo-mo-lo resemble those of Suráshtra. This description is unsuited -to so arid a tract as surrounds Bálmer; it would apply well to the -fertile neighbourhood of Bhilmál or Bhinmál. Since it is closely -associated with Juzr that is Gurjjara the Al Bailáiman of the Arabs -(A.D. 750, Elliot's History, I. 442) may be Bhilmál. A Jain writer -(Ind. Ant. XIX. 233) mentions Bhilmál as the seat of king Bhímasena and -as connected with the origin of the Gadhia coinage. The date Bhinmál -in a M.S. of A.D. 906 (Ditto, page 35) suggests it was then a seat -of learning under the Gurjjaras. The prince of Srímál is mentioned -(Rás Málá, I. 58) as accompanying Múla Rájá Solankhi (A.D. 942-997) -in an expedition against Sorath. Al Biruni (A.D. 1030, Sachau's Edn., -I. 153, 267) refers to Bhillamála between Multán and Anhilaváda. As -late as A.D. 1611 Nicholas Ufflet, an English traveller from Agra to -Ahmadádád (Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 301) notices "Beelmahl as having -an ancient wall 24 kos (36 miles) round with many fine tanks going -to ruin." The important sub-divisions of upper class Gujarát Hindus -who take their name from it show Srímál to have been a great centre -of population. - -[7] Indian Antiquary, XIII. 70-81. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VII. 62) -identifies Nandipuri with a suburb of Broach. - -[8] Bombay Gazetteer, Násik, page 604. Bombay Arch. Survey Sep. Number -X. 38. - -[9] Among Deccan Kunbi surnames are Jádhav, Chuhán, Nikumbha, Parmár, -Selár, Solké. Cf. Bombay Gazetteer, XXIV. 65 note 2, 414. - -[10] Though the identification of the Valabhis as Gurjjaras may not -be certain, in inscriptions noted below both the Chávadás and the -Solankis are called Gurjjara kings. The Gurjjara origin of either or -of both these dynasties may be questioned. The name Gurjjara kings may -imply no more than that they ruled the Gurjjara country. At the same -time it was under the Chávadás that Gujarát got its name. Though to -Al Biruni (A.D. 1020) Gujarát still meant part of Rájputána, between -A.D. 750 and 950 the name Gurjjaras' land passed as far south as the -territory connected with Anhilváda and Vadnagara that is probably as -far as the Mahi. As a Rástrakuta copperplate of A.D. 888 (S. 810) -(Ind. Ant. XIII. 69) brings the Konkan as far north as Variáv on -the Tápti the extension of the name Gujarát to Láta south of the -Mahi seems to have taken place under Musalmán rule. This southern -application is still somewhat incomplete. Even now the people of -Surat both Hindus and Musalmáns when they visit Pattan (Anhilváda) -and Ahmadabad speak of going to Gujarát, and the Ahmadábád section -of the Nágar Bráhmans still call their Surat caste-brethren by the -name of Kunkanás that is of the Konkan. - -[11] See Nagarakhanda (Junágadh Edition), 13, 32, 35, 185, 289, -332, 542. - -[12] The Alina grants (Indian Antiquary, VII. 73, 77) dated Valabhi -330 and 337 (A.D. 649-656), are both to the same donee who in the -A.D. 649 grant is described as originally of Ánarttapura and in the -A.D. 656 grant as originally of Ánandapura. - -[13] Girnára-Kalpa, Atthi Surathta vesaé Ujjinto náma pavvao rammo. In -the Suraththa district is a lovely mountain named Ujjinto (Girnár). - -[14] Hamilton and Falconer's Strabo, II. 252-253; Pliny's Natural -History, VI. 20. - -[15] Bertius' Ptolemy, VII. 1; McCrindle's Periplus, 113. The Periplus -details regarding Indo-Skythia, Surastrene, and Ujjain are in agreement -with the late date (A.D. 247) which Reinaud (Indian Antiquary of -Dec. 1879 pp. 330-338) and Burnell (S. Ind. Pal. 47 note 3) assign -to its author. - -[16] Hiuen Tsiang's Valabhi kingdom was probably the same as the -modern Gohilváda, which Jinaprabhásuri in his Satruñjaya-kalpa calls -the Valláka-Visaa. - -[17] Bertius' Ptolemy, VII. 1. - -[18] Vátsyáyana Sutra, Chap. II. - -[19] Arch. Sur. of Western India, IV. 127. The Mandasor inscription -(A.D. 437-38) mentions silk weavers from Látavishaya. Fleet's -Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 80. The writer (Ditto, 84) describes Láta as -green-hilled, pleasing with choice flower-burdened trees, with temples -viháras and assembly halls of the gods. - -[20] Ind. Ant. XIII. 157, 158, 163, 180, 188, 196, 199, 204. - -[21] Elliot's History, I. 378. - -[22] Compare Lassen in Ind. Ant. XIV. 325. - -[23] The Vishnu Purána (Ansa iv. Chap. i. Verse 19 to Chap. ii. Verse -2) gives the longest account of the legend. The Bhágavata Purána -(Skanda ix. Chap. iii. Verse 16-36) gives almost the same account. The -Matsya Purána (Chap. xii. Verse 22-24) dismisses the story in two -verses. See also Harivansa, X. - -[24] Compare Mahábh. II. 13, 594ff. Jarásandha's sisters Asti and -Prápti were married to Kansa. - -[25] Harivansa, XXXV.-CXII. - -[26] Mahábhárata Ádiparva, chaps. 218-221. - -[27] Mahábhárata Vanaparva, Chap. xiv.-xxii. Skanda x. Mrittikávatí the -capital of Sálva cannot be identified. The name of the country sounds -like Svabhra in Rudradáman's Girnár inscription, which is apparently -part of Charotar or South Ahmadabad. A trace of the old word perhaps -remains in the river Sábhramati the modern Sábarmati. The fact that -Sálva passed from Mrittikávatí along the sea shore would seem to -show that part of the seaboard south of the Mahi was included in -Sálva's territory. Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VII. 263) described Pandit -Bhagvánlál's reading of Svabhra as a bold conjecture. A further -examination of the original convinced the Pandit that Svabhra was -the right reading. - -[28] The following is the legend of Krishna's iron flail. Certain -Yádava youths hoping to raise a laugh at the expense of Visvámitra and -other sages who had come to Dwáriká presented to them Sámba Krishna's -son dressed as a woman big with child. The lads asked the sages to -foretell to what the woman would give birth. The sages replied: -'The woman will give birth to an iron rod which will destroy the -Yádava race.' Obedient to the sage's prophecy Sámba produced an iron -rod. To avoid the ill effects of the prophecy king Ugrasena had the -rod ground to powder and cast the powder into the sea. The powder -grew into the grass called eraka Typha elephantina. It was this grass -which Krishna plucked in his rage and which in his hands turned into -an iron flail. This eraka grass grows freely near the mouth of the -Hiranya river of Prabhás. - -[29] This suggests that as in early times the Great Ran was hard to -cross the way from Káthiáváda to Indraprastha or Delhi was by Kachch -and Sindh and from Sindh by Multán and the Lower Panjáb. According -to the Bhágavata Purána Krishna took the same route when he first -came from Indraprastha to Dwáriká. On the other hand these details -may support the view that the head-quarters of the historic Krishna -were in the Panjáb. - -[30] So far as is known neither Gujarát nor Káthiáváda contains any -record older than the Girnár rock inscription of about B.C. 240: The -Great Kshatrapa Rudra Dáman's (A.D. 139) inscription on the same rock -has a reference to the Maurya Rája Chandragupta about B.C. 300. No -local sign of Krishna or of his Yádavas remains. - -In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XX. XXI. and -XXII. Mr. Hewitt has recently attempted to trace the history of -Western India back to B.C. 3000 perhaps to as early as B.C. 6000. The -evidence which makes so far-reaching a past probable is the discovery -of Indian indigo and muslin in Egyptian tombs of about B.C. 1700 -(J. R. A. S. XX. 206); and the proof that a trade in teak and -in Sindhu or Indian muslins existed between Western India and -the Euphrates mouth as far back as B.C. 3000 or even B.C. 4000 -(J. R. A. S. XX. 336, 337 and XXI. 204). According to Mr. Hewitt -the evidence of the Hindu calendar carries the historical past of -India into still remoter ages. The moon mansions and certain other -details of the Hindu calendar seem to point to the Euphrates valley -as the home of Hindu lunar astronomy. As in the Euphrates valley -inscriptions of the Semitic king Sargon of Sippara prove that in -B.C. 3750 moon-worship was already antiquated (J. R. A. S. XXI. 325), -and as the precession of the equinoxes points to about B.C. 4700 as the -date of the introduction of the sun zodiac (Sayce's Hibbert Lectures, -398) the system of lunar mansions and months, if it came from the -Euphrates valley, must have reached India before B.C. 4700. The -trade records of the black-headed perhaps Dravidian-speaking -Sumris of the Euphrates mouth prove so close relations with the -peninsula of Sinai and Egypt as to make a similar connection with -Western India probable as far back as B.C. 6000. (Compare Sayce's -Hibbert Lectures, 33: J. R. A. S. XXI. 326.) Of the races of whose -presence in Gujarát and the neighbourhood Mr. Hewitt finds traces -the earliest is the same black-headed moon-worshipping Sumri -(Ditto). Next from Susiana in south-east Persia, the possessors -of a lunar-solar calendar and therefore not later than B.C. 4700 -(J. R. A. S. XXI. 325, 327, 330), the trading Sus or Saus, in Hindu -books known as Suvarnas, entered India by way of Baluchistán and -settled at Pátala in South Sindh. (J. R. A. S. XXI. 209.) With -or soon after the Sus came from the north the cattle-herding -sun-worshipping Sakas (J. R. A. S. XXII. 332). The Sus and Sakas -passed south and together settled in Suráshtra and West Gujarát. At a -date which partly from evidence connected with the early Vedic hymns -(J. R. A. S. XXII. 466) partly from the early Babylonian use of the -Sanskrit Sindhu for India (J. R. A. S. XXI. 309), Mr. Hewitt holds -cannot be later than B.C. 3000 northern Áryas entered Gujarát and -mixing with the Sus and Sakas as ascetics traders and soldiers carried -the use of Sanskrit southwards. (J. R. A. S. XX. 343.) Of other races -who held sway in Gujarát the earliest, perhaps about B.C. 2000 since -their power was shattered by Parasuráma long before Mahábhárata times -(J. R. A. S. XXI. 209-266), were the snake-worshipping perhaps Accadian -(Ditto, 265) Haihayas now represented by the Gonds and the Haihayas' -vassals the Vaidarbhas (Ditto, 209) a connection which is supported by -trustworthy Central Indian Uraon or Gond tradition that they once held -Gujarát (Elliott's Races, N. W. P., I. 154). Next to the Haihayas -and like them earlier than the Mahábhárata (say B.C. 1500-2000) -Mr. Hewitt would place the widespread un-Aryan Bhárats or Bhárgavs -(J. R. A. S. XXI. 279-282, 286) the conquerors of the Haihayas (Ditto, -288). In early Mahábhárata times (say between B.C. 1000 and 800, Ditto -197 and 209) the Bhárats were overcome by the very mixed race of the -Bhojas and of Krishna's followers the Vrishnis (Ditto, 270). Perhaps -about the same time the chariot-driving Gandharvas of Cutch (Ditto, -273) joined the Sus and Sakas, together passed east to Kosala beyond -Benares, and were there established in strength at the time of -Gautama Buddha (B.C. 530) (Ditto). To the later Mahábhárata times, -perhaps about B.C. 400 (Ditto, 197-271), Mr. Hewitt would assign the -entrance into Gujarát of the Ábhíras or Ahirs whom he identifies with -the northern or Skythian Abárs. Mr. Hewitt finds the following places -in Gujarát associated with those early races. Pátála in South Sindh -he (J. R. A. S. XXI. 209) considers the head-quarters of the Sus and -Sakas. Another Su capital Prágjyotisha which is generally allotted to -Bengal he would (XXI. 206) identify with Broach. With the Vaidarbhas -the vassals of the Haihayas he associates Surparika, that is Sopára -near Bassein, which he identifies (Ditto, 206) with the modern Surat -on the Tapti. He connects (Ditto, 266) the Baroda river Visvámitra -and Vaidurga the hill Pávágad with the same tribe. He finds a trace -of the Bhárats in Baroda and in Bharati an old name of the river -Mahi (Ditto, 286) and of the same race under their name Bhárgav in -Broach (Ditto, 289). The traditional connection of the Bhojas with -Dwárka is well established. Finally Kárpásika a Mahábhárata name -for the shore of the Gulf of Cambay (Ditto, 209) may be connected -with Kárván on the Narbada about twenty miles above Broach one of -the holiest Shaiv places in India. Though objection may be taken to -certain of Mr. Hewitt's identifications of Gujarát places, and also -to the extreme antiquity he would assign to the trade between India -and the west and to the introduction of the system of lunar mansions, -his comparison of sacred Hindu books with the calendar and ritual of -early Babylonia is of much interest. - -[31] Mahábhárata Anusásanaparvan 2158-9 mentions Látas among Kshatriya -tribes who have become outcastes from seeing no Bráhmans. Again, -Chap. VII. 72. ib. couples (J. Bl. As. Soc. VI. (1) 387) thievish -Báhikas and robber Suráshtras. Compare Vishnu Purána, II. 37, -where the Yavanas are placed to the west of Bháratavarsha and also -J. R. A. S. (N. S.) IV. 468; and Brockhaus' Prabodha Chandrodaya, -87. The sloka referred to in the text runs: He who goes to Anga, -Vanga, Kalinga, Sauráshtra, or Magadha unless it be for a pilgrimage -deserves to go through a fresh purification. - -[32] Turnour's Maháwanso, 71. - -[33] Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society Journal, 1891, page 47. - -[34] It is interesting to note that Chandragupta married a Vaisya -lady. Similarly while at Sánchi on his way to Ujjain Asoka married -Deví, the daughter of a Setthi, Turnour's Maháwanso, 76; Cunningham's -Bhilsa Topes, 95. - -[35] Probably from some mistake of the graver's the text of the -inscription ashokasy te yavanarájena yields no meaning. Some word -for governor or officer is apparently meant. - -[36] Hemachandra's Parisishta Parva. Merutunga's Vichárasreni. - -[37] The text is 'Kunálasûnustrikhandabharatádhipah Paramárhanto -Anáryadeseshvapi Pravarttitasramana-vihárah Samprati Mahárája -Sohábhavat' meaning 'He was the great king Samprati son of Kunála, -sovereign of India of three continents, the great saint who had -started monasteries for Jain priests even in non-Aryan countries.' - -[38] McCrindle's Periplus, 115. The author of the Periplus calls the -capital of Surastrene Minnagara. Pandit Bhagvánlál believed Minnagara -to be a miswriting of Girinagara the form used for Girnár both in -Rudradáman's (A.D. 150) rock inscription at Girnár (Fleet's Corpus -Ins. Ind. III. 57) and by Varáha-Mihira (A.D. 570) (Brihat-Samhitá, -XIV. 11). The mention of a Minagara in Ptolemy inland from Sorath and -Monoglossum or Mangrul suggests that either Girnár or Junágadh was -also known as Minnagara either after the Mins or after Men that is -Menander. At the same time it is possible that Ptolemy's Agrinagara -though much out of place may be Girinagara and that Ptolemy's Minagara -in the direction of Ujjain may be Mandasor. - -[39] Justin's date is probably about A.D. 250. His work is a summary -of the History of Trogus Pompeius about A.D. 1. Watson's Justin, 277; -Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 231. - -[40] Hamilton and Falconer's Strabo, II. 252-253. - -[41] These small local coins which were found in Hálár Gondal were -presented to the Bombay Asiatic Society by the Political Agent of -Káthiáwár and are in the Society's cabinet. Dr. Bhagvánlál found the -two elephant coins in Junágadh. - -[42] Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 266. Gardner's British Museum Catalogue, -26, brings Eucratides to after B.C. 162. - -[43] See above page 15. - -[44] McCrindle's Periplus, 121. - -[45] The Bombay Asiatic Society possesses some specimens of these -coins of bad workmanship found near Broach with the legend incorrect, -probably struck by some local governor of Menander. Two were also -found in Junágadh. - -[46] McCrindle's Periplus, 115. - -[47] Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X. 80; Wilson's Ariana -Antiqua, 288. - -[48] Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X, 80. - -[49] Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 41. Gardner's British -Museum Catalogue, Plate XI. Number 8. - -[50] Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 66, shows one variety -of this monogram. - -[51] These coins are said to have been found in 1882 by a cultivator -in an earthen pot. Two of them were taken for Pandit Bhagvánlál and -one for Mr. Vajeshankar Gaurishankar Naib Diván of Bhávnagar. The -rest disappeared. - -[52] Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 47. - -[53] Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X. 86. - -[54] Ariana Antiqua, 288; Gardner and Poole's Catalogue of Indian -Coins, xxxiii. - -[55] Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, 332-334) identifies the coins marked -Basileus Basileon Soter Megas with a king or dynasty of Indian -extraction who reigned between Azes and Kadphises (B.C. 50-25), -chiefly in the Panjáb. Gardner (British Museum Catalogue, 47) says: -The Nameless king is probably cotemporary with Abdagases (A.D. 30-50): -he may have been a member of the Kadphises dynasty. Cunningham (Ancient -Geography, 245) places the coins of the tribal Yaudheyas in the first -century A.D. The remark of Prinsep (Jour. Bengal Soc. VI. 2, 973) that -in the Behat group of Buddhist coins some with Baktro-Páli legends have -the name Yaudheya in the margin seems to support the suggestion in the -text. But the marked difference between the Stag coins of the Yaudheyas -(Thomas' Prinsep, I. Plate V.) and the Nameless king's coins (Gardner, -Plate XIV. 1-6) tells strongly against the proposed identification. Of -the Yaudheyas details are given below. - -[56] Journal Bengal Asiatic Society (1835), 684; (1837), 351; (1838), -346; Thomas' Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, I. 425-435, II. 84-93; -Thomas in Journal Royal Asiatic Society (Old Series), XII. 1-72; -Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 405-413; Journal B. B. R. A. S. VI. 377, -VII. 392; Burgess' Archæological Report of Káthiáwár and Kachh, 18-72; -Journal B. B. R. A. S. XII. (Proceedings), XXIII.; Indian Antiquary, -VI. 43, X. 221-227. - -The dynasty of the Kshatrapas or Mahákshatrapas of Sauráshtra -was known to Prinsep (J. R. A. S. Bl. VII.-1. (1837), -351) to Thomas (J. R. A. S. F. S. XII. 1-78), and to Newton -(Jl. B. B. R. A. S. IX. 1-19) as the Sah or Sâh kings. More recently, -from the fact that the names of some of them end in Sena or army, the -Kshatrapas have been called the Sena kings. The origin of the title -Sah is the ending siha, that is simha lion, which belongs to the names -of several of the kings. Síha has been read either sáh or sena because -of the practice of omitting from the die vowels which would fall on or -above the top line of the legend and also of omitting the short vowel -i with the following anusvára. Sáh is therefore a true reading of the -writing on certain of the coins. That the form Sáh on these coins is -not the correct form has been ascertained from stone inscriptions in -which freedom from crowding makes possible the complete cutting of the -above-line marks. In stone inscriptions the ending is síha lion. See -Fleet's Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III. 36 note 1. Mr. Fleet -(Ditto) seems to suggest that with the proof of the incorrectness of -the reading Sáh the evidence that the Kshatrapas were of Indo-Skythian -origin ceases. This does not seem to follow. In addition to the -Parthian title Kshatrapa, their northern coinage, and the use of the -Saka (A.D. 78) era, now accepted as the accession of the great Kushán -Kanishka, the evidence in the text shows that the line of Káthiáváda -Kshatrapas starts from the foreigner Chashtana (A.D. 130) whose -predecessor Nahápana (A.D. 120) and his Saka son-in-law Ushavadatta -are noted in Násik inscriptions (Násik Gazetteer, 538 and 621) as -leaders of Sakas, Palhavas, and Yavanas. Further as the limits of -Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Indo-Skythia (McCrindle, 136) agree very closely -with the limits of the dominions of the then ruling Mahákshatrapa -Rudradáman (A.D. 150) it follows that Ptolemy or his informer believed -Rudradáman to be an Indo-Skythian. There therefore seems no reasonable -doubt that the Kshatrapas were foreigners. According to Cunningham -(Num. Chron. VIII. 231) they were Sakas who entered Gujarát from -Sindh. The fact that the Kushán era (A.D. 78) was not adopted by -the first two of the Western Kshatrapas, Chashtana and Jayadáman, -supports the view that they belonged to a wave of northerners earlier -than the Kushán wave. - -[57] The Taxila plate in Journal R. A. S. (New Series), IV. 487; -the Baktro-Páli on Nahapána's coins also gives the form Chhatrapa. - -[58] Chhatrava appears in an unpublished Kshatrapa inscription from -Mathurá formerly (1888) in Pandit Bhagvánlál's possession. - -[59] Khatapa appears in the inscription of Nahapána's minister at -Junnar (Bombay Gazetteer, XVIII. Pt. III. 167) and in some coins of -the Northern Kshatrapa kings Pagamasha, Rájavula, and Sudása found near -Mathurá. Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, II. Pl. XLIV. Figs. 12, 20, 21. - -[60] Kshatrampâtîti Kshatrapah. - -[61] Thomas' Prinsep, II. 63 and 64. - -[62] Malaya or Malava, Pallava, Ábhíra, Meva or Meda, and Mihira -or Mehr appear to be the leading warlike tribes who came to India -under these chiefs. These tribes formed the Kshatras whose lords or -Kshatrapas these chiefs were. - -[63] The explanation of the word Kshatrapa started by Prinsep and -accepted by Pandit Bhagvánlál is of doubtful accuracy. The title is -well known in Greek literature in the form satrapês, and in the form -Kshatrapávan occurs twice (B.C. 520) in connection with the governors -of Baktria and Arachosia in the great Behistan inscription of Darius -(Rawlinson's Herodotus, I. 329; Spiegel's Altpersische Keilinschriften, -24-26). The meaning of Kshatrapávan in old Persian is not "protector -of the Kshatra race" but "protector of the kingdom," for the word -kshatram occurs in the inscriptions of the Achæmenidæ with the meaning -of "kingship" or "kingdom" (Spiegel, Altpersische Keilinschriften, -215). As is well known Satrap was the official title of the ruler -of a Persian province. That the name continued in use with the same -meaning under the Greek kings of Baktria (B.C. 250-100) is known from -Strabo, who says (XI. 11) "the Greeks who held Baktria divided it -into satrapies (satrapeias) of which Aspionus and Touriva were taken -from Eukratides (B.C. 180) by the Parthians." It is to be presumed -that the Baktro-Grecians introduced the same arrangement into the -provinces which they conquered in India. The earliest occurrence of the -title in its Indian form is on the coins of a Rajabula or Ranjabola -(Gardner, B. M. Cat. 67), who in his Greek legend makes use of the -title "King of kings," and in his Indian legend calls himself "The -unconquered Chhatrapa." His adoption for the reverse of his coins -of the Athene Promachos type of Menander and Apollodotus Philopator -connects Rajabula in time with those kings (B.C. 126-100) and we know -from an inscription (Cunningham Arch. Rep. XX. 48) that he reigned at -Mathurá. He was probably a provincial governor who became independent -about B.C. 100 when the Greek kingdom broke up. The above facts go to -show that Kshatrapa was originally a Persian title which was adopted -by the Greeks and continued in use among their successors: that it -originally denoted a provincial governor; but that, when the Greek -kingdom broke up and their provincial chiefs became independent, it -continued in use as a royal title. That after the Christian era, even -in Parthia, the title Satrapes does not necessarily imply subjection to -a suzerain is proved by the use of the phrase satrapês tôn satrapôn -Satrap of Satraps, with the sense of King of Kings in Gotarzes' -Behistan inscription of A.D. 50. See Rawlinson's Sixth Monarchy, -88 n. 2 and 260 n. 1.--(A. M. T. J.) - -The Pandit's identification of the Malavas or Malayas with a northern -or Skythian tribe is in agreement with Alberuni (A.D. 1015), who, -on the authority of the Báj Purána (Sachau's Text, chap. 29 page -150-155) groups as northern tribes the Pallavas, Sakas, Mallas, and -Gurjars. In spite of this authority it seems better to identify the -Mallas, Malavas, or Malayas with Alexander the Great's (B.C. 325) -Malloi of Multán (compare McCrindle's Alexander's Invasion of India, -Note P). At the same time (Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 132, 133, 137) -the importance of the Mallas in Vaisáli (between Patná and Tirhút) -during the lifetime of Sakya Muni (B.C. 580) favours the view that -several distinct tribes have borne the same or nearly the same name. - -[64] Patika was apparently the son of the Liako Kujulako of the Taxila -plate. Dowson in Jour. R. A. S. New Series. IV. 497 mistranslates -the inscription and fails to make out the name Patika. - -[65] Compare Specht. Jour. Asiatique. 1883. t. II. 325. According -to Chinese writers about A.D. 20 Yen-kao-tchin-tai or Kadphises -II. conquered India (Thientchou) and there established generals who -governed in the name of the Yuechi. - -[66] Pandit Bhagvánlál found two of his copper coins at Mandasor -in 1884. - -[67] This is a bad specimen with the legend dim and worn. - -[68] Some coins of Apollodotus have on the reverse Apollo with his -arrow; others have Athene Promachos with the thunderbolt. - -[69] Bom. Gaz. XVI. 571ff. - -[70] A well known Sanskrit saying is shvashurakhyátodhamádhama: -A man known through his father-in-law is the vilest of the vile. - -[71] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. III. Plate 13. Inscriptions 2 and 3. - -[72] The author's only reason for supposing that two eras began between -A.D. 70 and 80 seems to be the fact that the Javanese Saka era begins -A.D. 74, while the Indian Saka era begins A.D. 78. It appears, however, -from Lassen's Ind. Alt. II. 1040 note 1, that the Javanese Saka era -begins either in A.D. 74 or in A.D. 78. The author's own authority, -Dr. Burnell (S. Ind. Pal. 72) while saying that the Javanese Saka era -dates from A.D. 74, gives A.D. 80 as the epoch of the Saka era of the -neighbouring island of Bali, thus supporting Raffle's explanation -(Java, II. 68) that the difference is due to the introduction -into Java of the Muhammadan mode of reckoning during the past 300 -years. The Javanese epoch of A.D. 74 cannot therefore be treated -as an authority for assuming a genuine Indian era with this initial -date. The era of Kanishka was used continuously down to its year 281 -(Fergusson Hist. of Ind. Architecture, 740) and after that date we have -numerous instances of the use of the Sakanripakála or Sakakála down -to the familiar Saka of the present day. It seems much more likely -that the parent of the modern Saka era was that of Kanishka, which -remained in use for nearly three centuries, than that of Nahapána, -who so far as we know left no son, and whose era (if he founded one) -probably expired when the Kshaharáta power was destroyed by the -Ándhrabhrityas in the first half of the second century A.D. We must -therefore assume A.D. 78 to be the epoch of Kanishka's era. There -remains the question whether Nahapána dates by Kanishka's era, -or uses his own regnal years. There is nothing improbable in the -latter supposition, and we are not forced to suppose that Nahapána -was a feudatory of the Kushán kings. It has been shown above that the -use of the title Kshatrapa does not necessarily imply a relation of -inferiority. On the other hand (pace Oldenburg in Ind. Ant. X. 213) -the later Kshatrapas certainly seem to have used Kanishka's era: and -Nahapána and the Kushán dynasty seem to have been of the same race: -for Heraus, who was certainly a Kushán, apparently calls himself Saka -on his coins (Gardner B. M. Cat. xlvii.); and it is highly probable -that Nahapána, like his son-in-law Ushavadáta, was a Saka. Further, -the fact that Nahapána does not call himself Mahárája but Rája goes -to show that he was not a paramount sovereign.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[73] Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 378; Ind. Ant. XV. 198, 201, XIII. 126; -Arch. Sur. X. 33. - -[74] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. XIII. 162. Cf. Kielhorn in -Ind. Ant. XIX. 20ff. - -[75] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. X. 33-34. Numerous Western India -inscriptions prove that ya and va are often intermixed in Prákrit. - -[76] Vide Telang's Mudrárákshasa, 204. Mr. Telang gives several -readings the best of which mean either the king of the Málaya country -or the king of the Málaya tribe. - -[77] Macmurdo (1818) notices the democratic constitution of the -Káthis. Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. I. 274. - -[78] Compare Fleet's Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 87, 152, 158 from the -(supremacy of) the tribal constitution of the Málavas. Prof. Kielhorn -has however shown that the words of the inscription do not necessarily -mean this. Ind. Ant. XIX. 56. - -[79] Inscription 10 lines 3-4. Bom. Gaz. XVI. 572. - -[80] Details are given below under the Guptas. - -[81] Burgess' Archæological Report of Káthiáwár and Cutch, 55; -Numismata Orientalia, I. Pl. II. Fig. 8. - -[82] The meaning of this symbol has not yet been made out. It is -very old. We first find it on the punched coins of Málwa and Gujarát -(regarded as the oldest coinage in India) without the serpentine line -below, which seems to show that this line does not form part of the -original symbol and has a distinct meaning. - -[83] Compare Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XV. Fig. 26-27. - -[84] Cave Temple Inscriptions, Bombay Archæological Survey, Extra -Number (1881), 58. - -[85] Ariana Antiqua, Plate XV. Fig. 29. Some imaginary animals are -shown under the serpentine line. - -[86] Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. XIII. 303. - -[87] The variations noted in the text seem examples of the law that -the later religion reads its own new meaning into early luck signs. - -[88] This letter ysa in both is curiously formed and never used -in Sanskrit. But it is clear and can be read without any doubt as -ysa. Pandit Bhagvánlál thought that it was probably meant to stand -as a new-coined letter to represent the Greek Z which has nothing -corresponding to it in Sanskrit. The same curiously formed letter -appears in the third syllable in the coin of the fourth Kshatrapa -king Dámajadasri. - -[89] The text of the inscription is rúdradámno varshe that is in -the year of Rudradáman. That this phrase means 'in the reign of' is -shown by the Gunda inscription of Rudradáman's son Rudrasimha, which -has rúdrasimhasya varshe tryuttarashate that is in the hundred and -third year of Rudrasimha. Clearly a regnal year cannot be meant as no -reign could last over 103 years. So with the year 72 in Rudradáman's -inscription. The same style of writing appears in the inscriptions at -Mathurá of Huvishka and Vasudeva which say 'year ---- of Huvishka' -and 'year ---- of Vasudeva' though it is known that the era is of -Kanishka. In all these cases what is meant is 'the dynastic or era -year ---- in the reign of ----'. - -[90] See below page 34. - -[91] McCrindle's Ptolemy, 155. - -[92] See above page 29. - -[93] See above page 25. - -[94] Of these coins Dr. Bhagvánlál kept one in his own collection. He -sent the other to General Cunningham. The Pandit found the copper -coin in Amreli in 1863 and gave it to Dr. Bhau Dáji. - -[95] Except that the ja is much clearer the Nágarí legend in the -silver coin obtained for General Cunningham is equally bad, and the -Baktro-Páli legend is wanting. - -[96] Ind. Ant. X. 157. - -[97] Journal B. B. R. A. Soc. VIII. 234-5 and Ind. Ant. XII. 32ff. - -[98] Dr. Burgess' Archæological Report of Káthiáwár and Cutch, 140. - -[99] The explanation of the reduction of Jayadáman's rank is probably -to be found in the Násik Inscription (No. 26) of Gautamíputra Sátakarni -who claims to have conquered Suráshtra, Kukura (in Rájputána), Anúpa, -Vidarbha (Berár), Ákara, and Avanti (Ujain). (A. M. T. J.) - -[100] See below page 39. - -[101] Several small mixed metal coins weighing from 3 to 10 grains -with on the obverse an elephant in some and a bull in others and on -the reverse the usual arched Kshatrapa symbol have been found in Málwa -and Káthiáváda. The symbols show them to be of the lowest Kshatrapa -currency. Several of them bear dates from which it is possible as -in the case of Rudrasimha's and Rudrasena's coins to infer to what -Kshatrapa they belonged. Lead coins have also been found at Amreli -in Káthiáváda. They are square and have a bull on the obverse and on -the reverse the usual arched Kshatrapa symbol with underneath it the -date 184. - -[102] Compare however Weber, Hist. of Indian Lit. 187-8. - -[103] Jour. B. B. R. A. S. VII. 114. - -[104] Ind. Ant. II. 156; V. 50, 154 &c. - -[105] Ákarávanti that is Ákara and Avanti are two names which -are always found together. Cf. Gotamíputra's Násik inscription -(No. 26). Avanti is well known as being the name of the part of Málwa -which contains Ujjain. Ákara is probably the modern province of Bhilsa -whose capital was Vidisa the modern deserted city of Besnagar. Instead -of Ákarávanti Brihatsamhitá mentions Ákaravenávantaka of which the -third name Vená Pandit Bhagvánlál took to be the country about the -Sagara zilla containing the old town of Eran, near which still flows a -river called Vená. The adjectives east and west are used respectively -as referring to Ákara which is East Málwa and Avanti which is West -Málwa. Compare Indian Antiquary, VII. 259; Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 631. - -[106] Anúpa is a common noun literally meaning well-watered. The -absence of the term nîvrit or 'country' which is in general superadded -to it shows that Anúpa is here used as a proper noun, meaning the -Anúpa country. Dr. Bhagvánlál was unable to identify Anúpa. He took -it to be the name of some well-watered tract near Gujarát. - -[107] See above page 10 note 1. The greater part of North Gujarát -was probably included in Svabhra. - -[108] Maru is the well known name of Márwár. - -[109] Kachchha is the flourishing state still known by the name -of Cutch. - -[110] Sindhu Sauvíra like Ákarávanti are two names usually found -together. Sindhu is the modern Sind and Sauvíra may have been part of -Upper Sind, the capital of which is mentioned as Dáttámitrî. Alberuni -(I. 300) defines Sauvíra as including Multán and Jahráwár. - -[111] Nothing is known about Kukura and it cannot be identified. It -was probably part of East Rájputána. - -[112] Aparánta meaning the Western End is the western seaboard from -the Mahi in the north to Goa in the south. Ind. Ant. VII. 259. The -portion of Aparánta actually subject to Rudradáman must have been -the country between the Mahi and the Damanganga as at this time the -North Konkan was subject to the Ándhras. - -[113] Nisháda cannot be identified. As the term Nisháda is generally -used to mean Bhils and other wild tribes, its mention with Aparánta -suggests the wild country that includes Bánsda, Dharampur, and -north-east Thána. - -[114] Grammar, V. iii. 117. - -[115] Compare Gardner and Poole's Catalogue, Pl. XXVI. Fig. 2 &c. - -[116] Another variety of their brass coins was found at Behat -near Saháranpur. Compare Thomas' Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, -I. Pl. IV. Figs. 11B 12B and Pl. XIX. Figs. 5, 6, 9. General -Cunningham, in his recent work on The Coins of Ancient India, 75ff, -describes three chief types, the Behat coins being the earliest -and belonging to the first century B.C., the second type which is -that described above is assigned to about A.D. 300, and the third -type, with a six-headed figure on the obverse, is placed a little -later. General Cunningham's identification of the Yaudheyas with the -Johiya Rájputs of the lower Sutlej, seems certain, Rudradáman would -then have "uprooted" them when he acquired the province of Sauvíra. - -[117] Mr. Fleet notices a later inscription of a Mahárája Mahásenápati -"who has been set over" the 'Yaudheya gana or tribe' in the fort of -Byána in Bharatpur. Ind. Ant. XIV. 8, Corp. Insc. Ind. III. 251ff. The -Yaudheyas are also named among the tribes which submitted to -Samudragupta. See Corp. Insc. Ind. III. 8. - -[118] Huvishka's latest inscription bears date 45 that is A.D. 123 -(Cunningham's Arch. Sur. III. Pl. XV. Number 8). - -[119] Ind. Ant. VII. 262. - -[120] McCrindle's Ptolemy, 152. - -[121] McCrindle's Ptolemy, 175. - -[122] Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. XV. 306. - -[123] Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. XV. 313, 314. See also Ind. Ant. XII 272, -where Bühler suggests that the queen was a daughter of Rudradáman, -and traces the syllables Rudradá ... in the Kanheri inscription. - -[124] See above page 34. - -[125] It seems doubtful whether the Pandit's estimate of fifteen years -might not with advantage be increased. As his father's reign was so -short Rudradáman probably succeeded when still young. The abundance of -his coins points to a long reign and the scarcity of the coins both -of his son Dámázada and of his grandson Jívadáman imply that neither -of his successors reigned more than a few years. Jivadáman's earliest -date is A.D. 178 (S. 100). If five years are allowed to Jivadáman's -father the end of Rudradáman's reign would be A.D. 173 (S. 95) that -is a reign of thirty years, no excessive term for a king who began -to rule at a comparatively early age.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[126] Two specimens of his coins were obtained by Mr. Vajeshankar -Gavrishankar Náib Díwán of Bhávnagar, from Káthiáváda, one of which -he presented to the Pandit and lent the other for the purpose of -description. The legend in both was legible but doubtful. A recent -find in Káthiáváda supplied four new specimens, two of them very good. - -[127] Apparently a mistake for rudradámnah putrasa. - -[128] As in the case of Zamotika the father of Chashtana, the variation -ysa for ja proves that at first ysa and afterwards ja was used to -represent the Greek Z. - -[129] The oldest of the four was found by the Pandit for Dr. Bhau Dáji -in Amreli. A fair copy of it is given in a plate which accompanied -Mr. Justice Newton's paper in Jour. B. B. R. A. S. IX. page 1ff. Plate -I. Fig. 6. Mr. Newton read the father's name in the legend Dámasrí, -but it is Dámájadasrí, the die having missed the letters ja and da -though space is left for them. This is coin A of the description. Of -the remaining three, B was lent to the Pandit from his collection by -Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar. C and D were in the Pandit's collection. - -[130] This inscription which has now been placed for safe custody in -the temple of Dwárkánáth in Jámnagar, has been published by Dr. Bühler -in Ind. Ant. X. 157-158, from a transcript by Áchárya Vallabji -Haridatta. Dr. Bhagvánlál held that the date is 103 tryuttarasate -not 102 dvyuttarasate as read by Dr. Bühler; that the name of the -father of the donor is Bápaka and not Báhaka; and that the name of -the nakshatra or constellation is Rohiní not Sravana. - -[131] Several coins have the same date. - -[132] One is in the collection of the B. B. R. A. Society, the other -belonged to the Pandit. - -[133] An unpublished inscription found in 1865 by Mr. Bhagvánlál -Sampatrám. - -[134] The top of the third numeral is broken. It may be 7 but is more -likely to be 6. - -[135] The Jasdan inscription has been published by Dr. Bháu Dáji, -J. B. R. A. S. VIII. 234ff, and by Dr. Hoernle, Ind. Ant. XII. 32ff. - -[136] Five have recently been identified in the collection of -Dr. Gerson daCunha. - -[137] His name, the fact that he regained the title Mahákshatrapa, -and his date about A.D. 225 suggest that Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226) -may be the Sandanes whom the Periplus (McCrindle, 128) describes as -taking the regular mart Kalyán near Bombay from Saraganes, that is -the Dakhan Sátakarnis, and, to prevent it again becoming a place of -trade, forbidding all Greek ships to visit Kalyán, and sending under -a guard to Broach any Greek ships that even by accident entered its -port. The following reasons seem conclusive against identifying -Sanghadáman with Sandanes: (1) The abbreviation from Sanghadáman -to Sandanes seems excessive in the case of the name of a well known -ruler who lived within thirty years of the probable time (A.D. 247) -when the writer of the Periplus visited Gujarát and the Konkan: -(2) The date of Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226) is twenty to thirty years -too early for the probable collection of the Periplus details: (3) -Apart from the date of the Periplus the apparent distinction in the -writer's mind between Sandanes' capture of Kalyán and his own time -implies a longer lapse than suits a reign of only four years. - -In favour of the Sandanes of the Periplus being a dynastic not -a personal name is its close correspondence both in form and in -geographical position with Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Sadaneis, who gave -their name, Ariake Sadinôn or the Sadins' Aria, to the North Konkan, -and, according to McCrindle (Ptolemy, 39) in the time of Ptolemy -ruled the prosperous trading communities that occupied the sea coast -to about Semulla or Chaul. The details in the present text show that -some few years before Ptolemy wrote the conquests of Rudradáman had -brought the North Konkan under the Gujarát Kshatrapas. Similarly -shortly before the probable date of the Periplus (A.D. 247) the -fact that Sanghadáman and his successors Dámasena (A.D. 226-236) -and Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249) all used the title Mahákshatrapa makes -their possession of the North Konkan probable. The available details -of the Káthiáváda Kshatrapas therefore confirm the view that the -Sadans of Ptolemy and the Sandanes of the Periplus are the Gujarát -Kshatrapas. The question remains how did the Greeks come to know the -Kshatrapas by the name of Sadan or Sandan. The answer seems to be the -word Sadan or Sandan is the Sanskrit Sádhana which according to Lassen -(McCrindle's Ptolemy, 40) and Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary may mean -agent or representative and may therefore be an accurate rendering -of Kshatrapa in the sense of Viceroy. Wilford (As. Res. IX. 76, 198) -notices that Sanskrit writers give the early English in India the -title Sádhan Engrez. This Wilford would translate Lord but it seems -rather meant for a rendering of the word Factor. Prof. Bhandárkar -(Bom. Gaz. XIII. 418 note 1) notices a tribe mentioned by the -geographer Varáhamihira (A.D. 580) as Sántikas and associated with -the Aparántakas or people of the west coast. He shows how according to -the rules of letter changes the Sanskrit Sántika would in Prákrit be -Sándino. In his opinion it was this form Sandino which was familiar -to Greek merchants and sailors. Prof. Bhandárkar holds that when -(A.D. 100-110) the Kshatrapa Nahapána displaced the Sátaváhanas or -Ándhrabhrityas the Sántikas or Sandino became independent in the North -Konkan and took Kalyán. To make their independence secure against -the Kshatrapas they forbad intercourse between their own territory -and the Dakhan and sent foreign ships to Barygaza. Against this -explanation it is to be urged; (1) That Násik and Junnar inscriptions -show Nahapána supreme in the North Konkan at least up to A.D. 120; -(2) That according to the Periplus the action taken by the Sandans -or Sadans was not against the Kshatrapas but against the Sátakarnis; -(3) That the action was not taken in the time of Nahapána but at a -later time, later not only than the first Gautamíputra the conqueror -of Nahapána or his son-in-law Ushavadáta (A.D. 138), but later than -the second Gautamíputra, who was defeated by the Káthiáváda Kshatrapa -Rudradáman some time before A.D. 150; (4) That if the Sántikas were -solely a North Konkan tribe they would neither wish nor be able to -send foreign ships to Broach. The action described in the Periplus of -refusing to let Greek ships enter Kalyán and of sending all such ships -to Broach was the action of a Gujarát conqueror of Kalyán determined to -make foreign trade centre in his own chief emporium Broach. The only -possible lord of Gujarát either in the second or third century who -can have adopted such a policy was the Kshatrapa of Ujjain in Málwa -and of Minnagara or Junágadh in Káthiáváda, the same ruler, who, to -encourage foreign vessels to visit Broach had (McCrindle's Periplus, -118, 119) stationed native fishermen with well-manned long boats off -the south Káthiáváda coast to meet ships and pilot them through the -tidal and other dangers up the Narbada to Broach. It follows that -the Sandanes of the Periplus and Ptolemy's North Konkan Sádans are -the Gujarát Mahákshatrapas. The correctness of this identification -of Sadan with the Sanskrit Sádhan and the explanation of Sádhan as a -translation of Kshatrapa or representative receive confirmation from -the fact that the account of Kálakáchárya in the Bharaheswara Vrítti -(J. B. B. R. A. S. IX. 141-142), late in date (A.D. 1000-1100) but -with notable details of the Saka or Sáhi invaders, calls the Saka king -Sádhana-Simha. If on this evidence it may be held that the Kshatrapas -were known as Sádhanas, it seems to follow that Sántika the form -used by Varáhamihira (A.D. 505-587) is a conscious and intentional -Sanskritizing of Sádan whose correct form and origin had passed out -of knowledge, a result which would suggest conscious or artificial -Sanskritizing as the explanation of the forms of many Puránic tribal -and place names. A further important result of this inquiry is to show -that the received date of A.D. 70 for the Periplus cannot stand. Now -that the Kanishka era A.D. 78 is admitted to be the era used by the -Kshatrapas both in the Dakhan and in Gujarát it follows that a writer -who knows the elder and the younger Sátakarnis cannot be earlier than -A.D. 150 and from the manner in which he refers to them must almost -certainly be considerably later. This conclusion supports the date -A.D. 247 which on other weighty grounds the French scholar Reinaud -(Ind. Ant. Dec. 1879. pp. 330, 338) has assigned to the Periplus. - -[138] The Pandit's coin was obtained by him in 1863 -from Amreli in Káthiáváda. A copy of it is given by -Mr. Justice Newton who calls Sanghadáman son of Rudrasimha -(Jour. B. B. R. A. S. IX. Pl. I. Fig. 7). The other specimen is -better preserved. - -[139] One of these coins was lent to the Pandit by Mr. Vajeshankar -Gavrishankar. - -[140] One specimen in the collection of Mr. Vajeshankar bears date 158. - -[141] One of them was lent by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar. - -[142] This name has generally been read Atridáman. - -[143] Jour. B. B. R. A. S. VII. 16. - -[144] See below Chapter VI. page 57. - -[145] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. X. 127; XV. 29-30. - -[146] This coin of Rudrasena may have been taken so far from Gujarát -by the Gujarát monk in whose honour the stúpa was built. - -[147] Ísvaradatta's name ends in datta as does also that of Sivadatta -the father of king Ísvarasena of the Násik inscription. - -[148] Dr. Bhagvánlál's suggestion that Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249) -was defeated by the Ábhír or Ahír king Ísvaradatta who entered -Gujarát from the North Konkan seems open to question. First as -regards the suggestion that Vijayasena was the Kshatrapa whose -power Ísvaradatta overthrew it is to be noticed that though the two -coinless years (A.D. 249-251) between the last coin of Vijayasena -and the earliest coin of Dámájadasrí agree with the recorded length -of Ísvaradatta's supremacy the absence of coins is not in itself -proof of a reverse or loss of Kshatrapa power between the reigns -of Vijayasena and Dámájadasrí. It is true the Pandit considers that -Ísvaradatta's coins closely resemble those of Vijayasena. At the same -time he also (Násik Stat. Acct. 624) thought them very similar to -Víradáman's (A.D. 236-238) coins. Víradáman's date so immediately -precedes Vijayasena's that in many respects their coins must be -closely alike. It is to be noted that A.D. 230-235 the time of rival -Kshatrapas among whom Víradáman was one (especially the time between -A.D. 236 and 238 during which none of the rivals assumed the title -Mahákshatrapa) was suitable to (perhaps was the result of) a successful -invasion by Ísvaradatta, and that this same invasion may have been -the cause of the transfer of the capital, noted in the Periplus -(A.D. 247) as having taken place some years before, from Ozene or -Ujjain to Minnagara or Junágadh (McCrindle, 114, 122). On the other -hand the fact that Vijayasena regained the title of Mahákshatrapa -and handed it to his successor Dámájadasrí III. would seem to shew -that no reverse or humiliation occurred during the coinless years -(A.D. 249-251) between their reigns, a supposition which is supported -by the flourishing state of the kingdom at the time of the Periplus -(A.D. 247) and also by the evidence that both the above Kshatrapas -ruled near Karád in Sátára. At the same time if the difference between -Víradáman's and Vijayasena's coins is sufficient to make it unlikely -that Ísvaradatta's can be copies of Víradáman's it seems possible -that the year of Ísvaradatta's overlordship may be the year A.D. 244 -(K. 166) in which Vijayasena's coins bear the title Kshatrapa, and -that the assumption of this lower title in the middle of a reign, -which with this exception throughout claims the title Mahákshatrapa, -may be due to the temporary necessity of acknowledging the supremacy of -Ísvaradatta. With reference to the Pandit's suggestion that Ísvaradatta -was an Ábhíra the fact noted above of a trace of Kshatrapa rule at -Karád thirty-one miles south of Sátára together with the fact that -they held Aparánta or the Konkan makes it probable that they reached -Karád by Chiplún and the Kumbhárli pass. That the Kshatrapas entered -the Dakhan by so southerly a route instead of by some one of the more -central Thána passes, seems to imply the presence of some hostile -power in Násik and Khándesh. This after the close of the second -century A.D. could hardly have been the Ándhras or Sátakarnis. It -may therefore be presumed to have been the Ándhras' successors the -Ábhíras. As regards the third suggestion that Kshatrapa Gujarát was -overrun from the North Konkan it is to be noted that the evidence of -connection between Ísvarasena of the Násik inscription (Cave X. No. 15) -and Ísvaradatta of the coins is limited to a probable nearness in -time and a somewhat slight similarity in name. On the other hand -no inscription or other record points to Ábhíra ascendancy in the -North Konkan or South Gujarát. The presence of an Ábhíra power in -the North Konkan seems inconsistent with Kshatrapa rule at Kalyán and -Karád in the second half of the third century. The position allotted -to Aberia in the Periplus (McCrindle, 113) inland from Surastrene, -apparently in the neighbourhood of Thar and Párkar; the finding of -Ísvaradatta's coins in Káthiáváda (Násik Gazetteer, XIII. 624); -and (perhaps between A.D. 230 and 240) the transfer westwards of -the head-quarters of the Kshatrapa kingdom seem all to point to the -east rather than to the south, as the side from which Ísvaradatta -invaded Gujarát. At the same time the reference during the reign of -Rudrasimha I. (A.D. 181) to the Ábhíra Rudrabhúti who like his father -was Senápati or Commander-in-Chief suggests that Ísvaradatta may -have been not a foreigner but a revolted general. This supposition, -his assumption of the title Mahákshatrapa, and the finding of his -coins only in Káthiáváda to a certain extent confirm. - -[149] Cave Temple Inscriptions, Bom. Arch. Sur. Sep. Number XI. page -57ff. - -[150] J. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 346. - -[151] Epigraphia Indica, II. 19. - -[152] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81ff. - -[153] Ep. Ind. II. 20. - -[154] Ind. Ant. VII. 248ff. Dr. Bhandárkar (Early Hist. of the Deccan, -42 note 7) has given reasons for believing this grant to be a forgery. - -[155] Ind. Ant. XVIII. 265ff. - -[156] J. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff.; Trans. Vienna Or. Congress, 210ff. - -[157] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70ff. and V. 109ff. - -[158] Trans. Vienna Or. Congress, 210ff. - -[159] Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 27. - -[160] Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 27. - -[161] Ind. Ant. XIV. 75 and Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff. - -[162] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 9) and Sir A. Cunningham -(Arch. Sur. IX. 77) agree in fixing A.D. 250 as the initial date -of the Chedi era. Prof. Kielhorn has worked out the available -dates and finds that the first year of the era corresponds to -A.D. 249-50. Ind. Ant. XVII. 215. - -[163] Válmíki's Rámáyana, Ganpat Krishnaji's Edition: Raghuvamsa, -IV. 59. - -[164] For details see above page 48. - -[165] Tripura four miles west of Jabalpur; Kálanjara 140 miles north -of Jabalpur. - -[166] That the era used by the Gurjjaras and Chalukyas of Gujarát -was the Chedi era may be regarded as certain since the discovery of -the Sankhedá grant of Nirihullaka (Ep. Ind. II. 21), who speaks of a -certain Sankarana as his overlord. Palæographically this grant belongs -to the sixth century, and Dr. Bühler has suggested that Sankarana is -the Chedi Sankaragana whose son Buddharája was defeated by Mangalísa -some time before A.D. 602 (Ind. Ant. XIX. 16). If this is accepted, -the grant shows that the Chedis or Kalachuris were in power in the -Narbadá valley during the sixth century, which explains the prevalence -of their era in South Gujarát. Chedi rule in the Narbadá valley must -have come to an end about A.D. 580 when Dadda I. established himself at -Broach. It being established that the Kalachuris once ruled in South -Gujarát, there is no great difficulty in the way of identifying the -Traikútakas with them. The two known Traikútaka grants are dated -in the third century of their era, and belong palæographically -to the fifth century A.D. Their era, therefore, like that of the -Kalachuris, begins in the third century A.D.: and it is simpler to -suppose that the two eras were the same than that two different eras, -whose initial points were only a few years apart, were in use in the -same district. Now that the Saka and the Vikrama eras are known to -have had different names at different times, the change in the name -of the era offers no special difficulty. This identification would -carry back Kalachuri rule in South Gujarát to at least A.D. 456-6, -the date of the Párdi grant: and it is worth noting that Varáhamihira -(Br. Samh. XIV. 20) places the Haihayas or Kalachuris in the west -along with the Aparántakas or Konkanis. - -Though the name Traikútaka means of Trikúta, the authorities quoted -by Dr. Bhagvánlál do not establish the existence of a city called -Trikúta. They only vouch for a mountain of that name somewhere in the -Western Gháts, and there is no evidence of any special connection -with Junnar. Further, the word Trikútakam seems to mean rock-salt, -not sea-salt, so that there is here no special connection with the -Western coast. Wherever Trikúta may have been, there seems no need -to reject the tradition that connects the rise of the Kalachuris with -their capture of Kálanjara (Cunningham's Arch. Surv. IX. 77ff), as it -is more likely that they advanced from the East down the Narbadá than -that their original seats were on the West Coast, as the Western Indian -inscriptions of the third and fourth centuries contain no reference -either to Traikútakas or to Junnar or other western city as Trikúta. - -With reference to the third suggestion that the Traikútakas twice -overthrew the Kshatrapas, under Ísvaradatta in A.D. 248 and under -Rudragana in A.D. 310-320, it is to be noted that there is no evidence -to show that Ísvaradatta was either an Ábhíra or a Traikútaka and that -the identification of his date with A.D. 248-250 seems less probable -than with either A.D. 244 or A.D. 236. (Compare above Footnote page -53). Even if Ísvaradatta's supremacy coincided with A.D. 250 the -initial date of the Traikútaka era, it seems improbable that a king -who reigned only two years and left no successor should have had any -connection with the establishment of an era which is not found in use -till two centuries later. As regards Rudragana it may be admitted that -he belonged to the race or family who weakened Kshatrapa power early -in the fourth century A.D. At the same time there seems no reason to -suppose that Rudragana was a Traikútaka or a Kalachuri except the -fact that his name, like that of Sankaragana, is a compound of the -word gana and a name of Siva; while the irregular posthumous use of -the title Mahákshatrapa among the latest (23rd to 26th) Kshatrapas -favours the view that they remained independent till their overthrow -by the Guptas about A.D. 410. The conclusion seems to be that the -Traikútaka and the Kalachuri eras are the same namely A.D. 248-9: -that this era was introduced into Gujarát by the Traikútakas who -were connected with the Haihayas; and that the introduction of the -era into Gujarát did not take place before the middle of the fifth -century A.D.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[167] Váyu Purána, Wilson's Works, IX. 219n. - -[168] Vishnu Purána, III. Chapter 10 Verse 9: Burnell's Manu, -20. Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 11 note 1) quotes an instance -of a Bráhman named Brahmagupta. - -[169] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 53 line 7. - -[170] Compare Skandagupta's Junágadh Inscription line 15, -Ind. Ant. XIV.; Cunningham's Arch. Sur. X. 113; Fleet's -Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 59. - -[171] Compare Mr. Fleet's note in Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 8. - -[172] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 135. Mr. Fleet believes that -the Lichchhavi family concerned was that of Nepál, and that they -were the real founders of the era used by the Guptas. Dr. Bühler -(Vienna Or. Journal, V. Pt. 3) holds that Chandragupta married into -the Lichchhavi family of Pátaliputra, and became king of that country -in right of his wife. The coins which bear the name of Kumáradeví -are by Mr. Smith (J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 63) and others assigned -to Chandragupta I., reading the reverse legend Lichchhavayah The -Lichchhavis in place of Dr. Bhagvánlál's Lichchhaveyah Daughter's -son of Lichchhavi. On the Kácha coins see below page 62 note 2. - -The Lichchhavis claim to be sprung from the solar dynasty. Manu -(Burnell's Manu, 308) describes them as descended from a degraded -Kshatriya. Beal (R. A. S. N. S. XIV. 39) would identify them with an -early wave of the Yuechi or Kusháns; Smith (J. R. A. S. XX. 55 n. 2) -and Hewitt (J. R. A. S. XX. 355-366) take them to be a Kolarian or -local tribe. The fame of the Lichchhavis of Vaísáli or Passalæ between -Patna and Tirhút goes back to the time of Gautama Buddha (B.C. 480) in -whose funeral rites the Lichchhavis and their neighbours and associates -the Mallas took a prominent share (Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 62-63, -145, 203. Compare Legge's Fa Hien, 71-76; Beal's Buddhist Records, -II. 67, 70, 73, 77 and 81 note). According to Buddhist writings the -first king of Thibet (A.D. 50) who was elected by the chiefs of the -South Thibet tribes was a Lichchhavi the son of Prasenadjit of Kosala -(Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 208). Between the seventh and ninth -centuries (A.D. 635-854) a family of Lichchhavis was ruling in Nepal -(Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 134). The earliest historical member of -the Nepál family is Jayadeva I. whose date is supposed to be about -A.D. 330 to 355. Mr. Fleet (Ditto, 135) suggests that Jayadeva's -reign began earlier and may be the epoch from which the Gupta era of -A.D. 318-319 is taken. He holds (Ditto, 136) that in all probability -the so-called Gupta era is a Lichchhavi era. - -[173] The figure of the Ganges standing on an alligator with a stalked -lotus in her left hand on the reverse of the gold coins of Samudragupta -the fourth king of the dynasty may be taken to be the Sri or Luck of -the Guptas. Compare Smith's Gupta Coinage, J. Beng. A. S. LIII. Plate -I. Fig. 10. J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 2. - -[174] The presence of the two letters ka ca that is ka cha on the -obverse under the arm of the royal figure, has led the late Mr. Thomas, -General Cunningham, and Mr. Smith to suppose that the coins belonged -to Ghatotkacha, the last two letters of the name being the same. This -identification seems improbable. Ghatotkacha was never powerful enough -to have a currency of his own. Sarvarájochchhettá the attribute on -the reverse is one of Samudragupta's epithets, while the figure -of the king on the obverse grasping the standard with the disc, -illustrating the attribute of universal sovereignty, can refer to -none other than Samudragupta the first very powerful king of the -dynasty. Perhaps the Kacha or Kácha on these coins is a pet or child -name of Samudragupta. Mr. Rapson (Numismatic Chron. 3rd Ser. XI. 48ff) -has recently suggested that the Kácha coins belong to an elder brother -and predecessor of Samudragupta. But it seems unlikely that a ruler who -could justly claim the title Destroyer-of-all-kings should be passed -over in silence in the genealogy. Further, as is remarked above, the -title Sarvarájochchhettá belongs in the inscriptions to Samudragupta -alone: and the fact that in his lifetime Samudragupta's father chose -him as successor is against his exclusion from the throne even for -a time. - -[175] Smith's Gupta Coinage in J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 10. - -[176] Compare Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Pl. XVIII. Fig. 8, which has -the same legend with me for mama. - -[177] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 11, 12. - -[178] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 4. - -[179] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. Mr. Smith reads -Lichchhavayah (the Lichchhavis) and assigns this type to Chandragupta -I. - -[180] Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 1. - -[181] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 5, 6. - -[182] Apparently South Kosala, the country about Raipur and -Chhattísgarh. - -[183] Fleet reads Mantarája of Kerala. - -[184] Fleet divides the words differently and translates "Mahendra -of Pishtapura, Svámidatta of Kottura on the hill." - -[185] Fleet reads "Nílarája of Avamukta." - -[186] Fleet reads Palakka or Pálakka. - -[187] Arch. Surv. II. 310; J. B. A. S. 1865. 115-121. - -[188] Samatata is the Ganges delta: Daváka may, as Mr. Fleet suggests, -be Dacca: for Karttrika Mr. Fleet reads Kartripura, otherwise Cuttack -might be intended. - -[189] For the Málavas see above page 24. The Arjunáyanas can hardly -be the Kalachuris as Mr. Fleet (C. I. I. III. 10) has suggested, as -Varáha Mihira (Br. S. XIV. 25) places the Arjunáyanas in the north near -Trigarta, and General Cunningham's coin (Coins of Ancient India, 90) -points to the same region. The Yaudheyas lived on the lower Sutlej: -see above page 36. The Mádrakas lived north-east of the Yaudheyas -between the Chenáb and the Sutlej (Cunningham Anc. Geog. 185). The -Ábhíras must be those on the south-east border of Sindh. The Prárjunas -do not appear to be identifiable. A Sanakáníka Mahárája is mentioned -(C. I. I. III. 3) as dedicating an offering at Udayagiri near Bhilsá, -but we have no clue to the situation of his government. The name of -his grandfather, Chhagalaga, has a Turkí look. Káka may be Kákúpur -near Bithúr (Cunningham Anc. Geog. 386). Kharaparika has not been -identified.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[190] Mr. Fleet translates "(giving) Garuda-tokens, (surrendering) -the enjoyment of their own territories." - -[191] The first three names Devaputra, Sháhi, and Sháhánusháhi, -belong to the Kushán dynasty of Kanishka (A.D. 78). Sháhánusháhi is -the oldest, as it appears on the coins from Kanishka downwards in -the form Sháhanáno Sháho (Stein in Babylonian and Oriental Record, -I. 163). It represents the old Persian title Sháhansháh or king of -kings. Sháhi, answering to the simple Sháh, appears to be first used -alone by Vásudeva (A.D. 128-176). The title of Devaputra occurs first -in the inscriptions of Kanishka. In the present inscription all three -titles seem to denote divisions of the Kushán empire in India. The -title of Sháhi was continued by the Turks (A.D. 600?-900) and Bráhmans -(A.D. 900-1000) of Kábul (Alberuni, II. 10) and by the Sháhis (Elliot, -I. 138) of Alor in Sindh (A.D. 490?-631). Unless it refers to the -last remnants of the Gujarát Mahákshatrapas the word Saka seems to -be used in a vague sense in reference to the non-Indian tribes of the -North-West frontier. The Murundas may be identified with the Murundas -of the Native dictionaries, and hence with the people of Lampáka or -Lamghán twenty miles north-west of Jalálábád. It is notable that in the -fifth century A.D. Jayanátha, Mahárája of Uchchakalpa (not identified) -married a Murundadeví (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 128, 131, 136). - -The mention of the king of Simhala and the Island Kings rounds off -the geographical picture. Possibly after the Chinese fashion presents -from these countries may have been magnified into tribute. Or Simhala -may here stand, not for Ceylon, but for one of the many Simhapuras -known to Indian geography. Sihor in Káthiáváda, an old capital, -may possibly be the place referred to. The Island Kings would then -be the chiefs of Cutch and Káthiáváda.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[192] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 6. - -[193] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 3. - -[194] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 5. - -[195] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33) prefers to take Devarája -to be the name of Chandragupta's minister. - -[196] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 120. - -[197] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 121. - -[198] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introd. 130ff) argues that -the era was borrowed from Nepal after Chandragupta I. married his -Lichchhavi queen. Dr. Bühler thinks there is no evidence of this, -and that the era was started by the Guptas themselves (Vienna -Or. Jl. V. Pt. 3). - -[199] The further suggestion may be offered that if as seems probable -Dr. Bhagvánlál is correct in considering Chandragupta II. to be the -founder of the Gupta era this high honour was due not to his conquest -of Málwa but to some success against the Indo-Skythians or Sakas -of the Punjáb. The little more than nominal suzerainty claimed over -the Devputras, Sháhis, and Sháhánusháhis in Chandragupta's father's -inscription shows that when he came to the throne Chandragupta found -the Saka power practically unbroken. The absence of reference to -conquests is no more complete in the case of the Panjáb than it is in -the case of Gujarát or of Káthiáváda which Chandragupta is known to -have added to his dominions. In Káthiáváda, though not in Gujarát, -the evidence from coins is stronger than in the Panjáb. Still -the discovery of Chandragupta's coins (J. R. A. S. XXI. 5 note 1) -raises the presumption of conquests as far north and west as Pánipat -and as Ludhiána (in the heart of the Panjáb). Chandragupta's name -Devarája may, as Pandit Bhagvánlál suggests, be taken from the Saka -title Devaputra. Further, the use of the name Vikramáditya and of -the honorific Srí is in striking agreement with Beruni's statement -(Sachau, II. 6) that the conqueror of the Sakas was named Vikramáditya -and that to the conqueror's name was added the title Srí. Mr. Fleet -(Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 37 note 2) holds it not improbable that either -Chandragupta I. or II. defeated the Indo-Skythians. The fact that -Chandragupta I. was not a ruler of sufficient importance to issue -coins and that even after his son Samudragupta's victories the Sakas -remained practically independent make it almost certain that if any -subjection of the Sakas to the Guptas took place it happened during -the reign of Chandragupta II. - -[200] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 10. - -[201] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 8, 9, 10 and 11. - -[202] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 123. - -[203] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 126. That Kumáragupta's two successors, -Skandagupta and Budhagupta, use the same phrase devam jayati makes -the explanation in the text doubtful. As Mr. Smith (Ditto) suggests -devam is probably a mistake for devo, meaning His Majesty. The -legend would then run; Kumaraguptadeva lord of the earth ... is -triumphant. Dr. Bhagvánlál would have preferred devo (see page 70 -note 2) but could not neglect the anusrára.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[204] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 13. - -[205] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 53, 55) reads "nítá triyámá" -and translates "a (whole) night was spent." Dr. Bhagvánlál read -"nítás trimásáh." - -[206] Mr. Fleet finds that Pushyamitra is the name of a tribe not -of a king. No. VI. of Dr. Bühler's Jain inscriptions from Mathurá -(Ep. Ind. I. 378ff) mentions a Pushyamitriya-kula of the Váranagana, -which is also referred to in Bhadrabáhu's Kalpa-sútra (Jacobi's -Edition, 80), but is there referred to the Chárana-gana, no doubt -a misreading for the Várana of the inscription. Dr. Bühler points -out that Varana is the old name of Bulandshahr in the North-West -Provinces, so that it is there that we must look for the power that -first weakened the Guptas.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[207] See V. de St. Martin's Essay, Les Huns Blancs; Specht in Journal -Asiatique Oct.-Dec. 1883 and below page 74. - -[208] In Rudradáman's inscription the Palásiní is mentioned, and -also the Suvarnasikatás "and the other rivers," In Skandagupta's -inscription Mr. Fleet translates Sikatávilásiní as an adjective -agreeing with Palásiní. - -[209] Remains of the dam were discovered in 1890 by Khán Bahádúr -Ardesir Jamsetji Special Diván of Junágadh. The site is somewhat -nearer Junágadh than Dr. Bhagvánlál supposed. Details are given in -Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVIII. Number 48 page 47. - -[210] The reading devo is to be preferred but the anusvára is clear -both on these coins and on the coins of his father. For these coins -see J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. IV. 4. - -[211] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. IV. 697. - -[212] The known dates of Skandagupta are 136 and 137 on his Girnár -inscription, 141 in his pillar inscription at Kahaon in Gorakhpur, -and 146 in his Indor-Khera copperplate. The coin dates given by -General Cunningham are 144, 145, and 149. - -[213] But see below page 73. - -[214] Dr. Bhagvánlál examined and copied the original of this -inscription. It has since been published as Number 19 in Mr. Fleet's -Corp. Ins. Ind. III. - -[215] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 134. - -[216] It is now known that the main Gupta line continued to rule in -Magadha. See page 73 below. - -[217] Published by Mr. Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 36. - -[218] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 37. - -[219] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 35. - -[220] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33. - -[221] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 20. - -[222] On Naragupta see below page 77, and for his coins -J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. note Pl. III. 11. - -[223] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 13 lines 10 and 15. - -[224] The Pushyamitras seem to have been a long established tribe -like the Yaudheyas (above page 37). During the reign of Kanishka -(A.D. 78-93) Pushyamitras were settled in the neighbourhood of -Bulandshahr and at that time had already given their name to a -Jain sect. - -The sense of the inscription is somewhat doubtful. Mr. Fleet -(Corp. Ins. Ind. III. page 62) translates: Whose fame, moreover, even -(his) enemies in the countries of the Mlechchhas ... having their -pride broken down to the very root announce with the words 'Verily -the victory has been achieved by him.' Prof. Peterson understands -the meaning to be that Skandagupta's Indian enemies were forced to -retire beyond the borders of India among friendly Mlechchhas and in a -foreign land admit that the renewal of their conflict with Skandagupta -was beyond hope. The retreat of Skandagupta's Indian enemies to -the Mlechchhas suggests the Mlechchhas are the Húnas that is the -White Huns who were already in power on the Indian border, whom the -enemies had previously in vain brought as allies into India to help -them against Skandagupta. This gives exactness to the expression used -in Skandagupta's Bhitari inscription (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Number 13 -page 56) that he joined in close conflict with the Húnas ... among -enemies, as if in this conflict the Húnas were the allies of enemies -rather than the enemies themselves. For the introduction into India of -foreign allies, compare in B.C. 327 (McCrindle's Alexander in India, -412) the king of Taxila, 34 miles north-west of Ráwalpindi, sending -an embassy to Baktria to secure Alexander as an ally against Porus -of the Gujarát country. And (Ditto, 409) a few years later (B.C. 310) -the North Indian Malayaketu allying himself with Yavanas in his attack -on Pátaliputra or Patna. - -[225] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 14 line 4. - -[226] T'oungtien quoted by Specht in Journal Asiatique for -Oct.-Dec. 1883. - -[227] Badeghis is the modern Badhyr the upper plateau between the Merv -and the Herat rivers. The probable site of the capital of the White -Huns is a little north of Herat. See Marco Polo's Itineraries No. I.; -Yule's Marco Polo, I. xxxii. - -[228] See the Ghazipur Seal. Smith & Hoernle, -J. A. S. Ben. LVIII. 84ff. and Fleet Ind. Ant. XIX. 224ff. - -[229] Bihar Ins. Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 12. - -[230] Junágadh Inscrip. Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 14. - -[231] See note 1 above. - -[232] See above notes 1 and 2. - -[233] Ind. Ant. XVIII. 225. - -[234] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introdn. 12. - -[235] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. Ins. 37 line 4. - -[236] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 169-172 and Rájataranginí, I. 289-326 -quoted by Fleet in Ind. Ant. XV. 247-249. - -[237] Beale's Hiuen Tsiang, I. 169-171. As Mr. Fleet suggests -the younger brother is possibly the Chandra referred to in -Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 32 line 5 and Introd. 12 and 140 note 1. - -[238] Ind. Ant. XIII. 230 and Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introdn. 12. - -[239] Specht in Journal Asiatique for Oct.-Dec. 1883. Histoire des Wei. - -[240] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. c.-cii. - -[241] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. xcix.-c. - -[242] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 171. Hiuen Tsiang's statement (Ditto) -that Mihirakula conquered Gandhára after his capture by Báláditya may -refer to a reconquest from his brother, perhaps the Chandra referred -to in note 10 on page 74. - -[243] Beal's Buddhist Records (I. c.) suggests that Lae-lih is the -founder's name: in his note 50 he seems to regard Lae-lih as the -family name. - -[244] Bühler. Ep. Ind. I. 238. Dr. Bühler hesitates to identify the -Toramána of this inscription with Mihirakula's father. - -[245] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. xcix.-c. This is the kingdom which -the Ye-tha destroyed and afterwards set up Lae-lih to be king over -the country. - -[246] Maitraka is a Sanskritised form of Mihira and this again -is perhaps an adaptation of the widespread and well-known -Western Indian tribal name Mer or Med. Compare Fleet's -Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 326-327. It is to be remembered that the -name of the emperor then (A.D. 450-500) ruling the White Huns was -Khushnáwaz, a Persian name, the Happy Cherisher.... The emperor's -Persian name, Mihirakula's reported (Darmsteter Jl. Asiatique, -X. 70 n. 3) introduction of Magi into Kashmir, and the inaptness of -Mihirakula as a personal name give weight to Mr. Fleet's suggestion -(Ind. Ant. XV. 245-252) that Mihirakula is pure Persian. The true -form may then be Mihiragula, that is Sun Rose, a name which the -personal beauty of the prince may have gained him. 'I have heard -of my son's wisdom and beauty and wish once to see his face' said -the fate-reading mother of king Báláditya (Beal's Buddhist Records, -I. 169) when the captive Mihirakula was led before her his young head -for very shame shrouded in his cloak. - -[247] Specht in Jour. Asiatique 1883 II. 335 and 348. - -[248] J. R. A. S. XXI. 721. According to other accounts -(Ency. Brit. IX. Ed. Art. Turk. page 658) a portion of the Jouen-Jouen -remained in Eastern Asia, where, till A.D. 552, they were the masters -of the Tuhkiu or Turks, who then overthrew their masters and about -ten years later (A.D. 560) crushed the power of the White Huns. - -[249] The name Jouen-Jouen seems to agree with Toramána's surname -Jaúvla and with the Juvia whom Cosmas Indikopleustes (A.D. 520-535) -places to the north-east of Persia. Priaulx's Indian Travels, 220. - -[250] Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 311-349. - -[251] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 25 line 1. - -[252] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 19 line 2. - -[253] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins 36. - -[254] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 20. - -[255] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33. - -[256] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. and Ind. Ant. XVIII. 219. - -[257] Priaulx's Indian Travels, 222. Compare Yule's Cathay, I. clxx.; -Mignes' Patr. Gr. 88 page 450. For the use of Kula for Mihirakula, -the second half for the whole, compare Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 8 -note. As regards the change from Kula to Gollas it is to be noted -that certain of Mihirakula's own coins (Ind. Ant. XV 249) have the -form Gula not Kula, and that this agrees with the suggestion (page -75 note 6) that the true form of the name is the Persian Mihiragula -Rose of the Sun. Of this Gollas, who, like Mihirakula, was the type -of conqueror round whom legends gather, Cosmas says (Priaulx, 223): -Besides a great force of cavalry Gollas could bring into the field -2000 elephants. So large were his armies that once when besieging an -inland town defended by a water-fosse his men horses and elephants -drank the water and marched in dry-shod. - -[258] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 18. - -[259] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33-35. - -[260] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 35 line 5. - -[261] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 151 note 4. - -[262] N. Lat. 24° 3'; E. Long. 75° 8'. - -[263] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33 line 5. - -[264] This has already been suggested by Genl. Cunningham, -Num. Chron. (3rd Ser.), VIII. 41. Dr. Hoernle -(J. B. A. S. LVIII. 100ff) has identified Yasodharman with -Vikramáditya's son Síláditya Pratápasila. - -[265] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33 line 6. - -[266] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 169. - -[267] Hoernle in J. B. A. S. LVIII. 97. - -[268] See Smith and Hoernle J. B. A. S. LVIII. 84; and Fleet -Ind. Ant. XIX. 224. - -[269] Hoernle makes light of this difficulty: J. B. A. S. LVIII. 97. - -[270] Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 420, 422. - -[271] Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar, Náib Diván of Bhávnagar, has made -a collection of articles found in Valabhi. The collection includes -clay seals of four varieties and of about the seventh century with the -Buddhist formula Ye Dhárma hetu Prabhavá: a small earthen tope with -the same formula imprinted on its base with a seal; beads and ring -stones nangs of several varieties of akik or carnelian and sphatik or -coral some finished others half finished showing that as in modern -Cambay the polishing of carnelians was a leading industry in early -Valabhi. One circular figure of the size of a half rupee carved in -black stone has engraved upon it the letters ma ro in characters of -about the second century. [The ma and ra are of the old style and -the side and upper strokes, that is the káno and mátra of ro are -horizontal.] A royal seal found by Colonel Watson in Valeh bears -on it an imperfect inscription of four lines in characters as old -as Dhruvasena I. (A.D. 526). This seal contains the names of three -generations of kings, two of which the grandfather and grandson -read Ahivarmman and Pushyána all three being called Mahárája or -great king. The dynastic name is lost. The names on these moveable -objects need not belong to Valabhi history. Still that seals of the -second and fifth centuries have been discovered in Valabhi shows the -place was in existence before the founding of the historical Valabhi -kingdom. A further proof of the age of the city is the mention of -it in the Kathásarit-ságara a comparatively modern work but of very -old materials. To this evidence of age, with much hesitation, may be -added Balai Ptolemy's name for Gopnáth point which suggests that as -early as the second century Valeh or Baleh (compare Alberuni's era -of Balah) was known by its present name. Badly minted coins of the -Gupta ruler Kumáragupta (A.D. 417-453) are so common as to suggest -that they were the currency of Valabhi. - -[272] As suggested by Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VI. 10), this is probably -the Vihára called Srí Bappapádiyavihára which is described as having -been constructed by Áchárya Bhadanta Sthiramati who is mentioned as -the grantee in a copperplate of Dharasena II. bearing date Gupta -269 (A.D. 588). The Sthiramati mentioned with titles of religious -veneration in the copperplate is probably the same as that referred -to by Hiuen Tsiang. (Ditto). - -[273] Burgess' Káthiáwár and Kutch, 187. - -[274] Stories on record about two temples one at Satruñjaya the other -at Somanátha support this view. As regards the Satruñjaya temple the -tradition is that while the minister of Kumárapála (A.D. 1143-1174) -of Anahilaváda was on a visit to Satruñjaya to worship and meditate -in the temple of Ádinátha, the wick of the lamp in the shrine was -removed by mice and set on fire and almost destroyed the temple which -was wholly of wood. The minister seeing the danger of wooden buildings -determined to erect a stone edifice (Kumárapála Charita). The story -about Somanátha is given in an inscription of the time of Kumárapála -in the temple of Bhadrakáli which shows that before the stone temple -was built by Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1022-1072) the structure was of -wood which was traditionally believed to be as old as the time of -Krishna. Compare the Bhadrakáli inscription at Somanátha. - -[275] The correctness of this inference seems open to question. The -descent of the Valabhi plate character seems traceable from its -natural local source the Skandagupta (A.D. 450) and the Rudradáman -(A.D. 150) Girnár Inscriptions.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[276] The era has been exhaustively discussed by Mr. Fleet in -Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introduction. - -[277] Nepaul Inscriptions. The phrase acháta-bhata is not -uncommon. Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. page 98 note 2) explains -acháta-bhata-pravesya as "not to be entered either by regular (bhata) -or by irregular (cháta) troops." - -[278] Bühler in Ind. Ant. V. 205. - -[279] Ind. Ant. VII. 68. - -[280] Ind. Ant. VII. 68. - -[281] Of the different territorial divisions the following -examples occur: Of Vishaya or main division Svabhágapuravishaye -and Súryapuravishaye: of Áhára or collectorate Khetaka-áhára the -Kaira district and Hastavapra-áhára or Hastavapráharaní the Háthab -district near Bhávnagar: of Pathaka or sub-division Nagar-panthaka -Porbandar-panthaka (Pársis still talk of Navsári panthaka): of Sthali -or petty division Vatasthalí, Lonápadrakasthalí, and others. - -[282] Kárván seems to have suffered great desecration at the hands -of the Musalmáns. All round the village chiefly under pipal trees, -images and pieces of sculpture and large lingas lie scattered. To -the north and east of the village on the banks of a large built pond -called Kásíkunda are numerous sculptures and lingas. Partly embedded -in the ground a pillar in style of about the eleventh century has a -writing over it of latter times. The inscription contains the name of -the place Sanskritised as Káyávarohana, and mentions an ascetic named -Vírabahadrarási who remained mute for twelve years. Near the pillar, -at the steps leading to the water, is a carved doorway of about the -tenth or eleventh century with some well-proportioned figures. The -left doorpost has at the top a figure of Siva, below the Siva a -figure of Súrya, below the Súrya a male and female, and under them -attendants or ganas of Siva. The right doorpost has at the top a -figure of Vishnu seated on Garuda, below the seated Vishnu a standing -Vishnu with four hands, and below that two sitting male and female -figures, the male with hands folded in worship the female holding a -purse. These figures probably represent a married pair who paid for -this gateway. Further below are figures of ganas of Siva. In 1884 in -repairing the south bank of the pond a number of carved stones were -brought from the north of the town. About half a mile north-west of -the town on the bank of a dry brook, is a temple of Chámundá Deví of -about the tenth century. It contains a mutilated life-size image of -Chámundá. Facing the temple lie mutilated figures of the seven Mátrikás -and of Bhairava, probably the remains of a separate altar facing the -temple with the mátri-mandala or Mother-Meeting upon it. The village -has a large modern temple of Siva called Naklesvara, on the site of -some old temple and mostly built of old carved temple stones. In the -temple close by are a number of old images of the sun and the boar -incarnation of Vishnu all of about the tenth or eleventh century. The -name Naklesvara would seem to have been derived from Nakulisa the -founder of the Pásupata sect and the temple may originally have had -an image of Nakulisa himself or a linga representing Nakulísa. Close -to the west of the village near a small dry reservoir called the -Kunda of Rájarájesvara lies a well-preserved black stone seated -figure of Chanda one of the most respected of Siva's attendants, -without whose worship all worship of Siva is imperfect, and to whom -all that remains after making oblations to Siva is offered. A number -of other sculptures lie on the bank of the pond. About a mile to the -south of Kárván is a village called Lingthali the place of lingas. - -[283] Compare Beal Buddhist Records, II. 268 note 76 and -Ind. Ant. VI. 9. The meaning and reference of the title Bappa have -been much discussed. The question is treated at length by Mr. Fleet -(Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 186 note 1) with the result that the title is -applied not to a religious teacher but to the father and predecessor -of the king who makes the grant. According to Mr. Fleet bappa would -be used in reference to a father, báva in reference to an uncle. - -[284] Whether the Valabhis were or were not Gurjjaras the following -facts favour the view that they entered Gujarát from Málwa. It has -been shown (Fleet Ind. Ant. XX. 376) that while the Guptas used the -so-called Northern year beginning with Chaitra, the Valabhi year -began with Kártika (see Ind. Ant. XX. 376). And further Kielhorn -in his examination of questions connected with the Vikrama era -(Ind. Ant. XIX. and XX.) has given reasons for believing that the -original Vikrama year began with Kártika and took its rise in Málwa. It -seems therefore that when they settled in Gujarát, while they adopted -the Gupta era the Valabhis still adhered to the old arrangement of -the year to which they had been accustomed in their home in Málwa. The -arrangement of the year entered into every detail of their lives, and -was therefore much more difficult to change than the starting point of -their era, which was important only for official acts.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[285] Montfauçon's Edition in Priaulx's Indian Travels, 222-223. It -seems doubtful if Cosmas meant that Gollas' overlordship spread as -far south as Kalyán. Compare Migne's Patrologiæ Cursus, lxxxviii. 466; -Yule's Cathay, I. clxx. - -[286] The Mehrs seem to have remained in power also in north-east -Káthiáváda till the thirteenth century. Mokheráji Gohil the famous -chief of Piram was the son of a daughter of Dhan Mehr or Mair of -Dhanduka, Rás Mála, I. 316. - -[287] All the silver and copper coins found in Valabhi and in the -neighbouring town of Sihor are poor imitations of Kumáragupta's -(A.D. 417-453) and of Skandagupta's (A.D. 454-470) coins, smaller -lighter and of bad almost rude workmanship. The only traces -of an independent currency are two copper coins of Dharasena, -apparently Dharasena IV., the most powerful of the dynasty who was -called Chakravartin or Emperor. The question of the Gupta-Valabhi -coins is discussed in Jour. Royal As. Socy. for Jan. 1893 pages -133-143. Dr. Bühler (page 138) holds the view put forward in this -note of Dr. Bhagvánlál's namely that the coins are Valabhi copies -of Gupta currency. Mr. Smith (Ditto, 142-143) thinks they should be -considered the coins of the kings whose names they bear. - -[288] The three types of coins still current at Ujjain, Bhilsa, and -Gwálior in the territories of His Highness Sindhia are imitations of -the previous local Muhammadan coinage. - -[289] As the date of Dronasimha's investiture is about A.D. 520 -it is necessary to consider what kings at this period claimed the -title of supreme lord and could boast of ruling the whole earth. The -rulers of this period whom we know of are Mihirakula, Yasodharman -Vishnuvardhana, the descendants of Kumáragupta's son Puragupta, and -the Gupta chiefs of Eastern Málwa. Neither Toramána nor Mihirakula -appears to have borne the paramount title of Paramesvara though the -former is called Mahárájádhirája in the Eran inscription and Avanipati -or Lord of the Earth (= simply king) on his coins: in the Gwálior -inscription Mihirakula is simply called Lord of the Earth. He was a -powerful prince but he could hardly claim to be ruler of "the whole -circumference of the earth." He therefore cannot be the installer of -Dronasimha. Taking next the Guptas of Magadha we find on the Bhitári -seal the title of Mahárájádhirája given to each of them, but there -is considerable reason to believe that their power had long since -shrunk to Magadha and Eastern Málwa, and if Hiuen Tsiang's Báláditya -is Narasimhagupta, he must have been about A.D. 520 a feudatory -of Mihirakula, and could not be spoken of as supreme lord, nor as -ruler of the whole earth. The Guptas of Málwa have even less claim -to these titles, as Bhánugupta was a mere Mahárája, and all that -is known of him is that he won a battle at Eran in Eastern Málwa -in A.D. 510-11. Last of all comes Vishnuvardhana or Yasodharman -of Mandasor. In one of the Mandasor inscriptions he has the titles -of Rájádhirája and Paramesvara (A.D. 532-33); in another he boasts -of having carried his conquests from the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra) to -the western ocean and from the Himálaya to mount Mahendra. It seems -obvious that Yasodharman is the Paramasvámi of the Valabhi plate, -and that the reference to the western ocean relates to Bhatárka's -successes against the Maitrakas.--(A.M.T.J.) - -[290] Ind. Ant. V. 204. - -[291] Ind. Ant. IV. 104. - -[292] In a commentary on the Kalpasútra Dandanáyaka is described as -meaning Tantrapâla that is head of a district. - -[293] Ind. Ant. VII. 66; IV. 174. - -[294] Ind. Ant. V. 206. - -[295] Ind. Ant. XIV. 75. - -[296] Kumárápála-Charita, Abu Inscriptions. - -[297] Ind. Ant. VIII. 302, VII. 68, XIII. 160. - -[298] Ind. Ant. VI. 9. - -[299] Ind. Ant. VII. 90. - -[300] This change of title was probably connected with the increase of -Gurjara power, which resulted in the founding of the Gurjara kingdom -of Broach about A.D. 580. See Chapter X. below. - -[301] Ind. Ant. XI. 306. - -[302] Ind. Ant. VI. 13. - -[303] Kávyamidam rachitam mayá Valabhyám, Srí Dharasena-narendra -pálitáyám. - -[304] Ind. Ant. VII. 76. - -[305] Journ. Beng. A. S. IV. and an unpublished grant in the museum -of the B. B. R. A. Soc. - -[306] Ind. Ant. XI. 305. - -[307] Since his authorities mention the destroyers of Valabhi under -the vague term mlechchhas or barbarians and since the era in which they -date the overthrow may be either the Vikrama B.C. 57, the Saka A.D. 78, -or the Valabhi A.D. 319, Tod is forced to offer many suggestions. His -proposed dates are A.D. 244 Vik. Sam. 300 (Western India, 269), -A.D. 424 Val. Sam. 105 (Ditto, 51 and 214), A.D. 524 Val. Sam. 205 -(Annals of Rájasthán, I. 83 and 217-220), and A.D. 619 Val. Sam. 300 -(Western India, 352). Tod identifies the barbarian destroyers of -Valabhi either with the descendants of the second century Parthians, -or with the White Huns Getes or Káthis, or with a mixture of these -who in the beginning of the sixth century supplanted the Parthians -(An. of Ráj. I. 83 and 217-220; Western India, 214, 352). Elliot -(History, I. 408) accepting Tod's date A.D. 524 refers the overthrow -to Skythian barbarians from Sindh. Elphinstone, also accepting -A.D. 524 as an approximate date, suggested (History, 3rd Edition, -212) as the destroyer the Sassanian Naushirván or Chosroes the Great -(A.D. 531-579) citing in support of a Sassanian inroad Malcolm's -Persia, I. 141 and Pottinger's Travels, 386. Forbes (Rás Málá, -I. 22) notes that the Jain accounts give the date of the overthrow -Vik. Sam. 375 that is A.D. 319 apparently in confusion with the epoch -of the Gupta era which the Valabhi kings adopted. ((Similarly S. 205 -the date given by some of Col. Tod's authorities (An. of Ráj. I. 82 -and 217-220) represents A.D. 524 the practical establishment of the -Valabhi dynasty. The mistake of ascribing an era to the overthrow not -to the founding of a state occurs (compare Sachau's Alberuni, II. 6) -in the case both of the Vikrama era B.C. 57 and of the Sáliváhana era -A.D. 78. In both these cases the error was intentional. It was devised -with the aim of hiding the supremacy of foreigners in early Hindu -history. So also, according to Alberuni's information (Sachau, II. 7) -the Guptakála A.D. 319 marks the ceasing not the beginning of the -wicked and powerful Guptas. This device is not confined to India. His -Mede informant told Herodotus (B.C. 450 Rawlinson's Herodotus, I. 407) -that B.C. 708 was the founding of the Median monarchy. The date really -marked the overthrow of the Medes by the Assyrian Sargon.)) Forbes -says (Ditto, 24): If the destroyers had not been called mlechchhas I -might have supposed them to be the Dakhan Chálukyas. Genl. Cunningham -(Anc. Geog. 318) holds that the date of the destruction was A.D. 658 -and the destroyer the Ráshtrakúta Rája Govind who restored the ancient -family of Sauráshtra. Thomas (Prinsep's Useful Tables, 158) fixes the -destruction of Valabhi at A.D. 745 (S. 802). In the Káthiáwár Gazetteer -Col. Watson in one passage (page 671) says the destroyers may have been -the early Muhammadans who retired as quickly as they came. In another -passage (page 274), accepting Mr. Burgess' (Arch. Sur. Rep. IV. 75) -Gupta era of A.D. 195 and an overthrow date of A.D. 642, and citing -a Wadhwán couplet telling how Ebhal Valabhi withstood the Iranians, -Col. Watson suggests the destroyers may have been Iranians. If the -Pársis came in A.D. 642 they must have come not as raiders but as -refugees. If they could they would not have destroyed Valabhi. If -the Pársis destroyed Valabhi where next did they flee to. - -[308] Tod (An. of Ráj. I. 231) notices what is perhaps a reminiscence -of this date (A.D. 766). It is the story that Bappa, who according to -Mewád tradition is the founder of Gehlot power at Chitor, abandoned -his country for Irán in A.D. 764 (S. 820). It seems probable that -this Bappa or Saila is not the founder of Gehlot power at Chitor, -but, according to the Valabhi use of Bappa, is the founder's father -and that this retreat to Irán refers to his being carried captive to -Mansúra on the fall either of Valabhi or of Gandhár. - -[309] Reinaud's Fragments, 143 note 1; Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 105; -Sachau's Alberuni, I. 193. The treachery of the magician Ranka is the -same cause as that assigned by Forbes (Rás Málá, I. 12-18) from Jain -sources. The local legend (Ditto, 18) points the inevitable Tower -of Siloam moral, a moral which (compare Rás Málá, I. 18) is probably -at the root of the antique tale of Lot and the Cities of the Plain, -that men whose city was so completely destroyed must have been sinners -beyond others. Dr. Nicholson (J. R. A. S. Ser. I. Vol. XIII. page 153) -in 1851 thought the site of Valabhi bore many traces of destruction -by water. - -[310] Lassen (Ind. Alt. III. 533) puts aside Alberuni's Arab expedition -from Mansúra as without historical support and inadmissible. Lassen -held that Valabhi flourished long after its alleged destruction from -Mansúra. Lassen's statement (see Ind. Alt. III. 533) is based on the -mistaken idea that as the Valabhis were the Balharas the Balharas' -capital Mánkir must be Valabhi. So far as is known, except Alberuni -himself (see below) none of the Arab geographers of the ninth, tenth -or eleventh centuries mentions Valabhi. It is true that according -to Lassen (Ind. Alt. 536) Masudi A.D. 915, Istakhri A.D. 951, -and Ibn Háukal A.D. 976 all attest the existence of Valabhi up to -their own time. This remark is due either to the mistake regarding -Malkhet or to the identification of Bálwi or Balzi in Sindh (Elliot's -History, I. 27-34) with Valabhi. The only known Musalmán reference to -Valabhi later than A.D. 750 is Alberuni's statement (Sachau, II. 7) -that the Valabhi of the era is 30 yojanas or 200 miles south of -Anahilaváda. That after its overthrow Valabhi remained, as it still -continues, a local town has been shown in the text. Such an after-life -is in no way inconsistent with its destruction as a leading capital -in A.D. 767. - -[311] According to Alberuni (Sachau, I. 21) Al Mansúra, which was -close to Bráhmanábád about 47 miles north-east of Haidarábád (Elliot's -Musalmán Historians, I. 372-374) was built by the great Muhammad Kásim -about A.D. 713. Apparently Alberuni wrote Muhammad Kásim by mistake -for his grandson Amru Muhammad (Elliot, I. 372 note 1 and 442-3), -who built the city a little before A.D. 750. Reinaud (Fragments, -210) makes Amru the son of Muhammad Kásim. Masudi (A.D. 915) gives -the same date (A.D. 750), but (Elliot, I. 24) makes the builder -the Ummayide governor Mansúr bin Jamhur. Idrísi (A.D. 1137 Elliot, -I. 78) says Mansúra was built and named in honour of the Khalif Abu -Jáfar-al-Mansur. If so its building would be later than A.D. 754. On -such a point Idrísi's authority carries little weight. - -[312] Elliot, I. 244. - -[313] That the word read Barada by Elliot is in the lax pointless -shikasta writing is shown by the different proposed readings (Elliot, -I. 444 note 1) Nárand, Barand, and Barid. So far as the original -goes Balaba is probably as likely a rendering as Barada. Reinaud -(Fragments, 212) says he cannot restore the name. - -[314] Though, except as applied to the Porbandar range of hills, the -name Barada is almost unknown, and though Ghumli not Barada was the -early (eighth-twelfth century) capital of Porbandar some place named -Barada seems to have existed on the Porbandar coast. As early as the -second century A.D., Ptolemy (McCrindle, 37) has a town Barda-xema -on the coast west of the village Kome (probably the road or kom) of -Sauráshtra; and St. Martin (Geographie Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, -203) identifies Pliny's (A.D. 77) Varetatæ next the Odomberæ or people -of Kachh with the Varadas according to Hemachandra (A.D. 1150) a class -of foreigners or mlechchhas. A somewhat tempting identification of -Barada is with Beruni's Bárwi (Sachau, I. 208) or Baraoua (Reinaud's -Fragments, 121) 84 miles (14 parasangs) west of Somanátha. But an -examination of Beruni's text shows that Bárwi is not the name of a -place but of a product of Kachh the bára or bezoar stone. - -[315] Elliot, I. 445. - -[316] Compare Tod (Annals, I. 83 and 217). Gajni or Gayni another -capital whence the last prince Síláditya was expelled by Parthian -invaders in the sixth century. - -[317] Compare Reinaud (Fragments, 212 note 4) who identifies it with -the Áin-i-Akbari Kandahár that is Gandhár in Broach. The identification -is doubtful. Tod (Annals, I. 217) names the fort Gajni or Gayni and -there was a fort Gajni close to Cambay. Elliot (I. 445) would identify -the Arab Kandahár with Khandadár in north-west Káthiáváda. - -Even after A.D. 770 Valabhi seems to have been attacked by the -Arabs. Dr. Bhagvánlál notices that two Jain dates for the destruction -of the city 826 and 886 are in the Vira era and that this means -not the Mahávira era of B.C. 526 but the Vikram era of B.C. 57. The -corresponding dates are therefore A.D. 769 and 829. Evidence in support -of the A.D. 769 and 770 defeat is given in the text. On behalf of -Dr. Bhagvánlál's second date A.D. 829 it is remarkable that in or -about A.D. 830 (Elliot, I. 447) Músa the Arab governor of Sindh -captured Bála the ruler of As Sharqi. As there seems no reason to -identify this As Sharqi with the Sindh lake of As Sharqi mentioned -in a raid in A.D. 750 (Elliot, I. 441: J. R. A. S. (1893) page 76) -the phrase would mean Bála king of the east. The Arab record of the -defeat of Bála would thus be in close agreement with the Jain date -for the latest foreign attack on Valabhi. - -[318] The identification of the Balharas of the Arab writers with the -Chálukyas (A.D. 500-753) and Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 753-972) of Málkhet -in the East Dakhan has been accepted. The vagueness of the early -(A.D. 850-900) Arab geographers still more the inaccuracy of Idrísi -(A.D. 1137) in placing the Balharas capital in Gujarát (Elliot, I. 87) -suggested a connection between Balhara and Valabhi. The suitableness -of this identification was increased by the use among Rájput writers -of the title Balakarai for the Valabhi chief (Tod An. of Ráj. I. 83) -and the absence among either the Chálukyas (A.D. 500-753) or the -Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 753-972) of Málkhet of any title resembling -Balhara. Prof. Bhandárkar's (Deccan History, 56-57) discovery that -several of the early Chálukyas and Ráshtrakútas had the personal name -Vallabha Beloved settled the question and established the accuracy -of all Masudi's (A.D. 915) statements (Elliot, I. 19-21) regarding -the Balhara who ruled the Kamkar, that is Kamrakara or Karnátak -(Sachau's Beruni, I. 202; II. 318) and had their Kánarese (Kiriya) -capital at Mankir (Málkhet) 640 miles from the coast. - -[319] After their withdrawal from Valabhi to Mewád the Válas took the -name of Gehlot (see below page 98), then of Aharya from a temporary -capital near Udepur (Tod's An. of Ráj. I. 215), next of Sesodia in the -west of Mewád (Tod's An. of Raj. I. 216; Western India, 57). Since 1568 -the Rána's head-quarters have been at Udepur. Ráj. Gaz. III. 18. After -the establishment of their power in Chitor (A.D. 780), a branch of the -Gehlot or Gohil family withdrew to Kheir in south-west Márwár. These -driven south by the Ráthods in the end of the twelfth century are -the Gohils of Piram, Bhávnagar, and Rájpipla in Káthiáváda and -Gujarát. Tod's Annals of Ráj. I. 114, 228. - -[320] The somewhat doubtful Jáikadeva plates (above page 87 and -Káthiáváda Gazetteer, 275) seem to show the continuance of Maitraka -power in North Káthiáváda. This is supported by the expedition of -the Arab chief of Sandhán in Kachch (A.D. 840) against the Medhs of -Hind which ended in the capture of Mália in North Káthiáváda. Elliot, -I. 450. Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 630) (Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 69) -describes Sauráshtra as a separate state but at the same time notes its -dependence on Valabhi. Its rulers seem to have been Mehrs. In A.D. 713 -(Elliot, I. 123) Muhammad Kasim made peace with the men of Surasht, -Medhs, seafarers, and pirates. - -[321] The only contemporary rulers in whose grants a reference to -Valabhi has been traced are the Gurjjaras of Broach (A.D. 580-808) -one of whom, Dadda II. (A.D. 633), is said (Ind. Ant. XIII. 79) -to have gained renown by protecting the lord of Valabhi who had been -defeated by the illustrious Srí Harshadeva (A.D. 608-649), and another -Jayabhata in A.D. 706 (Ind. Ant. V. 115) claims to have quieted with -the sword the impetuosity of the lord of Valabhi. - -[322] Tod An. of Raj. I. 217: Western India, 269. - -[323] Tod An. of Raj. I. 112 and Western India, 148: Rás Málá, -I. 21. It is not clear whether these passages prove that the Sesodias -or only the Válas claim an early settlement at Dhánk. In any case -(see below page 101) both clans trace their origin to Kanaksen. - -[324] Tod's Western India, 51. - -[325] Tod's An. of Raj. I. 230. - -[326] The cherished title of the later Valabhis, Síláditya Sun of -Virtue, confirms the special sun worship at Valabhi, which the mention -of Dharapatta (A.D. 550) as a devotee of the supreme sun supports, -and which the legends of Valabhi's sun-horse and sun-fountain keep -fresh (Rás Málá, I. 14-18). So the great one-stone lingas, the most -notable trace of Valabhi city (J. R. A. S. Ser. I. Vol. XIII. 149 -and XVII. 271), bear out the Valabhi copperplate claim that its -rulers were great worshippers of Siva. Similarly the Rána of Udepur, -while enjoying the title of Sun of the Hindus, prospering under the -sun banner, and specially worshipping the sun (Tod's Annals, I. 565) -is at the same time the Minister of Siva the One Ling Eklingakadiwán -(Ditto 222, Ráj. Gaz. III. 53). The blend is natural. The fierce -noon-tide sun is Mahákála the Destroyer. Like Siva the Sun is lord of -the Moon. And marshalled by Somanátha the great Soul Home the souls of -the dead pass heavenwards along the rays of the setting sun. [Compare -Sachau's Alberuni, II. 168.] It is the common sun element in Saivism -and in Vaishnavism that gives their holiness to the sunset shrines -of Somanátha and Dwárka. For (Ditto, 169) the setting sun is the -door whence men march forth into the world of existence Westwards, -heavenwards. - -[327] This explanation is hardly satisfactory. The name Gehlot seems -to be Guhila-putra from Gobhila-putra an ancient Bráhman gotra, -one of the not uncommon cases of Rájputs with a Bráhman gotra. The -Rájput use of a Bráhman gotra is generally considered a technical -affiliation, a mark of respect for some Bráhman teacher. It seems -doubtful whether the practice is not a reminiscence of an ancestral -Bráhman strain. This view finds confirmation in the Aitpur inscription -(Tod's Annals, I. 802) which states that Guhadit the founder of the -Gohil tribe was of Bráhman race Vipra kula. Compare the legend (Rás -Málá, I. 13) that makes the first Síláditya of Valabhi (A.D. 590-609) -the son of a Bráhman woman. Compare (Elliot, I. 411) the Bráhman Chách -(A.D. 630-670) marrying the widow of the Sháhi king of Alor in Sindh -who is written of as a Rájput though like the later (A.D. 850-1060) -Shahiyas of Kábul (Alberuni, Sachau II. 13) the dynasty may possibly -have been Bráhmans. ((In support of a Bráhman origin is Prinsep's -conjecture (J. A. S. Bl. LXXIV. [Feb. 1838] page 93) that Divaij -the name of the first recorded king may be Dvija or Twice-born. But -Divaij for Deváditya, like Silaij for Síláditya, seems simpler -and the care with which the writer speaks of Chach as the Bráhman -almost implies that his predecessors were not Bráhmans. According to -Elliot (II. 426) the Páls of Kábul were Rájputs, perhaps Bhattias.)) -The following passage from Hodgson's Essays (J. A. Soc. Bl. II. 218) -throws light on the subject: Among the Khás or Rájputs of Nepál the -sons of Bráhmans by Khás women take their fathers' gotras. Compare -Ibbetson's Panjáb Census 1881 page 236. - -[328] Tod's Annals, I. 229-231. - -[329] Annals, I. 229. - -[330] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 81; Tod's Annals, I. 235 and note -*. Tod's dates are confused. The Aitpur inscription (Ditto, page 230) -gives Sakti Kumára's date A.D. 968 (S. 1024) while the authorities -which Tod accepts (Ditto, 231) give A.D. 1068 (S. 1125). That the -Moris were not driven out of Chitor as early as A.D. 728 is proved -by the Navsárí inscription which mentions the Arabs defeating the -Mauryas as late as A.D. 738-9 (Sam. 490). See above page 56. - -[331] Tod Western India 268 says Siddha Rája (A.D. 1094-1143): Múla -Rája (A.D. 942-997) seems correct. See Rás Málá, I. 65. - -[332] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 672. - -[333] The chronicles of Bhadrod, fifty-one miles south-west of -Bhávnagar, have (Káth. Gaz. 380) a Selait Vála as late as A.D. 1554. - -[334] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 672. Another account places the movement -south after the arrival of the Gohils A.D. 1250. According to local -traditions the Válas did not pass to Bhadrod near Mahuva till A.D. 1554 -(Káth. Gaz. 380) and from Bhadrod (Káth. Gaz. 660) retired to Dholarva. - -[335] Káth. Gaz. 111 and 132. According to the Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, -II. 60) the inhabitants of the ports of Mahua and Tulája were of the -Vála tribe. - -[336] Káth. Gaz. 680. - -[337] Káth. Gaz. 414. - -[338] The Vála connection with the Káthis complicates their -history. Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 130) seems to favour the view that the -Válas were the earliest wave of Káthis who came into Káthiáváda from -Málwa apparently with the Guptas (A.D. 450) (Ditto, 671). Col. Watson -seems to have been led to this conclusion in consequence of the -existence of the petty state of Kátti in west Khándesh. But the people -of the Kátti state in west Khándesh are Bhils or Kolis. Neither the -people nor the position of the country seems to show connection with -the Káthis of Káthiáváda. Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 130) inclines to -hold that the Válas are an example of the rising of a lower class to -be Rájputs. That both Válas and Káthis are northerners admitted into -Hinduism may be accepted. Still it seems probable that on arrival -in Káthiáváda the Válas were the leaders of the Káthis and that it -is mainly since the fall of Valabhi that a large branch of the Válas -have sunk to be Káthis. The Káthi traditions admit the superiority of -the Válas. According to Tod (Western India, 270: Annals, I. 112-113) -the Káthis claim to be a branch or descendants of the Válas. In -Káthiáváda the Válas, the highest division of Káthis (Rás Málá, -I. 296; Káth. Gaz. 122, 123, 131, 139), admit that their founder -was a Vála Rájput who lost caste by marrying a Káthi woman. Another -tradition (Rás Málá, I. 296; Káth. Gaz. 122 note 1) records that the -Káthis flying from Sindh took refuge with the Válas and became their -followers. Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 130) considers the practice in -Porbandar and Navánagar of styling any lady of the Dhánk Vála family -who marries into their house Káthiáníbái the Káthi lady proves that -the Válas are Káthis. But as this name must be used with respect -it may be a trace that the Válas claim to be lords of the Káthis as -the Jetwas claim to be lords of the Mers. That the position of the -Válas and Káthis as Rájputs is doubtful in Káthiáváda and is assured -(Tod's Annals, I. 111) in Rájputána is strange. The explanation may -perhaps be that aloofness from Muhammadans is the practical test of -honour among Rájputána Hindus, and that in the troubled times between -the thirteenth and the seventeenth centuries, like the Jhálás, the -Válas and Káthis may have refused Moghal alliances, and so won the -approval of the Ránás of Mewád. - -[339] Káth. Gaz. 110-129. - -[340] Western India, 207; Annals, I. 112-113. - -[341] It is worthy of note that Bálas and Káthiás are returned from -neighbouring Panjáb districts. Bálas from Dehra Ismail Khán (Panjáb -Census Report 1891 Part III. 310), Káthiá Rájputs from Montgomery -(Ditto, 318), and Káthiá Játs from Jhang and Dera Ismail Khán (Ditto, -143). Compare Ibbetson's (1881) Panjáb Census, I. 259, where the -Káthias are identified with the Kathaioi who fought Alexander the Great -(B.C. 325) and also with the Káthis of Káthiáváda. According to this -report (page 240) the Válas are said to have come from Málwa and are -returned in East Panjáb. - -[342] Tod's Annals, I. 83 and 215; Elliot, II. 410; -Jour. B. Br. A. S. XXIII. - -[343] Annals, I. 215. - -[344] Kath. Gaz. 589. - -[345] Brihat-Samhitá, XIV. 21. The usual explanation (compare Fleet -Ind. Ant. XXII. 180) Gold-Sakas seems meaningless. - -[346] Sachau, II. 11. Among the legends are the much-applied tales -of the foot-stamped cloth and the self-sacrificing minister. - -[347] Western India, 213. - -[348] Tod's Annals, I. 83, 215; Western India, 270-352. - -[349] Sachau, I. 208, II. 341. For the alleged descent of the Sesodiás -and Válas from Ráma of the Sun race the explanation may be offered -that the greatness of Kanishka, whose power was spread from the Ganges -to the Oxus, in accordance with the Hindu doctrine (compare Beal's -Buddhist Records, I. 99 & 152; Rás Málá, I. 320; Fryer's New Account, -190) that a conqueror's success is the fruit of transcendent merit -in a former birth, led to Kanishka being considered an incarnation -of Ráma. A connection between Kanishka and the race of the Sun would -be made easy by the intentional confusing of the names Kshatrapa and -Kshatriya and by the fact that during part at least of his life fire -and the sun were Kanishka's favourite deities. - -[350] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 81: Tod's Annals, I. 235. - -[351] The invasion of Sindh formerly (Reinaud's Fragments, 29) supposed -to be by Naushirván in person according to fuller accounts seems to -have been a raid by the ruler of Seistán (Elliot, I. 407). Still -Reinaud (Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 127) holds that in sign of vassalage -the Sindh king added a Persian type to his coins. - -[352] Compare Tod's Annals, I. 235-239 and Rawlinson's Seventh -Monarchy, 576. - -[353] Rawlinson Seventh Monarchy, 452 note 3. - -[354] Compare Tod's Annals, I. 63; Thomas' Prinsep, I. 413; -Cunningham's Arch. Survey, VI. 201. According to their own accounts -(Rás Málá, I. 296) the Káthis learned sun-worship from the Vála of -Dhánk by whom the famous temple of the sun at Thán in Káthiáváda -was built. - -[355] Válas Musalmán Játs in Lahor and Gurdaspur: Váls in Gujarát and -Gujranwálá: Váls in Mozafarnagar and Dhera Ismael Khan. Also Válahs -Hindus in Kángra. Panjáb Census of 1891, III. 162. - -[356] Brihat Samhitá, V. 80. - -[357] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 140-141. - -[358] The references are; Langlois' Harivamsa, I. 388-420, -II. 178. That in A.D. 247 Balkh or Báktria was free from Indian -overlordship (McCrindle's Periplus, 121), and that no more distant -tribe than the Gandháras finds a place in the Harivamsa lists combine -to make it almost certain that, at the time the Harivamsa was written, -whatever their origin may have been, the Báhlikas were settled not -in Báktria but in India. - -[359] The passage from the Karna Parva or Eighth Book of the -Mahábhárata is quoted in Muir's Sanskrit Texts, II. 482, and in greater -fullness in St. Martin's Geog. Greque et Latine de l'Inde, 402-410. The -Báhikas or Bálhikas are classed with the Madras, Gandháras, Arattas, -and other Panjáb tribes. In their Bráhman families it is said the -eldest son alone is a Bráhman. The younger brothers are without -restraint Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sudras, even Barbers. A Bráhman -may sink to be a Barber and a barber may rise to be a Bráhman. The -Báhikas eat flesh even the flesh of the cow and drink liquor. Their -women know no restraint. They dance in public places unclad save with -garlands. In the Harivamsa (Langlois, I. 493 and II. 178, 388, 420) -the Bahlikas occur in lists of kings and peoples. - -[360] Kern in Muir's Sanskrit Texts, II. 446. St. Martin (Geog. Greque -et Latine de l'Inde, 149) takes Báhika to be a contraction of -Báhlika. Reasons are given below for considering the Mahábhárata form -Báhika a confusion with the earlier tribes of that name rather than a -contraction of Báhlika or Bálhika. The form Báhika was also favoured -by the writer in the Mahábhárata because it fitted with his punning -derivation from their two fiend ancestors Vahi and Hika. St. Martin, -408. - -[361] St. Martin Geog. Greque et Latine de l'Inde, 403, -puts the probable date at B.C. 380 or about fifty years before -Alexander. St. Martin held that the passage belonged to the final -revision of the poem. Since St. Martin's time the tendency has been -to lower the date of the final revision by at least 500 years. The -fact noted by St. Martin (Ditto, page 404) that Jartika which the -Mahábhárata writer gives as another name for Báhika is a Sanskritised -form of Jat further supports the later date. It is now generally -accepted that the Jats are one of the leading tribes who about the -beginning of the Christian era passed from Central Asia into India. - -[362] The name Valabhi, as we learn from the Jain historians, is -a Sanskritised form of Valahi, which can be easily traced back to -one of the many forms (Bálhíka, Bálhika, Balhika, Bahlíka, Báhlika, -Váhlíka, Vahlíka, Válhíka, Válhika, Valhika) of a tribal name which -is of common occurrence in the Epics. This name is, no doubt rightly, -traced back to the city of Balkh, and originally denoted merely the -people of Baktria. There is, however, evidence that the name also -denoted a tribe doubtless of Baktrian origin, but settled in India: -the Emperor Chandra speaks of defeating the Váhlikas after crossing the -seven mouths of the Indus: Varáha-Mihira speaks of the Válhikas along -with the people who dwell on Sindhu's banks (Br. Sam. V. 80): and, -most decisive of all, the Kásiká Vritti on Pán. VIII. iv. 9 (A.D. 650) -gives Bahlíka as the name of the people of the Sauvíra country, -which, as Alberuni tells us, corresponded to the modern Multán, -the very country to which the traditions of the modern Válas point. - -If the usual derivation of the name Bálhika be accepted, ((There is a -very close parallel in the modern Panjáb, where (see Census Report of -1881) the national name Baluch has become a tribal name in the same way -as Bálhika.)) it is possible to go a step further and fix a probable -limit before which the tribe did not enter India. The name of Balkh -in the sixth century B.C. was, as we learn from Darius' inscriptions, -Bákhtri, and the Greeks also knew it as Baktra: the Avesta form is -Bakhdhi, which according to the laws of sound-change established -by Prof. Darmsteter for the Arachosian language as represented by -the modern Pushtu, would become Bahli (see Chants Populaires des -Afghans, Introd. page xxvii). This reduction of the hard aspirates -to spirants seems to have taken place about the first century A.D.: -parallel cases are the change from Parthava to Palhava, and Mithra -to Mihira. It would seem therefore that the Bahlikas did not enter -India before the first century A.D.: and if we may identify their -subduer Chandra with Chandragupta I., we should have the fourth -century A.D. as a lower limit for dating their invasion. - -Unfortunately, however, these limits cannot at present be regarded as -more than plausible: for the name Balhika or Valhika appears to occur -in works that can hardly be as modern as the first century A.D. The -Atharvaveda-parisishtas might be put aside, as they show strong traces -of Greek influence and are therefore of late date: and the supposed -occurrences in Pánini belong to the commentators and to the Ganapátha -only and are of more or less uncertain age. But the name occurs, in -the form Balhika, in one hymn of the Atharvaveda itself (Book V. 22) -which there is no reason to suppose is of late date. - -The lower limit is also uncertain as the identification of -Chandra of the inscription with the Gupta king is purely -conjectural.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[363] Hodgson's Essays on Indian Subjects, I. 405 Note. - -[364] McCrindle's Periplus, 121. Compare Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, -79. The absence of Indian reference to the Yuechi supports the view -that in India the Yuechi were known by some other name. - -[365] According to Reinaud (Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 82 note 3) probably -the modern Kochanya or Kashania sixty or seventy miles west of -Samarkand. This is Hiuen Tsiang's (A.D. 620) Ki'uh-shwangi-ni-kia or -Kushánika. See Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 34. - -[366] Etude sur la Geographie Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, 147. - -[367] McCrindle's Alexander in India, 350. - -[368] The suggestion is made by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson. - -[369] McCrindle's Alexander, 136. - -[370] McCrindle's Alexander, 252. - -[371] Compare Strabo, XV. I. 8. The Oxydrakai are the descendants of -Dionysus. Again, XV. I. 24: The Malloi and the Oxydrakai who as we -have already said are fabled to be related to Dionysus. - -[372] See McCrindle's Alexander, 157, 369, 378, 398. Compare St. Martin -Geog. Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, 102. - -[373] Strabo, XV. I. 8 and 24, Hamilton's Translation, III. 76, 95. - -[374] References to the vines of Nysa and Meros occur in Strabo, Pliny, -Quintus Curtius, Philostratus, and Justin: McCrindle's Alexander in -India, 193 note 1, 321, and 339. Strabo (Hamilton's Translation, -III. 86) refers to a vine in the country of Musikanus or Upper -Sindh. At the same time (Ditto, 108) Strabo accepts Megasthenês' -statement that in India the wild vine grows only in the hills. - -[375] The Kathaioi Malloi and Oxydrakai are (Arrian in McCrindle's -Alexander, 115, 137, 140, 149) called independent in the sense -of kingless: they (Ditto, 154) sent leading men not ambassadors: -(compare also Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch, Ditto 287, 311): the -Malloi had to chose a leader (Q. Curtius, Ditto 236). - -[376] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 138. - -[377] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 137. - -[378] Cutch Gazetteer, 80. - -[379] Cutch Gazetteer, 81. - -[380] Bom. Gaz. XIV. 372. - -[381] Ind. Ant. VIII. 243. - -[382] Ind. Ant. VIII. 244. - -[383] J. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff.: Proceedings VIIth Oriental Congress, -210ff. - -[384] See Chap. X. below. - -[385] Ind. Ant. XIII. 73. - -[386] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70. - -[387] B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 5. - -[388] For the Moris or Mauryas, described as a branch of Pramáras, who -held Chitor during the eighth century compare Tod. Jr. R. A. S. 211; -Wilson's Works, XII. 132. - -[389] The text of the copperplate runs: - - sharajhasíramudraroddhárini taralataratárataraváridá - [24] ritoditasaindhavakacchellarsoráshtra cávotaka - mauryagurjarádirá [jye] nihshoshadákshinátyakshitipatiji - [25] gíshayá dakshinápathapravesha - ......... prathamamevanavasárikávishayaprasádhanáyágate tvarita - -Plate II. - - [1] turagakharamukharakhurotkhátadharinidhúlidhúsaritadigantare - kuntaprántanitántavimardyamánarabhasábhidhávito - [2] dbhatasthúlodaravivaravinirggatámtraprathutararudhiradhárámjitakavacabhíshanavapushi - svámimahá - [3] sanmánadánagrahana=krayíkritasvashirobhirabhimukhamápatitaipradamyadashanágradashtoshtaputakairane - [4] kasamarájiravivaravarikatitatahayavidhatanavishálitadhanarudhirapatalapátalitapatukrapánapaththairapi - mahá - [5] yovairalabvaparabhágaih - vipakshakshapanákshepakshiprakshipratíkshnakshuraprapraháravilúnavairishira=kamalagalanálairá - [6] havarasarabhasaromámcakamcukáccháditatanúbhiranekairapi - narendravramdavradárakairajitapurvaih vyapagatamasmáka - [7] mranamanena sváminah svashirah - pradánenádyatávadekajanmíyamityevamishopajátaparitoshánantaraprahatapatupa - [8] taharavapravrittakabanvabaddharásamandalíke samarashiráse - vijitetájikánike shoyyánuráginá shrívadatramanarem - [9] drena prasádíkritáparanámacatushtayastaddhyathá - dakshinápathasádháranacalukvikulálamkáraprithvívadatramánivarttakaniva - [10] rttayitravanijanáshrayashrípulakeshirájassarvánevátmíyán - - -[390] Journal B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 105. - -[391] Ind. Ant. VII. 241. - -[392] Ind. Ant. IX. 123. - -[393] Ind. Ant. V. 109ff; Ind. Ant. VII. 61ff.; Jour. R. A. S. (N. S.), -I. 274ff.; Ind. Ant. XIII. 81-91; Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. X. 19ff.; -Ind. Ant. XIII. 115-119. Ind. Ant. XVII. and Ep. Ind. II. 19ff. - -[394] See above page 107. - -[395] That Nándor or Nándod was an old and important city is proved -by the fact that Bráhmans and Vániás called Nándorás that is of -Nándor are found throughout Gujarát, Mángrol and Chorvád on the South -Káthiáváda coast have settlements of Velári betelvine cultivators who -call themselves Nandora Vániás and apparently brought the betelvine -from Nándod. Dr. Bühler, however, identifies the Nándípurí of the -grants with an old fort of the same name about two miles north of -the east gate of Broach. See Ind. Ant. VII. 62. - -[396] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81, 88. - -[397] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70. - -[398] The fact that the Umetá and Iláo plates give their grantor -Dadda II. the title of Mahárájádhirája Supreme Lord of Great Kings, -is one of the grounds for believing them forgeries. - -[399] Ep. Ind. II. 20. - -[400] Ep. Ind. II. 21. - -[401] Ind. Ant. VII. 162. - -[402] Ep. Ind. II. 19. - -[403] Ind. Ant. VII. 68, VIII. 302, XIII. 160, and XV. 187. - -[404] Ind. Ant. VI. 9, VII. 70. - -[405] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81-88. - -[406] Ind. Ant. VII. 70. - -[407] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 266, 268. - -[408] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81-88, Ep. Ind. II. 19. - -[409] On these forged grants see below page 117. - -[410] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70. - -[411] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 259. - -[412] Ind. Ant. VIII. 237. - -[413] Ind. Ant. XV. 335. - -[414] Ind. Ant. V. 109, XIII. 70. - -[415] B. B. R. A. S. Jl. XVI. 1ff. - -[416] Ind. Ant. V. 109, XIII. 70. The earlier grant was made from -Káyávatára (Kárwán): the later one is mutilated. - -[417] Before A.D. 738-9. See Chap. IX. above. - -[418] Tod's Annals of Rájasthán, I. 88; II. 2. - -[419] Ind. Ant. XI. 112. - -[420] Bombay Arch. Sur. Separate Number, 10, 94. - -[421] This verse which immediately follows the mention of Govinda's -conquests on the banks of the Mahí and the Narbadá punningly explains -the name of the Mátar táluka as meaning the Mother's táluka. - -[422] Ind. Ant. XII. 156. - -[423] The Khándesh Reve and Dore Gujars of Chopdá and Raver in the -east, and also over most of the west, may be a remnant of these Gujars -of Broach who at this time (A.D. 740), and perhaps again about sixty -years later, may have been forced up the Narbadá and Tápti into South -Málwa and West Khándesh. This is doubtful as their migration is said -to have taken place in the eleventh century and may have been due -to pressure from the north the effect of Mahmúd Ghaznavi's invasions -(A.D. 1000-1025). - -[424] Ind. Ant. VI. 65; Jour. R. A. Soc. V. 350. - -[425] Ind. Ant. VI. 65. - -[426] The kingdom is not called Láta in the copperplate -but Látesvara-mandala. An unpublished Baroda grant has shástá -pratápaprathitah prithivyám sarvasya láteshvaramandalasya The ruler -famous by glory, of the whole kingdom of the king of Láta. Other -published grants record Govinda's gift of Gujarát to Indra as -taddattalateshvaramandalasya Of him (Indra) to whom the kingdom of -the lord of Láta had been given by him (Govinda). Ind. Ant. XII. 162.] - -[427] Ind. Ant. XII. 160; unpublished Baroda grant. Srívallabha -appears to mean Amoghavarsha who is also called Lakshmívallabha in -an inscription at Sirur in Dhárwár (Ind. Ant. XII. 215). - -[428] Several copperplates give Karka the epithet Putríyatastasya -Son-yearning. - -[429] All village and boundary details have been identified by -Dr. Bühler. Ind. Ant. V. 148. - -[430] Ind. Ant. XIV. 199. - -[431] This donee is said to have been given the name of Jyotishika -by the illustrious Govindarája apparently the uncle and predecessor -of the granting king. - -[432] Ind. Ant. XII. 179. - -[433] Ind. Ant. XII. 184. The verse may be translated 'By whom before -long was occupied the province handed down from his father which had -been overrun by the forces of Vallabha and distracted by numbers of -evil-minded followers.' - -[434] Ind. Ant. XII. 179. - -[435] This plate was in Dr. Bhagvánlál's possession. It is -among the plates bequeathed to the British Museum. Dr. Bhandárkar -(B. B. R. A. S. Jl. XVIII. 255) mentions another unpublished grant -of S. 789 (A.D. 867) made by Dhruva's brother Dantivarmman. - -[436] These may be either the Gurjjaras between Málwa and Gujarát, -or the Bhínmál Gurjjaras north of the Mahí. It is also possible that -they may be Chávadás as in this passage the term Gurjjara does not -refer to the tribe but to the country. [There seems little reason to -doubt the reference is to the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál or Srímál, probably -acting through their underlords the Chávadás of Anahilaváda whose -king in A.D. 865 was the warlike Kshem Rája (A.D. 841-866). Census -and other recent information establish almost with certainty that -the Chávadás or Chávotakas are of the Gurjjara race.] - -[437] The identification is not satisfactory. Except the Bráhman -settlement of Mottaka, apparently the well known Motála Bráhman -settlement of Motá, which is mentioned as situated on the west -though it is on the north-east, none of the boundary villages can -be identified in the neighbourhood of Palsána. In spite of this the -name Palsána and its close vicinity to Bagumrá where the grant was -found make this identification probable. - -[438] Ind. Ant. XIII. 65. - -[439] Ind. Ant. XIII. 65-69. - -[440] These were among Dr. Bhagvánlál's copperplates, and seem -to be the same as the two grants published by Dr. Bhandárkar in -B. B. R. A. S. Jl. XVIII. 253. - -[441] See above page 127. - -[442] The text is: udyaddídhitiratnajálajatilamvyákrishtamídagdhanuh -. kuddhenopari vairivírashirasámevam vimuktáh sharáh . dhárásáriní -sendracápavalaye yasyettha mabdágame garjjaravrúrjjarasamgaravyatikaram -jírnojanah shamsati. - -[443] It will be noted that in Saka 836 (A.D. 914) Krishna's grandson -Indra re-grants 400 resumed villages many of which were perhaps -resumed at this time by Krishna. - -[444] It follows that none of Dhavalappa's three ancestors had any -connection with Gujarát. - -[445] Dr. Hultsch (Ep. Ind. I. 52) identifies Vyághrása with Vaghás, -north-east of Kapadvanj. Dr. Bhagvánlál's account of the grant was -based on an impression sent to him by the Mámlatdár of Kapadvanj. - -[446] The text is: sella vidyádharenápi selu [helo] llálita tapáni -pániná nihatyá shatrún samadhe [re] yashasákulamalamkritam. Dr. Hultsch -takes the Sella-Vidyádhara here named to be another brother of -Prachanda and Akkuka. The verse is corrupt. - -[447] The Khárepátan grant makes this clear by passing over Indra's -father Jagattunga in the genealogy and entering Indra as the grandson -and successor of Akálavarsha. Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. 1. 217. - -[448] The text has Helonmúlitameruná to chime with the poetical -allusion and figure about Indra. By Meru no doubt Mera or Mehr -is meant. - -[449] Kurundaka may be the village of Kurund in the Thána zilla seven -miles north-east of Bhiwndi. It was a village given away in grant and -cannot therefore be any large town. [Kurundvád at the holy meeting -of the Krishna and Pañchgangá in the Southern Marátha Country close -to Narsoba's Vádi seems a more likely place for an investiture.] - -[450] J. R. A. S. III. 94. - -[451] Ind. Ant. XI. 109. - -[452] See above. - -[453] Though the name of the gotra Lakshamanasa and Láksháyanasa -differs slightly in the two grants, the identity of the name Nennapa -the son of Dhoddi and the father of Siddhabhatta the A.D. 914 grantee, -suggests that the original grant of the village of Tenna by Dhruva -I. (A.D. 795) had been cancelled in the interval and in A.D. 914 was -renewed by king Indra Nityamvarsha. [Dr. Bhandárkar reads the name -in Indra's Navsárí grant (A.D. 914) as Vennapa.] - -[454] That in A.D. 915 the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas held Gujarát as far -north as Cambay is supported by the Arab traveller Al Masúdi who -(Prairies d'Or, I. 253-254) speaks of Cambay, when he visited it, -as a flourishing town ruled by Bania the deputy of the Balhára lord -of Mánkir. The country along the gulf of Cambay was a succession of -gardens villages fields and woods with date-palm and other groves -alive with peacocks and parrots. - -[455] It seems doubtful whether the Kánarese Rattas the Belgaum -Radis and the Telugu Reddis could have been Rástikas or locals in -the north Dakhan. The widespread Reddis trace their origin (Balfour's -Encyclopædia of India, III. 350) to Rájamandri about thirty miles from -the mouth of the Godávari. A tradition of a northern origin remains -among some of the Reddis. The Tinnivelly Reddis (Madras J. Lit. and -Science, 1887-88, page 136 note 96) call themselves Audh Reddis and -assert that Oudh is the native country of their tribe. The late Sir -George Campbell (J. R. As. Soc. XXXV. Part II. 129) has recorded -the notable fact that the fine handsome Reddis of the north of the -Kánara country are like the Játs. With this personal resemblance may be -compared the Reddis' curious form of polyandry (Balfour's Encyclopædia, -III. 330) in accordance with which the wife of the child-husband -bears children to the adult males of the family, a practice which -received theories (compare Mr. Kirkpatrick in Indian Ant. VII. 86 -and Dr. Muir in Ditto VI. 315) would associate with the northern -or Skythian conquerors of Upper India during the early centuries -of the Christian era. In support of a northern Ráta element later -than Asoka's Rástikas the following points may be noted. That the -Kshaharáta or Khaharáta tribe to which the great northern conqueror -Nahápana (A.D. 180) belonged should disappear from the Dakhan seems -unlikely. Karahátaka the Mahábhárata name (As. Res. XV. 47, quoted -in Wilson's Works VI. 178) for Karád on the Krishna suggests that -Nahapána's conquest included Sátára and that the name of the holy -place on the Krishna was altered to give it a resemblance to the -name of the conqueror's tribe. That, perhaps after their overthrow by -Gautamíputra-Sátakarni (A.D. 140), the Khaharátas may have established -a local centre at Kurandwád at the meeting of the Krishna and the -Pañchgangá may be the explanation why in A.D. 914, centuries after -Mányakheta or Málkhet had become their capital, the Ráshtrakúta Indra -should proceed for investiture to Kurundaka, which, though this is -doubtful, may be Kurandwád. The parallel case of the Khaharátas' -associates the Palhavas, who passed across the southern Dakhan and -by intermarriage have in the Pállas assumed the characteristics of -a southern tribe, give a probability to the existence of a northern -Khaharáta or Ráta element in the southern Ráshtrakúta and Rattas -which the facts at present available would not otherwise justify. - -[456] The eleventh century Kanauj Gáhadaválas are now represented -by the Bundelas who about A.D. 1200 overthrew the Chándols in -Bundelkhand. These Gáharwáls or Bundelas trace their origin to -Benares or Kási and may, as Hoernle suggests, have been related -to the Pálas of that city who several times intermarried with the -Dakhan Ráshtrakútas. The Gáharwáls seem to have nothing to do with -the district of Garhwál (Gadwál) in the Himálayas.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[457] The Vatsarája defeated by Dhruva who has hitherto been -identified with the Vatsa king of Kosambi is more likely to prove -to be a Bachrája of the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál or Srímál in north -Gujarát. Among references to southern settlements in North India -between A.D. 600 and 1000 may be noted the tradition (Wilson's Indian -Caste, II. 143) of a Dravidian strain in the Kashmir Bráhmans and -in the eleventh century also in Kashmir (Rajátaranginí, VI. 337) -the presence of a Sátaváhana dynasty bearing the same name as the -early Sátaváhanas of Paithan near Ahmadnagar. Other instances which -might seem more directly associated with the southern Ráshtrakútas -(A.D. 500-970) are the six Kárnátaka rulers of Nepál beginning with -A.D. 889 (Ind. Ant. VII. 91) and the natives of Karnátadesa in Máhmúd -Ghaznavi's army (A.D. 1000-1025) who (Sachau's Alberuni, I. 173; -II. 157) used the Karnáta alphabet. The presence of Karnáta rulers -in Nepál in the ninth and tenth centuries remains a puzzle. But -the use of the term Karnáta for Chálukyas of Kalyán in A.D. 1000 -(Ep. Ind. I. 230) suggests that the Nepál chiefs were Chálukyas -rather than Ráshtrakútas: while Máhmúd Ghaznavi's Karnátas may -naturally be traced to the mercenary remains of Bárappa's army of -Kalyán Chálukyas whose general Bárappa was slain (Rás Málá, I. 51) -and his followers dispersed in north Gujarát by Múla Rája Solanki -at the close of the tenth century. The only recorded connection of -the southern Ráshtrakútas with Northern India during the middle ages -(A.D. 750-1150) are their intermarriages with the Pálas of Benares -(A.D. 850-1000) mentioned above (Page 132 Note 1), and, between -A.D. 850 and 950, with the Kalachuris of Tripura near Jabalpur -(Cunningham's Arch. Survey Report for 1891, IX. 80). - -[458] The details compiled from the excellent index and tables in -the Panjáb Census yield the following leading groups: 37 sub-castes -named Ráthor, Rátor, and other close variants; 53 Rath and Rathis -and 2 Rahtas; 50 Ratas, Ratis, or other close variants. Compare Ráhti -the name of the people of Mount Abu (Rájputána Gazetteer, III. 139) -and the Raht tract in the north-west of Alvar (Ditto, 167). - -[459] Ind. Ant. XII. 179. - -[460] Ind. Ant. II. 257. - -[461] Ind. Ant. XII. 151. - -[462] The inscription calls Chápa the founder of the dynasty. The -name is old. A king Vyághrarája of the Chápa Vamsa, is mentioned -by the astronomer Brahmagupta as reigning in Saka 550 (A.D. 628) -when he wrote his book called Brahma-Gupta Siddhánta. The -entry runs "In the reign of Srí Vyághramukha of the Srí Chápa -dynasty, five hundred and fifty years after the Saka king having -elapsed." Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. VIII. 27. For Dharanívaráha's grant -see Ind. Ant. XII. 190ff. - -[463] Elliot's History, I. 266. - -[464] According to the Káthiáwár Gazetteer pages 110 and 278, the -first wave reached about A.D. 650 and the second about 250 years -later. Dr. Bhagvánlál's identification of the Mers with the Maitrakas -would take back their arrival in Káthiáváda from about A.D. 650 to -about A.D. 450. The Mers were again formidable in Gujarát in the late -ninth and early tenth centuries. In A.D. 867 (see above Pages 127 -and 130) the Ráshtrakúta Dhruva II, checked an inroad of a Mihira -king with a powerful army. Again in A.D. 914 the Ráshtrakúta Indra -in a moment uprooted the Mehr (Ditto). - -[465] The Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, II. 69) notices that the sixth -division of Sauráshtra, which was almost impervious by reason of -mountains rivers and woods, was (A.D. 1580) inhabited by the tribe -Cheetore that is Jetwa. - -[466] Of the Jhálás or Chalahs the Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, II. 64) -has: Chaláwareh (in north-east Káthiáváda) formerly independent and -inhabited by the tribe of Chálah. - -[467] Tod's Annals of Rájasthán, II. 113. - -[468] Elliot and Dowson, I. 114 and 519-531. It is noted in the text -that to the Arab invaders of the eighth and ninth centuries the Medhs -of Hind were the chief people of Káthiáváda both in Soráth in the -south and in Mália in the north. They were as famous by sea as by -land. According to Beláduri (A.D. 950) (Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, -234-235) the Meyds of Sauráshtra and Kacch were sailors who lived on -the sea and sent fleets to a distance. Ibn Khurdádba (A.D. 912) and -Idrísi (A.D. 1130), probably from the excellent Aljauhari (Reinaud's -Abulfeda, lxiii. and Elliot, I. 79), have the form Mand. Elliot, -I. 14. The form Mand survives in a musical mode popular in Rájputána, -which is also called Rajewári. The Mand is like the Central Asian -Mus-ta-zad (K. S. Fazullah Lutfallah.) - -[469] Indian Antiquary, VI. 191. - -[470] Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 11. - -[471] Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 66; North-West Province Gazetteer, -III. 265; Ibbetson's Panjáb Census page 261. Some of these -identifications are doubtful. Dr. Bhagvánlál in the text (21 Note 6 -and 33) distinguishes between the Mevas or Medas whom he identifies as -northern immigrants of about the first century B.C. and the Mers. This -view is in agreement with the remark in the Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 66, -that the Mers have been suspected to be a relic of the Indo-Skythian -Meds. Again Tod (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 9) derives Meváda from madhya -(Sk.) middle, and the Mer of Merwáda from meru a hill. In support of -Tod's view it is to be noted that the forts Balmer Jesalmer Komalmer -and Ajmer, which Pandit Bhagvánlál would derive from the personal -names of Mer leaders, are all either hill forts or rocks (Annals, -I. 11, and Note †). It is, on the other hand, to be noted that no hill -forts out of this particular tract of country are called Mers, and -that the similar names Koli and Malava, which with equal probability -as Medh might be derived from Koh and Mala hill, seem to be tribal -not geographical names. - -[472] The tales cited in the Rás Málá (I. 103) prove that most of the -Kolis between Gujarát and Káthiáváda are Mairs. That till the middle -of the tenth century the south-east of Káthiáváda was held by Medhs -(Káth. Gazetteer, 672) supports the view that the Kolis, whom about -A.D. 1190 (Tod's Western India, I. 265) the Gohils drove out of the -island of Piram, were Medhs, and this is in agreement with Idrísi -(A.D. 1130 Elliot, I. 83) who calls both Piram and the Medhs by the -name Mand. Similarly some of the Koli clans of Kacch (Gazetteer, 70) -seem to be descended from the Medhs. And according to Mr. Dalpatram -Khakkar three subdivisions of Brahmo-Kshatris, of which the best -known are the Mansura Mers and the Pipalia Mers, maintain the surname -Mair or Mer. (Cutch Gazetteer, 52 note 2.) Mera or Mehra is a common -surname among Sindhi Baluchis. Many of the best Musalmán captains and -pilots from Káthiáváda, Kacch, and the Makrán coast still have Mer -as a surname. Mehr is also a favourite name among both Khojáhs and -Memans, the two special classes of Káthiáváda converts to Islám. The -Khojáhs explain the name as meaning Meher Ali the friend of Ali; -the Memans also explain Mer as Meher or friend. But as among Memans -Mer is a common name for women as well as for men the word can hardly -mean friend. The phrase Merbaí or Lady Mer applied to Meman mothers -seems to have its origin in the Rájput practice of calling the wife -by the name of her caste or tribe as Káthiáníbaí, Meraníbaí. In the -case both of the Khojáhs and the Memans the name Mer seems to be the -old tribal name continued because it yielded itself to the uses of -Islám. Mehr, Mihr, and Mahar are also used as titles of respect. The -Khánt Kolis of Girnár, apparently a mixture of the Maitrakas of the -text and of a local hill tribe, still (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 142) -honour their leaders with the name Mer explaining the title by the -Gujaráti mer the main bead in a rosary. Similarly in Málwa a Gurjjara -title is Mihr (Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 80) and in the Panjáb Máhar -(Gazetteer of Panjáb, Gujrát, 50-51). And in Kacch the headman among -the Bharwáds, who according to some accounts are Gurjjarás, is called -Mir (Cutch Gazetteer, 81). Similarly among the Rabáris of Kacch the -name of the holy she-camel is Máta Meri. (Ditto, 80.) All these terms -of respect are probably connected with Mihira, Sun. - -[473] Compare Tod (Western India, 420): Though enrolled among the -thirty-six royal races we may assert the Jethvás have become Hindus -only from locality and circumstance. Of the Jhálás Tod says (Rajasthán, -I. 113): As the Jhálás are neither Solar Lunar nor Agnikula they must -be strangers. Again (Western India, 414): The Jhálá Makvánás are a -branch of Húnas. Of the name Makvána (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 111; Rás -Málá, I. 297) two explanations may be offered, either that the word -comes from Mák the dewy tracts in Central Kacch (Cutch Gazetteer, -75 note 2) where (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 420) the Jhálás stopped when -the Mers and Jethvás passed south, or that Makvána represents Mauna -a Puránic name for the Húnas (Wilson's Works, IV. 207). Tod's and -Wilford's (Asiatic Researches, IX. 287) suggestion that Makvána -is Maháhuna is perhaps not phonetically possible. At the same time -that the Makvánás are a comparatively recent tribe of northerners is -supported by the ascendancy in the fourteenth century in the Himálayas -of Makvánis (Hodgson's Essays, I. 397; Government of India Selections -XLVII. 54 and 119) who used the Indo-Skythian title Sáh (Ditto). With -the Nepal Makvánis may be compared the Makpons or army-men the caste of -the chief of Baltistán or Little Tibet. Vigne's Kashmir, II. 258, 439. - -[474] The evidence in support of the statement that the Maitrakas -and Húnas fought at the same time against the same Hindu rulers is -given in the text. One of the most important passages is in the grant -of Dhruvasena III. (Epig. Ind. I. 89 [A.D. 653-4]) the reference to -Bhatárka the founder of Valabhi (A.D. 509-520) meeting in battle the -matchless armies of the Maitrakas. - -[475] Mr. Fleet (Epigraphia Indica, III. 327 and note 12) would -identify Mihirakula's tribe with the Maitrakas. More recent evidence -shows that his and his father Toramána's tribe was the Jáuvlas. That -the White Húnas or other associated tribes were sun-worshippers -appears from a reference in one of Mihirakula's inscriptions (Corpus -Inscriptionum Indicarum, III. 161) to the building of a specially fine -temple of the sun; and from the fact that in Kashmír Mihirakula founded -a city Mihirapura and a temple to Mihireshwar. (Darmsteter in Journal -Asiatique, X. 70: Fleet in Indian Antiquary, XV. 242-252.) Mihirakula's -(A.D. 508-530) sun-worship may have been the continuance of the Kushán -(A.D. 50-150) worship of Mithro or Helios (Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, -357). At the same time the fact that Mihirakula uses the more modern -form Mihir makes it probable (Compare Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, -284) that Mihirakula's sun-worship was more directly the result of the -spread of sun-worship in Central Asia under the fiercely propagandist -Sassanians Varahan V. or Behram Gor (A.D. 420-440), and his successors -Izdigerd II. (A.D. 440-457), and Perozes (A.D. 457-483). The extent to -which Zoroastrian influence pervaded the White Húnas is shown by the -Persian name not only of Mihirakula but of Kushnawaz (A.D. 470-490) -the great emperor of the White Húnas the overthrower of Perozes. That -this Indian sun-worship, which, at latest, from the seventh to the -tenth century made Multán so famous was not of local origin is shown -by the absence of reference to sun-worship in Multán in the accounts -of Alexander the Great. Its foreign origin is further shown by the -fact that in the time of Beruni (A.D. 1020 Sachau's Edition, I. 119) -the priests were called Maghas and the image of the sun was clad in a -northern dress falling to the ankles. It is remarkable as illustrating -the Hindu readiness to adopt priests of conquering tribes into the -ranks of Bráhmans that the surname Magha survives (Cutch Gazetteer, -52 note 2) among Shrimáli Bráhmans. These Maghas are said to have -married Bhoja or Rájput girls and to have become the Bráhman Bhojaks -of Dwárka. Even the Mands who had Saka wives, whose descendants were -named Mandagas, obtained a share in the temple ceremonies. Reinaud's -Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 393. - -[476] Wilson's Vishnu Purána Preface XXXIX. in Reinaud's Mémoire Sur -l'Inde, 391. Details are given in Wilson's Works, X. 381-385. - -[477] Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 393; Wilson's Works, X. 382. - -[478] The name Mehiraga is explained in the Bhavishya Purána as derived -from their ancestress a daughter of the sage Rigu or Rijvahva of the -race named Mihira (Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 393; Wilson's Works, -X. 382). The name Mihiraga suggests that the spread of sun-worship -in the Panjáb and Sindh, of which the sun-worship in Multán Sindh -Káthiáváda and Mewád and the fire-worshipping Rájput and Sindh coins of -the fifth and sixth centuries are evidence, was helped by the spread of -Sassanian influence into Baluchistán Kacch-Gandevi and other parts of -western Sindh, through Sakastene the modern western Seistan near the -lake Helmund. This Sakastene or land of the Sakas received its name -from the settlement in it of one of the earlier waves of the Yuechi -in the second or first century before Christ. The name explains the -statement in the Bhavishya Purána that sun-worship was introduced -by Magas into Multán from Sakadvipa the land of the Sakas. In this -connection it is interesting to note that Darmsteter (Zend Avesta, -xxxiv.) holds that the Zend Avesta was probably completed during the -reign of Sháhpur II. (A.D. 309-379): that (lxxxix.) Zend was a language -of eastern Persia an earlier form of Pashtu; and that (lxxxiv.) western -Seistan and the Helmund river was the holy land of the Avesta the -birth-place of Zoroaster and the scene of king Vishtasp's triumphs. A -memory of the spread of this western or Sassanian influence remains in -the reference in the Mujmalu-T-Tawárikh in Elliot, I. 107-109, to the -fire temples established in Kandabil (Gandevi) and Buddha (Mansura) by -Mahra a general of Bahman that is of Varahran V. (A.D. 420-440). It -seems probable that Mahra is Mehr the family name or the title -(Rawlinson's Sassanian Monarchy, 224 note 4 and 312) of the great -Mihran family of Persian nobles. The general in question may be the -Mehr-Narses the minister of Varahran's son and successor Izdigerd -II. (A.D. 440-457), who enforced Zoroastrianism in Armenia (Rawlinson, -Ditto 305-308). Mehr's success may be the origin of the Indian stories -of Varahran's visit to Málwa. It may further be the explanation of the -traces of fire temples and towers of silence noted by Pottinger (1810) -in Baluchistán (Travels, 126-127) about sixty miles west of Khelat. - -[479] Wilson's Works, IX. 207. - -[480] Compare Priaulx's Embassies, 222. - -[481] The White Húnas overran Bakhtria and the country of the Yuechi -between A.D. 450 and 460. About a hundred years later they were crushed -between the advancing Turks and the Sassanian Chosroes I. or Naushirván -(A.D. 537-590). Rawlinson's Sassanian Monarchy, 420; Specht in Journal -Asiatique (1883) Tom II. 349-350. The Húnas supremacy in North India -did not last beyond A.D. 530 or 540. The overthrow of their supremacy -perhaps dates from A.D. 540 the battle of Karur about sixty miles east -of Multán, their conqueror being Yasodharmman of Málwa the second of -the three great Vikramádityas of Málwa. Of the Húnas' position among -Hindu castes Colonel Tod says: The Húnas are one of the Skyths who -have got a place among the thirty-six races of India. They probably -came along with the Káthi, Bála, and Makvána of Sauráshtra. Tod's -Annals of Rajasthán, I. 110. - -[482] Specht in Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 348. - -[483] Specht in Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 349. - -[484] Compare above Chapter VII. page 73 note 3. - -[485] Dr. Bhagvánlál (Text, 33) traces one set of Medhs to the -Mevas the tribe of Ysamotika the father of the Kshatrapa Chashtana -(A.D. 130). He holds these Mevas entered India (21) with the Malayas, -Palhavas, and Ábhíras about B.C. 150(?) At the same time he seems to -have considered those early Mevas different from the fifth and sixth -century Mihiras and from the seventh and eighth century Medhs. - -[486] Arch. Report for 1863-64, II. 52. In support of this -Cunningham cites Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Euthymedia that is Sagala, -sixty miles north-west of Lahor, and the Media of Peutinger's -Tables (A.D. 400). This Euthymedia is a corruption of the original -Euthydemia the name given to Sagala by Demetrios (B.C. 190) the great -Græco-Baktrian in honour of his father Euthydemos (Compare Text page -16 and McCrindle's Ptolemy, 124). Of the cause of this change of -name, which may be only a clerical error, two different explanations -have been offered. Tod (An. of Rajn. I. 233) would make the new form -Yuthi-media the Middle Yuchi. Cunningham (Arch. Surv. Rep. II. 53) -would attribute it to the southward migration towards Sindh about -B.C. 50 of the Kushán-pressed horde which under Moas or Mogha came -from Little Tibet and entered the Panjáb either by way of Kashmír or -down the Swát valley. According to General Cunningham (Ditto, 53) -the followers of this Moas were Mandrueni called after the Mandrus -river south of the Oxus. The two forms Medh and Mand are due to the -cerebral which explains the Minnagaras of Ptolemy and the Periplus; -Masudi's (A.D. 915) Mind and Ibn Khurdádbha's (died A.D. 912) and -Idrísi's (perhaps from Aljauhari) Mand (Elliot, I. 14 and 79, Reinaud's -Abulfeda, lxiii.); the present associated Mers and Mins in Rájputána -(Ditto, 53); and perhaps the Musalmán Meos and Minas of the Panjáb -(Ibbetson's Census, 261). - -[487] The Jethvás are closely allied to the Medhs (Káth. Gaz. 138); -they entered Káthiáváda along with the Medhs (Ditto, 278). - -[488] The passages are somewhat contradictory. Tod (Western India, -413) says: Jethvás marry with Káthis, Ahirs, and Mers. In the -Káthiáwár Gazetteer (page 110) Colonel Barton seems to admit the -Jethvás' claim to be of distinct origin from the Mers. In another -passage he says (page 138): The Mers claim to be Jethvás: this the -Jethvás deny. So also Colonel Watson in one passage (page 621) seems -to favour a distinct origin while in another (page 279) he says: It -seems probable the Jethvás are merely the ruling family Rájkula of the -Mers and that they are all of one tribe. Two points seem clear. The -Jethvás are admitted to rank among Káthiáváda Rájputs and they formerly -married with the Mers. The further question whether the Jethvás were -originally of a distinct and higher tribe remains undetermined. - -[489] Bombay Administration Report for 1873. Colonel Tod made the -same suggestion: Western India, 256. Compare Pottinger's (Travels in -Baluchistán, 81) identification of the Jeths of Kacch-Gandevi north -of Khelat with Játs or Jits. - -[490] Tod's Western India, 413. - -[491] Compare Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, I. 294. Like the Chálukyas -and other tribes the Jethvás trace the name Jethva to a name-giving -chief. Of the Jethvás Tod says (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 114): The -Jethvás have all the appearance of Skythian descent. As they make -no pretension to belong to any of the old Indian races they may be a -branch of Skythians. In his Western India (page 412), though confused -by his identification of Sánkha-dwára with Sakotra instead of with -Bet-Dwárka (compare Káth. Gaz. 619), Tod still holds to a northern -origin of the Jethvás. - -[492] Nos. 6 and 82 of Colonel Watson's List, Káthiáwár Gazetteer, -621. The Pandit's evidence in the text ascribes to the somewhat -doubtful Jáikadeva a date of A.D. 738 (Vikram 794); to Jáchikadeva -a date of about A.D. 904 (Gupta 585); and to the Ghúmli ruins a -probable eleventh century. Tod (Western India, 417) traces the -Jethvás further back putting the founding of Ghúmli or Bhúmli at -about A.D. 692 (S. 749) the date of a settlement between the Tuars -of Delhi and the Jethvás (Ditto, 411). Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 278) -gives either A.D. 650 or A.D. 900. - -[493] The form Yetha is used by the Chinese pilgrim Sung-yun -A.D. 519. Beal's Buddhist Records, I. xc. - -[494] Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 319. - -[495] Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 314. - -[496] Compare for the chief's name Jetha, Colonel Watson Káth. Gaz. 622 -in the Jyeshtha Nakshatra. - -[497] Priaulx's Embassies, 220; Migne's Patrologiæ Cursus Vol. 88 -page 98. - -[498] Census of 1891. III. 116. A reference to the Jhauvlas is given -above page 75 note 4. General Cunningham (Ninth Oriental Congress, -I. 228-244) traces the tribe of Jhauvla ruling in Sindh, Zabulistan -or Ghazni, and Makran from the sixth to the eighth and ninth centuries. - -[499] Tod's Western India, 194 Note [++]. Tod adds: Chand abounds -in such jeu-de-mot on the names of tribes. - -[500] Rás Málá, I. 302: Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 111. - -[501] Tod's Annals of Rajasthán, I. 111. - -[502] Among references to Húnas may be noted: In the Váyu Purána -(Sachau's Alberuni, I. 300) in the west between Karnaprávarna and -Darva; in the Vishnu Purána Húnas between the Saindhavas and the -Sálvás (Wilson's Works, VII. 133 and 134 Note †); in the eighth century -Ungutsi lord of the Húnas who helped Chitor (Tod's Annals, II. 457); in -the Khichi bard Mogji, traditions of many powerful Húna kings in India -(Tod's Annals, I. 111 Note †) among them the Húna chief of Barolli -(Ditto, II. 705); and Rája Húna of the Pramára race who was lord of -the Pathár or plateau of Central India (Ditto, II. 457). In the Middle -Ages the Húnas were considered Kshatriyas and Kshatriyas married -Húna wives (Wilson's Works, VII. 134 Note †). Of existing traces in -the Panjáb may be noted Hon and Hona Rájputs and Gujjars, Hona Jats, -Hon Labánas, Hon Lohárs, Honi Mális, Hon Mochis, Húna Barbers, and -Haun Rabáris (Panjáb Census. 1891. III. pages 116, 139, 227, 233, -246, 265, 276, 305, 315). The only traces Colonel Tod succeeded in -finding in Gujarát were a few Húna huts at a village opposite Umetha -on the gulf of Cambay, a second small colony near Somanátha, and a -few houses at Trisauli five miles from Baroda. (Western India, 247, -323.) Since 1825 these traces have disappeared. - -[503] The following manuscript histories have been used in -preparing Part II. Hemachandra's Dvyásrayakávya, Merutunga's -Prabandhachintámani, Merutunga's Vichárasreni, Jinaprabhasúri's -Tírthakalpa, Jinamandanopádhyáya's Kumárapálaprabandha, Krishna-rishi's -Kumárapálacharita, Krishnabhatta's Ratnamálá, Somesvara's Kírtikaumudí, -Arisinha's Sukritasankírtana, Rájasekhara's Chaturvinsatiprabandha, -Vastupálacharita, and published and unpublished inscriptions from -Gujarát and Káthiáváda. - -[504] The Prabandhachintámani is a short historical compilation; -the Vichárasreni, though a mere list of kings, is more reliable; -the Ratnamálá is a poetic history with good descriptions and many -fables taken from the Prabandhachintámani; the Sukritasankírtana is -a short work largely borrowed from the Vichárasreni. - -[505] This is apparently Vriddhi Áhára or the Vriddhi Collectorate, -probably called after some village or town of that name. - -[506] See above page 108. - -[507] See above page 109. - -[508] In the Satyapurakalpa of his Tírthákalpa, Jinaprabhasúri tells -an almost identical story of another king. - -[509] This name often recurs in Jain works. These would seem to be -Kshatrapa coins as Gadhaiya coins are simply called drammas. - -[510] The text is "Pañchásatavarshadesyah." - -[511] Probably Kákrej famous for its bullocks. - -[512] Stories of thieves refraining from plundering houses where they -have accidentally laid their hands on salt or millet are common. - -[513] The making of the installation mark on the forehead is the -privilege of the king's sister who gives a blessing and receives a -present of villages. - -[514] Elliot and Dowson, I. 11. - -[515] Ind. Ant. IV. 71-72 and VI. 180. - -[516] Ind. Ant. VI. 180ff. The suggestion may be offered that the -Kanyákubja which is mentioned as the seat of Múlarája's ancestors, -is Karnakubja, an old name of Junágadh. Compare Burgess' Káthiáwár -and Kutch, 156. - -[517] Ind. Ant. VI. 191ff. - -[518] Kirtane's Hammíramahákávya, I. - -[519] The Choháns of Ajmir were also known as the rulers of Sákambharí, -the Sámbhar lake in Rájputána on the borders of Jaipur and Jodhpur. The -corrected edition of the Harsha inscription published by Prof. Kielhorn -in Epigraphia Indica II. 116ff. shows that their first historical -king was Gúvaka, who reigned some time in the first half of the -ninth century (c. 820 A.D.) The Choháns are still very numerous in -the neighbourhood of the Sewálik hills, especially in the districts -of Ambálá and Karnál. Compare Ibbetson's Panjáb Census for 1881. - -[520] It appears from the grant of Saka 972 published by Mr. Dhruva -in Ind. Ant. XII. 196 and from the Surat grant of Kírttirája dated -Saka 940, that this Bárappa was the founder of a dynasty who ruled -Láta or South Gujarát as under-kings of the Dakhan Chálukyas until at -least A.D. 1050. Bárappa was, as his name shows, a Southerner from the -Kánarese country, but his descendants spell the family name Chaulukya -in the same way as the dynasty of Anahilaváda. - -[521] Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. XII. 123) sees a reference to this -retirement in Múlarája's grant of Samvat 1043. - -[522] Apparently a Sanskrit form of Bárappa. - -[523] Broach according to the commentator. - -[524] The Sukritasankírtana mentions this defeat of Bárappa -who is said to be a general of the Kanyákubja or Kanoj king. The -Prabandhachintámani (Múlarájaprabandha) also mentions the invasion -and slaughter of Bárappa; but there is no reference to it in the -grant of Bárappa's descendant Trilochanapála (Ind. Ant. XII. 196ff.) - -[525] Canto II. Verse 3. - -[526] As Mr. Forbes rightly observed Graharipu the Planet-seizer is -a made-up title based on the resemblance of the planet-seizer's name -Ráhu to Rá the title of the Chúdásamás of Junágadh. The personal name -of the chief is not given and the list of the Junágadh Chúdásamás is -too incomplete to allow of identification. - -[527] The mention of her name and of the language in which she wrote -suggest something remarkable in the race and position of queen Nílí. - -[528] Perhaps Sithá in Jhálávád. - -[529] The same account appears in the Kumárapálacharita. - -[530] Compare the Lakshmí-Vihára Jain temple in Jesalmir built by -the Jain Sangha and called after the reigning king Lakshmana. - -[531] Dr. Bühler's copperplate of Múlarája records a grant to this -temple, said to be of Múlanáthadeva in Mandali in the Vardhi zilla, -apparently the modern Mándal near Pañchásar in the Vadhiár province -near Jhinjhuváda. The grant is in Samvat 1043 and is dated from -Anahilapura though the actual gift was made at Srísthala or Sidhpur -after bathing in the Sarasvatí and worshipping the god of the -Rudramahálaya. The grant is of the village of Kamboika, the modern -Kamboi near Modhera. Ind. Ant. VI. 192-193. The grant is said to have -been written by a Káyastha named Káñchana and ends with the words -"of the illustrious Múlarája." - -[532] The difference between 1052 and 1053 is probably only a few -months. - -[533] The fight with Muñja must have taken place about A.D. 1011 -(S. 1067). As Chámunda started just after installing Vallabha the -beginning of the reign must be before A.D. 997 as Tailapa who fought -with Muñja died in that year. This is proved by a manuscript dated -A.D. 994 (S. 1050) which gives the reigning king as Muñja. That Bhoja -Muñja's successor was ruling in A.D. 1014 (S. 1070) makes it probable -that Muñja's reign extended to A.D. 1011 (S. 1067). - -[534] This Svayamvara and the list of attendant and rival kings seem -imaginary. The Nadol chiefship was not important enough to draw kings -from the countries named. - -[535] The text has son but Bhíma was Durlabha's nephew not his son. - -[536] By sowing cowries Kulachandra may have meant to show the -cheapness of Anahilaváda. Bhoja's meaning was that as shells are money, -to sow shells was to sow Málwa wealth in Gujarát. If Kulachandra had -sown salt all would have melted, and no trace been left. [This seems a -symbolic later-stage explanation. The sense seems to be shell-sowing -keeps the Anahilaváda guardians in place since guardians can live in -shells: salt-sowing scares the guardian spirits and makes the site -of the city a haunt of demons. Bhoja saw that thanks to his general -the Luck of Anahilaváda would remain safe in the shells.] - -[537] The Prabandhachintámani tells other stories of the relations -between Bhíma and Bhoja. Once when Gujarát was suffering from famine -Bhíma heard that Bhoja was coming with a force against Gujarát. Alarmed -at the news Bhíma asked Dámara his minister of peace and war to prevent -Bhoja coming. Dámara went to Málwa, amused the king by witty stories, -and while a play was being acted in court degrading and joking other -kings, something was said regarding Tailapa of Telingana. On this -Damara reminded the king that the head of his grandfather Muñja -was fixed at Tailap's door. Bhoja grew excited and started with an -army against Telingana. Hearing that Bhíma had come against him as -far as Bhímapura (?) Bhoja asked Dámara to prevent Bhíma advancing -further. Dámara stopped Bhíma by taking him an elephant as a present -from Bhoja. The Prabandhachintámani gives numerous other stories -showing that at times the relations between Bhoja and Bhíma were -friendly. - -[538] See above page 9. - -[539] See above page 160. - -[540] With this silence compare the absence (Reinaud's Mémoire Sur -l'Inde, 67) of any reference either in Sanskrit or in Buddhist books -to the victories, even to the name, of Alexander the Great. Also in -modern times the ignoring of British rule in the many inscriptions -of Jain repairers of temples on Satruñjaya hill who belong to British -territory. The only foreign reference is by one merchant of Daman who -acknowledges the protection of the Phirangi játi Puratakála Pátasahi -the king of the Firangis of Portugal. Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, -II. 36. - -[541] Elliot and Dowson, II. 468ff. Sir H. M. Elliot gives extracts -for this expedition from the Tárikh-i-Alfi, Tabakát-i-Akbari, -Tabakát-i-Násiri, and Rauzatu-s-safá. - -[542] Since the earliest times Hindus have held eclipse days -sacred. According to the Mahábhárata the Yádavas of Dwárká came to -Somanátha for an eclipse fair. Great fairs are still held at Somanátha -on the Kártika and Chaitra (December and April) fullmoons. - -[543] This old Indian idea is expressed in a verse in an inscription -in Somanátha Pátan itself. - -[544] Ten thousand must be taken vaguely. - -[545] Compare Sachau's Alberuni, II. 104. Every day they -brought Somanátha a jug of Ganges water and a basket of Kashmir -flowers. Somanátha they believed cured every inveterate sickness and -healed every desperate and incurable disease. The reason why Somanátha -became so famous was that it was a harbour for those who went to and -fro from Sofala in Zanzibar to China. It is still the practice to -carry Ganges water to bathe distant gods. - -[546] These must be the local Sompura Bráhmans who still number more -than five hundred souls in Somanátha Patan. - -[547] Shaving is the first rite performed by pilgrims. - -[548] Dancers are now chiefly found in the temples of Southern India. - -[549] Mahmúd seems to have crossed the desert from Multán and -Baháwalpur to Bikánír and thence to Ajmír. - -[550] Apparently Delváda near Uná. Mahmúd's route seems to have been -from Anahilaváda to Modhera and Mándal, thence by the Little Ran -near Pátri and Bajána, and thence by Jhálávád Gohelvád and Bábriavád -to Delvádá. - -[551] The waves still beat against the walls of the ruined fort -of Somanátha. - -[552] This shows that the temple was a building of brick and -wood. According to Alberuni (Sachau, II. 105) the temple was built -about a hundred years before Mahmúd's invasion. An inscription at Patan -states that Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1022-1072) rebuilt the Somanátha temple -of stone. In Dr. Bhagvánlál's opinion the first dynasty in Gujarát -to make stone buildings were the Solankis. Before them buildings and -temples were of wood and brick. - -[553] Of the fate of the great Linga Alberuni (Sachau, II. 103) writes: -Prince Mahmúd ordered the upper part to be broken. The rest with all -its coverings and trappings of gold jewels and embroidered garments he -transported to Ghazni. Part of it together with the brass Chakravarti -or Vishnu of Thánesvar has been thrown into the hippodrome of the town: -part lies before the mosque for people to rub their feet on. - -[554] The next paragraph relating to Mahmúd's return will be found -on page 249 of the same volume of Sir H. Elliott's work. - -[555] Khandahat which must have been on the coast has not been -identified. The description suggests some coast island in the gulf -of Kacch. By the Girnár route forty parasangs that is 240 miles would -reach the Kacch coast. Kanthkot in Vágad in east Kacch suits well in -sound and is known to have been a favourite resort of the Solankis. But -the ebb and flow of the tide close to it are difficult to explain. The -identification with Kanthkot is favoured by Dr. Bühler. Colonel Watson -(Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 80) prefers Gándhvi on the Káthiáváda coast a -few miles north-east of Miáni. M. Reinaud and Dr. Weil suggest Gandhár -in Broach on the left bank of the mouth of the Dhádhar river. Sir -H. Elliot (I. 445 and II. 473) prefers Khandadár at the north-west -angle of Káthiáváda. - -[556] According to Ferishta (Bombay Persian Ed. I. 57, Briggs' -Translation, I. 74) Mahmúd stayed and meant to make his capital at -Anahilaváda not at Somanátha. That Mahmúd did stay at Anahilaváda the -Martyr's Mound and the Ghazni Mosque in Patan are evidence. Still the -mound was probably raised and the mosque may at least have been begun -in honour of the capture of Anahilaváda on the journey south. Traces -of a second mosque which is said to have had a tablet recording Mahmúd -of Ghazni as the builder have recently (1878) been found at Munjpur -about twenty-five miles south-east of Rádhanpur. - -[557] Briggs' Ferishta, I. 75. This account of the Dábshilíms -reads more like a tradition than an historical record. It is to -be noted that the authors both of the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1583) -and of the Mirat-i-Ahmadí (A.D. 1762) give Chámunda as king at the -time of Mahmúd's invasion. Their statements cannot weigh against Ibn -Asír's account. Compare Dr. Bühler's remarks in Ind. Ant. VI. 184. Of -Mahmúd's return to Ghazni (A.D. 1026) the Tabakát-i-Akbari says: 'When -Mahmúd resolved to return from Somanátha he learned that Parama Dev, -one of the greatest Rájás of Hindustán, was preparing to intercept -him. The Sultán, not deeming it advisable to contend with this chief, -went towards Multán through Sindh. In this journey his men suffered -much in some places from scarcity of water in others from want of -forage. After enduring great difficulties he arrived at Ghazni in -A.D. 1029 (H. 417).' This Parama Dev would seem to be the Parmára -king of Ábu who could well block the Ajmir-Gujarát route. The route -taken by Mahmúd must have passed by Mansúra near Bráhmanábád, Bhátia, -and Multán. It must have been in the crossing of the great desert that -he suffered so severely from scarcity of water and forage. Ferishta -(Briggs, I. 75) says that many of Mahmúd's troops died raging mad -from the intolerable heat and thirst. The historian Muhammad Ufi -(A.D. 1200) alleges (Elliot, II. 192) that two Hindus disguised as -countrymen offered themselves as guides and led the army three days' -march out of the right course, where they were saved only by Mahmúd's -miraculous discovery of a pool of sweet water. [This tale of the -self-sacrificing Bráhman or priest and the miraculous find of water has -gathered round Mahmúd as the latest of myth centres. It is Herodotus' -(Book III. 154-158) old Zopyrus tale (Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, -318); it is revived in honour of the Great Kushán Kanishka, A.D. 78 -(Beruni in Elliot, II. 11), of the Sassanian Firoz A.D. 457-483 -(Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 318), and of a certain king of -Zábulistán or Ghazni of uncertain date (Elliot II. 170). Similarly the -puzzling Dabshilím tale seems to be peculiar neither to Gujarát nor to -Mahmúd of Ghazni. It seems a repetition of the tale of Dabshilím the -man of the royal race, who, according to the Panchatantra or Fables -of Pilpai, was chosen successor of Porus after Alexander the Great's -Viceroy had been driven out. [Compare Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, -127-128.] The Tabakát-i-Násirí (A.D. 1227) adds (Elliot, II. 475) -that the guide devoted his life for the sake of Somanátha and this -account is adopted by Ferishta, Briggs' Translation, I. 78. - -[558] Vasahiis Prákrit for Vasati that is residence. The word is used -to mean a group of temples. - -[559] Several later mentions of a Tripurushaprásáda show there was -only one building of that name. The statement that the great Múlarája -I. built a Tripurushaprásáda seems a mistake, due to a confusion with -prince Múlarája. - -[560] Meaning a large number of Bhils of whom Áshá was the head. - -[561] Forbes' Rás Málá (New Ed.), 79. - -[562] Probably a Bhíl goddess. The name does not sound Sanskrit. - -[563] In one passage the Prabandhachintámani calls these princes -half-brothers of Udaya. Further details show that they were -half-brothers of one another and sons of Udaya. - -[564] This Jayakesi is Jayakesi I. son of Shashthadeva (Suchakesi) -the third of the Goa Kádambas. Jayakesi's recorded date A.D. 1052 -(S. 974) fits well with the time of Karna (Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, -91). The Prabandhachintámani tells the following story of the death -of Jayakesi. Jayakesi had a favourite parrot whom he one day asked -to come out of his cage and dine with him. The parrot said: The cat -sitting near you will kill me. The king seeing no cat replied: If any -cat kills you I too will die. The parrot left his cage, ate with the -king, and was killed by the cat. Jayakesi made ready his funeral pyre, -and, in spite of his minister's prayers, taking the dead parrot in -his hand laid himself on the funeral pyre and was burned. - -[565] Chandrapura is probably Chandávar near Gokarn in North Kánara. - -[566] Rás Málá (New Edition), 83. - -[567] Kielhorn's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1881 page 22. - -[568] Dussala was sixth in descent from Vigraharája the enemy of -Múlarája from whom Karna was fifth in descent. - -[569] The date of his installation is given by the author of the -Vichárasreni as Vikrama S. 1150. - -[570] Ásapála and Kumárapála appear to be local chiefs. - -[571] Compare Forbes' Rás Málá, I. 118-153. - -[572] Goa Kádámba inscriptions say that Jagaddeva was the cousin of the -Goa Kádamba king Vijayárka the nephew of Miyánalladeví and call him by -courtesy the younger brother of Vijayárka's son Jayakesi II. He would -seem to have been held in esteem by Vijayárka and his son Jayakesi, -to have then gone for some time to Siddharája, and after leaving -Siddharája to have transferred his services to Permádi. His being -called Paramára may be due to his connection with Permádi. Fleet's -Kánarese Dynasties, 91. - -[573] Seventy-two a favourite number with Indian authors. - -[574] Prabandhachintámani and Kumárapálacharita. - -[575] Dr. Kielhorn's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1881 page 22. - -[576] The Kumárapálacharita says that the title was assumed on the -conquest of Barbaraka. The verse is: - - - siddho barbarakashvásya siddharájastatobhavat - - -that is, by him the demon Barbaraka was vanquished, therefore he -became Siddharája The Lord of Magical Power. - -[577] Ind. Ant. IV. 265. - -[578] This Permádi may be the Goa Kádamba chief Permádi Sivachitta -(A.D. 1147-1175), who was heir-apparent in the time of Siddharája, -or the Sinda chief Permádi who was a cotemporary of Siddharája and -flourished in A.D. 1144. - -[579] Ind. Ant. IV. 2. Regarding Barbaraka Doctor Bühler remarks in -Ind. Ant. VI. 167: 'The Varvarakas are one of the non-Aryan tribes -which are settled in great numbers in North Gujarát, Koli, Bhíl, -or Mer.' Siddharája's contests with the Barbarakas seem to refer -to what Tod (Western India, 173 and 195) describes as the inroads -of mountaineers and foresters on the plains of Gujarát during the -eleventh and twelfth centuries. To attempt to identify Bhut Barbar -or Varvar is hazardous. The name Barbar is of great age and is -spread from India to Morocco. Wilson (Works, VII. 176) says: The -analogy between Barbaras and barbarians is not in sound only. In -all Sanskrit authorities Barbaras are classed with borderers and -foreigners and nations not Hindu. According to Sir Henry Rawlinson -(Ferrier's Caravan Journeys, 223 note) tribes of Berbers are found -all over the east. Of the age of the word Canon Rawlinson (Herodotus, -IV. 252) writes: Barbar seems to be the local name for the early race -of Accad. In India Ptolemy (A.D. 150; McCrindle's Edn. 146) has a town -Barbarei on the Indus and the Periplus (A.D. 247; McCrindle's Ed. 108) -has a trade-centre Barbarikon on the middle mouth of the Indus. Among -Indian writings, in the Ramáyana (Hall in Wilson's Works, VII. 176 -Note *) the Barbaras appear between the Tukháras and the Kambojas in -the north: in the Mahábhárata (Muir's Sanskrit Texts, I. 481-2) in one -list Var-varas are entered between Sávaras and Sakas and in another -list (Wilson's Works, VII. 176) Barbaras come between Kiratas and -Siddhas. Finally (As. Res. XV. 47 footnote) Barbara is the northmost -of the Seven Konkanas. The names Barbarei in Ptolemy and Barbarikon -in the Periplus look like some local place-name, perhaps Bambhara, -altered to a Greek form. The Hindu tribe names, from the sameness -in sound as well as from their position on the north-west border of -India, suggest the Mongol tribe Juán-Juán or Var-Var, known to the -western nations as Avars, who drove the Little Yuechi out of Balkh -in the second half of the fourth century, and, for about a hundred -years, ruled to the north and perhaps also to the south of the Hindu -Kush. (Specht in Journal Asiatique 1883. II. 390-410; Howorth in -Jour. R. A. S. XXI. 721-810.) It seems probable that some of these -Var-Vars passed south either before or along with the White Húnas -(A.D. 450-550). Var, under its Mongol plural form Avarti (Howorth, -Ditto 722), closely resembles Avartiya one of the two main divisions of -the Káthis of Kacch (Mr. Erskine's List in J. Bom. Geo. Soc. II. 59-60 -for Aug. 1838). That among the forty-seven clans included under the -Avartiyas four (Nos. 30, 35, 42, and 43) are Babariyas, suggests that -the Káthis received additions from the Var-Vars at different times -and places. Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VI. 186) thinks that the Babaro -or Barbar or Var-Var who gave trouble to Siddharája represent some -early local non-Aryan tribe. The fact that they are called Rákshasas -and Mlecchas and that they stopped the ceremonies at Sidhpur north -of Anahilaváda seems rather to point to a foreign invasion from the -north than to a local uprising of hill tribes. Though no Musalmán -invasion of Gujarát during the reign of Siddharája is recorded a -Jesalmir legend (Forbes' Rás Málá, I. 175) tells how Lanja Bijirao -the Bhatti prince who married Siddharája's daughter was hailed by -his mother-in-law as the bulwark of Anahilaváda against the power of -the king who grows too strong. This king may be Báhalim the Indian -viceroy of the Ghaznavid Bahrám Sháh (A.D. 1116-1157). Báhalim -(Elliot, II. 279; Briggs' Ferista, I. 151) collected an army of -Arabs, Persians, Afgháns, and Khiljis, repaired the fort of Nágor -in the province of Sewálik, and committed great devastations in the -territories of the independent Indian rulers. He threw off allegiance -to Ghazni and advancing to meet Bahrám Sháh near Multán was defeated -and slain. Except that they were northerners and that Báhalim's is -the only known invasion from the north during Siddharája's reign -nothing has been found connecting Barbar and Báhalim. At the same -time that the Barbar or Var-Var of the Gujarát writers may have been -non-Hindu mercenaries from the north-west frontier whom Siddharája -admitted as Hindu subjects is made not unlikely by two incidents -preserved by the Muhammadan historians. The Tárikh-i-Soráth (Bayley's -Gujarát, 35 Note *) tells how in A.D. 1178 from the defeated army -of Shaháb-ud-din Ghori the Turkish Afghán and Moghal women were -distributed the higher class to high caste and the commoner to low -caste Hindus. Similarly how the better class of male captives were -admitted among Chakával and Wadhál Rájputs and the lower among Khánts, -Kolis, Bábrias, and Mers. Again about thirty years later (A.D. 1210) -when his Turk mercenaries, who were not converted to Islám, revolted -against Shams-ud-dín Altamsh they seized Delhi and built Hindu temples -(Elliot, II. 237-239). These cases seem to make it likely that among -Báhalim's mercenaries were some un-Islamised North Indian Var-Vars and -that they were admitted into Hinduism by Siddharája and as the story -states served him as other Rájputs. Some of the new-comers as noted -above seem to have merged into the Káthis. Others founded or joined -the Bábariás who give their name to Bábariáváda a small division in the -south of Káthiáváda. Though the tribe is now small the 72 divisions of -the Bábariás show that they were once important. One of their leading -divisions preserves the early form Var (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 132-133) -and supports their separate northern origin, which is forgotten in -the local stories that they are descended from Jethvás and Ahirs and -have a Bráhman element in their ancestry. (Tod's Western India, 413; -Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 132-123.) Of the Var-Vars in their old seats a -somewhat doubtful trace remains in the Barbaris a tribe of Hazáráhs -near Herat (Bellew in Imp. and As. Quar. Review Oct. 1891 page 328) -and in the Panjáb (Ibbetson's Census, 538) Bhábras a class of Panjáb -Jains. - -[580] Abhayatilaka Gani who revised and completed the Dvyásraya in -Vikrama S. 1312 (A.D. 1256) says, in his twentieth Sarga, that a -new era was started by Kumárapála. This would seem to refer to the -Simha era. - -[581] The Kumárapálacharita states that Sajjana died before the -temple was finished, and that the temple was completed by his son -Parasuráma. After the temple was finished Siddharája is said to have -come to Somanátha and asked Parasuráma for the revenues of Sorath. But -on seeing the temple on Girnár he was greatly pleased, and on finding -that it was called Karna-vihára after his father he sanctioned the -outlay on the temple. - -[582] Ind. Ant. VI. 194ff. Dr. Bühler (Ditto) takes Avantínátha to mean -Siddharája's opponent the king of Málwa and not Siddharája himself. - -[583] Archæological Survey Report, XXI. 86. - -[584] Jour. B. A. Soc. (1848), 319. - -[585] The original verse is mahálayo maháyátrá mahásthánam mahásarah -yatkritam siddharájena kriyate tanna kenacit . - -[586] These, as quoted by Ráo Sáheb Mahípatrám Rúprám in his Sadhara -Jesangh, are, the erection of charitable feeding-houses every yojana -or four miles, of Dabhoi fort, of a kunda or reservoir at Kapadvanj, -of the Málavya lake at Dholká, of small temples, of the Rudramahálaya, -of the Ráni's step-well, of the Sahasralinga lake, of reservoirs -at Sihor, of the fort of Sáelá, of the Dasasahasra or ten thousand -temples, of the Muna lake at Viramgám, of the gadhs or forts of -Dadharapur, Vadhwán Anantapur and Chubári, of the Sardhár lake, of -the gadhs of Jhinjhuváda, Virpur, Bhádula, Vásingapura, and Thán, -of the palaces of Kandola and Sihi Jagapura, of the reservoirs of -Dedádrá and Kírtti-stambha and of Jitpur-Anantpura. It is doubtful -how many of these were actually Siddharája's works. - -[587] One of the best preserved slabs was sent by Sir John Malcolm -when Resident of Málwa to the Museum of the B. B. R. A. S., where it -still lies. It has verses in twelfth century Prakrit in honour of a -king, but nothing historical can be made out of it. - -[588] See above page 170. - -[589] Devasúri was born in S. 1134 (A.D. 1078), took díkshá in S. 1152 -(A.D. 1096), became a Súri in S. 1174 (A.D. 1118), and died on a -Thursday in the dark half of Srávana S. 1226 (A.D. 1170). His famous -disciple Hemachandra was born on the fullmoon of Kártika S. 1145 -(A.D. 1089), became an ascetic in S. 1150 (A.D. 1094), and died in -S. 1229 (A.D. 1173). - -[590] The Prákrit local name was Âno, of which the Sanskritised -forms would appear to be Arno, Arnava, Ánáka, and Ánalla as given in -the Hammíramahákávya. The genealogy of these kings of Sákambhari or -Sámbhar is not settled. The Nadol copperplate dated Samvat 1218 gives -the name of its royal grantor as Alan and of Alan's father as Máharaja -(Tod's Rajasthán, I. 804), the latter apparently a mistake for Anarája -which is the name given in the Dvyásraya. Alan's date being V. 1218, -the date of his father Ána would fit in well with the early part of -Kumárapála's reign. The order of the two names Álhana and Ánalla in the -Hammíramahákávya would seem to be mistaken and ought to be reversed. - -[591] Kodinár is a town in Gáikwár territory in South Káthiáváda. This -temple of Ambiká is noticed as a place of Jain pilgrimage by the sage -Jinaprabhasúri in his Tírthakalpa and was a well-known Jain shrine -during the Anahilaváda period. - -[592] The Kumárapálaprabandha has Kelambapattana and Kolambapattana -probably Kolam or Quilon. - -[593] The Kumárapálaprabandha says that Udayana was appointed minister -and Vágbhata general. Sollá the youngest son of Udayana did not take -part in politics. - -[594] Kirtane's Hammíramahákávya, 13. - -[595] Dhavalakka or Dholka according to the Kumárapálaprabandha. - -[596] According to the Kumárapálacharita Kumárapála's sister who was -married to Ána having heard her husband speak slightingly of the -kings of Gujarát took offence, resented the language, and bandied -words with her husband who beat her. She came to her brother and -incited him to make an expedition against her husband. - -[597] The Dvyásraya does not say that Kumárapála's sister was married -to Ána. - -[598] This was a common title of the Siláhára kings. Compare Bombay -Gazetteer, XIII. 437 note 1. - -[599] Ámbadá is his proper name. It is found Sanskritised into -Ámrabhata and Ambaka. - -[600] This is the Káverí river which flows through Chikhli and -Balsár. The name in the text is very like Karabená the name of the -same river in the Násik cave inscriptions (Bom. Gaz. XVI. 571) Kaláviní -and Karabená being Sanskritised forms of the original Káveri. Perhaps -the Káveri is the Akabarou of the Periplus (A.D. 247). - -[601] Sausara or Sásar seems the original form from which Samara was -Sanskritised. Sásar corresponds with the Mehr name Cháchar. - -[602] The Kumárapálacharita says that Samara was defeated and his -son placed on the throne. - -[603] The translation of the inscription runs: Steps made by the -venerable Ámbaka, Samvat 1222. According to the Kumárapálaprabandha -the steps were built at a cost of a lákh of drammas a dramma being -of the value of about 5 annas. According to the Prabandhachintámani -an earthquake occurred when the king was at Girnár on his way -to Somanátha. The old ascent of Girnár was from the north called -Chhatrasilá that is the umbrella or overhanging rocks. Hemáchárya said -if two persons went up together the Chhatrasilá rocks would fall and -crush them. So the king ordered Ámrabhata to build steps on the west -or Junágadh face at a cost of 63 lákhs of drammas. - -[604] The site of Báhadapura seems to be the ruins close to the east -of Pálitána where large quantities of conch shell bangles and pieces -of brick and tile have been found. - -[605] This would appear to be the Kalachuri king Gayá Karna whose -inscription is dated 902 of the Chedi era that is A.D. 1152. As -the earliest known inscription of Gayá Karna's son Narasimhadeva is -dated A.D. 1157 (Chedi 907) the death of Gayá Karna falls between -A.D. 1152 and 1157 in the reign of Kumárapála and the story of his -being accidentally strangled may be true. - -[606] So many marriages on one day points to the people being either -Kadva Kunbis or Bharváds among whom the custom of holding all marriages -on the same day still prevails. - -[607] The text of the inscription is: - - (1) ... paushasudígurau adyoha shrímadan- - (2) hilapátake [samasta] rájávalíbirájitaparamabhattárakamahá- - (3) [rájádhirájanirjita] - sákambharíbhúpálashrímadavantináthashrímatku - (4) [márapála] ... niyuktamahámátyashríjasodhava-- - (5) la shríkaranádau samastamudrávyápáránparipanthayatítyevam - (6) kále [pravartamáne mahárájá] dhirájashríkumárapáladevena vija - (7) ..... shrímadudayapuro .. rocakánvaye mahárája-- - (8) putra ..... mahárájaputravasantapála evam ana - (9) ..... likhitá yátrá . adya somagrahanaparvani - (10) ... layavane samáhritatírthodake snátvá jagadgu - (11) ... sukhapunyajayavriddhaye udayapurakári - (12) ...... kárápita devashrí ........ - -Lines broken below. - -[608] Annals of Rájasthán, I. 803. - -[609] Rás Málá (New Edition), 154. - -[610] Rás Málá (New Edition), 154. - -[611] The text is: - - yah kauberímá turushkamaindrímá tridivápagám - yámyámá vindhyamá sindhum pashcamám yo hásádhayat - -[612] It is also interesting, if there is a foundation of fact to -the tale, that this is the temple visited by the Persian poet Saádi -(A.D. 1200-1230) when he saw the ivory idol of Somanátha whose arms -were raised by a hidden priest pulling a cord. According to Saádi on -pretence of conversion he was admitted behind the shrine, discovered -the cord-puller, threw him into a well, and fled. Compare Journal -Royal Asiatic Society Bengal VII.-2 pages 885-886. That Saádi ever -visited Somanátha is doubtful. No ivory human image can ever have -been the chief object of worship at Somanátha. - -[613] From the Prabandhachintámani and the Kumárapálacharita. - -[614] The head-quarters of the Dhandhuka sub-division sixty miles -south-west of Ahmadábád. - -[615] Another reading is Láhiní. - -[616] Prabandhachintámani. - -[617] - - bhavavíjánkurajananá rágádyáh kshayamupágatá yasya . - brahmá vá vishnurvá haro jino vá namastasmai . - yatra tatra samaye yathá tathá yosi sosyabhidhayá yayá tayá . - vítadoshakalushah sa cedbhaváneka eva bhagavannamostu te . - -[618] samvat 1229 vaishákhashudi 3 some adyeha shrímadanahillapashthake -samastarajávalívirájitamahárájádhirájaparameshvara -ajayapáladevakalyánavijayarájye tatpádapadmopajívini -mahámátyashrísomeshvare shríkaranádau. - -[619] Regarding the remarkable story that not long before their -deaths both Hemáchárya and Kumárapála inclined towards if they did -not become converts to Islám (Tod's Western India, 184) no fresh -information has been obtained. Another curious saying of Tod's -(Ditto, 182) also remains doubtful. Kumárapála expelled the tribe -of Lár from his kingdom. That this tribe of Lár can have had to do -either with Láta or South Gujarát or with the caste of Lád Vánis -seems unlikely. The alternative is Pársis from Lar on the Persian -Gulf whom Tod (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 235) notices as sending an -expedition from Laristhán to Gujarát. In this connection it is worthy -of note that Lár remained the seat of a Gueber prince till A.D. 1600 -the time of Shah Abas (D'Herbelot Bib. Or. II. 477). A repetition of -the Pársi riots (Cambay Gazetteer, VI. 215) may have been the cause -of their expulsion from Gujarát. - -[620] See the Dvyásraya. A Patan inscription lying at Verával also -calls Ajayapála the brother's son of Kumárapála. - -[621] It is stated in a grant of Bhíma II. dated S. 1283, that -Ajayadeva, as he is there called, made the Sapádalaksha or Sámbhar -king tributary. Ind. Ant. VI. 199ff. - -[622] The Udayapura inscription mentions Somesvara as the minister -of Ajayapála in Samvat 1229 (A.D. 1173). See above page 193. - -[623] The abuse of Ajayapála is explained if Tod's statement (Western -India, 191) that he became a Musalmán is correct. - -[624] Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 93. - -[625] Chapter II. Verse 57. - -[626] We know much less about this event than its importance deserves, -for with the exception of a raid made in A.D. 1197 by one of the Ghori -generals this victory secured Gujarát from any serious Muhammadan -attack for more than a century. We learn from various grants made -by Bhímadeva II. (Ind. Ant VI. 195, 198, 200, 201) that Múlarája's -regular epithet in the Vamsávalí was "He who overcame in battle the -ruler of the Garjjanakas, who are hard to defeat": and Dr. Bühler -has pointed out (Ditto, 201) that Garjjanaka is a Sanskritising of -the name Ghaznavi. As a matter of fact, however, the leader of the -Musalmán army was Muhammad of Ghor, and the battle took place in -A.D. 1178 (H. 574). One of the two Muhammadan writers who mentions -the invasion (Muhammad 'Ufi, who wrote at Delhi about A.D. 1211) -says that Muhammad was at first defeated, but invaded the country -a second time two years later "and punished the people for their -previous misconduct." But this is only mentioned incidentally as part -of an anecdote of Muhammad's equity, and there is some confusion -with Muhammad's victory in the second battle of Náráyan (in Jaipur -territory) in A.D. 1192, as a better, though slightly later authority, -Minháj-us-Siráj, speaks of no second expedition to Gujarát led by -Muhammad himself. Minháj-us-Siráj's account of the defeat is as follows -(Elliott, II. 294): He (Muhammad) conducted his army by way of Uch and -Multán towards Nahrwálá. The Ráí of Nahrwálá, Bhímdeo, was a minor, -but he had a large army and many elephants. In the day of battle the -Muhammadans were defeated and the Sultán was compelled to retreat. This -happened in the year 574 H. (1178 A.D.)". Further on we read (Elliott, -II. 300): "In 593 H. (1197 A.D.) he (Muhammad's general Kutb-ud-dín) -went towards Nahrwálá, defeated Ráí Bhímdeo, and took revenge on the -part of the Sultán." As no conquest of the country is spoken of, -this expedition was evidently a mere raid. The only inaccuracy in -the account is the mention of Bhíma instead of Múlarája as the king -who defeated the first invasion.--(A. M. T. J.) - -[627] Sarga II. Verse 47. - -[628] Sarga II. Verse 60. - -[629] The Vichárasreni also gives S. 1235 as the beginning of his -reign. - -[630] Elliot's History of India, II. 294. This event properly belongs -to the reign of Múlarája. See above page 195 note 5. - -[631] Ind. Ant. VI. 207. - -[632] Chapter II. Verse 61. - -[633] Kielhorn's and Peterson's Reports on Sanskrit Manuscripts. - -[634] Ind. Ant. VI. 197. - -[635] The text is dattvásmai doshyate yuvarájyam rájyam ciram kuru. - -[636] The text is cáhú rána that is cáhumána ránaka. The term Ránaka -would show him to be a Chohán chief. - -[637] Ánáka survived Kumárapála and served also under Bhímadeva -II. Seeing the kingdom of his weak sovereign divided among his -ministers and chiefs Ánáka strove till his death to re-establish the -central authority of the Solanki dynasty. Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, -xiii. - -[638] Rás Málá (New Edition), 200. - -[639] Kírtikaumudí, Bombay Sanskrit Series Number XXV. - -[640] Ind. Ant. VI. 188 footnote. According to Merutunga a cotemporary -chronicler an epigram of Bhíma's minister turned back Subhatavarman. - -[641] Ind. Ant. VI. 188. - -[642] According to one story Madanarájñí left her husband's house -taking Víradhavala with her, and went to live with Deva Rája Pattakíla -the husband of her deceased sister. On growing up Víradhavala returned -to his father's house. Rás Málá (New Edition), 201. - -[643] Dr. Bühler in Ind. Ant. VI. 189. - -[644] According to the Kírtikaumudí, Káthavate's Ed. XIV. note 1, -under Vastupála low people ceased to earn money by base means; -the wicked turned pale; the righteous prospered. All honestly and -securely plied their calling. Vastupála put down piracy, and, by -building platforms, stopped the mingling of castes in milk shops. He -repaired old buildings, planted trees, sank wells, laid out parks, -and rebuilt the city. All castes and creeds he treated alike. - -[645] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv. - -[646] The use of the date Monday the fullmoon of Vaisakha, Samvat 1288 -(A.D. 1232) in the second part of the Forms seems to shew that the -work was written in A.D. 1232. - -[647] Though the object is to give the form of a treaty of -alliance, the author could not have used the names Sinhana and -Lavanaprasáda unless such a treaty had been actually concluded between -them. Apparently Sinhana's invasion of Gujarát took place but a short -time before the book of treaties was compiled. Bhandárkar's Search -for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 40-41. - -[648] Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 40. - -[649] According to other accounts Sankha, a Broach chieftain, took up -the cause of a certain Sayad or Musalmán merchant with whom Vastupála -had quarrelled. In the fight Lunapála a Gola, one of Vastupála's chief -supporters, was slain and in his honour Vastupála raised a shrine to -the Lord Lunapála. Rás Málá (New Edition), 201-202. - -[650] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.-xvi. - -[651] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.-xvi. - -[652] The modern Gujaráti Ráná. - -[653] Bhímadeva's name is preceded by the names of his ten Chaulukya -predecessors in the usual order. The attributes of each are given as -in published Chaulukya copperplates. Ind. Ant. VI. 180-213. - -[654] Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 39. - -[655] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii. - -[656] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii. - -[657] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii.-xxiv. - -[658] Elliot and Dowson, II. 209. - -[659] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiv.-xxv. - -[660] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xx.; J. B. R. A. S. XVIII. Number -XLVIII. 28. The Jain writers delight in describing the magnificence -of the pilgrimages which Vastupála conducted to the holy places. The -details are 4500 carts, 700 palanquins, 1800 camels, 2900 writers, -12,100 white-robed and 1100 naked or sky-clad Jains, 1450 singers, -and 3300 bards. Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xvi. - -[661] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xviii.-xix. - -[662] Rás Málá, 202. - -[663] Ind. Ant. VI. 191. The word for Mewád is Medapáta the Med or -Mher land. - -[664] The Karnáta king would probably be Somesvara (A.D. 1252) -or his son Narasimha III. (A.D. 1254) of the Hoysala Ballálas of -Dvárasamudra. Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 64, 69. - -[665] These details are mentioned in a grant of land in Mándal in -Ahmadábád to Bráhmans to fill a drinking fountain, repair temples, -and supply offerings. Ind. Ant. VI. 210-213. - -[666] Rás Málá (New Ed.), 212. A Jaina Pattávali or succession list of -High-priests notices that the famine lasted for three years from Samvat -1315 (A.D. 1259). The text may be translated as follows: Vikrama Samvat -1315, three years' famine the king (being) Vísaladeva. Bhandarkar's -Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1883-84, 15, 323. - -[667] See Ep. Ind. I. - -[668] The inscription was first noticed by Colonel Tod: Rajasthán, -I. 705: Western India, 506. - -[669] This is not Sultán Rukn-ud-dín of the slave kings, who ruled -from A.D. 1234 to A.D. 1235. Elliot and Dowson, II. - -[670] All four dates tally. The middle of A.D. 1264 (Samvat 1320) falls -in Hijra 662. As the Valabhi era begins in A.D. 318-319 and the Simha -era in A.D. 1113, 945 of Valabhi and 151 of Simha tally with A.D. 1264. - -[671] Bombay Government Selections CLII. New Series, 71. - -[672] From an unpublished copy in the possession of Ráo Sáheb Dalpatram -Pranjiwan Khakhar, late Educational Inspector, Kacch. Only the upper -six lines of the inscription are preserved. - -[673] Asiatic Researches, XVI. 311; Rás Málá, 213. - -[674] Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, 17-18. - -[675] The bardic story is that king Karna had two Nágar Bráhman -ministers Mádhava and Kesava. He slew Kesava and took Mádhava's -wife from her husband. In revenge Mádhava went to Delhi and brought -the Muhammadans. After the Muhammadan conquest Mádhava presented -Alá-ud-dín with 360 horses. In return Mádhava was appointed civil -minister with Alaf Khán as military governor commanding a lákh of -horsemen, 1500 elephants, 20,000 foot soldiers, and having with him -forty-five officers entitled to use kettledrums. Rás Málá, 214. - -[676] Rás Málá, 222. The Jhálás were firmly fixed in the plains -between the Lesser Ran of Kacch and the Gulf of Cambay. The Koli -branches of these clans with other tribes of pure or of adulterated -aboriginal descent, spread over the Chunvál near Viramgám and appeared -in many remote and inaccessible tracts of hill or forest. On the east, -under the protection of a line of Rájput princes, the banner of the -goddess Káli floated from the hill of Pávágad; while in the west -the descendants of Khengár held their famous fortress of Junágadh -from within its walls controlling much of the peninsula over which -they had maintained undisputed sway. Chiefs of Junágadh origin were -scattered over the rest of the peninsula among whom were the Gohils -of Gogo and Piram, and of the sea-washed province which from them -derived its name of Gohilvád. - -[677] The first notice of the exercise of sovereignty by the Musalmán -rulers of Gujarát over lands further south than the neighbourhood of -Surat is in A.D. 1428, when king Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) contested -with the Dakhan sovereign the possession of Máhim (north latitude 19° -40'; east longitude 72° 47'). As no record remains of a Musalmán -conquest of the coast as far south as Danda Rájapuri or Janjira, -about fifty miles south of Bombay, it seems probable that the North -Konkan fell to the Musalmáns in A.D. 1297 as part of the recognised -territories of the lords of Anahilapura (Pátan). Rás Málá, I. 350. One -earlier reference may be noted. In A.D. 1422 among the leading men -slain in the battle of Sárangpur, about fifty miles north-east of -Ujjain in Central India, was Sávant chief of Danda Rájapuri that is -Janjíra. Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text), 40, and Farishtah (Persian -Text), II. 468. - -[678] The details of Akbar's settlement in A.D. 1583 show Sorath -with sixty-three subdivisions and Navánagar (Islámnagar) with -seventeen. Similarly in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590) Sorath with its -nine divisions includes the whole peninsula except Jháláváda in the -north, which was then part of Áhmedábád. Gladwin, II. 64 and 66-71. - -[679] Bird's History of Gujarát, 418. - -[680] Naiyad is the present Naiyadkántha about ten miles south-west of -Rádhanpur containing Jatvár and Várahi in the west near the Ran and -spreading east to Sami and Munjpur thirty to forty miles south-west -of Pátan. Hálár is in the north-west of the peninsula; Káthiáváda in -the centre; Gohilváda in the south-east; Bábriáváda south-west of -Gohilváda; Chorár or Chorvár north-west of Virával; Panchál in the -north-east centre; Okhágir or Okhámandal in the extreme west. Nalkántha -is the hollow between Káthiáváda and the mainland. Besides these names -the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi gives one more district in Sorath -and others in Gujarát. The name he gives in Sorath is Nágher or Nághír -which he says is also called Sálgogah. Sálgogah is apparently Siálbet -and its neighbourhood, as Kodinár, Mádhúpúr, Chingaria, and Pata in -south Káthiáváda are still locally known as Nagher, a tract famous -for its fruitfulness. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi contains the following -additional local names: For Kadi thirty-five miles north-west -of Áhmedábád, Dandái; for Dholka twenty-five miles south-west of -Áhmedábád, Práth-Nagri; for Cambay, Támbánagri; for Víramgám forty -miles north-west of Áhmedábád, Jháláwár; for Múnjpur twenty-two -miles south-east of Rádhanpur and some of the country between it and -Patan, Párpas; for the tract ten miles south-east of Rádhanpur to -the neighbourhood of Pátan, Kakrez; for the town of Rádhanpur in the -Pálanpur Political Superintendency and its neighbourhood, Vágadh; for -the town of Pálanpur and its neighbourhood up to Dísa and Dántiváda, -Dhándár; for Bálásinor forty-two miles east of Áhmedábád with a part -of Kapadvanj in the Kaira district, Masálwada; for Baroda, Párkher; -for the subdivision of Jambúsar in the Broach district fifteen miles -north-west of Broach city, Kánam; for Alimohan that is Chhota Udepur -and the rough lands east of Godhra, Pálwára. - -[681] Rás Mála, I. 241. - -[682] Maktaa and iktáa, the district administered by a muktia, -come from the Arabic root kataá, he cut, in allusion to the public -revenue or the lands cut and apportioned for the pay of the officers -and their establishments. - -[683] Further particulars regarding these village headmen are given -below. - -[684] Bird's History of Gujarát, 192; Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian -Text, 44. - -[685] Elphinstone's History, 76. - -[686] In Márwár and in the north and north-east this official was -styled tahsíldár and in the Dakhan kamávísdár. - -[687] Zakát, literally purification or cleansing, is the name of a tax -levied from Muslims for charitable purposes or religious uses. In the -endowments-treasury the customs dues from Muslims at 2 1/2 per cent -(the technical 1 in 40) as contrasted with the five per cent levied -from infidels (the technical 2 in 40) were entered. Hence in these -accounts zakát corresponds with customs dues, and is divisible into -two kinds khushki zakát or land customs and tari zakát or sea customs. - -[688] Bird's History of Gujarát, 93. Though under the Mughal viceroys -the state demand was at first realized in grain, at the last the -custom was to assess each sub-division, and probably each village, at a -fixed sum or jama. The total amount for the sub-division was collected -by an officer called majmudár, literally keeper of collections, the -village headmen, patels or mukaddams, being responsible each for his -own village. - -[689] Bird's History of Gujarát, 325. - -[690] Bird's History of Gujarát, 341. - -[691] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text page 115. - -[692] The title rája is applicable to the head of a family only. The -payment of tribute to the Mughals or Maráthás does not affect the -right to use this title. Rána and ráv seem to be of the same dignity -as rája. Rával is of lower rank. The sons of rájás, ránás, rávs, and -rávals are called kuvars and their sons thákurs. The younger sons of -thákurs became bhumiás that is landowners or garásiás, that is owners -of garás or a mouthful. Jám is the title of the chiefs of the Jádeja -tribe both of the elder branch in Kachh and of the younger branch in -Navánagar, or Little Kachh in Káthiáváda. Rás Málá, II. 277. - -[693] Under the Maráthás the title zamíndár was bestowed on the -farmers of the land revenue, and this practice was adopted by the -earlier English writers on Gujarát. In consequence of this change -small landholders of the superior class, in directly administered -districts, came again to be called by their original Hindu name of -garásia. Mr. Elphinstone (History, 79 and note 13) includes under the -term zamíndár: (1) half-subdued chieftains, (2) independent governors -of districts, and (3) farmers of revenue. He also notices that until -Aurangzíb's time such chiefs as enjoyed some degree of independence -were alone called zamíndárs. But in Colonel Walker's time, A.D. 1805, -at least in Gujarát (Bombay Government Selections, XXXIX. 25) the -term zamíndár included desáis, majmudárs (district accountants), -patels, and talátis (village clerks). - -[694] Details of A.D. 1571 given in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi show that -the chief nobles were bound to furnish cavalry contingents varying -from 4000 to 25,000 horse, and held lands estimated to yield yearly -revenues of £160,000 to £1,620,000. Bird's Gujarát, 109-127. - -[695] According to the European travellers in India during the -seventeenth century, provincial governors, and probably to some extent -all large holders of service lands, employed various methods for adding -to the profits which the assigned lands were meant to yield them. Of -these devices two seem to have been specially common, the practice -of supporting a body of horse smaller than the number agreed for, -and the practice of purveyance that is of levying supplies without -payment. Sir Thomas Roe, from A.D. 1615 to 1618 English ambassador -at the court of the emperor Jehángír, gives the following details -of these irregular practices: 'The Pátan (that is Patna in Bengal) -viceroy's government was estimated at 5000 horse, the yearly pay -of each trooper being £20 (Rs. 200), of which he kept only 1500, -being allowed the surplus as dead pay. On one occasion this governor -wished to present me with 100 loaves of the finest sugar, as white -as snow, each loaf weighing fifty pounds. On my declining, he said, -'You refuse these loaves, thinking I am poor; but being made in my -government the sugar costs me nothing, as it comes to me gratis.' Sir -Thomas Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 282-284. The same writer, the best -qualified of the English travellers of that time to form a correct -opinion, thus describes the administration of the Musalmán governors of -the seventeenth century: 'They practise every kind of tyranny against -the natives under their jurisdiction, oppressing them with continual -exactions, and are exceedingly averse from any way being opened by -which the king may be informed of their infamous proceedings. They -grind the people under their government to extract money from them, -often hanging men up by the heels to make them confess that they are -rich, or to ransom themselves from faults merely imputed with a view -to fleece them.' Sir Thomas Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 338. - -[696] Of these settlements the principal was that of the Ráthod chief -who in the thirteenth century established himself at Ídar, now one -of the states of the Mahi Kántha. In the thirteenth century also, -Gohils from the north and Sodha Parmárs and Káthis from Sindh entered -Gujarát. Rás Mála, II. 269. - -[697] Gujarát of about the year A.D. 1300 is thus described: 'The -air of Gujarát is healthy, and the earth picturesque; the vineyards -bring forth blue grapes twice a year, and the strength of the soil -is such that the cotton plants spread their branches like willow and -plane trees, and yield produce for several years successively. Besides -Cambay, the most celebrated of the cities of Hind in population and -wealth, there are 70,000 towns and villages, all populous, and the -people abounding in wealth and luxuries.' Elliot's History of India, -III. 31, 32, and 43. Marco Polo, about A.D. 1292, says: 'In Gujarát -there grows much pepper and ginger and indigo. They have also a great -deal of cotton. Their cotton trees are of very great size, growing -full six paces high, and attaining to an age of twenty years.' Yule's -Edition, II. 328. The cotton referred to was probably the variety known -as devkapás Gossypium religiosum or peruvianum, which grows from ten -to fifteen feet high, and bears for several years. Royle, 149-150. - -[698] Elphinstone's History, 762. - -[699] Bird's History of Gujarát, 110, 129, and 130. - -[700] The passage from the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Bird 109, is: 'A sum of 25 -lákhs of húns and one kror of ibráhíms, that were two parts greater, -being altogether nearly equal to 5 krors and 62 lákhs of rupees, was -collected from the Dakhan tribute and the customs of the European -and Arab ports.' The word hún, from an old Karnátak word for gold, -is the Musalmán name for the coin known among Hindus as varáha or -the wild-boar coin, and among the Portuguese as the pagoda or temple -coin. Prinsep Ind. Ant. Thomas' Ed. II. U. T. 18. The old specimens of -this coin weigh either 60 grains the máda or half pagoda, or 120 grains -the hún or full pagoda. Thomas, Chron. Pat. Ks. II. 224, note. The -star pagoda, in which English accounts at Madras were formerly kept, -weighs 52·56 grains, and was commonly valued at 8s. or Rs. 4 (Prinsep -as above). At this rate in the present sum the 25 lákhs of húns would -equal one kror (100 lákhs) of rupees. The ibráhími, 'two parts greater -than the hún,' would seem to be a gold coin, perhaps a variety of the -Persian ashrafi (worth about 9s. English. Marsden, N. O. 455). Taking -the two parts of a hún as fánams or sixteenths, this would give the -ibráhími a value of Rs. 4 1/4, and make a total customs revenue of -425 lákhs of rupees. This statement of the revenues of the kingdom -is, according to the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, taken from such -times as the power of the Gujarát kings continued to increase. The -total revenue of the twenty-five districts (£5,840,000) is the amount -recovered in the year A.D. 1571. But the receipts under the head of -Tribute must have been compiled from accounts of earlier years. For, -as will be seen below, the neighbouring kings ceased to pay tribute -after the end of the reign of Bahádur (A.D. 1536). Similarly the -customs revenues entered as received from Daman and other places must -have been taken from the accounts of some year previous to A.D. 1560. - -[701] The remains at Chámpáner in the British district of the Panch -Maháls are well known. Of Mehmúdábád, the town of that name in the -district of Kaira, eighteen miles south of Áhmedábád, a few ruins only -are left. In A.D. 1590 this city is said to have contained many grand -edifices surrounded with a wall eleven miles (7 kos) square with at -every 3/4 mile (1/2 kos) a pleasure house, and an enclosure for deer -and other game. (Áin-i-Akbari: Gladwin, II. 64.) The Mirat-i-Áhmedi -makes no special reference to the sovereign's share of the revenue. The -greater part of the £5,620,000 derived from tribute and customs would -probably go to the king, besides the lands specially set apart as -crown domains, which in A.D. 1571 were returned as yielding a yearly -revenue of £900,000 (900,000,000 tankás). This would bring the total -income of the crown to a little more than 6 1/2 millions sterling. - -[702] So Sikandar Lodi emperor of Dehli, A.D. 1488-1517, is reported -to have said: 'The magnificence of the kings of Dehli rests on wheat -and barley; the magnificence of the kings of Gujarát rests on coral -and pearls.' Bird, 132. - -[703] The twelve Gujarát ports mentioned by Barbosa are: On the south -coast of the peninsula, two: Patenixi (Pátan-Somnáth, now Verával), -very rich and of great trade; Surati-Mangalor (Mangrul), a town -of commerce, and Diu. On the shores of the gulf of Cambay four: -Gogari (Gogha), a large town; Barbesy (Broach); Guandári or Gandar -(Gandhár), a very good town; and Cambay. On the western coast five: -Ravel (Ránder), a rich place; Surat, a city of very great trade; Denvy -(Gandevi), a place of great trade; Baxay (Bassein), a good seaport -in which much goods are exchanged; and Tanamayambu (Thána-Máhim), a -town of great Moorish mosques, but of little trade. (Stanley's Barbosa, -59-68). The only one of these ports whose identification seems doubtful -is Ravel, described by Barbosa (page 67) as a pretty town of the Moors -on a good river, twenty leagues south of Gandhár. This agrees with the -position of Ránder on the Tápti, nearly opposite Surat, which appears -in Al Bírúni (A.D. 1030) as Ráhanur one of the capitals of south -Gujarát and is mentioned under the name Ránir, both in the Áin-i-Akbari -(A.D. 1590) and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi for the year A.D. 1571, as a -place of trade, 'in ancient times a great city.' In his description -of the wealth of Cambay, Barbosa is supported by the other European -travellers of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. According -to Nicolo de Conti (A.D. 1420-1444), the town, including its suburbs, -was twelve miles in circuit abounding in spikenard, lac, indigo, -myrobalans, and silk. Athanasius Nikotin (A.D. 1468-1474) found it -a manufacturing place for every sort of goods as long gowns damasks -and blankets; and Varthema (A.D. 1503-1508) says it abounds in grain -and very good fruits, supplying Africa Arabia and India with silk and -cotton stuffs; 'it is impossible to describe its excellence.' Barbosa's -account of Áhmedábád is borne out by the statement in the Áin-i-Akbari -(Gladwin, II. 63) that the whole number of the suburbs (purás) of -the city was 360, and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, that it once contained -380 suburbs each of considerable size, containing good buildings and -markets filled with everything valuable and rare, so that each was -almost a city. Bird, 311. - -[704] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 62-63. Compare Terry (Voyage, 80, -131) in 1615: Gujarát a very goodly large and exceeding rich province -with, besides its most spacious populous and rich capital Áhmedábád, -four fair cities Cambay Baroda Broach and Surat with great trade to the -Red Sea, Achin, and other places. At the same time (Ditto, 179-180) -though the villages stood very thick, the houses were generally very -poor and base, all set close together some with earthen walls and -flat roofs, most of them cottages miserably poor little and base set -up with sticks rather than timber. - -[705] The decrease in the Mughal collections from Gujarát compared -with the revenues of the Áhmedábád kings may have been due to -Akbar's moderation. It may also have been due to a decline in -prosperity. Compare Roe's (1617) account of Toda about fifty miles -south-east of Ajmír. It was the best and most populous country Roe -had seen in India. The district was level with fertile soil abounding -in corn cotton and cattle and the villages were so numerous and -near together as hardly to exceed a kos from each other. The town -was the best built Roe had seen in India tiled two-storied houses -good enough for decent shopkeepers. It had been the residence of a -Rájput Rája before the conquests of Akbar Sháh and stood at the foot -of a good and strong rock about which were many excellent works of -hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks arched over with well-turned -vaults and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful -grove two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad all planted with -mangoes tamarinds and other fruit trees, divided by shady walks and -interspersed with little temples and idol altars with many fountains -wells and summer houses of carved stone curiously arched so that a -poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell there. This -observation may serve universally for the whole country that ruin and -devastation operate everywhere. For since the property of all has -become vested in the king no person takes care of anything so that -in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear and nowhere -is anything repaired. Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 320-321. - -[706] Bird's History of Gujarát. Another detailed statement of the -revenue of Gujarát given in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, apparently for the -time when the author wrote (A.D. 1760) gives: Revenue from crown -lands £2,107,518; tribute-paying divisions or sarkárs £12,700; -Mahí Kántha tribute £178,741; Vátrak Kántha tribute £159,768; and -Sábar Kántha tribute £121,151; in all £2,579,878: adding to this -£20,000 for Kachh, £40,000 for Dungarpur, and £5000 for Sirohi, -gives a grand total of £2,644,878. According to a statement given -by Bird in a note at page 108 of his History, the revenue of Gujarát -under Jehángir (A.D. 1605-1627) averaged £1,250,000; under Aurangzíb -(A.D. 1658-1707) £1,519,622; and under Muhammad Sháh (A.D. 1719-1748) -£1,218,360. In this passage the revenue under the emperor Akbar -(A.D. 1556-1605) is given at £66,845. This total is taken from -Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari. But at vol. II. page 73 of that work there -would seem to be some miscalculation; for while the total number of -dáms (1/40th of a rupee) is 43,68,02,301, the conversion into rupees -is Rs. 10,96,123 instead of Rs. 1,09,20,057 1/2. The corresponding -returns given by Mr. Thomas (Rev. of the Mog. Emp. page 52) are under -Akbar, A.D. 1594, £1,092,412; under Sháh Jahán, A.D. 1648, £1,325,000; -and under Aurangzíb, A.D. 1658 £2,173,220, A.D. 1663-1666 £1,339,500, -A.D. 1697 £2,330,500, and A.D. 1707 £1,519,623. The varieties in -the currency employed in different parts of the accounts cause some -confusion in calculating the Gujarát revenue. Under the Áhmedábád -kings the accounts were kept in tánkás or 1/100 of rupees, while under -the Mughals dáms or 1/45th of a rupee took the place of tánkás. The -revenues from Surat Baroda Broach and other districts south of the Máhi -were returned in changízis, a coin varying in value from something -over 2/3rds of a rupee to slightly less than 1/2; the revenues from -Rádhanpur and Morvi were entered in mahmúdis, a coin nearly identical -in value with the changízi, while, as noticed above, the tribute and -customs dues are returned in a gold currency, the tribute in huns of -about 8s. (Rs. 4) and the customs in ibráhímís of 9s. (Rs. 4 1/2). - -[707] Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), I. 305. The Áin-i-Akbari mentions four -ways of calculating the state share in an unsurveyed field: (1) to -measure the land with the crops standing and make an estimate; (2) -to reap the crops, collect the grain in barns, and divide it according -to agreement; (3) to divide the field as soon as the seed is sown; and -(4) to gather the grain into heaps on the field and divide it there. - -[708] The men to whom this 2 1/2 per cent was granted are referred -to in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi as desáis. Whatever doubt may attach to -the precise meaning of the term desái it seems clear that it was -as village headmen that the desáis petitioned for and received this -grant. These desáis were the heads of villages with whom, as noticed -above, the government agent for collecting the revenue dealt, and who, -agreeing for the whole village contribution, themselves carried out the -details of allotment and collection from the individual cultivators. In -the sharehold villages north of the Narbada, the headman who would -be entitled to this 2 1/2 per cent was the representative of the -body of village shareholders. South of the Narbada, in villages -originally colonised by officers of the state, the representatives of -these officers would enjoy the 2 1/2 per cent. In south Gujarát the -desáis or heads of villages also acted as district hereditary revenue -officers; but it was not as district hereditary revenue officers, -but as heads of villages, that they received from Akbar this 2 1/2 -per cent assignment. In north Gujarát there were desáis who were only -district revenue officers. These men would seem to have received no -part of Akbar's grant in 1589-90, for as late as A.D. 1706 the emperor -Aurangzíb, having occasion to make inquiries into the position of -the desáis, found that hitherto they had been supported by cesses and -illegal exactions, and ordered that a stop should be put to all such -exactions, and a fixed assignment of 2 1/2 per cent on the revenues of -the villages under their charge should be allowed them. It does not -appear whether the Surat desáis succeeded in obtaining Aurangzíb's -grant of 2 1/2 per cent as district revenue officers in addition to -Akbar's (A.D. 1589) assignment of 2 1/2 per cent as heads of villages. - -[709] Bird's History of Gujarát, 409. - -[710] Áhmedábád (A.D. 1583) by Muzaffar Sháh the last king of Gujarát; -Cambay (A.D. 1573) by Muhammad Husain Mirza; and Surat (A.D. 1609) -by Malik Ambar the famous general of the king of Amednagar. In such -unsettled times it is not surprising that the European travellers of -the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, between Áhmedábád -and Cambay found native merchants marching in large weekly caravans -which rested at night within a space barricaded by carts. (Kerr, -IX. 127 and 201.) The English merchants, on their way from one -factory to another, were accompanied by an escort, and, in spite of -their guard, were on more than one occasion attacked by large bands -of Rájputs. (Kerr, IX. 127, 187, 201, 203.) As regards the state -of the different parts of the province, Nicholas Ufflet, who went -from Agra to Surat about 1610, describes the north, from Jhálor to -Áhmedábád, as throughout the whole way a sandy and woody country, -full of thievish beastly men, and savage beasts such as lions and -tigers; from Áhmedábád to Cambay the road was through sands and woods -much infested by thieves; from Cambay to Broach it was a woody and -dangerous journey; but from Broach to Surat the country was goodly, -fertile, and full of villages, abounding in wild date trees. (Kerr, -VIII. 303.) Passing from the mouth of the Tápti to Surat Mr. Copland -(24th Dec. 1613) was delighted to see at the same time the goodliest -spring and harvest he had ever seen. 'Often of two adjoining fields, -one was as green as a fine meadow, and the other waving yellow -like gold and ready to be cut down, and all along the roads were -many goodly villages.' (Kerr, IX. 119.) At that time the state of -north-east Gujarát was very different. Terry, 1617 (Voyage, 404), -describes the passage of nineteen days from Mándu near Dhár to -Áhmedábád as short journeys in a wilderness where a way had to be cut -and made even and the great space required for the Mughal's camp rid -and made plain by grubbing up trees and bushes. And between Cambay -and Áhmedábád De la Valle, A.D. 1623 (Travels, Hakluyt Ed. I. 92), -resolved to go with the káfila since the insecurity of the ways did -not allow him to go alone. Still at that time Gujarát as a whole (see -above page 220 note 2) was an exceeding rich province, a description -which twenty years later (1638) is borne out by Mandelslo (Travels, -French Edition, 56): No province in India is more fertile; none -yields more fruit or victuals. With the boast of the author of the -Mirat-i-Áhmedi (A.D. 1756) that Gujarát was the richest province in -India compare Kháfi Khan's (A.D. 1719) remark (Elliot, VII. 530): -This rich province which no other province in India can equal. - -[711] Orme's Historical Fragments, 12. - -[712] The following are some of the notices of Áhmedábád and Cambay -by the European travellers of the seventeenth century: Cambay, -1598, trade so great that if he had not seen it he would not have -believed it possible (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, indifferent large with -sufficiently spacious suburbs and a great concourse of vessels (De -la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 66-67); 1638, beyond comparison larger -than Surat (Mandelslo, 101-108); 1663-1671, twice as big as Surat -(Baldæus in Churchill, III. 506). Áhmedábád, 1598, a very great city -and populous (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, competently large with great -suburbs, a goodly and great city, with large fair and straight but -sadly dusty streets (De la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 95); 1627, -large and beautiful with many broad and comely streets, a rich and -uniform bazár, and shops redundant with gums perfumes spices silks -cottons and calicoes (Herbert's Travels, 3rd Edition, 66); 1638, -great manufactures, satin and velvet, silk and cotton (Mandelslo, -80); 1695, the greatest city in India, nothing inferior to Venice -for rich silks and gold stuffs (Gemelli Careri in Churchill, IV. 188). - -[713] Bird, 411. - -[714] The usual explanation of toda garás is the word toda meaning -the beam-end above each house door. The sense being that it was a levy -exacted from every house in the village. A more likely derivation is -toda a heap or money-bag with the sense of a ready-money levy. Toda -differed from vol in being exacted from the garás or land once the -property of the levier's ancestors. - -[715] Somnáth (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 23'), the -temple of Mahádev 'Lord of the Moon,' near the southern extremity of -the peninsula of Káthiáváda. - -[716] Anahilaváda (north latitude 23° 48'; east longitude 72° 2'), -Nehrwála or Pátan, on the south bank of the Sarasvatí river, sixty-five -miles north-east of Ahmedábád, was from A.D. 746 to A.D. 1298 the -capital of the Rájput dynasties of Gujarát. As a result of Muhammad -Ghori's defeat the Tárikh-i-Sorath (Burgess, 112-113) states that the -Turkish Afghán and Mughal prisoners, according to the rule of the -Kuraan (XXIV. 25) were distributed, the wicked women to the wicked -men and the good women to the good men. Of the male prisoners the -better class after having their heads shaved were enrolled among the -Chakáwal and Wádhel tribes of Rájputs. The lower class were allotted -to the Kolis, Khánts, Bábriás, and Mers. All were allowed to keep their -wedding and funeral ceremonies and to remain aloof from other classes. - -[717] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi gives an account of an expedition by -one Alifkhán a noble of Sultán Sanjar's against Anahilaváda in -A.D. 1257. He is said to have built the large stone mosque without the -city. Alifkhán returned unsuccessful, but not without levying tribute. - -[718] Devgadh near Daulatabad in the Dakhan, about ten miles north-west -of Aurangábád (north latitude 19° 57'; east longitude 75° 18'). The -Mirat-i-Áhmedi has Devgadh Chandah, which is in the Central Provinces. - -[719] Jhálor (north latitude 25° 23'; east longitude 72° 40') in the -Rájput state of Jodhpur, seventy miles south-west by south from the -city of Jodhpur. - -[720] Bayley (Gujarát, 39 note) shows strong ground for holding that, -though Gujarát was conquered by Ulugh Khán a brother of Alá-ud-dín, -its first governor was not Ulugh Khán but Álp Khán a brother-in-law -of Alá-ud-dín. According to this account Ulugh Khán died in A.D. 1299 -and Álp Khán at Malik Káfúr's instigation was killed in A.D. 1315. Ziá -Barni (Elliot, III. 169) supports this account. - -[721] According to Ziá Barni (Elliot, III. 218) Hisám-ud-dín was -the mother's brother, according to others he was the brother of Hasan -afterwards Khusraw Khán Parmár the favourite of Mubárak Sháh. On coming -to Gujarát Hisám-ud-dín collected his Parmár kindred and revolted, but -the nobles joining against him seized him and sent him to Dehli. To -their disgust Mubárak in his infatuation for Hisám-ud-dín's nephew -or brother, after slapping Hisám-ud-dín on the face set him at liberty. - -[722] In the Karnátak, probably on the Tungabhadra near -Vijayánagar. Briggs' Muhammadan Power in India, I. 418 and 428. Briggs -speaks of two Kampilás one on the Ganges and the other on the -Tungabhadra near Bijánagar. - -[723] Asáwal (north latitude 23° 0'; east longitude 72° 36'), a town -of some size, afterwards, A.D. 1413, made the capital of the Musalmán -kings of Gujarát and called Áhmedábád. - -[724] Girnár (north latitude 21° 30'; east longitude 70° 42'), in -the Sorath sub-division of the peninsula of Káthiáváda. - -[725] Both the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and the Táríkh-i-Fírúz Sháhi say that -the fortress was taken. The Úparkot or citadel of Junágadh, in the -plain about two miles west of Mount Girnár, is probably meant. - -[726] Nágor (north latitude 27° 10'; east longitude 73° 50'), in the -Ráthod state of Jodhpur, eighty miles north-east of Jodhpur city. - -[727] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Khánpur or Kánpur. The place is Khambhoi -about twenty miles west of Pátan. - -[728] Ídar is the principal state of the Mahi Kántha. The town of -Ídar is in north latitude 23° 50' and east longitude 73° 3'. - -[729] Junágadh in the Sorath sub-division of Káthiáváda. This is -Briggs' Rái of Jehrend. Junágadh was formerly called Jirangad, both -names meaning ancient fortress. - -[730] Rájpípla is in the Rewa Kántha division of Gujarát. - -[731] Sultánpur and Nandurbár now form part of the British district -of Khándesh. - -[732] Ásir, now Ásírgad (north latitude 21° 26'; east longitude 76° -26'), beyond the north-eastern frontier of Khándesh. - -[733] Mándu (north latitude 22° 20'; east longitude 75° 27'), one -of the most famous forts in India, the capital of the Pathán dynasty -of Málwa, A.D. 1404-1561, stands on the crest of the Vindhyas about -twenty-five miles south of Dhár. During a considerable part of the -fifteenth century Mándu was either directly or indirectly under -Gujarát. An account of Mándu is given in the Appendix. - -[734] Ajmír (north latitude 26° 29'; east longitude 74° 43'), the -chief town of the district of the same name to which Sámbhar and -Dandwána belong. - -[735] Delváda and Jháláváda are somewhat difficult. The context -suggests either Jhálor in Márwár or Jháláváda in the extreme south-east -of Rájputána south of Kotah. The combination Delváda and Jháláváda -seems to favour Káthiáváda since there is a Delváda in the south of -the peninsula near Diu and a Jháláváda in the north-east. But the -Delváda of the text can hardly be near Diu. It apparently is Delváda -near Eklingji about twenty miles north of Udepur. The account of Áhmed -Sháh's expedition to the same place in A.D. 1431 (below page 239) -confirms this identification. - -[736] Pánipat (north latitude 29° 23'; east longitude 77° 2'), -seventy-eight miles north of Dehli. - -[737] Farishtah (II. 355) calls the Ídar chief Ranbal. - -[738] Compare Farishtah, II. 355-356. After his death Muhammad was -known as Khudáigán-i-Shahíd, Our Lord the Martyr, according to the -custom of the Sultáns of Dehli, all of whom had three names, their -family name, their throne name, and their after-death name whose -letters contain the date of the monarch's decease. Thus the emperor -Akbar's after-death title is Ársh Áshiáni, The Holder of the Heavenly -Throne; the emperor Jehángír's is Jannat Makáni, The Dweller in Heaven; -the emperor Sháh Jehán's is Firdaus Makáni, He Whose Home is Paradise; -and the emperor Aurangzíb's is Khuld Makáni, The Occupier of the -Eternal Residence. Similarly the after-death title of Muzaffar Sháh, -Tátár Khán's father, is Khûdáigán-i-Kabir, The Great Lord. - -[739] Dhár (north latitude 22° 35'; east longitude 75° 20'), the -capital of the state of Dhár thirty-three miles west of Mhow in -Central India. - -[740] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Kanthkot a dependency of Kachh. This -is probably correct. - -[741] The date is doubtful: Farishtah (II. 630) gives A.D. 1412, -the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochman's Edition, I. 507) A.D. 1411. - -[742] Four Áhmeds who had never missed the afternoon prayer helped -to build Áhmedábád: Saint Sheikh Áhmed Khattu, Sultán Áhmed, Sheikh -Áhmed, and Mulla Áhmed. Compare Bombay Gazetteer, IV. 249 note 5. - -[743] Called in the Tabakát-i-Akbari the Rája of Mandal. - -[744] Sidhpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 72° 20'), -on the Sarasvatí, fifty-eight miles north of Áhmedábád. - -[745] Chámpáner (north latitude 22° 30'; east longitude 73° 30') in -the British district of the Panch Maháls, from A.D. 1483 to A.D. 1560 -the chief city of Gujarát, now in ruins. - -[746] Modása (north latitude 23° 27'; east longitude 73° 21'), fifty -miles north-east of Áhmedábád. - -[747] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 34, 35; Farishtah, II. 363, 364. - -[748] Sankheda is on the left bank of the Or river about twenty miles -south-east of Baroda. - -[749] Mángni Mákani or Mánki, famous for its witches, eight -miles east of Sankheda. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D. Compare -Bom. Gov. Rec. N. S. XXIII. 98. - -[750] Dohad (north latitude 22° 50'; east longitude 74° 15'), -seventy-seven miles north-east of Baroda, now the chief town of the -sub-division of the same name in the British district of the Panch -Máháls. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D. - -[751] Jítpur about twelve miles north-east of Bálásinor. - -[752] Ujjain (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 75° 47'), at -different times the capital of Málwa. - -[753] Sárangpur about fifty miles north-east of Ujjain. - -[754] Ahmednagar (north latitude 23° 34'; east longitude 73° 1') -in the native state of Ídar. - -[755] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 43. - -[756] There are two Máhims on the North Konkan coast, one about -twenty-two miles north of Bassein (north latitude 19° 40'; east -longitude 72° 47'), and the other in the northern extremity of the -island of Bombay (north latitude 19° 2'; east longitude 72° 54'). The -southern Máhim, to which Farishtah (II. 370-371) is careful to apply -the term jaziráh or island, is the town referred to in the text. The -northern Máhim, now known as Kelva Máhim, was, as is noted in the text, -the head-quarters of a Hindu chief. - -[757] Thána (north latitude 19° 11'; east longitude 73° 6'), the -head-quarters of the British district of that name, about twenty-four -miles north-by-east of Bombay, was from the tenth to the sixteenth -century A.D. the chief city in the Northern Konkan. - -[758] Báglán, now called Satána, is the northern sub-division of -the British district of Násik. In A.D. 1590 the chief commanded -8000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. The country was famous for -fruit. Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), II. 73. The chief, a Ráthod, was -converted to Islám by Aurangzíb (A.D. 1656-1707). - -[759] Dúngarpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 73° 50') -in Rájputána, 150 miles north-west of Mhow. - -[760] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 45, 46. - -[761] Godhra (north latitude 22° 45'; east longitude 73° 36'), the -chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district -of the Panch Maháls. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 49) gives, -probably rightly, Kothra a village of Sáunli or Savli about twenty -miles north of Baroda. - -[762] Sultánpur (north latitude 21° 43'; east longitude 74° 40'), -in the north of the Sháháda sub-division of the British district of -Khándesh, till A.D. 1804 a place of consequence and the head-quarters -of a large district. - -[763] Kapadvanj (north latitude 23° 2'; east longitude 73° 9'), the -chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district -of Kaira. - -[764] Dholka (north latitude 22° 42'; east longitude 72° 25'), the -chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district -of Áhmedábád. - -[765] Sámbhar (north latitude 26° 53'; east longitude 75° 13'), a town -in the province of Ajmír, about fifty-one miles north-north-east from -the city of Ajmír. - -[766] Chitor (north latitude 24° 52'; east longitude 74° 4'), for -several centuries before A.D. 1567 the capital of the principality -of Udepur. - -[767] Sirohi (north latitude 24° 59'; east longitude 72° 56'), the -capital of the principality of the same name in the province of Ajmír. - -[768] Ábu (north latitude 24° 45'; east longitude 72° 49') in the -state of Sirohi. - -[769] The Rája is called Krishna Kishan or Kánh Devra. Ábu is still -held by the Sirohi Devrás. - -[770] Mandisor (north latitude 24° 4'; east longitude 75° 9'), the -chief town of a district of the same name in the province of Málwa. - -[771] Persian Text, Mirat-i-Sikandari, 75-76. - -[772] The Portuguese merchant and traveller Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514) -gives the following details of Mahmúd Begada's cavalry: The Moors and -Gentiles of this kingdom are bold riders, mounted on horses bred in the -country, for it has a wonderful quantity. They ride on small saddles -and use whips. Their arms are very thick round shields edged with silk; -each man has two swords, a dagger, and a Turkish bow with very good -arrows. Some of them carry maces, and many of them coats-of-mail, -and others tunics quilted with cotton. The horses have housings and -steel headpieces, and so they fight very well and are light in their -movements. The Moorish horsemen are white and of many countries, -Turks and Mamelukes, military slaves from Georgia Circassia and -Mingrelia, Arabs Persians Khorásánis Turkomans, men from the great -kingdom of Dehli, and others born in the country itself. Their pay is -good, and they receive it regularly. They are well dressed with very -rich stuffs of gold silk cotton and goat's wool, and all wear caps -on their heads, and their clothes long, such as morisco shirts and -drawers, and leggings to the knee of good thick leather worked with -gold knots and embroidery, and their swords richly ornamented with -gold and silver are borne in their girdles or in the hands of their -pages. Their women are very white and pretty: also very richly decked -out. They live well and spend much money. Stanley's Barbosa, 55-56. - -[773] Mahmúd's favourite trees were the mango ámbo Mangifera indica, -ráen Mimusops hexandra, jámbu Eugenia jambolana, gúlar Ficus glomerata, -tamarind ámli Tamarindus indica, and the shrubby phyllanthus áonla -Emblica officinalis. - -[774] Burhánpur (north latitude 21° 18'; east longitude 76° 20'), -under the Musalmáns the capital of Khándesh, now within the limits -of the Berárs. - -[775] Gondwána, a large hilly tract lying between north latitude 19° -50' and 24° 30' and east longitude 77° 38' and 87° 20'. - -[776] The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, page 89) gives the hill fort -of Bárudar. The Persian r may be a miswritten g and the d a mistake -for w that is Baguwar or Baguwarah. The seaport Dûn may be Dungri -hill six miles from the coast. But Dûn for Dáhánu a well-known port -in north Thána is perhaps more likely. Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 51) -gives Bavur for Baru and Dura for Dûn. Compare Tabakát-i-Akbari in -Bayley's Gujarát, page 178 note 2. - -[777] Girnár the diadem of Káthiáváda. See above page 231 note 2. - -[778] Mangifera indica, Mimusops hexandra, Eugenia jambolana, Ficus -glomerata, Tamarindus indica, and Emblica officinalis. - -[779] Khánts are still found chiefly in Soráth. See Bombay Gazetteer, -VIII. 142. - -[780] The Tabakát-i-Akbari says they were Játs. Sir H. Elliot -(History of India, I. 496) represents the Sumrás to be Agnikula -Rájputs of the Parmára stock. The Jádejás had been ruling in Kachh -since A.D. 1350-1365. - -[781] Dwárka (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69°), on the -north-western shore of Káthiáváda, famous for its temple of Krishna. - -[782] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has 'To-morrow the sword of adamant shall -answer your message.' - -[783] Farishtah, II. 396-397. - -[784] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 112-114. - -[785] Dábhol (north latitude 17° 34'; east longitude 73° 16'), on the -north bank of the river Váshishti (called Halewacko and Kalewacko by -the early navigators. See Badger's Varthema, page 114 note 1) in the -British district of Ratnágiri. About this time, according to Athanasius -Nikitin (A.D. 1468-1474), Dábhol was the great meeting place for all -nations living along the coast of India and Ethiopia. In A.D. 1501 it -was taken by the Portuguese. Between A.D. 1626 and 1630 an English -factory was established here, but by the end of the century trade -had left Dábhol and has never returned. - -[786] Cheul, now Revdanda (north latitude 18° 33'; east longitude 72° -59'), from about A.D. 1500 to 1650 a place of much trade. - -[787] Mahmúd Begada greatly impressed travellers, whose strange tales -of him made the king well-known in Europe. Varthema (1503-1508) -thus describes his manner of living: 'The king has constantly -20,000 horsemen. In the morning when he rises there come to his -palace 50 elephants, on each of which a man sits astride, and -the said elephants do reverence to the king, and, except this, -they have nothing else to do. When the king eats, fifty or sixty -kinds of instruments, drums trumpets flageolets and fifes play, -and the elephants again do him reverence. As for the king himself, -his mustachios under his nose are so long that he ties them over -his head as a woman would tie her tresses, and he has a white beard -that reaches to his girdle. As to his food, every day he eats poison -(Hudibras' Prince whose 'daily food was asp and basilisk and toad'), -not that he fills his stomach with it, but he eats a certain quantity, -so that when he wishes to destroy any great person he makes him come -before him stripped and naked, and then eats certain fruits which are -called chofole (jáiphal, nutmeg), like a muscatel nut. He also eats -certain leaves called tamboli (pán or betel leaf; like the leaves of -a sour orange, and with these he eats lime of oyster shells. When -he has chewed this well he spurts it out on the person he wishes -to kill, and so in the space of half an hour the victim falls to -the ground dead. The Sultán has also three or four thousand women, -and every night that he sleeps with one, she is found dead in the -morning.' Barbosa (A.D. 1511) goes further (Stanley's Trans. 57), -saying that so soaked was the king with poison that if a fly settled -on his hand it swelled and immediately fell dead. This was the result -of his early training. For, on Varthema's companion asking how it -was that the king could eat poison in this manner, certain merchants, -who were older than the Sultán, answered that his father had fed him -upon poison from his childhood. (Badger's Varthema, 110.) Of the -origin of Mahmúd's surname Begada two explanations are given: (1) -'From his mustachios being large and twisted like a bullock's horn, -such a bullock being called Begado; (2) that the word comes from -the Gujaráti be, two, and gad, a fort, the people giving him this -title in honour of his capture of Junágadh (A.D. 1472) and Chámpáner -(A.D. 1484).' (Bird's History of Gujarát, 202; Mirat-i-Ahmedi Persian -Text, 74.) Varthema's account of the poison-eating is probably -an exaggeration of the Sultán's habit of opium-eating to which -from his infancy he was addicted. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian -Text, 751) speaks of the great physical power of Mahmúd and of his -wonderful appetite. Mahmúd's daily food weighed forty sers the ser -being 15 bahlulis a little over half a pound. He used to eat about -three pounds (5 sers) of parched gram to dessert. For breakfast, -after his morning prayer, Mahmúd used to consume a cupfull of pure -Makkah honey with a second cupfull of clarified butter and fifty -small plantains called sohan kelas. At night they set by his bed two -plates of sambúsás or minced mutton sausages. In the morning Mahmúd -seeing the empty plates used to give thanks: 'Oh Allah,' he said, -'hadst thou not given this unworthy slave rule over Gujarát, who -could have filled his stomach.' His virile powers were as unusual as -his appetite. The only woman who could bear his embraces unharmed -was a powerful Abyssinian girl who was his great favourite. Of the -wealth and weapons kept in store the Mirat-i-Sikandari gives the -following details regarding the great expedition against Junágadh -(Persian Text, 94): The Sultán ordered the treasurer to send with -the army gold coins worth five krors, 1700 Egyptian Allemand Moorish -and Khurásáni swords with gold handles weighing 2 1/2 to 3 pounds -(4-5 sers), 1700 daggers and poignards with gold handles weighing -1 to 1 1/2 pounds (2-3 sers), and 2000 Arab and Turki horses with -gold-embroidered housings. All this treasure of coin and weapons the -Sultán spent in presents to his army (Ditto, 94-95). - -[788] Ferishtah, II. 404. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 148, -149) calls the Persian ambassador Ibráhím Khán. - -[789] Farishtah, II. 408. - -[790] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 166-167; Farishtah, II. 411. - -[791] The verse supposed to possess the highest virtue against poison -is the last verse of Chap. cvi. of the Kurâán.... Serve the Lord of -this House who supplieth them with food against hunger and maketh -them free from fear. - -[792] Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Manuscript), 174, 175, 194. - -[793] Both the Mirat-i-Sikandari (287) and Farishtah (II. 419) place -Munga in Nandurbár-Sultánpur. The further reference to Rána Bhím of -Pál seems to apply to the same man as the Rána Bhím of Munga. Munga -may then be Mohangad that is Chhota Udepur. - -[794] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 225-226: Farishtah, -II. 425-428. The Gujarát Musalmán historians give a somewhat vague -application to the word Pál which means a bank or step downwards to the -plain. In the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Páhlanpur Edition, page 168) Pálvaráh, -whose climate is proverbially bad, includes Godhra Ali Mohan and -Rájpípla that is the rough eastern fringe of the plain land of Gujarát -from the Mahi to the Tapti. As the Rája of Nándod or Rájpípla was the -leading chief south of Ídar Colonel Watson took references to the Rája -of Pál to apply to the Rája of Rájpípla. An examination of the passages -in which the name Pál occurs seems to show that the hill country to -the east rather than to the south of Pávágad or Chámpáner is meant. In -A.D. 1527 Latíf Khán the rival of Bahádur Sháh after joining the Rája -Bhím in his kohistan or highlands of Pál when wounded is taken into -Hálol. The same passage contains a reference to the Rája of Nándod -as some one distinct from the Rája of Pál. In A.D. 1531 Ráisingh of -Pál tried to rescue Mahmúd Khilji on his way from Mándu in Málwa to -Chámpáner. In A.D. 1551 Násir Khán fled to Chámpáner and died in the -Pál hills. These references seem to agree in allotting Pál to the -hills of Bária and of Mohan or Chhota Udepur. This identification -is in accord with the local use of Pál. Mr. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D., -Political Agent, Rewa Kántha, writes (8th Jan. 1895): Bhíls Kolis and -traders all apply the word Pál to the Bária Pál which besides Bária -takes in Sanjeli and the Navánagar-Saliát uplands in Godhra. - -[795] Purandhar about twenty miles south by east of Poona, one of -the greatest of Dakhan hill forts. - -[796] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 238, 239; Farishtah, II. 430. According to -the Mirat-i-Sikandari (239) the Sultán enquired on which side was the -loftiest height. They told him that in the direction of Songad-Chitauri -the hill was extremely high. These details show that the cliff scaled -by Bahádur was in the extreme south-west of Mándu where a high nearly -isolated point stretches out from the main plateau. For details see -Appendix II. Mándu. - -[797] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 241-242; Farishtah, II. 432. - -[798] Halvad is a former capital of the chief of Dhrángadhra in -Káthiáváda. - -[799] Gágraun in Central India about seventy miles north-east of -Ujjain. - -[800] Rantanbhúr about seventy-five miles south by east of Jaipur. - -[801] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 266, 268; Farishtah, II. 439. - -[802] A detailed account of the death of Sultán Bahádur is given in -the Appendix. - -[803] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 233. Compare Farishtah, II. 427. - -[804] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 292. - -[805] A poet of the time, Mulla Muhammad of Astarábád, enshrined the -date H. 947 (A.D. 1540) in the words: - -SADD BUWAD BAR SÍNAH-O-JÁNAI FIRANGÍ ÍN BINÁI. May this fabric press -like a pillar on the breast and the life of the Frank. - -Farishtah, II. 447. The letter values that make 947 are: S = 60, d = -4, b = 2, w = 6, d = 4, b = 2, r = 200, s = 60, y = 10, n = 50, h = -5, w = 6, j = 3, a = 1, n = 50, f = 80, r = 200, n = 50, g = 20, y = -10, a = 1, y = 10, n = 50, b = 2, n = 50, a = 1, y = 10. Total 947. - -[806] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27. - -[807] This Imád-ul-Mulk is different from the Imád-ul-Mulk mentioned -above (page 258) as receiving a grant of Broach and Surat. The -latter had before this retired to Surat, and was killed there in -A.D. 1545. (Bird, 266.) Imád-ul-Mulk II. who attacked Burhán, was -originally called Malik Arslán (Bird, 272). He is also called the -leader of the Turks and Rúmi. This Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, who was the -father of Changíz Khán, was ultimately killed in A.D. 1560 at Surat -by his own son-in-law Khudáwand or Ikhtiyár Khán. - -[808] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27. - -[809] This seems to be the palace referred to in the Tabakát-i-Akbari -(Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, V. 369): After his second -settlement of Gujarát (A.D. 1573, H. 981) Akbar left Áhmedábád for -Mehmudábád and rested in the lofty and fine palace of Sultán Mahmúd -of Gujarát. - -[810] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 332. - -[811] For Pál compare note 2 page 253. - -[812] The fort of Daman was taken by the Portuguese in A.D. 1530, and, -according to Portuguese accounts (Faria y Souza in Kerr's Voyages, -VI. 413) the country round was annexed by them in 1558. According -to a statement in Bird's History, 128, the districts surrendered by -Changíz Khán contained 700 towns (villages) yielding a yearly revenue -of £430,000 (Rs. 43,00,000). Sanján, since known as St. John's Head -(north latitude 20° 13'; east longitude 72° 47'), between Daman and -Bassein, seems to be one of the two Sindáns, the other being in Kachh, -mentioned by the ninth to twelfth century Arab geographers. According -to Idrísi (Jaubert's Edition, 172) the mainland Sindán was a great -town with a large import and export trade and well peopled with -rich warlike and industrious inhabitants. Idrísi's (Elliot, I. 85) -notice of an island of the same name to the east is perhaps a confused -reference to the Kachh Sindán which is generally supposed to be the -Sindán of the Arab geographers. In A.D. 842, Sindán then a city of -some size, is mentioned by Al-Biláduri (Reinaud's Fragments, 216-217) -as having been taken by a Musalmán slave Fazl son of Máhán. This Fazl -is related to have sent an elephant from Sindán to the Khalífah Al -Maamún the Abbási (A.D. 813-833) and to have built an Assembly Mosque -at Sindán. (Al-Biláduri in Elliot, I. 129.) - -[813] According to Abul Fazl (Akbarnáma, III. 404; Elliot, V. 730) -Muzaffar was a base-born boy of the name of Nathu. - -[814] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot's India, V. 339 note 2. - -[815] These Mírzás were the great grandsons of a Muhammad Sultán Mírza, -the ruler of Khurásán, who, on being driven out of his dominions, -sought refuge in India. This prince and his family on the ground of -their common descent from Taimûr, were entertained first by Bábar -(A.D. 1526-1531), and afterwards by Humáyún (A.D. 1531-1556). Before -this quarrel Akbar had treated the Mírzás with great honour. Elliot's -History, VI. 122. - -[816] The modern game of polo. Lane in his translation of the Thousand -and One Nights (I. 76, 1883 Edition) calls it the golf-stick, but the -nature of the game described there does not in any way differ from -polo. Chaugán is the Persian and As-súlján-wal-kurah the Arabic name -for the game. - -[817] The emperor Akbar took Muzaffar Sháh with him to Agra, and -settled on him the districts of Sárangpur and Ujjain in Málwa with a -revenue of Rs. 20,00,000 (50 lákhs of tankás) (Elliot, V. 353). When -Mun'im Khán Khán Khánán was going to Bengal, the emperor made -Muzaffar over to him. Mun'im Khán gave his daughter Sháhzádah Khánam -in marriage to Muzaffar, but shortly afterwards having reason to -suspect him imprisoned him, whence Muzaffar finding an opportunity -fled to Gujarát in A.D. 1581 (H. 989) according to Farishtah (II. 460), -1583 according to the Mirat-i-Sikandari. - -[818] Both the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, V. 342) and Farishtah -(I. 491) name four other nobles Mír Abu Turáb, Sayad Áhmed Bhukhári, -Malik Ashraf, and Wajíh-ul-Mulk. The Sayad Áhmed of these two writers -is a misprint for the Sayad Hámid of the text. - -[819] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 415; Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343. - -[820] These details of the Surat expedition are taken from the -Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343-346 and Abúl Fazl's Akbar-námah -in Elliot, VI. 42. - -[821] The emperor Jehángír in his Diary (Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri, Persian -Text, Sir Sayad Ahmed's Edition, page 196) says that Biharji or Viharji -was the hereditary title of the chiefs of Báglán. The personal name -of the Baglán Bihárji of his time was Partáp. - -[822] According to the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochmann, I. 325) the province -of Gujarát over which the Kokaltásh was placed did not pass further -south than the river Mahi. - -[823] Tuzuki Jehángíri or Jehángír's Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sayad Áhmed -Khán's Edition page 20. For Akbar's march compare Tabakát-i-Akbari -in Elliot, V. 365 and Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 325 and note. The -Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Pers. Text, 131) records these further details: -When starting from his last camp Akbar began to mount his horse on -the day of the battle that took place near Áhmedábád. The royal steed -unable to bear the weight of the hero laden with the spirit of victory -sat down. Rája Bhagwándás Kachwáhah ran up to the rather embarrassed -emperor and offered him his congratulations saying: This, your Majesty, -is the surest sign of victory. There are also two further signs: the -wind blows from our back and the kites and vultures accompany our host. - -[824] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 405. - -[825] Mángrúl (north latitude 21° 8'; east longitude 70° 10'), a -seaport on the south coast of Káthiáváda, about twenty miles west -of Somnáth. This town, which is supposed to be the Monoglossum -emporium of Ptolemy (A.D. 150) (see Bird, 115), is spelt Mánglúr -by the Muhammadan historians. Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514), under the -name of Surati-mangaler, calls it a 'very good port where many -ships from Malabár touch for horses, wheat, rice, cotton goods, -and vegetables.' In A.D. 1531 the city was taken by the Portuguese -general Sylveira with a vast booty and a great number of prisoners -(Churchill's Travels, III. 529). It is incidentally mentioned in -the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590). In A.D. 1638 Mandelslo describes it -as famous for its linen cloth, and in A.D. 1700 it is mentioned by -Hamilton (New Account, I. 136) as a place of trade. - -[826] This has been rendered by Bird, 353, 'the mountain of Dínár,' -as if Koh Dínár. - -[827] H. 992 (1584 A.D.) according to the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, -V. 428). - -[828] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 422. Compare Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 386. - -[829] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 426: Farishtah, I. 503; Elliot, V. 434. In -honour of this victory the Khán Khánán built, on the site of the -battle, a palace and garden enclosing all with a high wall. This which -he named Jítpur the City of Victory was one of the chief ornaments -of Áhmedábád. In November 1613 the English merchant Wittington writes -(Kerr's Voyages, IX. 127): A kos from Sarkhej is a pleasant house with -a large garden all round on the banks of the river which Chon-Chin-Naw -(Khán Khánán) built in honour of a great victory over the last king of -Gujarát. No person inhabits the house. Two years later (1615) another -English merchant Dodsworth (Kerr, IX. 203) describes the field of -Victory as strongly walled all round with brick about 1 1/2 miles in -circuit all planted with fruit trees and delightfully watered having a -costly house called by a name signifying Victory in which Khán Khánán -for some time resided. In 1618, the emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Persian -Text, 210-213) on his way to Sarkhej visited the Khán-i-Khánán's Bághi -Fateh or Garden of Victory which he had built at a cost of two lákhs -of rupees ornamenting the garden with buildings and surrounding it -with a wall. The natives he notices call it Fateh-Wádi. In 1626 the -English traveller Herbert (Travels, 66) writes: Two miles nearer -Áhmedábád than Sirkhej are the curious gardens and palace of Khán -Khánán where he defeated the last of the Cambay kings and in memory -built a stately house and spacious gardens the view whereof worthily -attracts the traveller. Mandelslo writing in 1638 is still louder in -praise of Tschietbág the Garden of Victory. It is the largest and most -beautiful garden in all India because of its splendid buildings and -abundance of fine fruits. Its site is one of the pleasantest in the -world on the border of a great tank having on the water side many -pavilions and a high wall on the side of Áhmedábád. The lodge and -the caravanserai are worthy of the prince who built them. The garden -has many fruit trees oranges, citrons, pomegranates, dates, almonds, -mulberries, tamarinds, mangoes, and cocoanuts so closely planted that -all walking in the garden is under most pleasing shade (Mandelslo's -Travels, French Ed. 111-112). When (A.D. 1750) the Mirat-i-Áhmedi -was written several of the buildings and the remains of the summer -house were still to be seen (Bird's History of Gujarát, 375). A few -traces of the buildings known as Fateh Bádi or Victory Garden remains -1879). (Áhmedábád Gazetteer, 292.) - -[830] Two lákhs of mahmúdis. The mahmúdi varied in value from about -one-third to one-half of a rupee. See Introduction page 222 note 2. - -[831] Morvi (north latitude 29° 48'; east longitude 70° 50'), a town -in Káthiáváda, about twenty-one miles south of Kachh. - -[832] Jagat (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69° 1'), the site -of the temple of Dwárka, at the western extremity of the peninsula -of Káthiáváda. - -[833] Verával (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 21'), -on the south-west coast of Káthiáváda. On the south-east point of -Verával bay stood the city of Dev or Mungi Pátan and within its walls -the temple of Somanátha. - -[834] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 23; Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, -I. 470. Bahádur died about A.D. 1614: Jehángír's Memoirs, 134. - -[835] Now belonging to His Highness the Gáikwár about twenty-seven -miles north-west of Áhmedábád. - -[836] Belpár, belonging to the Thákor of Umeta in the Rewa Kántha. - -[837] This Mándwa is probably the Mándwa under His Highness the Gáikwár -in his district of Atarsumba, but it may be Mándwa on the Narbada in -the Rewa Kántha. Atarsumba is about ten miles west of Kapadvanj in -the British district of Kaira. - -[838] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 75. - -[839] Now belonging to the Rája of Dharampur, east of the British -district of Surat. - -[840] In this year (A.D. 1611) the English East India Company sent -vessels to trade with Surat. The Portuguese made an armed resistance, -but were defeated. The Mughal commander, who was not sorry to see -the Portuguese beaten, gave the English a warm reception, and in -A.D. 1612-13 a factory was opened in Surat by the English, and in -A.D. 1614 a fleet was kept in the Tápti under Captain Downton to -protect the factory. In A.D. 1615, Sir Thomas Roe came as ambassador to -the emperor Jehángír, and obtained permission to establish factories, -not only at Surat but also at Broach, Cambay and Gogha. The factory at -Gogha seems to have been established in A.D. 1613. The emperor Jehángír -notes in his memoirs (Persian Text, 105) that Mukarrab Khán, viceroy -from A.D. 1616-1618, regardless of cost had bought from the English -at Gogha a turkey, a lemur and other curiosities. On his return from -Jehángír's camp at Áhmedábád in January 1618 Roe obtained valuable -concessions from the viceroy. The governor of Surat was to lend ships -to the English, the resident English might carry arms, build a house, -practise their religion, and settle their disputes. Kerr's Voyages, -IX. 253. The Dutch closely followed the English at Surat and were -established there in A.D. 1618. - -[841] At first Jehángír, who reached Áhmedábád in the hot weather -(March A.D. 1618), contented himself with abusing its sandy streets, -calling the city the 'abode of dust' gardábád. After an attack of fever -his dislike grew stronger, and he was uncertain whether the 'home -of the simoom' samumistán, the 'place of sickness' bímáristán, the -'thorn brake' zakumdár, or 'hell' jahánnamábád, was its most fitting -name. Even the last title did not satisfy his dislike. In derision -he adds the verse, 'Oh essence of all goodnesses by what name shall -I call thee.' Elliot's History of India, VI. 358; Jehángír's Memoirs -Persian Text, 231. Of the old buildings of Áhmedábád, the emperor -(Memoirs, Persian Text, 208-210) speaks of the Kánkariya tank and -its island garden and of the royal palaces in the Bhadar as having -nearly gone to ruin within the last fifty years. He notes that his -Bakhshi had repaired the Kánkariya tank and that the viceroy Mukarrab -Khán had partly restored the Bhadar palaces against his arrival. The -emperor was disappointed with the capital. After the accounts he had -heard it seemed rather poor with its narrow streets, its shops with -ignoble fronts, and its dust, though to greet the emperor as he came -on elephant-back scattering gold the city and its population had put -on their holiday dress. The emperor speaks (Memoirs, Persian Text page -211) of having met some of the great men of Gujarát. Chief among these -was Sayad Muhammad Bukhári the representative of Sháhi Álam and the -sons of Sháh Wajíh-ud-dín of Áhmedábád. They came as far as Cambay -to meet the emperor. After his arrival in the capital Jehángír with -great kindness informally visited the house and garden of Sikandar -Gujaráti the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari, to pick some of the -author's famous figs off the trees. Jehángír speaks of the historian -as a man of a refined literary style well versed in all matters of -Gujarát history, who six or seven years since had entered his (the -imperial) service (Memoirs, 207-211). On the occasion of celebrating -Sháh Jehán's twenty-seventh birthday at Áhmedábád Jehángír records -having granted the territory from Mándu to Cambay as the estate of his -son Sháh Jehán (Prince Khurram). Memoirs, Persian Text, 210-211. Before -leaving Gujarát the emperor ordered the expulsion of the Sevadas or -Jain priests, because of a prophecy unfavourable to him made by Mán -Sing Sewda (Memoirs, Persian Text, 217). - -[842] This was probably the gold ashrafi or seraph of which -Hawkins (1609-1611) says, 'Serraffins Ekberi, which be ten rupees -a-piece.' Thomas Chron. Pat. Kings of Dehli, 425. - -[843] The peaked masonry tomb over Aurangzíb's after-birth with its -mosque, enclosure, and intact endowment is one of the curiosities -of Dohad. In a letter to his eldest son Muhammad Muâzzam then -(A.D. 1704) viceroy of Gujarát the aged Aurangzíb writes: My son of -exalted rank, the town of Dohad, one of the dependencies of Gujarát, -is the birth-place of this sinner. Please to consider a regard for -the inhabitants of that town incumbent on you, and continue in office -its decrepid old Faujdár. In regard to that old man listen not to the -whisperings of those suffering from the disease of self-interest: -"Verily they have a sickness in their hearts and Allah addeth to -their ailments." (Letters of the Emperor Aurangzíb: Persian Text, -Cawnpur Edition, Letter 31.) - -[844] Elliot, VII. 24. - -[845] The words used in the text is tuyúl. In meaning it does not -differ from jágir. - -[846] This is one of the first mentions in history of peninsular -Gujarát as Káthiáváda, or as anything other than Sorath or -Sauráshtra. The district referred to was probably united to the -eastern possessions of the Kháchar Káthis and Panchál. - -[847] The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi says that in his time, -A.D. 1746-1762, these Navánagar koris were current even in Áhmedábád, -two koris and two-thirds being equal to one imperial rupee. They -were also called jámis. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 225) -calls them mahmúdis. The legend on the reverse was the name of the -Gujarát Sultán Muzaffar and on the obverse in Gujaráti the name of the -Jám. Usually two mahmúdis and sometimes three went to the imperial -rupee. The author says that in Áhmedábád up to his day (A.D. 1756) -the account for ghi clarified butter was made in mahmúdis. When the -order for melting the mahmúdis was passed a mint was established at -Junágadh but was afterwards closed to suit the merchants from Diu -and other parts who transmitted their specie to Áhmedábád. - -[848] The traveller Mandelslo, who was in Áhmedábád in 1638, -says: No prince in Europe has so fine a court as the governor of -Gujarát. Of none are the public appearances so magnificent. He never -goes out without a great number of gentlemen and guards on foot and -horse. Before him march many elephants with housings of brocade and -velvet, standards, drums, trumpets, and cymbals. In his palace he is -served like a king and suffers no one to appear before him unless he -has asked an audience. (Travels, French Edition, 151.) Of the general -system of government be says: The viceroy is absolute. It is true he -summons leading lords of the country to deliberate on judgments and -important matters. But they are called to ascertain their views not -to adopt them. On the one hand the king often changes his governors -that they may not grow overpowerful. On the other hand the governors -knowing they may be recalled at any time take immense sums from the -rich merchants especially from the merchants of Áhmedábád against whom -false charges are brought with the view of forcing them to pay. As -the governor is both civil and criminal judge if the merchants did not -temper his greed they would be ruined beyond remedy. (Ditto, 150.) The -frequent changes of viceroys in Gujarát is explained by Terry, 1615-17 -(Voyage to East Indies, 364): To prevent them from becoming popular -the king usually removes his viceroys after one year sending them to -a new government remote from the old one. Terry adds a curious note: -When the king sends any one to a place of government they never cut -their hair till they return into his presence as if they desired not to -appear beautiful except in the king's sight. As soon as he sees them -the king bids them cut their hair (Ditto, 365). It does not seem to -have been cheating to keep up fewer horse than the number named. Terry -(Voyage to East Indies, 391) says: He who hath the pay of five or six -thousand must always have one thousand or more in readiness according -to the king's need of them, and so in proportion all the rest. - -[849] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, II. 46-47. Pinjárás are cotton -teasers, Mansúris are Pinjárás who worship Mansúr a tenth century -(3rd century Hijrah) saint. - -[850] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 237. - -[851] Jhábua, now under the Bhopáwar Agency. - -[852] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 249. - -[853] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 274, 279. - -[854] Ráygad (north latitude 18° 14'; east longitude 73° 30'), -the name given in A.D. 1662 to Rairi, a hill fortress in the Mahád -sub-division of the Kolába collectorate. Shiváji took the place and -made it his capital in A.D. 1662. - -[855] Janjira (north latitude 17° 59' to 18° 32') that is Jazírah the -Island, on the western coast, about forty-four miles south of Bombay. - -[856] Another post of Islámábád was at Punádra in the parganah of -Ázamábád on the Wátrak about twenty-one miles east-south-east of -Áhmedábád. Ázamábád was built by Ázam Khán during his viceroyalty -(A.D. 1635-1642) and at his request by permission of the emperor -Sháh Jehán was erected into a parganah. For the pay of the garrison -twelve villages were attached from the neighbouring parganahs of -Bahyal and Kapadvanj. - -[857] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 311) adds that Bahlol's -following of Kasbátis was so poorly equipped that he had to mount -many of them, for whom he could not find horses, on bullocks. The -sense of security in the mind of the Ídar chief bred by contempt at -the sight of this motley crowd was the chief cause of Bahlol's success. - -[858] The zakát or purification is the tax required by law to be given -annually to the poor. It is levied on camels, oxen, buffaloes, sheep, -goats, horses, asses, mules, and gold or silver whether in money -or ornaments or vessels. The tax is not levied on any one who owns -less than a minimum of five camels, thirty oxen, forty-five sheep, -five horses, two hundred dirhems or twenty dinárs. The proportion -to income is generally one-fortieth; the amount may be paid either -in kind or in money. Compare Stanley Lane Poole's Arabian Society in -the Middle Ages, 14. - -[859] This Sámprah according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, -II. 127, was a small police post or thána in Parganah Bahyal, -twenty miles north-east of Áhmedábád. It is now in the Gáekwár's -territory. Bahyal was under Pátan, so in the text the place is -described as under Pátan. - -[860] The surkh or little black-dotted red seed of the -Abrus precatorius is called ghúngchi in Hindi and cock's-eye, -chashmi-i-khurús, in Persian. As a weight the seed is known as -a rati 96 going to the tola. It is used in weighing precious -stones. Blochmann's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 16 note 1 and Mirat-i-Áhmedi -Persian Text, 366. - -[861] Sinor in Baroda territory on the right bank of the Narbada -about thirty miles south of Baroda. - -[862] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 372. - -[863] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 427-434. - -[864] Arhar-Mátar is according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, -II. 126) the present Kaira sub-division of Mátar. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi -places it twenty miles south-west of Áhmedábád. It is four miles -south-west of Kaira. - -[865] In the beginning of Ajítsingh's administration the Sacrifice -Íd of the Musalmáns very nearly ended in a riot. An overzealous -police officer belonging to the Kálúpúr section of Áhmedábád, -hoping to please the Hindu viceroy, by force deprived some of the -Sunni Bohorás of that quarter of a cow which they had purchased for -the sacrifice. The Bohorás in a mass appealed to the Kázi who not -succeeding in his representation to the viceroy was obliged to allay -the popular excitement by publicly sacrificing a cow after the Íd -prayers. Mirat-i-Áhmedi Royal Asiatic Society MS., I. 567-568. - -[866] This is the first known mention of Gohilváda, the Gohils country, -as a separate district. - -[867] During the governorship of Haidar Kúli at Surat the -Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Royal Asiatic Society MS., I. 567-568) notices the -death of Mulla Abdul Ghafúr the founder of the wealthy family of -the Mullás of Surat. Haidar Kúli confiscated Abdul Ghafúr's property -representing to the emperor that the Mulla died issueless. But the -Mulla's son Abdúl Hye proceeding to Dehli not only obtained from the -emperor an order of restitution of property but the title of chief -of merchants, Umda-tut-Tujjár, and an elephant. - -[868] The sum is 6,75,000 mahmúdis. Like the changízi (see above page -222 note 2) the mahmúdi seems to have varied in value from one-third -to one-half of a rupee. - -[869] See note 1 page 312. The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian -Text Royal Asiatic Society's Library Edition, I. 658) says Trimbakráv -was slain. This seems an oversight as in another passage (Ditto, -738-739, see below page 312) he states that Trimbakráv was killed in -1731. The latter statement is in agreement with Grant Duff (History -of the Maráthás, I. 364). - -[870] The amount was 1,25,000 mahmúdis. - -[871] Kasbátis are the descendants of the Musalmán garrisons of some -towns of north Gujarát. The Kasbátis of Víramgám were originally -Tánk Rájputs. - -[872] See note on page 306. - -[873] Pátdi (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 71° 44'), -at the south-east angle of the Ran of Cutch, fifty-two miles west -of Áhmedábád. - -[874] The Máhi-marátib was a banner having the likeness of a fish at -its top. - -[875] Of the death at the age of nine years of this son of Saint -Sháh-i-Álam the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Printed Persian Text, II. 26) gives -the following details: Malik Seif-ud-dín, the daughter's son of Sultán -Áhmed I., had a son who he believed was born to him by the prayer of -Saint Sháh-i-Álam. This boy who was about nine years old died. Malik -Seif-ud-dín ran to Sháh-i-Álam, who used then to live at Asáwal, -two or three miles east of Áhmedábád, and in a transport of grief and -rage said to the Saint: 'Is this the way you deceive people? Surely -you obtained me the gift of that boy to live and not to die? This I -suppose is how you will keep your promise of mediating for our sinful -souls before Alláh also?' The Saint could give no reply and retired -to his inner apartments. The stricken father went to the Saint's son -Sháh Bhíkan, who, going in to his father, entreated him to restore -the Malik's boy to life. The Saint asked his son 'Are you prepared -to die for the boy?' Sháh Bhíkan said 'I am ready.' The Saint, going -into an inner room, spread his skirts before Alláh crying 'Rájanji,' -a pet name by which the Saint used to address Alláh, meaning Dear -King or Lord, 'Rájanji, here is a goat for a goat; take thou this -one and return the other.' Lamentations in the Saint's harem showed -that half of the prayer was granted and the Malik on returning to -his house found the other half fulfilled. - -[876] See above page 256. The Portuguese details have been obtained -through the kindness of Dr. Gerson DaCunha. - -[877] The following Persian verses are carved on the Âlamgír gateway: - - In the time of Álamgír Aurangzíb (A.D. 1658-1707), the ruler of - the World, - This gate resembling the skies in altitude was built anew. - In the year A.H. 1079 (A.D. 1668) the work of renewal was begun - and completed - By the endeavour of the exalted Khán Muhammad Beg Khán. - From the accession of this Emperor of the World Aurangzíb. - This was the eleventh year by way of writing and history. - -[878] Mr. Fergusson (Indian Architecture, page 543) says: "The pillars -appear to have been taken from a Jain building." But the refinement -on the square capital of each pillar of the Hindu Singh-múkh or -horned face into a group of leaves of the same outline shows that -the pillars were specially carved for use in a Muslim building. The -porch on the north side of the tomb enclosure is described (Ditto, -page 543) as composed of pillars avowedly re-erected from a Jain -building. This note of Mr. Fergusson's must have gone astray, as -the north porch of Hoshang's tomb enclosure is in the plain massive -pointed arch and square-shafted style of the tomb and of the great -mosque. Mr. Fergusson's note apparently belongs to the second and -smaller Jámá Masjid, about a hundred yards east of the Sea or Sagár -lake, the pillars of whose colonnade and porch are still enlivened -by rows of the lucky face of the Hindu old horny. - -[879] Hoshang's great mosque has the following much damaged Persian -inscription: - - The mosque of exalted construction, the temple of heavenly - altitude, - Whose every thick pillar is a copy of the (pillars of the) Sacred - Temple (the Temple of Makkah). - On account of the greatness of its dignity, like the pigeons of - the Temple of Makkah, - Sacred angels of high degree are always engaged in hovering - around it, - The result of the events born of the merciless revolution of - the skies. - When the sun of his life came as far as the balcony (i. e. was - ready to set). - Áazam Humáyún (that is Malik Mughi's) said ... - The administration of the country, the construction of buildings, - and the driving back of enemies - Are things which I leave you (the son of Áazam Humáyún) as parting - advice with great earnestness. - The personification of the kindness of Providence, the Sultán - Alá-ud-dín (Mehmúd I. A.D. 1436-1469), who is - The outcome of the refulgence of the Faith, and the satisfier of - the wants of the people, - In the year A.H. 858. (A.D. 1454), - In the words of the above parting advice, finished the construction - of this building. - -[880] This Jámá Mosque has the following Persian inscription dated -H. 835 (A.D. 1431): - - With good omens, at a happy time, and in a lucky and well-started - year, - On the 4th of the month of Alláh (Ramazán) on the great day - of Friday, - In the year 835 and six months from the Hijrah (A.D. 1431) - Counted according to the revolution of the moon in the Arabian - manner, - This Islamic mosque was founded in this world, - The top of whose dome rubs its head against the green canopy - of Heaven. - The construction of this high mosque was due to - Mughís-ud-dín-wad-dunya (Malik Mughís), the father of Mehmúd - I. of Málwa (A.D. 1436-1469), the redresser of temporal and - spiritual wrongs. - Ulugh (brave), Áazam (great), Humáyún (august), the Khán of the - seven climes and the nine countries. - By the hands of his enterprise this so great mosque was founded, - That some call it the House of Peace, others style it the Kaábah. - This good building was completed on the last of the month of - Shawwál (A.H. 835, A.D. 1431). - May the merit of this good act be inserted in the scroll of the - Khán's actions! - In this centre may the praises of the sermon read (in the name) - of Mehmúd Sháh - Be everlasting, so long as mountains stand on the earth and stars - in the firmament. - -[881] The following Persian inscription carved on the entrance -arch shows that though it may have been repaired by Báz Bahádur, -the building of the palace was fifty years earlier (H. 914, A.D. 1508): - -"In the time of the Sultán of Nations, the most just and great, -and the most knowing and munificent Khákán Násir Sháh Khilji -(A.D. 1500-1512). Written by Yúsuf, the year (H. 914) (A.D. 1508)." - -[882] Translations of its two much-admired Persian inscriptions are -given below pages 370-371. - -[883] On the Tárápúr gateway a Persian inscription of the reign of the -emperor Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) states that the royal road that passed -through this gateway was repaired by Táhir Muhammad Hasan Imád-ud-dín. - -[884] The Persian references and extracts in this section are -contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazl-ul-láh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat. - -[885] Sir John Malcolm in Eastwick's Handbook of the Panjáb, 119. This -reference has not been traced. Farishtah (Elliot, VI. 563) says Mándu -was built by Anand Dev of the Bais tribe, who was a contemporary of -Khusrao Parwíz the Sassanian (A.D. 591-621). - -[886] The date is uncertain. Compare Elphinstone's History, 323; -Briggs' Farishtah, I. 210-211; Tabakát-i-Násiri in Elliot, II. 328. The -conquest of Mándu in A.D. 1227 is not Mándu in Málwa as Elphinstone -and Briggs supposed, but Mandúr in the Siwálik Hills. See Elliot, -Vol. II. page 325 Note 1. The Persian text of Farishtah (I. 115), -though by mistake calling it Mándu (not Mándu), notes that it was the -Mandu in the Siwálik hills. The poetical date-script also terms it -Biládi-Siwálik or the Siwálik countries. The date of the conquest of -the Siwálik Mándu by Altamsh is given by Farishtah (Ditto) as A.H. 624 -(A.D. 1226). The conquest of Málwa by Altamsh, the taking by him of -Bhilsah and Ujjain, and the destruction of the temple of Maha Káli -and of the statue or image of Bikramájit are given as occurring in -A.H. 631 (A.D. 1233). The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 13) notices -an expedition made in A.D. 1395 by Zafar Khán (Muzaffar I. of Gujarát) -against a Hindu chief of Mándu, who, it was reported, was oppressing -the Musalmáns. A siege of more than twelve months failed to capture -the fort. - -[887] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 170. - -[888] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 168. According to the Wákiat-i-Mushtáki -(Elliot, IV. 553) Diláwar Khán, or as the writer calls him Amín -Sháh, through the good offices of a merchant whom he had refrained -from plundering obtained the grant of Mándu, which was entirely -desolate. The king sent a robe and a horse, and Amín gave up walking -and took to riding. He made his friends ride, enlisted horsemen, and -promoted the cultivation of the country (Elliot, IV. 552). Farishtah -(Pers. Text, II. 460-61) states that when Sultán Muhammad, the son of -Fírúz Tughlak, made Khwájah Sarwar his chief minister with the title -of Khwájah Jehán, and gave Zafar Khán the viceroyalty of Gujarát -and Khizr Khán that of Multán, he sent Diláwar Khán to be governor -of Málwa. In another passage Farishtah (II. 461) states that one -of Diláwar's grandfathers, Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín, came from Ghor and -took service in the court of the Dehli Sultáns. His son rose to be -an Amír, and his grandson Diláwar Khán, in the time of Sultán Fírúz, -became a leading nobleman, and in the reign of Muhammad, son of Fírúz, -obtained Málwa in fief. When the power of the Tughlaks went to ruin -Diláwar assumed the royal emblems of the umbrella and the red-tent. - -[889] Diláwar Khán Ghori, whose original name was Husein, was one -of the grandsons of Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín Muhammad bin Sám. He was -one of the nobles of Muhammad, the son of Fírúz Tughlak, who after -the death of that monarch, settled in and asserted his power over -Málwa. (Pers. Text Faristah, II. 460). The emperor Jehángír (who calls -him Âmíd Sháh Ghori) attributes to him the construction of the fort -of Dhár. He says (Memoirs Pers. Text, 201-202): Dhár is one of the -oldest cities of India. Rája Bhoj, one of the famous ancient Hindu -kings, lived in this city. From his time up to this a thousand years -have passed. Dhár was also the capital of the Muhammadan rulers of -Málwa. When Sultán Muhammad Tughlak (A.D. 1325) was on his way to -the conquest of the Dakhan he built a cut-stone fort on a raised -site. Its outline is very elegant and beautiful, but the space -inside is empty of buildings. Âmíd Sháh Ghori, known as Diláwar -Khán, who in the days of Sultán Muhammad the son of Sultán Fírúz, -king of Dehli, gained the independent rule of Málwa, built outside -this fort an assembly mosque, which has in front of it fixed in the -ground a four-cornered iron column about four feet round. When Sultán -Bahádur of Gujarát took Málwa (A.D. 1530-31) he wished to carry this -column to Gujarát. In digging it up the pillar fell and broke in two, -one piece measuring twenty-two feet the other thirteen feet. As it -was lying here uncared-for, I (Jehángír) ordered the big piece to -be carried to Ágra to be put up in the courtyard of the shrine of -him whose abode is the heavenly throne (Akbar), to be utilised as -a lamp post. The mosque has two gates. In front of the arch of one -gate they have fixed a stone tablet engraved with a prose passage to -the effect that Âhmíd Sháh Ghori in the year H. 808 (A.D. 1405) laid -the foundation of this mosque. On the other arch they have written -a poetic inscription of which the following verses are a part: - - The liege lord of the world. - The star of the sphere of glory. - The stay of the people. - The sun of the zenith of perfection. - The bulwark of the law of the Prophet, Ámíd Sháh Dáúd. - The possessor of amiable qualities, the pride of Ghor. - Diláwar Khán, the helper and defender of the Prophet's faith. - The chosen instrument of the exalted Lord, who in the city of - Dhár constructed the assembly mosque - In a happy and auspicious moment on a day of lucky omen. - Of the date 808 years have passed (A.D. 1405) - When this fabric of Hope was completed. - -[890] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 169. - -[891] When fellow-nobles in the court of the Tughlak Sultán, Zafar -Khán (Sultán Muzaffar of Gujarát) and Diláwar Khán bound themselves -under an oath to be brothers in arms. Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 462. - -[892] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 173; Elphinstone's History, 678. - -[893] Though their temples were turned into mosques the Jains -continued to prosper under the Ghoris. At Deogarh in Lalitpura in -Jhánsi in the North-West Provinces an inscription of Samvat 1481, -that is of A.D. 1424, records the dedication of two Jaina images -by a Jain priest named Holi during the reign of Sháh Alambhaka of -Mandapapura, that is of Sháh Alp Khán of Mándu that is Sultán Hoshang -Ghori. Archæological Survey of India, New Series, II. 120. - -[894] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 464-65. - -[895] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 176, 178, 180, 181, 183. - -[896] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 466-67. - -[897] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 180. In connection with the Tárápúr Gate -Farishtah says (Pers. Text, II. 468): The fort of Mándu is built on -the top of a mountain, and the line of its fortification is about -twenty-eight miles in length. In place of a moat it is surrounded -by a deep chasm, so that it is impossible to use missiles against -it. Within the fort water and provisions are abundant and it includes -land enough to grow grain for the garrison. The extent of its walls -makes it impossible for an army to invest it. Most of the villages near -it are too small to furnish supplies to a besieging force. The south -or Tárápúr gate is exceedingly difficult of access. A horseman can -hardly approach it. From whichever side the fort may be attempted, most -difficult heights have to be scaled. The long distances and intervening -hills prevent the watchers of the besieging force communicating with -each other. The gate on the side of Delhi is of easier access than -the other gates. - -[898] It follows that Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 196) is mistaken in -stating that Hoshang's son Muhammad gave Mándu the name of Shádiábád, -the Abode of Joy. - -[899] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 472-475. It seems to follow that -from the first the monument to Hoshang in Hoshangábád was an empty -tomb. Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 180-190. - -[900] The following more detailed, but also more confused, story is -told in the Wákiat-i-Mushtáki (Elliot, IV. 552-54): A man named Mehmúd, -son of Mughís Khilji, came to Hoshang and entered his service. He -was a treacherous man, who secretly aspired to the throne. He became -minister, and gave his daughter in marriage to the king. [Farishtah, -Pers. Text, II. 474, says: "Malik Mughís gave his daughter (Mehmúd's -sister) in marriage, not to Hoshang, but to Hoshang's son Muhammad -Shah."] His father Malik Mughís, coming to know of his son's ambitious -designs, informed the king of them. Hereupon Mehmúd feigned illness, -and to deceive the king's physicians shut himself in a dark room and -drank the blood of a newly killed goat. When the physicians came -Mehmúd rose hastily, threw up the blood into a basin, and tossing -back his head rolled on the floor as if in pain. The physicians -called for a light. When they saw that what Mehmúd had spat up was -blood they were satisfied of his sickness, and told the king that -Mehmúd had not long to live. The king refrained from killing a dying -man. This strange story seems to be an embellishment of a passage -in Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 477). When Khán Jehán, that is Malik -Mughís the father of Mehmúd, was ordered by Sultán Muhammad to take -the field against the Rájput rebels of Nádoti (Hároti?) many of the -old nobles of Málwa went with him. In their absence the party hostile -to the Khiljis represented to Sultán Muhammad that Mehmúd Khilji was -plotting his death. On hearing that the Sultán was enraged against him -Mehmúd secluded himself from the Court on pretence of illness. At the -same time he worked secretly and bribed Sultán Muhammad's cup-bearer -to poison his master. On the death of Sultán Muhammad the party of -nobles opposed to Mehmúd, concealing the fact of Muhammad's death, -sent word that Muhammad had ordered him immediately to the palace, -as he wanted to send him on an embassy to Gujarát. Mehmúd, who knew -that the Sultán was dead, returned word to the nobles that he had -vowed a life-long seclusion as the sweeper of the shrine of his patron -Sultán Hoshang, but that if the nobles came to him and convinced him -that the good of his country depended on his going to Gujarát he was -ready to go and see Sultán Muhammad. The nobles were caught in their -own trap. They went to Mehmúd and were secured and imprisoned by him. - -[901] Farishtah, Pers. Text, II. 480. - -[902] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 196. These titles mean: The Chief of -Nobles, the Great, the August. - -[903] It is related that one of the pious men in the camp of Sultán -Ahmed of Gujarát had a warning dream, in which the Prophet (on whom -be peace) appeared to him and said: "The calamity of (spirit of) -pestilence is coming down from the skies. Tell Sultán Ahmed to -leave this country." This warning was told to Sultán Ahmed, but -he disregarded it, and within three days pestilence raged in his -camp. Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 484. - -[904] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 205, gives 230 minarets and 360 -arches. This must have been an addition in the Text used by -Briggs. These details do not apply to the building. The Persian text -of Farishtah, II. 485, mentions 208 columns or pillars (duyast o -hasht ustuwánah). No reference is made either to minarets or to arches. - -[905] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 487. - -[906] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 207. Malcolm's Central India, I. 32. In -A.D. 1817 Sir John Malcolm (Central India, I. 32 Note) fitted up one -of Mehmúd's palaces as a hot-weather residence. - -[907] Of the siege of Kumbhalmer a curious incident is recorded by -Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 485). He says that a temple outside the -town destroyed by Mehmúd had a marble idol in the form of a goat. The -Sultán ordered the idol to be ground into lime and sold to the Rájputs -as betel-leaf lime, so that the Hindus might eat their god. The idol -was perhaps a ram, not a goat. The temple would then have been a -Sun-temple and the ram, the carrier or váhana of the Sun, would have -occupied in the porch a position similar to that held by the bull in -a Mahádeva temple. - -[908] Ruins of Mándu, 13. - -[909] In the end of A.H. 846 (A.D. 1442) Mehmúd built a seven-storeyed -tower and a college opposite the Jámá Mosque of Hoshang Sháh. Briggs' -Farishtah, IV. 210; Persian Text, II. 488. - -[910] Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV 323. - -[911] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41. - -[912] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 210; Farishtah, Persian Text II. 488. - -[913] Memoirs of the emperor Jehángír (Pers. Text) Sir Sayad Áhmed's -Edition, page 188, eleventh year of Jehángír, A.D. 1617. - -[914] Herbert's Khán Jehan is doubtless Mehmúd's father the minister -Malik Mughís, Khán Jehán Aâzam Humáyún. It cannot be Khán Jehán Pir -Muhammad, Akbar's general, who after only a few months' residence was -slain in Mándu in A.D. 1561; nor can it be Jehángír's great Afghán -general, Khán Jehán Lodi (A.D. 1600-1630), as he was not in Mándu until -A.D. 1628, that is more than a year after Herbert left India. Compare -Herbert's Travels, 107-118; Elliot, VI. 249-323, VII. 7, 8, and 21; -and Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 503-506. - -[915] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 214. - -[916] Ruins of Mándu, 13. Farishtah has three mentions of colleges. One -(Pers. Text, II. 475) as the place where the body of Hoshang was -carried, probably that prayers might be said over it. In another -passage in the reign of Mehmúd I. (Pers. Text, II. 480) he states -that Mehmúd built colleges in his territories which became the envy -of Shíráz and Samarkand. In a third passage he mentions a college -(page 488) near the Victory Tower. - -[917] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 217. A different but almost -incredible account of the capture of the royal belt is given in -the Mirat-i-Sikandari, Pers. Text, 159: When Sultán Kutb-ud-dín, -son of Sultán Muhammad, defeated Sultán Mehmúd Khilji at the battle -of Kapadvanj, there was such a slaughter as could not be exceeded. By -chance, in the heat of the fray, which resembled the Day of Judgment, -the wardrobe-keeper of Sultán Kutb-ud-dín, in whose charge was -the jewelled belt, was by the restiveness of his horse carried -into the ranks of the enemy. The animal there became so violent -that the wardrobe-keeper fell off and was captured by the enemy, -and the jewelled belt was taken from him and given to Sultán Mehmúd -of Málwa. The author adds: This jewelled waistband was in the Málwa -treasury at the time the fortress of Mándu was taken by the strength -of the arm of Sultán Muzaffar (A.D. 1531). Sultán Mehmúd sent this -belt together with a fitting sword and horse to Sultán Muzaffar by -the hands of his son. - -[918] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 209. - -[919] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 234-235: Pers. Text, II. 503. - -[920] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 236. - -[921] Ruins of Mándu, 6. - -[922] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 504-505. - -[923] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 505. - -[924] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507. - -[925] Wákiat-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554-556. Probably these are -stock tales. The Gujarát historians give Muzaffar and Muhammad the -Gold-giver (A.D. 1441-1451) credit for the horse scrupulosity. See -Mirat-i-Sikandari Pers. Text, 178. - -[926] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 236-239; Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, -VI. 349-350; Wákiat-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554-55; Malcolm's -Central India, I. 35-36. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 160) has -the following notice of Ghiás-ud-dín: The Sultáns of Mándu had reached -such a pitch of luxury and ease that it is impossible to imagine aught -exceeding it. Among them Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín was so famous for his -luxurious habits, that at present (A.D. 1611) if any one exceeds in -luxury and pleasure, they say he is a second Ghiás-ud-dín. The orders -of the Sultán were that no event of a painful nature or one in which -there was any touch of sadness should be related to him. They say that -during his entire reign news of a sad nature was only twice conveyed -to him: once when his son-in-law died and once when his daughter -was brought before him clothed in white. On this occasion the Sultán -is related to have simply said: "Perhaps her husband is dead." This -he said because the custom of the people of India is that when the -husband of a woman dies she gives up wearing coloured clothes. The -second occasion was when the army of Sultán Bahlol Lodi plundered -several of the districts of Chanderi. Though it was necessary to -report this to the Sultán, his ministers were unable to communicate -it to him. They therefore asked a band of actors (bhánds) to assume -the dress of Afgháns, and mentioning the districts to represent them -as being pillaged and laid waste. Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín exclaimed in -surprise: "But is the governor of Chanderi dead that he does not -avenge upon the Afgháns the ruin of his country!" - -[927] Compare Catalogue of Indian Coins, The Mahomedan States, pages -LIV. LV. and 118-121. - -[928] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507. - -[929] Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 508) detailing how Násir-ud-dín came -to power, says: There was a difference between Násir-ud-dín and his -brother Alá-ud-dín. The mother of these princes, Khurshíd Ráni, who -was the daughter of the Hindu chief of Báglána, had taken Alá-ud-dín -the younger brother's side. After killing his father Násir-ud-dín -ordered his mother to be dragged out of the harím and Alá-ud-dín and -his children to be slaughtered like lambs. - -[930] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 238-239. Farishtah holds that -Násir-ud-dín's murder of his father is not proved. He adds (Pers. Text, -II. 515) that Násir-ud-dín was at Dhár where he had gone to quell the -rebellion of the nobles when the news of Ghiás-ud-dín's death reached -him. He argues that as a parricide cannot flourish more than a year -after his father's murder, and as Násir-ud-dín ruled for years after -that event, he could not have killed his father. - -[931] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 516. - -[932] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 243. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs -Pers. Text, 181) says that Násir-ud-dín had a disease which made him -feel so hot that he used to sit for hours in water. - -[933] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. Farishtah (Pers. Text, -II. 517-18) says that Násir-ud-dín died of a burning-fever he had -contracted by hard drinking and other evil habits, that he showed keen -penitence before his death, and bequeathed his kingdom to his third -son Mehmúd. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) confirms -the account of the Wákiat as to the manner of Násir-ud-dín's death. - -[934] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 243. - -[935] The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) -his visit to Násir-ud-dín's grave. It is related that when during his -reign Sher Khán Afghán Súr (A.D. 1540-1555) visited Násir-ud-dín's -grave he ordered his attendants to flagellate the parricide's tomb: -When I visited the sepulchre I kicked his grave and ordered those -with me to do the same. Not satisfied with this I ordered his bones -to be dug out and burned and the ashes to be thrown into the Narbada. - -[936] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. The emperor Jehángír -(Memoirs Pers. Text, 202) refers to the well-known bridge and -water-palace about three miles north of Ujjain as the work of -Násir-ud-dín. He says: On Sunday I reached Saádulpur near Ujjain. In -this village is a river house with a bridge on which are alcoves both -built by Násir-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1500-1512). Though the bridge is -not specially praiseworthy the water-courses and cisterns connected -with it have a certain merit. - -[937] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 246. - -[938] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 247-249. Malcolm's (Central India, I. 38) -writes the Rájput's name Maderay. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, -149-155), gives the form Medáni Rai, the Lord of the Battlefield, -a title which the author says (page 149) Mehmúd conferred on the -Rájput in acknowledgment of his prowess. - -[939] The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 154) gives the following -details of Mehmúd's flight: Sultán Mehmúd, on pretence of hunting -left Mándu and remained hunting for several days. The Hindus, whom -Medáni Rái had placed on guard over him, slept after the fatigue -of the chase. Only some of the more trusted guards remained. Among -them was a Rájput named Krishna, a Málwa zamíndár who was attached to -the Sultán. Mehmúd said to Krishna: "Can you find me two horses and -show me the way to Gujarát that I may get aid from Sultán Muzaffar to -punish these rascals? If you can, do so at once, and, Alláh willing, -you shall be handsomely rewarded." Krishna brought two horses from -the Sultán's stables. Mehmúd rode on one and seated his dearest of -wives, Ráni Kannya Kuar, on the other. Krishna marched in front. In -half the night and one day they reached the Gujarát frontier. - -[940] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 386. The Mirat-i-Sikandari -(Pers. Text, 160) gives the following details of the banquet: Sultán -Mehmúd showed great hospitality and humility. After the banquet as he -led the Sultán over the palaces, they came to a mansion in the centre -of which was a four-cornered building like the Kaâbah, carved and -gilded, and round it were many apartments. When Sultán Muzaffar placed -his foot within the threshold of that building the thousand beauties -of Sultán Mehmúd's harím, magnificently apparelled and jewelled, all at -once opened the doors of their chambers and burst into view like húris -and fairies. When Muzaffar's eyes fell on their charms he bowed his -head and said: "To see other than one's own harím is sinful." Sultán -Mehmúd replied: "These are mine, and therefore yours, seeing that I -am the slave purchased by your Majesty's kindness." Muzaffar said: -"They are more suitable for you. May you have joy in them. Let them -retire." At a signal from Sultán Mehmúd the ladies vanished. - -[941] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 250-262. - -[942] Farishtah Pers. Text. II. 527. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari -(Pers. Text, 161) Mehmúd marched against Gágraun first, and slew -Hemkaran, a partisan of Medáni Rái, in a hand-to-hand fight. On this -the Rána and Medáni Rái joined their forces against Mehmúd. - -[943] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 262-263. - -[944] Persian Edition, 239. - -[945] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 267-68. Sultán Bahádur apparently -surprised the party in charge of the Tárápúr or Southern Gate. - -[946] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 269; Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, I. 76. - -[947] Briggs' Farishtah, II. 77. - -[948] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 14; Briggs' Farishtah, -II. 77. - -[949] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, V. 192. - -[950] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 15; Briggs' Farishtah, -II. 80-81. - -[951] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 18. According to -Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 532) Mallu, the son of Mallu, was a -native of Málwa and a Khilji slave noble. Mallu received his title -of Kádir Sháh from Sultán Mehmúd III. of Gujarát (A.D. 1536-1544) -at the recommendation of his minister Imád-ul-Mulk who was a great -friend of Mallu. Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 298. - -[952] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 532. - -[953] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháh in Elliot, IV. 391; Briggs' Farishtah, -IV. 271-72. - -[954] Farishtah (Pers. Text, 533-34) refers to the following -circumstance as the cause of Kádir Sháh's suspicion. On his way to -Sher Sháh's darbár at Ujjain Kádir saw some Mughal prisoners in chains -making a road. One of the prisoners seeing him began to sing: - - Mará mí bín darín ahwál o fikrí khíshtan mí kun! - - In this plight thou seest me to-day, - Thine own turn is not far away. - -When Kádir Sháh escaped, Sher Sháh on hearing of his flight exclaimed: - - Bá má chi kard dídí - Mallû Ghulám-i-gídí. - - Thus he treats us with scorn, - Mallu the slave base born. - -To this one of Sher Sháh's men replied: - - Kaul-i-Rasúl bar hakk - Lá khaira fil abídi. - - The words of the Prophet are true, - No good can a slave ever do. - -[955] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 397. - -[956] Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliott, V. 168; Elphinstone's India, 402-403. - -[957] Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliot, V. 168. - -[958] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 276. - -[959] When Báz Bahádur attacked the Gonds their chief was dead, and -his widow, Ráni Durgávati, was ruling in his place. The Ráni led the -Gonds against the invaders, and hemming them in one of the passes, -inflicted on them such a defeat that Báz Bahádur fled from the field -leaving his baggage and camp in her hands. Farishtah Pers. Text, -II. 538. - -[960] According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 538) Báz Bahádur was -already an adept in music. - -[961] Malcolm's Central India, I. 39; Ruins of Mándu, 30. - -[962] Briggs' Farishtah, II. 210. - -[963] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 321. - -[964] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 211. - -[965] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 216. - -[966] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 291. - -[967] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 330-31. - -[968] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 375. - -[969] The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 372) -a visit to this building: On the third day of Amardád (July 1617) -with the palace ladies I set out to see Nílkanth, which is one of -the pleasantest places in Mándu fort. Sháh Budágh Khán, who was one -of the trusted nobles of my august father, built this very pleasing -and joy-giving lodge during the time he held this province in fief -(A.D. 1572-1577). I remained at Nílkanth till about an hour after -nightfall and then returned to my state quarters. - -[970] An officer who distinguished himself under Humáyún, one of -Akbar's commanders of Three Thousand, long governor of Mándu, where -he died. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 372. - -[971] When opposed to Ârab the word Âjam signifies all countries -except Arabia, and in a narrow sense, Persia. The meaning of the word -Âjam is dumbness, the Arabs so glorying in the richness of their own -tongue as to hold all other countries and nations dumb. - -[972] The stones on which this inscription is carved have been wrongly -arranged by some restorer. Those with the latter portion of the -inscription come first and those with the beginning come last. Múnshi -Abdur Rahím of Dhár. - -[973] The maternal uncle of Naushírwán (A.D. 586-635) the Sassanian, -Shirwán Sháh was ruler of a district on Mount Caucasus. Al Masúdi, -Arabic Text Prairies d'Or, II. 4, and Rauzat-us-Safa, Persian Text, -I. 259. - -[974] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 353. - -[975] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 279. - -[976] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 429. - -[977] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41. - -[978] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 31. - -[979] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 169, 181, 190. - -[980] Nineteen kos, taking the kos to be two miles. - -[981] The emperor Jehángír's Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sir Sayad Áhmed's -Edition, 178-203. - -[982] Literally single-men. The Ahadís were a corps of men who stood -immediately under the emperor's orders. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, -20 note 1. - -[983] This scattering of gold silver or copper coin, called in Arabic -and Persian nisár, is a common form of offering. The influence of the -evil eye or other baneful influence is believed to be transferred from -the person over whom the coin is scattered to the coin and through -the coin to him who takes it. - -[984] This feat of Núr Jehán's drew from one of the Court poets -the couplet: - - Núr Jehán gar chih ba súrat zanast - Dar safi Mardán zani sher afkanast. - - Núr Jehán the tiger-slayer's woman - Ranks with men as the tiger-slaying woman. - -Sherafkan, that is tiger-slayer, was the title of Núr Jehán's first -husband Ali-Kuli Istajlu. - -[985] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 187. - -[986] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 189. - -[987] The miskál which was used in weighing gold was equal in weight -to ninety-six barleycorns. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 36. - -[988] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195. - -[989] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195. - -[990] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192-194. - -[991] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 190. - -[992] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192. - -[993] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 194-5. - -[994] A Voyage to East India, 181. Terry gives April 1616, but Roe -seems correct in saying March 1617. Compare Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in -Elliot, VI. 351. - -[995] Akbarpur lies between Dharampuri and Waisar. Malcolm's Central -India, I. 84 note. - -[996] Carriages may have the old meaning of things carried, that -is baggage. The time taken favours the view that wagons or carts -were forced up the hill. For the early seventeenth century use of -carriages in its modern sense compare Terry (Voyage, 161). Of our -wagons drawn with oxen ... and other carriages we made a ring every -night; also Dodsworth (1614), who describes a band of Rájputs near -Baroda cutting off two of his carriages (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 203); -and Roe (1616), who journeyed from Ajmír to Mándu with twenty camels -four carts and two coaches (Kerr, IX. 308). Terry's carriages seem to -be Roe's coaches, to which Dela Valle (A.D. 1623) Hakluyt's Edition, -(I. 21) refers as much like the Indian chariots described by Strabo -(B.C. 50) covered with crimson silk fringed with yellow about the -roof and the curtains. Compare Idrísi (A.D. 1100-1150), but probably -from Al Istakhiri, A.D. 960: Elliot, I. 87). In all Nahrwala or north -Gujarát the only mode of carrying either passengers or goods is in -chariots drawn by oxen with harness and traces under the control -of a driver. When in 1616 Jehángír left Ajmír for Mándu the English -carriage presented to him by the English ambassador Sir Thomas Roe -was allotted to the Sultánah Núr Jehán Begam. It was driven by an -English coachman. Jehángír followed in the coach his own men had made -in imitation of the English coach. Corryat (1615, Crudities III., -Letters from India, unpaged) calls the English chariot a gallant -coach of 150 pounds price. - -[997] Kerr's Voyages, IX. 335; Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377. - -[998] Roe writing from Ajmír in the previous year (29th August 1616) -describes Mándu as a castle on a hill, where there is no town and no -buildings. Kerr, IX. 267. - -[999] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 313. - -[1000] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 314. - -[1001] Compare Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377. - -[1002] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 314. - -[1003] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 321. - -[1004] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 335. - -[1005] Corryat's Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged). This Master -Herbert was Thomas, brother of Sir Edward Herbert, the first Lord -Herbert. It seems probable that this Thomas supplied his cousin Sir -Thomas Herbert who was travelling in India and Persia in A.D. 1627 -with his account of Mándu. See below pages 381-382. - -[1006] Corryat's Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged). - -[1007] Terry's Voyage, 183; Roe in Kerr, IX. 335. - -[1008] Roe in Kerr, IX. 335. - -[1009] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 349. - -[1010] Wákiat-i-Jehángiri in Elliot, VI. 350. - -[1011] Terry's Voyage, 228. - -[1012] Terry's Voyage, 69. - -[1013] Terry's Voyage, 183. - -[1014] Terry's Voyage, 186, 198. - -[1015] Terry's Voyage, 198, 205. - -[1016] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 337; Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII. 35. - -[1017] Terry's Voyage, 403. - -[1018] Corryat's Crudities, III. Letter 2. Extracts unpaged. - -[1019] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 343. - -[1020] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 340-343. - -[1021] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 344. - -[1022] Terry's Voyage, 377. Terry's details seem not to agree with -Roe's who states (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 344 and Pinkerton's Voyages, -VIII. 37): I was invited to the drinking, but desired to be excused -because there was no avoiding drinking, and their liquors are so hot -that they burn out a man's very bowels. Perhaps the invitation Roe -declined was to a private drinking party after the public weighing -was over. - -[1023] Roe in Kerr's Voyage, IX. 347; Elphinstone's History, 494. Kerr -(IX. 347) gives September 2 but October 2 is right. Compare Pinkerton's -Voyages, VIII. 39. - -[1024] Ruins of Mándu, 57. As the emperor must have passed out by the -Dehli Gate, and as Roe's lodge was two miles from Báz Bahádur's palace, -the lodge cannot have been far from the Dehli Gate. It is disappointing -that, of his many genial gossipy entries Jehángír does not devote -one to Roe. The only reference to Roe's visit is the indirect entry -(Wa'kiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 347) that Jehángír gave one of his -nobles a coach, apparently a copy of the English coach, with which, -to Jehángír's delight, Roe had presented him. - -[1025] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 353. - -[1026] Terry's Voyage, 180. - -[1027] Terry's Voyage, 181. - -[1028] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 383. - -[1029] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 387. - -[1030] Elphinstone's History, 496-97. Compare Dela Valle (Hakluyt -Edition, I. 177) writing in A.D. 1622, Sultán Khurram after his defeat -by Jehángír retired to Mándu. - -[1031] Dela Valle's Travels, Hakluyt Edition, I. 97. - -[1032] Elphinstone's History, 507. - -[1033] Herbert's Travels, 84. Corryat's Master Herbert was as already -noticed named like the traveller Thomas. The two Thomases were -distant relations, both being fourth in descent from Sir Richard -Herbert of Colebroke, who lived about the middle of the fifteenth -century. A further connection between the two families is the copy -of complimentary verses "To my cousin Sir Thomas Herbert," signed -Ch. Herbert, in the 1634 and 1665 editions of Herbert's Travels, which -are naturally, though somewhat doubtfully, ascribed to Charles Herbert, -a brother of our Master Thomas. It is therefore probable that after his -return to England Sir Thomas Herbert obtained the Mándu details from -Master Thomas who was himself a writer, the author of several poems -and pamphlets. Corryat's tale how, during the water-famine at Mándu, -Master Herbert annexed a spring or cistern, and then bound a servant -of the Great King who attempted to share in its use, shows admirable -courage and resolution on the part of Master Thomas, then a youth -of twenty years. The details of Thomas in his brother Lord Herbert's -autobiography give additional interest to the hero of Corryat's tale of -a Tank. Master Thomas was born in. A.D. 1597. In 1610, when a page to -Sir Edward Cecil and a boy of thirteen, in the German War especially -in the siege of Juliers fifteen miles north-east of Aix-la-Chapelle, -Master Thomas showed such forwardness as no man in that great army -surpassed. On his voyage to India in 1617, in a fight with a great -Portuguese carrack, Captain Joseph, in command of Herbert's ship Globe, -was killed. Thomas took Joseph's place, forced the carrack aground, -and so riddled her with shot that she never floated again. To his -brother's visit to India Lord Herbert refers as a year spent with the -merchants who went from Surat to the Great Mughal. After his return -to England Master Thomas distinguished himself at Algiers, capturing -a vessel worth £1800. In 1622, when Master Thomas was in command of -one of the ships sent to fetch Prince Charles (afterwards King Charles -I.) from Spain, during the return voyage certain Low Countrymen and -Dunkirkers, that is Dutch and Spanish vessels, offended the Prince's -dignity by fighting in his presence without his leave. The Prince -ordered the fighting ships to be separated; whereupon Master Thomas, -with some other ships got betwixt the fighters on either side, and -shot so long that both Low Countrymen and Dunkirkers were glad to -desist. Afterwards at divers times Thomas fought with great courage -and success with divers men in single fight, sometimes hurting and -disarming his adversary, sometimes driving him away. The end of Master -Thomas was sad. Finding his proofs of himself undervalued he retired -into a private and melancholy life, and after living in this sullen -humour for many years, he died about 1642 and was buried in London -in St. Martin's near Charing Cross. - -[1034] Khafi Khán in Elliot, VII. 218. - -[1035] Malcolm's Central India, I. 64. - -[1036] Malcolm's Central India, I. 78. - -[1037] Malcolm's Central India, I. 100. - -[1038] Malcolm's Central India, I. 106. - -[1039] Central India, II. 503. - -[1040] Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34. - -[1041] Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34. - -[1042] Malcolm's Central India, II. 503. - -[1043] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 235 note *. - -[1044] Indian Architecture, 541. - -[1045] Ruins of Mándu, 9. - -[1046] Ruins of Mándu, 9. - -[1047] Ruins of Mándu, 13, 25, 35. Some of these extracts seem to -belong to a Bombay Subaltern, who was at Mándu about A.D. 1842, -and some to Captain Claudius Harris, who visited the hill in April -1852. Compare Ruins of Mándu, 34. - -[1048] Murray's Handbook of the Panjáb, 118. - -[1049] Surat was known as Báb-ul-makkah or the Gate of Makka on account -of its being the starting place of the ships annually conveying the -Muhammadan pilgrims of India to the shrine of their Prophet. - -[1050] Sardeshmukhi or ten per cent on the revenue. The chauth was -nominally one-fourth, but both these claims were fluctuating in their -proportions to the total revenue. - -[1051] Now the capital of the Rája of Rájpipla. - -[1052] Chauth and Sardeshmukhi as settled in 1699. - -[1053] On the western skirts of the Dáng forests. - -[1054] Now in the British districts of the Panch Maháls. - -[1055] The Muhammadan account is given in the Musalmán portion of -this history. Grant Duff's description differs considerably. - -[1056] The Marátha practice was to base their demands on the standard -or tankha assessment (which was seldom if ever collected), so that -by this means they evaded all possibility of claims against them -for over-collections. - -[1057] At Gala about twelve miles above Surat in the territory of -the Gáikwár. - -[1058] Tálegaon in the north-west of Poona, now a station on the -railway to Bombay. - -[1059] Broach was constituted part of the Nizám's personal estate on -his resigning the viceroyalty in 1722. - -[1060] At the mouth of the Tápti, now belonging to the little -Muhammadan state of Sachin. - -[1061] Now in the Ahmednagar district. - -[1062] In the Surat district some thirty miles east of the city. - -[1063] A celebrated hill fort south of Chámpáner in the Panch Maháls -district. - -[1064] Oriental Memoirs. - -[1065] Known as Daskroi. - -[1066] The rite of passing cakes from village to village or of passing -a dog from village to village is in such complete accord with magical -and religious rites practised all over India that it seems hardly -possible to accept either as meaningless or as accidental the passing -of cakes and of a dog from one part of the country to another on the -brink of the Mutinies. Knowing how suitable such a rite is to the -state of feeling as well as to the phase of belief prevalent among -the plotters of rebellion in Northern India it seems difficult to -suppose that the passing of the cakes and the passing of the dog were -not both sacramental; that is designed to spread over the country -a spirit which had by religious or magical rites been housed in the -dog and in the cakes. The cake-spirit, like the sugar-spirit of the -Thags, was doubtless Káli, the fierce longing for unbridled cruelty, -which worked on the partaker of the Thag sugar with such power that he -entered with zest and without remorse on any scheme however cowardly -and cruel. Like the Thags those who ate the Mutiny cakes would by -partaking become of one spirit, the spirit of the indwelling Káli, -and, in that spirit would be ready to support and to take part in -any scheme of blood which the leaders of Mutiny might devise and -start. Similarly by religious rites the Central India dog, possibly -the dog of Báiza Bái of Gwálior (See Text page 437), had been made -the home of some fierce war-spirit, apparently of the dog-formed -Khandoba the Marátha Sword God and Dog of War. The inspired dog and -the inspired dogs-meat were passed through the land in the confidence -that through them the spirit of unrest would pervade every village of -Gujarát. Since the Mutinies, by the magic of letters, Káli has passed -from the wafer into the leaflet, and the paid political propagandist -has taken the place of Khandoba's pariah dog. - -The correctness of the view suggested above is supported if not -established by certain passages in Kaye's Sepoy War, I. 632-642. Chuni -says; 'The circulating of cakes was supposed to foretell disturbance -and to imply an invitation to the people to unite for some secret -purpose.' According to the king of Delhi's physician (page 636) some -charm attached to the cakes. The people thought they were made by -some adept in the secret arts to keep unpolluted the religion of the -country. Another authority (page 637) says; 'The first circulation -of the cakes was on the authority of a pandit who said the people -would rise in rebellion if cakes were sent round and that the person -in whose name the cakes were sent would rule India.' The secret -comes out in Sitárám Báwá's evidence (pages 646-648); 'The cakes in -question were a charm or jádu which originated with Dása Báwa the -guru or teacher of Nána Sáheb. Dása told Nána Sáheb he would make a -charm and as far as the magic cakes should be carried so far should -the people be on his side. He then took lotusseed-dough called makána -and made an idol of it. He reduced the idol to very small pills and -having made an immense number of cakes he put a pillet in each and -said that as far as the cakes were carried so far would the people -determine to throw off the Company's yoke.' With this making of a -cake as a sacramental home of Durga or Káli compare the Buddhist of -Tibet offering in a human skull to the Máháráni or Queen, that is to -Durga or Káli, a sacramental cake made of black-goat's fat, wine, -dough, and butter. (Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, 365.). As to the -effect of sharing in Durga's mutiny cakes compare the statement of the -Thag Faringia (Sleeman's Ramaseeana, page 216); The sugar sacrament, -gur-tapávani, changes our nature. Let a man once taste the sacramental -sugar and he will remain a Thag however skilful a craftsman, however -well-to-do. The Urdu proverb says Tapauni-ki-dhaunika gur jisne kháyá -wuh waisá huá Who eats the sugar of the sacramental Vase as he is -so he remains. The Thags are tools in the hand of the god they have -eaten. (Compare Ramaseeana, 76.)--J. M. C. - -[1067] Rova in the south-east corner of Sirohi: Mandeta in Ídar in -the Máhi Kántha. P. FitzGerald Esq. Political Agent Máhi Kántha. - -[1068] The translations of the inscriptions and the bulk of the history -are the work of Mr. A. M. T. Jackson of the Indian Civil Service. - -[1069] Finch in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 301. Thirty years later the -traveller Tavernier (Ball's Edition, II. 87) has: Bargant (Wangam in -Jodhpur ?) to Bimál 15 kos: Bimál to Modra 15 kos. Of Jhálor Ufflet -has left the following description. Jhálor is a castle on the top of -a steep mountain three kos in ascent by a fair stone causeway broad -enough for two men. At the end of the first kos is a gate and a place -of guard where the causeway is enclosed on both sides with walls. At -the end of the second kos is a double gate strongly fortified; and -at the third kos is the castle which is entered by three successive -gates. The first is very strongly plated with iron, the second not -so strong with places above for throwing down melted lead or boiling -oil, and the third is thickly beset with iron spikes. Between each -of these gates are spacious places of arms and at the inner gate is a -strong portcullis. A bowshot within the castle is a splendid pagoda, -built by the founders of the castle and ancestors of Ghazni (Gidney) -Khán who were Gentiles. He turned Muhammadan and deprived his elder -brother of this castle by the following stratagem. Having invited him -and his women to a banquet which his brother requited by a similar -entertainment he substituted chosen soldiers well armed instead of -women, sending them two and two in a dhuli or litter who getting in -by this device gained possession of the gates and held the place for -the Great Mughal to whom it now (A.D. 1611) appertains being one of -the strongest situated forts in the world. About half a kos within -the gate is a goodly square tank cut out of the solid rock said to -be fifty fathoms deep and full of excellent water. Quoted by Finch -in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 300-301. - -[1070] The names of these gateways are Surajpul about six miles (4 -kos) east of Bhinmál near Khánpur at the site of a temple of Mahádev; -Sávidár about six miles (4 kos) to the south near a temple of Hanumán; -Dharanidhar near Vandar about six miles (4 kos) west of Bhinmál at the -site of a large well; Kishánbivao about six miles (4 kos) to the north -near Nartan at the site of a large well and stones. Rattan Lal Pandit. - -[1071] The Shrimáli Bráhm-Bháts are of the following subdivisions: -Dhondaleshvar, Hár, Hera, Loh, Poeshsha, Pitalia, and Varing. They -say Shrimál is their original home. - -[1072] The local explanation of Reh-bári is liver out of the way. Their -subdivisions are; Ál, Barod, Bougaro, Dagalla, Gansor, Gongala, -Kalotra, Karamtha, Nangu, Panna, Pramára, Roj. All are strong dark -full-bearded men. - -[1073] The importance of Bhinmál as a centre of population is shown -not only by the Shrimáli Bráhmans and Vánis who are spread all over -Gujarát, but by the Porwárs a class of Vánis now unrepresented in -their native town who are said to take their name from a suburb of -Bhinmál. Oswáls, almost all of whom are Shrávaks or followers of the -Jain religion, have practically spread from Bhinmál. The origin of the -name Osvál is (Trans. Roy. As. Soc. III. 337) from Osi the Mother or -Luck of Osianagar an ancient town and still a place of pilgrimage about -eighteen miles north of Jodhpur. The Oswáls were originally Rájputs of -several classes including Pawárs but mainly Solankis and so apparently -(Tod's Western India, 209) of Gurjjara origin. Equally of Gurjjara -origin are the Shrimáli Vánis who hold a specially high place among -Western Indian Jains. The care taken by the Jains to secure foreign -conquerors within their fold is notable. The Tirthankar is a Rája -who by piety and other virtues attained moksha or absorption. The -fifty-four worshipfuls uttamapurushas, the twenty-four tirthankars, -the twelve chakravartis, the nine báladevas, and the nine vásudevas -are Rájás, most of them great conquerors (Trans. Royal Asiatic -Society. III. 338-341). The local story is that the Solankis were -called to help the people of Shrimál to resist the Songara Rájputs of -Jhálor who took Bhinmál about A.D. 1290. Before that the Shrimális and -Solankis were enemies. This tradition of hostility is interesting as -it may go back to A.D. 740 when Múlarája Solanki transferred the seat -of power from Bhinmál to Anahilaváda Pátan. (See Below page 469.) A -class who trace to Bhinmál are the Pitals or Kalbis of Márwár (Márwár -Castes, 41). They claim descent from Rájput men and Bráhman women. In -support of the tradition the women still keep separate neither eating -with nor using the same vessels as their husbands. - -[1074] These dancing girls hold land. They are said to have been -brought by the Songara Rájputs, who according to the local account -retreating from Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1290) took Bhinmál from the -Shrimáli Bráhmans. - -[1075] The Jatiyas all Hindus of the three subdivisions Baletta, -Sunkaria, and Talvaria came from Mándu near Dhár in Central India. The -name is locally derived from jatukarta a skin. - -[1076] According to a local story there was a hermitage of Jangams -near the temple of Jagamdeva the Sun-God and a hermitage of Bharatis -near Chandeshvar's shrine. In a fight between the rival ascetics -many were slain and the knowledge where their treasure was stored -passed away. When repairs were made in A.D. 1814 (S. 1870) the Bharati -hermitage was cleared. Two large earthen pots were found one of which -still stands at the door of Chandeshvar's temple. These pots contained -the treasure of the Bharatis. In A.D. 1814 nothing but white dust was -found. Most of the dust was thrown away till a Jain ascetic came and -examined the white dust. The ascetic called for an iron rod, heated -the rod, sprinkled it with the white dust, and the iron became gold. - -[1077] According to Alberuni (A.D. 1030) the Brahmasiddhánta was -composed by Brahmagupta the son of Jishnu from the town of Bhillamála -between Multán and Anhilwára. Sachau's Translation, I. 153. Another -light of the college was the Sanskrit poet Magha, the son of Srímálí -parents, who is said to have lived in the time of Bhoj Rája of Ujjain -(A.D. 1010-1040). Márwár Castes, 68. - -[1078] The local account explains the origin of the name Kanak which -also means gold by the story of a Bhil who was drowned on the waxing -fifth of Bhádarwa. The Bhil's wife who was with him failing to drown -herself prepared a funeral pyre. Mahádeva pleased with the woman's -devotion restored her husband to life and made his body shine like -gold. As a thankoffering the Bhil enlarged the tank and built a shrine -to Kirait Mahádeva. - -[1079] The local explanation of the name Yaksha's Pool is that Rávana -went to Abaka the city of the great Yaksha Kuvera god of wealth and -stole Pushpak Kuvera's vimán or carrier. Kuvera in sorrow asked his -father what he should do to recover his carrier. The father said -Worship in Shrimál. Kuvera came to Shrimál and worshipped Brahma who -appeared to him and said: When Rámchandra destroys Ravana he will -bring back Pushpak. - -[1080] No local tradition throws light on the reason why this figure -is called a Yaksha. The holding a head in his hand suggests that -he may have been a guardian Bhairav in some Buddhist temple and so -remembered as a guardian or Yaksha. Or he may have been supposed to -be a statue of the builder of the temple and so have been called a -Yaksha since that word was used for a race of skilful architects and -craftsmen. Troyer's Rajatarangíní, I. 369. In the Vrijji temples in -Tirhut which Buddhist accounts make older than Buddhism the objects of -worship were ancestral spirits who were called Yakshas. If the Buddhist -legends of Saka settlements in Tirhut during Gautama's lifetime -(A.D. 540) have any historical value these Vrijjis were Sakas. As -(J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. II. page 310) Yaka is a Mongol form of Saka the -ancestral guardians would be Sakas. Compare in Eastern Siberia the -Turki tribe called Yakuts by the Russians and Sokhas by themselves, -Ency. Brit. XXIV. 725. This would explain why the mythic Yaksha was -a guardian, a builder, and a white horseman. It would explain why -the name Yaksha was given to the Baktrian Greeks who built stupas -and conquered India for Asoka (J. As. Ser. VII. Vol. VI. page 170; -Heeley in Indian Antiquary, IV. 101). It further explains how the name -came to be applied to the Yuechi or Kusháns who like the Yavanas were -guardians white horsemen and builders. In Sindh and Kachh the word -Yaksha seems to belong to the white Syrian horsemen who formed the -strength of Muhammad Kásim's army, A.D. 712. (Tod's Western India, -197; Reinaud's Fragments, 191; Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 404-409). - -[1081] The measurements are: Height 4'; head round the brow to -behind the ear the back of the head not being cut free, 2' 6''; -height of head-dress, 8''; length of face, 10''; length of ringlets -or wig curls from the crown of the head, 2'; breadth of face, 9''; -across the shoulders, 2' 3''; throat to waistband, 1'; waistband -to loose hip-belt or kandora, 1' 3''; right shoulder to elbow, 1'; -elbow to wrist, 9''; head in the right hand 5'' high 7'' across top; -hip to broken knee, 1'; knee to ankle, 1' 5''; foot broken off. Left -shoulder to broken upper arm, 8''; left leg broken off leaving a -fracture which shows it was drawn back like the right leg. - -[1082] The Jains call the guardian figures at Sánchi -Bhairavas. Massey's Sánchi, pages 7 and 25. Bhairava is revered as a -guardian by the Buddhists of Nepál and Tibet. Compare Burgess' Bauddha -Rock Temples, page 96. A connection between Bhairav and the Sun is -shown by the practice among Ajmir Gujar women of wearing round the -neck a medal of Bhairava before marriage and of the Sun after marriage. - -[1083] The Egyptians Romans and Parthians are the three chief -wig-wearers. Some of the Parthian kings (B.C. 250-A.D. 240) had -elaborate hair like peruques and frizzled beards. In Trajan's time -(A.D. 133), fashions changed so quickly that Roman statues were -hairless and provided with wigs. Gobineau Histoire Des Perses, -II. 530. Compare Wagner's Manners, 69. The number of wigs in the -Elephanta sculptures, probably of the sixth or early seventh century, -is notable. In the panel of Siva and Párvati in Kailas are several -figures with curly wigs. Burgess' Elephanta, page 33; in the marriage -panel one figure has his hair curled like a barrister's wig, Ditto -31; in the Ardhanarishwara compartment Garuda and two other figures -have wigs, Ditto 22; the dwarf demon on which one of the guardians -of the Trimurti leans has a wig, Ditto 14-15; finally in the west -wing wigged figures uphold the throne, Ditto 47. Gandharvas in the -Bráhmanic Rávan cave at Elura probably of the seventh century have -curly wigs: Fergusson and Burgess, 435. Wigged images also occur in -some of the Elura Buddhist caves of the sixth or seventh centuries: -Ditto, 370-371. In Ajanta caves I. II. and XXXIV. of the sixth and -seventh centuries are cherubs and grotesques with large wigs. Among -the Bágh carvings and paintings of the sixth or seventh century -are a king with baggy hair if not a wig and small human heads with -full wigs: MS. Notes. Finally at the Chandi Sewa temple in Java -of about the seventh century the janitor and other figures have -large full-bottomed wigs curled all over. Indian Ant. for Aug. 1876, -240-241. On the other hand except the curly haired or Astrakan-capped -music boys in Sánchi no trace of wigs seems to occur in the Bhilsa -Sánchi or Bhárut sculptures between the third century after and the -third century before the Christian era. Compare Cunningham's Bharut -and Bhilsa; Massey's Sánchi; Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship. - -[1084] The ten feet of the pillars are thus divided: pedestal 2', -square block 2', eightsided belt 18'', sixteensided belt 18'', round -band 2', horned face belt 6'', double disc capital 6''. - -[1085] This according to another account is Násik town. - -[1086] Hariya Bráhman is said to mean a descendant of Hariyaji, -a well known Bráhman of Shrimál, so rich that he gave every member -of his caste a present of brass vessels. - -[1087] This tradition seems correct. In the temple of Lakshmí near -the Tripolia or Triple gateway in Pátan are two standing images of -chámpa Michelia champaca wood one a man the other a woman black and -dressed. The male image which is about three feet high and thirteen -inches across the shoulders is of the Sun Jagat Shám that is Jagat -Svámi the World Lord: the female image, about 2' 6'' high and 9'' -across the shoulders is Ranadevi or Randel the Sun's wife. Neither -image has any writing. They are believed to be about 1000 years old -and to have been secretly brought from Bhinmál by Shrimál Bráhmans -about A.D. 1400. Ráo Bahádur Himatlál Dharajlál. Compare (Rájputána -Gazetteer, II. 282) in the temple of Bálárikh at Bálmer about a -hundred miles south-west of Jodhpur a wooden image of the sun. - -[1088] The details are: From Kausika 500, from the Ganges 10,000, -from Gaya 500, from Kálinjar 700, from Mahendra 300, from Kundad 1000, -from Veni 500, from Surpárak 808, from Gokarn 1000, from Godávari -108, from Prabhás 122, from the hill Ujjayan or Girnár 115, from the -Narbada 110, from Gometi 79, and from Nandivardhan 1000. - -[1089] According to one account (Márwár Castes, 61) these Sindh -Bráhmans are represented by the present Pushkar Bráhmans. In proof the -Pushkars are said to worship Sarika as Untadevi riding on a camel. This -must be a mistake. The Pushkars are almost certainly Gujars. - -[1090] Details are given above under Objects. The local legends -confuse Shripunj and Jagsom. It seems probable that Jagsom was not the -name of a king but is a contraction of Jagatsvámi the title of the -Sun. This Shripunj, or at least the restorer or founder of Shrimál, -is also called Kanak, who according to some accounts came from the -east and according to others came from Kashmír. Kanak is said also to -have founded a town Kankávati near the site of the present village of -Chhakla about eleven miles (7 kos) east of Bhinmál. This recollection -of Kanak or Kanaksen is perhaps a trace of the possession of Márwár -and north Gujarát by the generals or successors of the great Kushán -or Saka emperor Kanak or Kanishka the founder of the Saka era of -A.D. 78. According to the local Bháts this Kanak was of the Janghrabal -caste and the Pradiya branch. This caste is said still to hold 300 -villages in Kashmír. According to local accounts the Shrimáli Bráhmans, -and the Dewala and Devra Rájputs all came from Kashmir with Kanak. Tod -(Western India, 213) notices that the Annals of Mewar all trace to -Kanaksen of the Sun race whose invasion is put at A.D. 100. As the -Shrimális and most of the present Rájput chiefs are of the Gujar stock -which entered India about A.D. 450 this tracing to Kanishka is a case -of the Hindu law that the conqueror assimilates the traditions of -the conquered that with the tradition he may bind to his own family -the Srí or Luck of his predecessors. - -[1091] According to a local tradition the people in despair at the -ravages of Sarika turned for help to Devi. The goddess said: Kill -buffaloes, eat their flesh, and wear their hides and Sarika will -not touch you. The people obeyed and were saved. Since then a dough -buffalo has taken the place of the flesh buffalo and unwashed cloth of -the bleeding hide. Another version sounds like a reminiscence of the -Tartar origin of Krishna. The goddess Khamangiri persuaded the Lord -Krishna to celebrate his marriage clad in the raw hide of a cow. In -the present era unwashed cloth has taken the place of leather. MS. Note -from Mr. Ratan Lall Pandit. - -[1092] The tradition recorded by Tod (Western India, 209) that the -Gurjjaras are descended from the Solankis of Anahilaváda, taken with -the evidence noted in the section on History that the Chávadás or -Chápas and the Parihárs are also Gurjjaras makes it probable that -the Choháns are of the same origin and therefore that the whole of -the Agnikulas were northern conquerors who adopting Hinduism were -given a place among Rájputs or Kshatriyás. - -[1093] Epigraphia Indica, II. 40-41. - -[1094] According to Katta, a Bráhma-Bhát of remarkable intelligence, -the Osváls include Rájputs of a large number of tribes, Aadas, Bhátis, -Boránas, Buruds, Chováns, Gehlots, Gohils, Jádavs, Makvánás, Mohils, -Parmárs, Ráhtors, Shálas, Tilars. They are said to have been converted -to the Jain religion in Osianagara in Samvat Bia Varsh 22 that is in -A.D. 165. - -[1095] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237. - -[1096] Elliot, I. 432. - -[1097] Indian Antiquary, XI. 156 and VI. 59. - -[1098] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156. - -[1099] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19ff. - -[1100] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91. - -[1101] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 270. - -[1102] Indian Antiquary, VI. 63. That the name Bhilmál should have -come into use while the Gurjjaras were still in the height of their -power is strange. The explanation may perhaps be that Bhilmál may -mean the Gurjjara's town the name Bhil or bowman being given to -the Gurjjaras on account of their skill as archers. So Chápa the -original name of the Chávadás is Sanskritised into Chapotkatas the -strong bowmen. So also, perhaps, the Chápa or Chaura who gave its -name to Chápanir or Chámpaner was according to the local story a -Bhil. Several tribes of Mewár Bhils are well enough made to suggest -that in their case Bhil may mean Gurjjara. This is specially the case -with the Lauriyah Bhils of Nerwer, the finest of the race, whose name -further suggests an origin in the Gurjjara division of Lor. Compare -Malcolm's Trans. Bombay As. Soc. I. 71. - -[1103] The Madhuban Grant: Epigraphia Indica, I. 67. - -[1104] Reinaud, Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 337, in quoting this reference -through Alberuni (A.D. 1031) writes Pohlmal between Multán and -Anhalwara. - -[1105] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237. - -[1106] Elliot, I. 440-41. - -[1107] Indian Antiquary, XI. 109. - -[1108] Arch. Surv. West. India, X. 91. - -[1109] Tanka may be the northern half of the Broach District. Traces -of the name seem to remain in the two Tankáriás, one Sitpore Tankária -in north Broach and the other in Ámod. The name seems also to survive -in the better known Tankári the port of Jambusar on the Dhádhar. This -Tankári is the second port in the district of Broach and was formerly -the emporium for the trade with Málwa. Bombay Gazetteer, II. 413-569. - -[1110] Indian Antiquary, VI. 59 and XI. 156. - -[1111] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156. - -[1112] See the Udaipur prasasti in Ep. Ind. I. and the Harsha -Inscription in ditto. - -[1113] See the Baroda grant of A.D. 812-13. Indian Antiquary, XII. 156. - -[1114] Elliot, I. 4. - -[1115] Indian Antiquary, XII. 179. - -[1116] Rajatarangíní, 149. - -[1117] B. B. R. A. Soc. Jourl. XVIII. 239. - -[1118] Elliot, I. 13. - -[1119] Indian Antiquary, XIX. 233. - -[1120] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 313) the coins -called Tâtariya dirhams stretch from the fifth and sixth to the -eleventh century. They are frequently found in Kábul probably of the -ninth century. In the tenth century Ibn Haukal (A.D. 977) found them -current in Gandhára and the Panjáb where the Boar coin has since ousted -them. They are rare in Central India east of the Arávali range. They -are not uncommon in Rájputána or Gujarát and were once so plentiful -in Sindh, that in A.D. 725 the Sindh treasury had eighteen million -Tatariya dirhams. (See Dowson in Elliot's History, I. 3.) They are -the rude silver pieces generally known as Indo-Sassanian because they -combine Indian letters with Sassanian types. A worn fire temple is -the supposed Ass-head which has given rise to the name Gadiya Paisa -or Ass money. - -[1121] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91. - -[1122] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19. - -[1123] B. B. R. A. S. Jourl. XVIII. 239. - -[1124] Kielhorn in Epig. Indica, I. 122. - -[1125] Hoernle in Ind. Antiq. XIX. 233. - -[1126] Details given in Khándesh Gazetteer, XII. 39. - -[1127] Râs Mâlâ, 44. - -[1128] Râs Mâlâ, 210ff. - -[1129] Râs Mâlâ, 211. - -[1130] Srí Bháunagar Prá. I. No. 30 of the list of Sanskrit -Inscriptions dated Sam. 1218. - -[1131] Srí Râs Mâlâ, 161ff. - -[1132] Râs Mâlâ, 211. - -[1133] Inscriptions 9 and 10 are not dated in any king's reign. - -[1134] Compare Tod's Rajasthán, I. - -[1135] Read Srî Jagatsvâmi. - -[1136] Evidently the name of his office, but the abbreviation is -not intelligible. - -[1137] i.e. "Errors excepted." - -[1138] Sir Stamford Raffles' Java, II. 83. From Java Hindus passed -to near Banjar Massin in Borneo probably the most eastern of -Hindu settlements (Jour. R. A. Soc. IV. 185). Temples of superior -workmanship with Hindu figures also occur at Waahoo 400 miles from the -coast. Dalton's Diaks of Borneo Jour. Asiatique (N. S.) VII. 153. An -instance may be quoted from the extreme west of Hindu influence. In -1873 an Indian architect was found building a palace at Gondar in -Abyssinia. Keith Johnson's Africa, 269. - -[1139] Raffles' Java, II. 65-85. Compare Lassen's Indische -Alterthumskunde, II. 10, 40; IV. 460. - -[1140] Raffles' Java, II. 87. - -[1141] Compare Tod's Annals of Rájasthán (Third Reprint), I. 87. The -thirty-nine Chohán successions, working back from about A.D. 1200 -with an average reign of eighteen years, lead to A.D. 498. - -[1142] Compare Note on Bhinmál page 467. - -[1143] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 43 and Beal's -Buddhist Records, I. 109 note 92) the site of Hastinagara or the eight -cities is on the Swát river eighteen miles north of Pesháwar. In Vedic -and early Mahábhárata times Hastinapura was the capital of Gandhára -(Hewitt Jour. Roy. As. Soc. XXI. 217). In the seventh century it -was called Pushkalávatí. (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 109.) Taxila, -the capital of the country east of the Indus, was situated about forty -miles east of Attok at Sháhderi near Kálaka-sarai (Cunningham's Ancient -Geography, 105). According to Cunningham (Ditto 109), Taxila continued -a great city from the time of Alexander till the fifth century after -Christ. It was then laid waste apparently by the great White Húna -conqueror Mihirakula (A.D. 500-550). A hundred years later when Hiuen -Tsiang visited it the country was under Kashmir, the royal family were -extinct, and the nobles were struggling for power (Beal's Buddhist -Records, I. 136). Rumadesa. References to Rumadesa occur in the -traditions of Siam and Cambodia as well as in those of Java. Fleets of -Rúm are also noted in the traditions of Bengal and Orissa as attacking -the coast (Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640). Coupling the mention -of Rúm with the tradition that the Cambodian temples were the work -of Alexander the Great Colonel Yule (Ency. Brit. Article Cambodia) -takes Rúm in its Musalmán sense of Greece or Asia Minor. The variety -of references suggested to Fergusson (Architecture, III. 640) that -these exploits are a vague memory of Roman commerce in the Bay of -Bengal. But the Roman rule was that no fleet should pass east of -Ceylon (Reinaud Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. I. page 322). This rule may -occasionally have been departed from as in A.D. 166 when the emperor -Marcus Aurelius sent an ambassador by sea to China. Still it seems -unlikely that Roman commerce in the Bay of Bengal was ever active -enough to gain a place as settler and coloniser in the traditions of -Java and Cambodia. It was with the west not with the east of India -that the relations of Rome were close and important. From the time of -Mark Antony to the time of Justinian, that is from about B.C. 30 to -A.D. 550, their political importance as allies against the Parthians -and Sassanians and their commercial importance as controllers of -one of the main trade routes between the east and the west made the -friendship of the Kusháns or Sakas who held the Indus valley and -Baktria a matter of the highest importance to Rome. How close was the -friendship is shown in A.D. 60 by the Roman General Corbulo escorting -the Hyrkanian ambassadors up the Indus and through the territories -of the Kusháns or Indo-Skythians on their return from their embassy -to Rome. (Compare Rawlinson's Parthia, 271.) The close connection is -shown by the accurate details of the Indus valley and Baktria recorded -by Ptolemy (A.D. 166) and about a hundred years later (A.D. 247) -by the author of the Periplus and by the special value of the gifts -which the Periplus notices were set apart for the rulers of Sindh. One -result of this long continued alliance was the gaining by the Kushán -and other rulers of Pesháwar and the Panjáb of a knowledge of Roman -coinage astronomy and architecture. Certain Afghán or Baktrian coins -bear the word Roma apparently the name of some Afghán city. In spite of -this there seems no reason to suppose that Rome attempted to overlord -the north-west of India still less that any local ruler was permitted -to make use of the great name of Rome. It seems possible that certain -notices of the fleets of Rúm in the Bay of Bengal refer to the fleets -of the Arab Al-Rami that is Lambri or north-west Sumatra apparently -the Romania of the Chaldean breviary of the Malabár Coast. (Yule's -Cathay, I. lxxxix. note and Marco Polo, II. 243.) - -[1144] Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640; Yule in -Ency. Brit. Cambodia. - -[1145] Java, I. 411. Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640. - -[1146] See Yule in Jour. Roy. As. Soc. (N. S.), I. 356; Fergusson's -Architecture, III. 631. - -[1147] Of the Java remains Mr. Fergusson writes (Architecture, -III. 644-648): The style and character of the sculptures of the -great temple of Boro Buddor are nearly identical with those of the -later caves of Ajanta, on the Western Gháts, and in Sálsette. The -resemblance in style is almost equally close with the buildings of -Takht-i-Bahi in Gandhára (Ditto, 647). Again (page 637) he says: The -Hindu immigrants into Java came from the west coast of India. They came -from the valley of the Indus not from the valley of the Ganges. Once -more, in describing No. XXVI. of the Ajanta caves Messrs. Fergusson -and Burgess (Rock-cut Temples, 345 note 1) write: The execution of -these figures is so nearly the same as in the Boro Buddor temple in -Java that both must have been the work of the same artists during the -latter half of the seventh century or somewhat later. The Buddhists -were not in Java in the fifth century. They must have begun to go soon -after since there is a considerable local element in the Boro Buddor. - -[1148] Traditions of expeditions by sea to Java remain in Márwár. In -April 1895 a bard at Bhinmál related how Bhojrája of Ujjain in anger -with his son Chandrabau drove him away. The son went to a Gujarát -or Káthiáváda port obtained ships and sailed to Java. He took with -him as his Bráhman the son of a Magh Pandit. A second tale tells how -Vikram the redresser of evils in a dream saw a Javanese woman weeping, -because by an enemy's curse her son had been turned into stone. Vikram -sailed to Java found the woman and removed the curse. According to -a third legend Chandrawán the grandson of Vir Pramár saw a beautiful -woman in a dream. He travelled everywhere in search of her. At last -a Rishi told him the girl lived in Java. He started by sea and after -many dangers and wonders found the dream-girl in Java. The people -of Bhinmál are familiar with the Gujaráti proverb referred to below; -Who goes to Java comes not back. MS. Notes, March 1895. - -[1149] Another version is: - - Je jáe Jáve te phari na áve - Jo phari áve to parya parya kháve - Etalu dhan láve. - - Who go to Java stay for aye. - If they return they feast and play - Such stores of wealth their risks repay. - -[1150] Compare Crawford (A.D. 1820) in As. Res. XIII. 157 and Lassen -Ind. Alt. II. 1046. - -[1151] The following details summarise the available evidence of -Gujarát Hindu enterprise by sea. According to the Greek writers, -though it is difficult to accept their statements as free from -exaggeration, when, in B.C. 325, Alexander passed down the Indus -the river showed no trace of any trade by sea. If at that time sea -trade at the mouth of the Indus was so scanty as to escape notice it -seems fair to suppose that Alexander's ship-building and fleet gave -a start to deep-sea sailing which the constant succession of strong -and vigorous northern tribes which entered and ruled Western India -during the centuries before and after the Christian era continued to -develope. ((Alexander built his own boats on the Indus. (McCrindle's -Alexander, 77.) He carried (pages 93 and 131) these boats to the -Hydaspes: on the Jhelum (134 note 1) where he found some country boats -he built a flotilla of gallies with thirty oars: he made dockyards -(pages 156-157): his crews were Phoenikians, Cyprians, Karians, -and Egyptians.)) According to Vincent (Periplus, I. 25, 35, 254) -in the time of Agatharcides (B.C. 200) the ports of Arabia and Ceylon -were entirely in the hands of the people of Gujarát. During the second -century after Christ, when, under the great Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158), -the Sinh or Kshatrapa dynasty of Káthiáváda was at the height of its -power, Indians of Tientço, that is Sindhu, brought presents by sea -to China (Journal Royal Asiatic Society for January 1896 page 9). In -A.D. 166 (perhaps the same as the preceding) the Roman emperor Marcus -Aurelius sent by sea to China ambassadors with ivory rhinoceros' horn -and other articles apparently the produce of Western India (DeGuignes' -Huns, I. [Part I.] 32). In the third century A.D. 247 the Periplus -(McCrindle, 17, 52, 64, 96, 109) notices large Hindu ships in the -east African Arab and Persian ports and Hindu settlements on the -north coast of Sokotra. About a century later occurs the doubtful -reference (Wilford in Asiatic Researches, IX. 224) to the Diveni or -pirates of Diu who had to send hostages to Constantine the Great -(A.D. 320-340) one of whom was Theophilus afterwards a Christian -bishop. Though it seems probable that the Kshatrapas (A.D. 70-400) -ruled by sea as well as by land fresh seafaring energy seems to have -marked the arrival on the Sindh and Káthiávád coasts of the Juan-Juan -or Avars (A.D. 390-450) and of the White Húnas (A.D. 450-550). During -the fifth and sixth centuries the ports of Sindh and Gujarát appear -among the chief centres of naval enterprise in the east. How the -sea ruled the religion of the newcomers is shown by the fame which -gathered round the new or revised gods Siva the Poseidon of Somnáth -and Krishna the Apollo or St. Nicholas of Dwárka. (Compare Tod's -Annals of Rájasthán, I. 525.) In the fifth century (Yule's Cathay, -I. lxxviii.) according to Hamza of Ispahán, at Hira near Kufa on the -Euphrates the ships of India and China were constantly moored. In the -early sixth century (A.D. 518-519) a Persian ambassador went by sea to -China (Ditto, I. lxxiv.) About the same time (A.D. 526) Cosmas (Ditto, -I. clxxviii.) describes Sindhu or Debal and Orhota that is Soratha or -Verával as leading places of trade with Ceylon. In the sixth century, -apparently driven out by the White Húnas and the Mihiras, the Jats -from the Indus and Kachh occupied the islands in the Bahrein gulf, -and perhaps manned the fleet with which about A.D. 570 Naushiraván the -great Sassanian (A.D. 531-574) is said to have invaded the lower Indus -and perhaps Ceylon. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 125. The statement -that Naushiraván received Karáchi from the king of Seringdip (Elliot's -History, I. 407: Tabari, II. 221) throws doubt on this expedition to -Ceylon. At the close of the sixth century Karáchi or Diul Sindhi cannot -have been in the gift of the king of Ceylon. It was in the possession -of the Sáharái kings of Aror in Upper Sindh perhaps of Sháhi Tegin -Devaja shortened to Shahindev. (Compare Cunningham Oriental Congress, -I. 242.) According to Garrez (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIII. 182 note -2) this Serendip is Surandeb that is Syria and Antioch places which -Naushiraván is known to have taken. Several other references that seem -to imply a close connection between Gujarát and Ceylon are equally -doubtful. In the Mahábhárata (A.D. 100-300?) the Sinhalas bring -vaidúryas (rubies?) elephants' housings and heaps of pearls. The -meaning of Sainhalaka in Samudragupta's inscription (A.D. 395) -Early Gujarát History page 64 and note 5 is uncertain. Neither -Mihirakula's (A.D. 530) nor Lalitáditya's (A.D. 700) conquest of -Ceylon can be historical. In A.D. 1005 when Abul Fatha the Carmatian -ruler of Multán was attacked by Máhmud of Ghazni he retired to -Ceylon. (Reinaud's Mémoire, 225). When Somnáth was taken (A.D. 1025) -the people embarked for Ceylon (Ditto, 270).)) About the same time -(Fergusson Architecture, III. 612) Amrávati at the Krishna mouth was -superseded as the port for the Golden Chersonese by the direct voyage -from Gujarát and the west coast of India. In A.D. 630 Hiuen Tsiang -(Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 269) describes the people of Suráshtra -as deriving their livelihood from the sea, engaging in commerce, -and exchanging commodities. He further notices that in the chief -cities of Persia Hindus were settled enjoying the full practice of -their religion (Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclxxxv.) That the Jat not the -Arab was the moving spirit in the early (A.D. 637-770) Muhammadan -sea raids against the Gujarát and Konkan coasts is made probable -by the fact that these seafaring ventures began not in Arabia but -in the Jat-settled shores of the Persian Gulf, that for more than -fifty years the Arab heads of the state forbad them, and that in the -Mediterranean where they had no Jat element the Arab was powerless -at sea. (Compare Elliot, I. 416, 417.) That during the seventh and -eighth centuries when the chief migrations by sea from Gujarát to -Java and Cambodia seem to have taken place, Chinese fleets visited -Diu (Yule's Cathay, lxxix.), and that in A.D. 759 Arabs and Persians -besieged Canton and pillaged the storehouses going and returning by -sea (DeGuignes' Huns, I. [Pt. II.] 503) suggest that the Jats were -pilots as well as pirates. ((Compare at a later period (A.D. 1342) -Ibn Batuta's great ship sailing from Kandahár (Gandhár north of -Broach) to China with its guard of Abyssinians as a defence against -pirates. Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxv.)) On the Sindh Kachh and Gujarát -coasts besides the Jats several of the new-come northern tribes showed -notable energy at sea. It is to be remembered that as detailed in the -Statistical Account of Thána (Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. Part II. 433) -this remarkable outburst of sea enterprise may have been due not only -to the vigour of the new-come northerners but to the fact that some -of them, perhaps the famous iron-working Turks (A.D. 580-680), brought -with them the knowledge of the magnet, and that the local Bráhman, with -religious skill and secrecy, shaped the bar into a divine fish-machine -or machiyantra, which, floating in a basin of oil, he consulted in -some private quarter of the ship and when the stars were hid guided -the pilot in what direction to steer. Among new seafaring classes -were, on the Makrán and Sindh coasts the Bodhas Kerks and Meds and -along the shores of Kachh and Káthiáváda the closely connected Meds -and Gurjjaras. In the seventh and eighth centuries the Gurjjaras, -chiefly of the Chápa or Chávadá clan, both in Dwárka and Somnáth -and also inland, rose to power, a change which, as already noticed, -may explain the efforts of the Jats to settle along the Persian Gulf -and the Red Sea. About A.D. 740 the Chápas or Chávadás, who had for a -century and a half been in command in Dwárka and Somnáth, established -themselves at Anahilaváda Pattan. According to their tradition king -Vanarája (A.D. 720-780) and his successor Yogarája (A.D. 806-841) -made great efforts to put down piracy. Yogarája's sons plundered some -Bengal or Bot ships which stress of weather forced into Verával. The -king said 'My sons with labour we were raising ourselves to be Chávadás -of princely rank; your greed throws us back on our old nickname of -Choras or thieves.' Yogarája refused to be comforted and mounted -the funeral pyre. Dr. Bhagvánlál's History, 154. This tale seems -to be a parable. Yogarája's efforts to put down piracy seem to have -driven large bodies of Jats from the Gujarát coasts. In A.D. 834-35, -according to Ibn Alathyr (A.D. 834), a fleet manned by Djaths or Jats -made a descent on the Tigris. The whole strength of the Khiláfat had -to be set in motion to stop them. Those who fell into the hands of -the Moslems were sent to Anararbe on the borders of the Greek empire -(Renaud's Fragments, 201-2). As in the legend, the Chávadá king's sons, -that is the Chauras Mers and Gurjjaras, proved not less dangerous -pirates than the Jats whom they had driven out. ((As an example of the -readiness with which an inland race of northerners conquer seamanship -compare the Franks of the Pontus who about A.D. 279 passed in a few -years from the Pontus to the Mediterranean ports and leaving behind -them Malta the limit of Greek voyages sailed through Gibraltar to the -Baltic. Gibbon, I. 404-405.)) About fifty years later, in A.D. 892, -Al-Biláduri describes as pirates who scoured the seas the Meds and the -people of Sauráshtra that is Devpatan or Somnáth who were Choras or -Gurjjaras. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 200. The traders of Chorwár, -that is of the old Chaura or Chápa country near Virával and Mangrul, -are now known in Bombay as Chápadias. The received explanation of -Chápadia is the roofed men it is said in derisive allusion to their -large and heavy headdress. But as the Porbandar headdress is neither -specially large nor ungraceful the common explanation can be hardly -more than a pun. This suggests that the name Chápadia is a trace -of the early Chápa tribe of Gurjjaras who also gave their name to -Chápanir. Tod's (Western India, 250, 256) description of the Chauras -race with traditions of having come from the Red Sea and as a nautical -Arabia is the result of taking for Sokotra Sankodwára that is Bet to -the north of Dwárka.)) Biláduri (Reinaud Sur L'Inde, 169) further -notices that the Jats and other Indians had formed the same type -of settlement in Persia which the Persians and Arabs had formed in -India. During the ninth and tenth centuries the Gujarát kingdom which -had been established in Java was at the height of its power. (Ditto, -Abulfeda, ccclxxxviii.) Early in the tenth century (A.D. 915-930) -Masudi (Yule's Marco Polo, II. 344; Elliot, I. 65) describes Sokotra -as a noted haunt of the Indian corsairs called Bawárij which chase Arab -ships bound for India and China. The merchant fleets of the early tenth -century were not Arab alone. The Chauras of Anahilaváda sent fleets -to Bhot and Chin (Rás Mála, I. 11). Nor were Mers and Chauras the -only pirates. Towards the end of the tenth century (A.D. 980) Grahári -the Chúdásamá, known in story as Graharipu the Ahir of Sorath and -Girnár, so passed and repassed the ocean that no one was safe (Ditto, -I. 11). In the eleventh century (A.D. 1021) Alberuni (Sachau, II. 104) -notes that the Bawárij, who take their name from their boats called -behra or bira, were Meds a seafaring people of Kachh and of Somnáth -a great place of call for merchants trading between Sofala in east -Africa and China. About the same time (A.D. 1025) when they despaired -of withstanding Máhmud of Ghazni the defenders of Somnáth prepared to -escape by sea, ((According to Abulfeda A.D. 1334 (Reinaud's Abulfeda, -cccxlix.) some of the besieged fled to Ceylon. Farishtah (Briggs' -Muhammadan Powers, I. 75) records that after the fall of Somnáth Máhmud -intended to fit out a fleet to conquer Ceylon and Pegu. According to -Bird (Mirát-i-Ahmedi, 146) Ceylon or Sirandip remained a dependency of -Somnáth till A.D. 1290 when the king Vijayabáhu became independent.)) -and after his victory Máhmud is said to have planned an expedition -by sea to conquer Ceylon (Tod's Rajasthán, I. 108). In the twelfth -century Idrísi (A.D. 1135) notices that Tatariya dirhams, that is -the Gupta (A.D. 319-500) and White Húna (A.D. 500-580) coinage -of Sindh and Gujarát, were in use both in Madagascar and in the -Malaya islands (Reinaud's Mémoires, 236), and that the merchants -of Java could understand the people of Madagascar (Ditto, Abulfeda, -cdxxii). ((The common element in the two languages may have been the -result of Gujarát settlements in Madagascar as well as in Java and -Cambodia. This is however doubtful as the common element may be either -Arabic or Polynesian.)) With the decline of the power of Anahilaváda -(A.D. 1250-1300) its fleet ceased to keep order at sea. In A.D. 1290 -Marco Polo (Yule's Ed. II. 325, 328, 341) found the people of Gujarát -the most desperate pirates in existence. More than a hundred corsair -vessels went forth every year taking their wives and children with -them and staying out the whole summer. They joined in fleets of twenty -to thirty and made a sea cordon five or six miles apart. Sokotra -was infested by multitudes of Hindu pirates who encamped there and -put up their plunder to sale. Ibn Batuta (in Elliot, I. 344-345) -fifty years later makes the same complaint. Musalmán ascendancy had -driven Rájput chiefs to the coast and turned them into pirates. The -most notable addition was the Gohils who under Mokheráji Gohil, from -his castle on Piram island, ruled the sea till his power was broken -by Muhammad Tughlak in A.D. 1345 (Rás Mála, I. 318). Before their -overthrow by the Muhammadans what large vessels the Rájput sailors -of Gujarát managed is shown by Friar Oderic, who about A.D. 1321 -(Stevenson in Kerr's Voyages, XVIII. 324) crossed the Indian ocean -in a ship that carried 700 people. How far the Rájputs went is shown -by the mention in A.D. 1270 (Yule's Cathay, 57 in Howorth's Mongols, -I. 247) of ships sailing between Sumena or Somnáth and China. Till -the arrival of the Portuguese (A.D. 1500-1508) the Ahmedábád Sultáns -maintained their position as lords of the sea. ((When in A.D. 1535 he -secured Bahádur's splendid jewelled belt Humáyún said These are the -trappings of the lord of the sea. Bayley's Gujarát, 386.)) In the -fifteenth century Java appears in the state list of foreign bandars -which paid tribute (Bird's Gujarát, 131), the tribute probably being a -cess or ship tax paid by Gujarát traders with Java in return for the -protection of the royal navy. ((Compare in Bombay Public Diary 10, -pages 197-207 of 1736-37, the revenue headings Surat and Cambay with -entries of two per cent on all goods imported and exported from either -of these places by traders under the Honourable Company's protection.)) -In east Africa, in A.D. 1498 (J. As. Soc. of Bengal, V. 784) Vasco da -Gama found sailors from Cambay and other parts of India who guided -themselves by the help of the stars in the north and south and had -nautical instruments of their own. In A.D. 1510 Albuquerque found -a strong Hindu element in Java and Malacca. Sumatra was ruled by -Parameshwara a Hindu whose son by a Chinese mother was called Rájput -(Commentaries, II. 63; III. 73-79). After the rule of the sea had -passed to the European, Gujarát Hindus continued to show marked courage -and skill as merchants seamen and pirates. In the seventeenth century -the French traveller Mandelslo (A.D. 1638, Travels 101, 108) found -Achin in north Sumatra a great centre of trade with Gujarát. During -the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Sanganians or Sangar -Rájputs of Mándvi in Kachh and of Navánagar in north Káthiáváda were -much dreaded. In A.D. 1750 Grose describes the small cruisers of the -Sanganians troubling boats going to the Persian Gulf, though they -seldom attacked large ships. Between A.D. 1803 and 1808 (Low's Indian -Navy, I. 274) pirates from Bet established themselves in the ruined -temple at Somnáth. In 1820, when the English took Bet and Dwárka -from the Wághels, among the pirates besides Wághels were Badhels -a branch of Ráhtors, Bhattis, Khárwás, Lohánás, Makwánás, Ráhtors, -and Wagharis. A trace of the Chauras remained in the neighbouring -chief of Aramra. ((These Badhels seem to be Hamilton's (A.D. 1720) -Warels of Chance (New Account, I. 141). This Chance is Chách near Diu -apparently the place from which the Bhátiás get their Bombay name -of Cháchiás. Towards the close of the eighteenth century Bhátiás -from Chách seem to have formed a pirate settlement near Dáhánu -on the Thána coast. Major Price (Memoirs of a Field Officer, 322) -notes (A.D. 1792 June) the cautionary speed with which in travelling -from Surat to Bombay by land they passed Dáhánu through the Chánsiáh -jungle the district of a piratical community of that name.)) Nor had -the old love of seafaring deserted the Káthiáváda chiefs. In the -beginning of the present century (A.D. 1825) Tod (Western India, -452; compare Rás Mála, I. 245) tells how with Biji Singh of Bhávnagar -his port was his grand hobby and shipbuilding his chief interest and -pleasure; also how Ráo Ghor of Kachh (A.D. 1760-1778) built equipped -and manned a ship at Mándvi which without European or other outside -assistance safely made the voyage to England and back to the Malabár -Coast where arriving during the south-west monsoon the vessel seems -to have been wrecked. ((According to Sir. A. Burnes (Jl. Bombay -Geog. Soc. VI. (1835) 27, 28) the special skill of the people of -Kachh in navigation and ship-building was due to a young Rájput -of Kachh. Rámsingh Málani, who about a century earlier had gone to -Holland and learned those arts. See Bombay Gazetteer, V. 116 note 2.)) - -[1152] Crawford (A.D. 1820) held that all Hindu influence in Java came -from Kalinga or north-east Madras. Fergusson (Ind. Arch. 103, Ed. 1876) -says: The splendid remains at Amrávati show that from the mouths of -the Krishna and Godávari the Buddhist of north and north-west India -colonised Pegu, Cambodia, and eventually the Island of Java. Compare -Tavernier (A.D. 1666: Ball's Translation, I. 174.) Masulipatam is the -only place in the Bay of Bengal from which vessels sail eastwards -for Bengal, Arrakan, Pegu, Siam, Sumatra, Cochin China, and the -Manillas and west to Hormuz, Makha, and Madagascar. Inscriptions -(Indian Antiquary, V. 314; VI. 356) bear out the correctness of the -connection between the Kalinga coast and Java which Java legends have -preserved. As explained in Dr. Bhandarkar's interesting article on -the eastern passage of the Sakas (Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVII.) certain -inscriptions also show a Magadhi element which may have reached -Java from Sumatra and Sumatra from the coast either of Bengal or of -Orissa. Later information tends to increase the east and south Indian -share. Compare Notices et Extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque -Nationale Vol. XXVII. (Partie II) 2 Fasicule page 350. - -[1153] Compare Hiuen Tsiang in Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 222 note -102. Táhia may be Tochara that is Baktria, but the Panjáb seems more -likely. Compare Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, 136 note 2. - -[1154] Idrísi A.D. 1135 (Elliot, I. 92) has a Romala a middling town -on the borders of the desert between Multán and Seistán. Cunningham -(Ancient Geog. 252) has a Romaka Bazaar near where the Nára the old -Indus enters the Ran of Kachh. - -[1155] Cunningham's Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. VIII. 241. The Mahábhárata -Romakas (Wilson's Works, VII. 176: Cunningham's Anc. Geog. 187) -may have taken their name from one of these salt stretches. Ibn -Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) mentions Rumála (Elliot, I. 14, 87, 92, 93) -as one of the countries of Sindh. In connection with the town Romala -Al Idrísi A.D. 1153 (Elliot, I. 74, 93) has a district three days' -journey from Kalbata. - -[1156] Cunningham's Numismatic Chronicle 3rd Ser. VIII. 236. The -date of Kárur is uncertain. Fergusson (Arch. III. 746) puts it -at A.D. 544. It was apparently earlier as in an inscription of -A.D. 532 Yasodharmman king of Málwa claims to hold lands which were -never held by either Guptas or Húnas. Cunningham Num. Chron. 3rd -Ser. VIII. 236. Compare History Text, 76, 77. - -[1157] Jour. As. Soc. Bl. VII. (Plate I.) 298; Burnes' Bokhára, -III. 76; Elliot's History, I. 405. Diu which is specially mentioned -as a Sáharái port was during the seventh and eighth centuries a place -of call for China ships. Yule's Cathay, I. lxxix. - -[1158] Phra like the Panjáb Porus of the embassy to Augustus in -B.C. 30 (though this Porus may be so called merely because he ruled -the lands of Alexander's Porus) may seem to be the favourite Parthian -name Phraates. But no instance of the name Phraates is noted among -White Húna chiefs and the use of Phra as in Phra Bot or Lord Buddha -seems ground for holding that the Phra Thong of the Cambodia legend -means Great Lord. - -[1159] Epigraphia Indica, I. 67. - -[1160] In A.D. 637 raiders attacked Thána from Oman and Broach and -Sindh from Bahrein. Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 170, 176. - -[1161] The passage of a Chinese army from Magadha to the Gandhára river -about A.D. 650 seems beyond question. The emperor sent an ambassador -Ouang-h-wuentse to Srí Harsha. Before Ouang-h-wuentse arrived Srí -Harsha was dead (died A.D. 642), and his place taken by an usurping -minister (Se-na-fu-ti) Alana-chun. The usurper drove off the envoy, -who retired to Tibet then under the great Songbtsan. With help from -Tibet and from the Rája of Nepál Ouang returned, defeated Alana, -and pursued him to the Gandhára river (Khien-to-wei). The passage -was forced, the army captured, the king queen and king's sons were -led prisoners to China, and 580 cities surrendered, the magistrates -proclaimed the victory in the temple of the ancients and the emperor -raised Ouang to the rank of Tch'ao-sau-ta-fore. Journal Asiatique -Ser. IV. Tom. X. pages 81-121. The translator thinks the whole -war was in the east of India and that the mention of the Gandhára -river is a mistake. The correctness of this view is doubtful. It -is to be remembered that this was a time of the widest spread of -Chinese power. They held Balk and probably Bamian. Yule's Cathay, -I. lxviii. Compare Julien in Jour. As. Soc. Ser. IV. Tom. X. 289-291. - -[1162] Regarding these disturbances see Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, -155; Max Müller's India, 286. The Arab writers (A.D. 713) notice to -what a degraded state Chach had reduced the Jats. In comparing the -relative importance of the western and eastern Indian strains in Java -it is to be remembered that the western element has been overlaid by a -late Bengal and Kalinga layer of fugitives from the Tibetan conquest -of Bengal in the eighth century, the Babu with the Gurkha at his -heels, and during the ninth and later centuries by bands of Buddhists -withdrawing from a land where their religion was no longer honoured. - -[1163] In A.D. 116 after the capture of Babylon and Ctesiphon Hadrian -sailed down the Tigris and the Persian Gulf, embarked on the waters -of the South Sea, made inquiries about India and regretted he was -too old to get there. Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, VI. 313. - -[1164] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cccxc. - -[1165] The origin of the name Kámboja seems to be Kámbojápura an -old name of Kábul preserved almost in its present form in Ptolemy's -(A.D. 160) Kaboura. The word is doubtfully connected with the -Achæmenian Kambyses (B.C. 529-521) the Kambujiya of the Behistun -inscription. In the fifth of the Asoka edicts (B.C. 240) Kámboja -holds the middle distance between Gandhára or Pesháwar and Yona -or Baktria. According to Yáska, whose uncertain date varies from -B.C. 500 to B.C. 200, the Kambojas spoke Sanskrit (Muir's Sanskrit -Texts, II. 355 note 145). In the last battle of the Mahábhárata, -A.D. 100 to 300 (Jl. Roy. As. Soc. [1842] VII. 139-140), apparently -from near Bamian the Kambojas ranked as Mlechchhas with Sakas Daradas -and Húnas. One account (Fergusson, III. 665) places the original site -of the Kambojas in the country round Taxila east of the Indus. This -is probably incorrect. A trace of the Kambojas in their original seat -seems to remain in the Kaumojas of the Hindu Kush. - -[1166] See Hunter's Orissa, I. 310. - -[1167] Yavana to the south-west of Siam. Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, -xxxii. - -[1168] Quoted in Bunbury's Ancient Geography, II. 659. Bunbury suggests -that Pausanias may have gained his information from Marcus Aurelius' -(A.D. 166) ambassador to China. - -[1169] Jour. Bengal Soc. VII. (I.) 317. - -[1170] Remusat Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, I. 77 in Jour. Asiatique -Series, VI. Tom. XIX. page 199 note 1; Fergusson's Architecture, -III. 678. - -[1171] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 150. - -[1172] Barth in Journal Asiatique, X. 57. - -[1173] Barth in Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190; Journal Royal -Asiatic Society, XIV. (1882) cii. - -[1174] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. pages 181, 186. - -[1175] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture page 666) and Colonel Yule -(Ency. Brit. Cambodia) accept the local Buddhist rendering of Nakhonwat -as the City Settlement. Against this it is to be noted (Ditto ditto) -that nagara city corrupts locally into Angkor. Nagara therefore -can hardly also be the origin of the local Nakhon. Farther as the -local Buddhists claim the temple for Buddha they were bound to find -in Nakhon some source other than its original meaning of Snake. The -change finds a close parallel in the Nága that is snake or Skythian -now Nágara or city Bráhman of Gujarát. - -[1176] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 190. - -[1177] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 108; Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxvi. - -[1178] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 174. - -[1179] Mr. Fergusson at first suggested the fourth century as -the period of migration to Cambodia. He afterwards came to the -conclusion that the settlers must have been much the same as the -Gujarát conquerors of Java. Architecture, III. 665-678. - -[1180] Fergusson, Architecture, 665. Compare Tree and Serpent Worship, -49, 50. The people of Cambodia seem Indian serpent worshippers: -they seem to have come from Taxila. - -[1181] The name Khmer has been adopted as the technical term for -the early literature and arts of the peninsula. Compare Barth -J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 193; Renan in ditto page 75 note 3 and -Ser. VII. Tom. VIII. page 68; Yule in Encyclopædia Britannica -Art. Cambodia. The resemblance of Cambodian and Kábul valley work -recalls the praise by Chinese writers of the Han (B.C. 206-A.D. 24) and -Wei (A.D. 386-556) dynasties of the craftsmen of Kipin, that is Kophene -or Kamboja the Kábul valley, whose skill was not less remarkable in -sculpturing and chiselling stone than in working gold silver copper -and tin into vases and other articles. Specht in Journal Asiatique, -II. (1883), 333 and note 3. A ninth century inscription mentions the -architect Achyuta son of Ráma of Kámboja. Epigraphia Indica, I. 243. - -[1182] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxi.; Sachau's Alberuni, I. 210. - -[1183] Fergusson's Architecture, III. 666. - -[1184] For the joint Kedarite-Ephthalite rule in Kashmir see -Cunningham's Ninth Oriental Congress, I. 231-2. The sameness of names, -if not an identity of rulers, shows how close was the union between -the Ephthalites and the Kedarites. The coins preserve one difference -depicting the Yuechi or Kedarite ruler with bushy and the White Húna -or Ephthalite ruler with cropped hair. - -[1185] About A.D. 700 Urumtsi Kashgar Khoten and Kuche in the Tarim -valley became Tibetan for a few years. Parker's Thousand Years of -the Tartars, 243. In A.D. 691 the western Turks who for some years -had been declining and divided were broken by the great eastern Turk -conqueror Mercho. The following passage from Masúdi (Prairies D'Or, -I. 289) supports the establishment of White Húna or Mihira power in -Tibet. The sons of Amúr (a general phrase for Turks) mixed with the -people of India. They founded a kingdom in Tibet the capital of which -they called Med. - -[1186] Encyclopædia Britannica Articles Tibet and Turkestan. - -[1187] Both Ibn Haukal and Al Istakhri (A.D. 950) call the Bay of -Bengal the sea of Tibet. Compare Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclviii.; -Encyclopædia Britannica Article Tibet page 345. - -[1188] Yule's Cathay, I. lxxxi. - -[1189] Ency. Brit. China, 646. - -[1190] Thisrong besides spreading the power of Tibet (he was important -enough to join with Mámún the son of the great Harun-ar-Rashid -(A.D. 788-809) in a league against the Hindus) brought many learned -Hindus into Tibet, had Sanskrit books translated, settled Lamaism, -and built many temples. It is remarkable that (so far as inscriptions -are read) the series of Nakhonwat temples was begun during Thisrong's -reign (A.D. 803-845). - -[1191] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 39-42; J. R. A. Soc. I. 355. - -[1192] Yule Jour. R. A. Soc. (N. S.) I. 356. - -[1193] Compare Yule in Jour. R. A. S. (N. S.) I. 355. Kandahár in -south-west Afghanistán is another example of the Kedarite or Little -Yuechi fondness for giving to their colonies the name of their -parent country. - -[1194] Compare Yule's Marco Polo, II. 82-84. - -[1195] Yule in Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia, 724, 725, 726. - -[1196] Fa Hian (A.D. 400) about fifty miles north-west of Kanauj found -a dragon chapel (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 40) of which a white-eared -dragon was the patron. The dragon, he notes, gives seasonable showers -and keeps off all plagues and calamities. At the end of the rains -the dragon turns into a little white-eared serpent and the priests -feed him. At the deserted Kapilavastu in Tirhut Fa Hian was shown a -tank and in it a dragon who, he says, constantly guards and protects -a tower to Buddha and worships there night and morning (Ditto, I. 50). - -Sung-Yun (A.D. 519) notices (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 69) in Swát -(Udyána) a tank and a temple with fifty priests called the temple -of the Nága Rája because the Nága supplies it with funds. In another -passage (Ditto, 92) he notices that in a narrow land on the border of -Posse (Fars) a dragon had taken his residence and was stopping the -rain and piling the snow. Hiuen Tsiang (Ditto, I. 20) notes that in -Kucha, north of the Tarim river east of the Bolor mountains, the Shen -horses are half dragon horses and the Shen men half dragon men. In -Aksu, 150 miles west of Kucha, fierce dragons molest travellers with -storms of flying sand and gravel (Ditto, 25); the hot lake or Johai, -100 miles north-east of Aksu, is jointly inhabited by dragons and fish; -scaly monsters rise to the surface and travellers pray to them (Ditto, -26). An Arhat (page 63) prays that he may become a Nágarája. He becomes -a Nágarája, kills the real Nágarája, takes his palace, attaches the -Nágas to him, and raises winds and tempests; Kanishka comes against him -and the Arhat takes the form of a Bráhman and knocks down Kanishka's -towers. A great merit-flame bursts from Kanishka's shoulders and -the Bráhman Nágarája apologises. His evil and passionate spirit, -the fruit of evil deeds in a former birth, had made the Arhat pray -to be a Nágarája. If clouds gathered the monks knew that the Nágarája -meant mischief. The convent gong was beaten and the Nágarája pacified -(or scared) Ditto, 64-66. Nágas were powerful brutes, cloud-riding -wind-driving water-walking brutes, still only brutes. The account -of the Nága or dragon of Jelalábád (in Kambojia) is excellent. In -Buddha's time the dragon had been Buddha's milkman. He lost his temper, -laid flowers at the Dragon's cave, prayed he might become a dragon, -and leaped over the cliff. He laid the country waste and did so much -harm that Tathágata (or Buddha) converted him. The Nága asked Buddha -to take his cave. Buddha said No. I will leave my shadow. If you get -angry look at my shadow and it will quiet you (Ditto, 94). Another -typical dragon is Apalála of the Swát river (Ditto, 68). In the time -of Kasyapa Buddha Apalála was a weaver of spells named Gangi. Gangi's -spells kept the dragons quiet and saved the crops. But the people were -thankless and paid no tithes. May I be born a dragon, cursed Gangi, -poisonous and ruinous. He was born the dragon of the Swát valley, -Apalála, who belched forth a salt stream and burned the crops. The -ruin of the fair and pious valley of Swát reached Sakya's (Buddha's) -ears. He passed to Mangala and beat the mountain side with Indra's -mace. Apalála came forth was lectured and converted. He agreed to do no -more mischief on condition that once in twelve years he might ruin the -crops. (Ditto, 122.) In a lake about seven miles west of Takshasilá, -a spot dear to the exiled Kambojan, lived Elápatra the Nágarája, -a Bhikshu or ascetic who in a former life had destroyed a tree. When -the crops wanted rain or fair weather, the Shamans or medicine-men led -the people to pray at Elápatra's tank (page 137). In Kashmir, perhaps -the place of halt of the Kambojan in his conquests eastwards, in old -times the country was a dragon lake. ((Kashmir has still a trace of -Gandhára. Compare (Ency. Brit. Art. Kashmir page 13: The races of -Kashmir are Gandháras, Khasás, and Daradas.))) Madhyantika drove -out the waters but left one small part as a house for the Nága king -(I. 150). What sense have these tales? In a hilly land where the people -live in valleys the river is at once the most whimsical and the most -dangerous force. Few seasons pass in which the river does not either -damage with its floods or with its failure and at times glaciers -and landslips stop the entire flow and the valley is ruined. So -great and so strange an evil as the complete drying of a river must -be the result of some one's will, of some one's temper. The Dragon -is angry he wants a sacrifice. Again the river ponds into a lake, -the lake tops the earth bank and rushes in a flood wasting as only a -dragon can waste. For generations after so awful a proof of power all -doubts regarding dragons are dead. (Compare Drew's Cashmere and Jummoo, -414-421.) In India the Chinese dragon turns into a cobra. In China the -cobra is unknown: in India than the cobra no power is more dreaded. How -can the mighty unwieldy dragon be the little silent cobra. How not? Can -the dragon be worshipful if he is unable to change his shape. To the -spirit not to the form is worship due. Again the worshipped dragon -becomes the guardian. The great earth Bodhisattva transforms himself -into a Nágarája and dwells in lake Anavatapta whose flow of cool -water enriches the world (Buddhist Records, II. 11). In a fane in -Swát Buddha takes the form of a dragon and the people live on him -(125). A pestilence wasted Swát. Buddha becomes the serpent Suma, -all who taste his flesh are healed of the plague (126). A Nága maiden, -who for her sins has been born in serpent shape and lives in a pool, -loves Buddha who was then a Sakya chief. Buddha's merit regains for -the girl her lost human form. He goes into the pool slays the girl's -snake-kin and marries her. Not even by marriage with the Sakya is -her serpent spirit driven out of the maiden. At night from her head -issues a nine-crested Nága. Sakya strikes off the nine crests and -ever since that blow the royal family has suffered from headaches -(132). This last tale shows how Buddhism works on the coarser and -fiercer tribes who accept its teaching. The converts rise to be men -though a snake-head may peep out to show that not all of the old leaven -is dead. In other stories Buddha as the sacramental snake shows the -moral advance in Buddhism from fiend to guardian worship. The rest -of the tales illustrate the corresponding intellectual progress from -force worship to man, that is mind, worship. The water force sometimes -kindly and enriching sometimes fierce and wasting becomes a Bodhisattva -always kindly though his goodwill may have to give way to the rage of -evil powers. So Bráhmanism turns Náráyana the sea into Siva or Somnáth -the sea ruler. In this as in other phases religion passes from the -worship of the forces of Nature to which in his beginnings man has -to bow to the worship of Man or conscious Mind whose growth in skill -and in knowledge has made him the Lord of the forces. These higher -ideals are to a great extent a veneer. The Buddhist evangelist may dry -the lake; he is careful to leave a pool for the Nágarája. In times -of trouble among the fierce struggles of pioneers and settlers the -spirit of Buddha withdraws and leaves the empty shrine to the earlier -and the more immortal spirit of Force, the Nágarája who has lived on -in the pool which for the sake of peace Buddha refrained from drying. - -[1197] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture, 219) places the Káshmir temples -between A.D. 600 and 1200 and allots Mártand the greatest to about -A.D. 750. The classical element, he says, cannot be mistaken. The -shafts are fluted Grecian Doric probably taken from the Gandhára -monasteries of the fourth and fifth centuries. Fergusson was satisfied -(Ditto, 289) that the religion of the builders of the Káshmir temples -was Nága worship. In Cambodia the Bráhman remains were like those of -Java (Ditto, 667). But the connection between the Nakhonwat series -and the Káshmir temples was unmistakeable (Ditto, 297, 665). Nága -worship was the object of both (Ditto, 677-679). Imperfect information -forced Fergusson to date the Nakhonwat not earlier than the thirteenth -century (Ditto, 660, 679). The evidence of the inscriptions which -(J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190) brings back the date of this the -latest of a long series of temples to the ninth and tenth centuries -adds greatly to the probability of some direct connection between the -builders of the Mártand shrine in Káshmir and of the great Nakhonwat -temple at Angkor. - -[1198] Ency. Brit. Art. Tibet, 344. - -[1199] Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia. - -[1200] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 45, 47. - -[1201] Contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazlulláh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat. - -[1202] This account which is in two parts is named -Silsilát-ut-Tawáríkh, that is the Chain of History. The first part was -written in A.D. 851-52 by Sulaimán and has the advantage of being the -work of a traveller who himself knew the countries he describes. The -second part was written by Abu Zeid-al-Hasan of Siráf on the Persian -Gulf about sixty years after Sulaimán's account. Though Abu Zeid -never visited India, he made it his business to read and question -travellers who had been in India. Abul Hasan-el-Masúdi (A.D. 915-943) -who met him at Basrah is said to have imparted to and derived much -information from Abu Zeid. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 2. - -[1203] Ahmed bin Yahyâ, surnamed Abu Jaâfar and called Biláduri -or Bilázuri from his addiction to the electuary of the Malacca -bean (bilázur) or anacardium, lived about the middle of the ninth -century of the Christian era at the court of Al-Mutawakkil the Abbási, -as an instructor to one of the royal princes. He died A.H. 279 -(A.D. 892-93). His work is styled the Futúh-ul-Buldán The Conquest of -Countries. He did not visit Sindh, but was in personal communication -with men who had travelled far and wide. - -[1204] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 115-116. - -[1205] The reason of Umar's dislike for India is described by Al Masúdi -(Murúj Arabic Text, Cairo Edition, III. 166-171), to have originated -from the description of the country by a philosopher to whom Umar had -referred on the first spread of Islám in his reign. The philosopher -said: India is a distant and remote land peopled by rebellious -infidels. Immediately after the battle of Kadesiah (A.D. 636) when -sending out Utbah, his first governor to the newly-founded camp-town -of Basrah Umar is reported to have said: I am sending thee to the -land of Al-Hind (India) as governor. Remember it is a field of the -fields of the enemy. The third Khalífah Usmán (A.D. 643-655) ordered -his governor of Irák to depute a special officer to visit India and -wait upon the Khalífah to report his opinion of that country. His -report of India was not encouraging. He said: Its water is scarce, -its fruits are poor, and its robbers bold. If the troops sent there -are few they will be slain; if many they will starve. (Al-Biláduri -in Elliot, I. 116.) - -[1206] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 116. - -[1207] Sir H. Elliot (Hist. of India) transliterates this as Básia. But -neither Básea nor his other supposition (Note 4 Ditto) Budha seem to -have any sense. The original is probably Bátiah, a form in which other -Arab historians and geographers also allude to Baet, the residence -of the notorious Bawárij who are referred to a little farther on as -seafarers and pirates. Ditto, I. 123. - -[1208] This important expedition extended to Ujjain. Details Above -page 109 and also under Bhínmál. Raids by sea from Sindh were repeated -in A.D. 758, 760, 755, and perhaps A.D. 830. Reinaud's Fragments, -212. See Above Bhagvánlál's Early History page 96 note 3. - -[1209] Details Above pages 94-96. - -[1210] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 129. - -[1211] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 129) calls it Kállari -though (Ditto note 3) he says the text has Máli. - -[1212] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 129. - -[1213] Ibni Khurdádbah a Musalmán of Magian descent as his name -signifies, died H. 300 (A.D. 912). He held high office under the -Abbási Khalífahs at Baghdád (Elliot's History of India, I. 13). - -[1214] Abul Hasan Al Masudi, a native of Baghdád, who visited India -about A.D. 915 and wrote his "Meadows of Gold" (Murúj-uz-zahab) -about A.D. 950-51 and died A.D. 956 in Egypt. (Sir Henry Elliot's -History of India, I. 23-25.) - -[1215] Abu Is-hák Al Istakhri, a native (as his cognomen signifies) -of Persepolis who flourished about the middle of the tenth century -and wrote his Book of Climes (Kitábul Akálím) about A.H. 340 -(A.D. 951). Elliot's History of India, I. 26. - -[1216] See Appendix A. Volume I. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India. - -[1217] Elliot's History of India, 394, where Sir Henry Elliot -calculates a parsang or farsang (Arabic farsakh) to be 3 1/2 miles. Al -Bírúni, however, counts four kroh or miles to a farsakh. Sachau's Al -Bírúni Arabic Text, chapter 18 page 97. - -[1218] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 403) locates Surabáya -somewhere near Surat. The mouth of the Tápti is still known in Surat -as the Bára. - -[1219] Ibni Haukal (Muhammad Abul Kásim) a native of Baghdád, left -that city in H. 331 (A.D. 943), returned to it H. 358 (A.D. 968), -and finished his work about H. 366 (A.D. 976). Sir Henry Elliot's -History of India, I. 31. - -[1220] Elliot, I. 34. - -[1221] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 363) correctly takes -Fámhal to be a misreading for Anhal that is Anhilwára. Al Bírúni -(A.D. 970-1039) uses the name Anhilwára without any Arab peculiarity -of transliteration or pronunciation. Sachau's Arabic Text, 100. Al -Idrísi (end of the eleventh century) styles Anhilwára "Nahrwára" -(Elliot, I. 84) an equally well known name. - -[1222] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 34. - -[1223] M. Gildemeister's Latin translation of Ibni Haukal's -Ashkál-ul-Bilád (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 39). - -[1224] Abu Rihán Al Bírúni was a native of Balkh in Central -Asia. He accompanied Mahmúd of Ghazni to India in his expeditions -and acquired an accurate knowledge of Sanskrit. His acquaintance -with this language and Greek and his love of enquiry and research -together with his fairness and impartiality, make his Indica a most -valuable contribution to our information on India in the end of the -tenth and beginning of the eleventh centuries. He finished his work -after the death of his patron in A.D. 1030-31. See Sachau's Preface -to the Arabic Text of the Indica, ix. - -[1225] Al Bírúni makes his farsakh of four miles. Sachau's Arabic -Text, 97. - -[1226] Sir Henry Elliot's translation and transliteration of Rahanjúr -(History of India, I. 61) are, be it said with all respect to the -memory of that great scholar, inaccurate. He cannot make anything of -the word (note 3) while in the Arabic Text of Sachau (page 100) the -first letter is a plain r and not d. From the context also the ancient -town of Rándir seems to be meant. It is plainly written Rahanjúr and -is very likely the copyist's mistake for the very similar form -Ráhandúr. - -[1227] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 98 and Sir Henry Elliot's -History of India, I. 61. - -[1228] Elphinstone's History of India, Book V. Chapter I. 263 Note 25 -(John Murray's 1849 Edition) on the authority of Captain MacMurdo -and Captain Alexander Burnes inclines to the opinion that Debal was -somewhere near the site of the modern Karáchi. - -[1229] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 65. Sachau's Text of -Al Bírúni, chapter 18 page 102. - -[1230] Al Biláduri uses the word Barija for a strong built war -vessel. Sir Henry Elliot derives the word from the Arabic and gives -an interesting note on the subject in his Appendix I. 539. The word -is still used in Hindustáni as beda (by'dA) to signify a boat or bark. - -[1231] Sachau's Arabic Text, 102. - -[1232] According to Richardson (Arabic Dictionary voce myrrh) though -rendered gum by all translators. According to the Makhzan the word -mukl (Urdu gughal) is Balsamodendron and Bádrud the corruption -of Báruz (Urdu biroza) is balsam or bezoar. - -[1233] Sachau's Arabic Text page 99 chapter 18. - -[1234] After giving the distances in days or journeys the Text (page -102 Sachau's Text of Al Bírúni) does not particularise the distances -of the places that follow in journeys or farsakhs. - -[1235] Elliot's History of India, I. 67. - -[1236] Abu Abdallah Muhammad Al Idrísi, a native of Ceuta in Morocco -and descended from the royal family of the Idrísis of that country, -settled at the court of Roger II. of Sicily, where and at whose -desire he wrote his book The Nuzhat-ul-Mushták or The Seeker's -Delight. Elliot's History of India, I: 74. Almost all Al Idrísi's -special information regarding Sindh and Western India is from -Al-Jauhari governor of Khurásán (A.D. 892-999), whose knowledge of -Sindh and the Indus valley is unusually complete and accurate. Compare -Reinaud's Abulfeda, lxiii. - -[1237] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 77. - -[1238] Bombay Gazetteer, II. 69. - -[1239] Elliot's History of India, I. 76. - -[1240] Elliot's History of India, I. 79. - -[1241] Elliot's History of India, I. 79. - -[1242] Elliot's History of India, I. 84. - -[1243] The details of Kulámmali given by Al Kazwíni (A.D. 1263-1275) -seem to show it is Quilon on the Malabár Coast. When a ruler died -his successor was always chosen from China. - -[1244] Elliot (I. 363-364) on the authority of Al Istakhri thinks that -all the names Ámhal, Fámhal, Kámhal, and Mámhal are faulty readings -of Anhal (Anhil)wára owing to irregularity in the position or absence -of diacritical points. - -[1245] This is probably Ránder, a very natural Arab -corruption. Instance Al Bírúni's Ranjhur. See page 507 note 11 and -page 520. - -[1246] Rumála is mentioned at pages 14, 87, 92 and 93 volume I. of -Elliot. It is first mentioned (page 14) by Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) -as one of the countries of Sindh. It is next mentioned by Al Idrísi -(end of the eleventh century according to Elliot, I. 74) as one of the -places of the eighth section describing the coast of India, but is -mentioned along with Nahrwára, Kandhár, and Kalbata (?). At page 92 -(Ditto) the same writer (Idrísi) says that Kalbata and Rumála are on -the borders of the desert which separates Multán from Sijistán. Again -at page 93 (Ditto) Idrísi gives the distance between Kalbata and -Rumála as a distance of three days. - -[1247] Elliot's History of India, I. 84. - -[1248] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 85. - -[1249] Elliot, I. 90-93. - -[1250] Elliot's History of India, I. 89. - -[1251] Zakariah Ibni Muhammad Al Kazwíni, a native of Kazwín (Kasbin) -in Persia, wrote his Ásár-ul-Bilád or "Signs or Monuments of Countries" -about A.H. 661 (A.D. 1263) compiling it chiefly from the writings of -Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) and Ibni Haukal (A.D. 976). He also frequently -quotes Misâr bin Muhalhil, a traveller who (A.D. 942) visited India -and China. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 94. - -[1252] Barbier De Meynard's Text of Al Masúdi's Les Prairies D'Or, -I. 382. - -[1253] Sir Henry Elliot misreads Tamraz for Al Bírúni's Arabic form -of Narmaza. He says: It comes from the city of Tamraz and the eastern -hills; it has a south-easterly course till it falls into the sea -near Báhruch about 60 yojanas to the east of Somnáth. The literal -translation of the text of Al Bírúni (see Sachau's Al Bírúni's India, -130) is that given above: It is hard to believe that the accurate Al -Bírúni while in one place (see Sachau's Text, 99) giving the name of -the Narbada faultlessly, should in another place fall into the error of -tracing it from Tirmiz a city of Central Asia. A comparison of Elliot's -version with the text sets the difficulty at rest. Compare Sir Henry -Elliot's History of India, I. 49 and note 3 ditto and Sachau's Arabic -Text of Al Bírúni, 180 chapter 25. - -[1254] Compare Sachau's Al Bírúni with Sir Henry Elliot, I. 49, -who is silent as to the distance. - -[1255] See Ahmedábád Gazetteer, IV. 338; also Elliot's History of -India, I. 356-357. - -[1256] See Appendix Elliot's History of India, I. 363. - -[1257] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27. - -[1258] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30. - -[1259] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 32-34. - -[1260] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34-38. - -[1261] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 39. - -[1262] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 40. - -[1263] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 61. - -[1264] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77. - -[1265] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 79. - -[1266] Bánia seems to be a copyist's error for Bazána or Náráyana. The -distances agree and the fact that to this day the neighbourhood of -Jaipur is noted for its flocks of sheep bears additional testimony -to the correctness of the supposition. - -[1267] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 84. - -[1268] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 9. The Balháras or -Ráshtrakútas lost their power in A.D. 974. The only explanation of -Idrísi's (A.D. 1100) Balháras at Anhilwára is that Idrísi is quoting -from Al Bírúni A.D. 950. - -[1269] Farishtah Persian Text Lithographed Bombay Edition, I. 57. - -[1270] Farishtah Persian Text Lithographed Bombay Edition, IV. 48. The -Rauzat-us-Safa states that it was at Somnáth the Ghaznavide wanted to -fix his capital (IV. 42 Persian Text, Lakhnau Edition). Anahilaváda -seems more likely. - -[1271] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, II. 155. - -[1272] The Jámi-ûl-Hikáyát in Elliot (History of India), II. 162. - -[1273] Elliot's History of India, II. 200. - -[1274] Elliot's History of India, II. 229-30. - -[1275] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, III. 74. - -[1276] Sachau's Text, 102. - -[1277] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87. - -[1278] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 88. - -[1279] Elliot's History of India, III. 260. - -[1280] Bayley's Gujarát, 81. - -[1281] Elliot's History of India, IV. 39; History of Gujarát, 81. - -[1282] Bayley's Gujarát, 90. - -[1283] Al Biláduri (A.D. 892) in Elliot's History of India, I. 116. - -[1284] Al Biláduri (A.D. 892) in Elliot's History of India, -I. 126. Details of this far-stretching affliction of Sindh, Kachh, -the Chávadás, Chitor, Bhínmál, and Ujjain are given above, History 109. - -[1285] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot (History of India), I. 14. - -[1286] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India, I. 49-66), and Sachau's -Arabic Text, 100. - -[1287] Barbier DeMeynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 239. - -[1288] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87. - -[1289] Elliot's History of India, III. 256-260. - -[1290] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27. - -[1291] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30. - -[1292] Prairies D'Or (Barbier DeMeynard's Arabic Text), I. 253-54. - -[1293] Prairies D'Or (Arabic Text), III. 47. - -[1294] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34. - -[1295] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38. - -[1296] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 39. - -[1297] Rashíd-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot's History of India, -I. 66 and Sachau's Arabic Text, chapter 18 pages 99-102. - -[1298] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 67. - -[1299] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 77. - -[1300] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 84. - -[1301] Tazjiyat-ul-Amsar in Elliot, III. 32. - -[1302] Saâdi's patron mentioned by him in his Garden of Roses. - -[1303] The word dínár is from the Latin denarius (a silver coin -worth 10 oz. of brass) through the Greek dênarion. It is a Kuráanic -word, the ancient Arabic equivalent being mithkál. The dínár sequin -or ducat varied in value in different times. In Abu Haúfah's (the -greatest of the four Sunni Jurisconsults') time (A.D. 749) its value -ranged from 10 to 12 dirhams. Then from 20 to 25 dirhams or drachmas. -As a weight it represented a drachma and a half. Though generally -fluctuating, its value may be assessed at 9s. or 10 francs to half -a sovereign. For an elaborate article on the Dínár see Yule's Cathay, -II. 439; Burton's Alf Leilah, I. 32. The word Dirham is used in -Arabic in the sense of "silver" (vulg. siller) the Greek drachmê -and the drachuma of Plautus. This silver piece was 9 3/4d. and as -a weight 66 1/2 grains. Sir Henry Elliot does not speak more at -length of the dínár and the dirham than to say (History of India, -I. 461) that they were introduced in Sindh in the reign of Abdul -Malik (A.D. 685) and Elliot, VII. 31) that the dínár was a Rúm and -the dirham a Persian coin. The value of the dínár in modern Indian -currency may be said to be Rs. 5 and that of the dirham nearly annas 4. - -[1304] Wassáf gives the date of this event as A.D. 1298, but the -Tárikh-i-Alái of Amír Khusrao places it at A.D. 1300. See Elliot's -History of India, III. 43 and 74. - -[1305] Elliot's History of India, III. 256-57. - -[1306] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 24. - -[1307] Prairies D'Or, II. 85. - -[1308] He was called a Hairam or Hairamah in the language of the -country. Al Masúdi's Murúj Arabic Text Cairo Edition, II. 56. - -[1309] Al Masúdi's Murúj Arabic Text Cairo Edition, II. 56-57. - -[1310] One born in India of an Arab father and an Indian mother -probably from the Gujaráti word Ádh-besra meaning mixed blood. This -seems the origin of the Bais Rájput. The performer in the case in the -text was a Hindu. Al Masúdi (Murúj Arabic Text II. 57 Cairo Edition) -says that the singular of Bayásirah is Besar. - -[1311] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27. - -[1312] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30. - -[1313] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 33-34. - -[1314] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38. - -[1315] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38. - -[1316] Al Bírúni Sachau's Arabic Text, 102; Elliot's History of India, -I. 39, 66. - -[1317] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77. - -[1318] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77, 85. - -[1319] Al Kazwíni in Elliot (History of India), I. 97. - -[1320] Though Al Kazwíni wrote in the thirteenth century, he derives -his information of India from Misâar bin Muhalhil, who visited India -about A.D. 942. Elliot (History of India), I. 94. - -[1321] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87. - -[1322] Tárikh-i-Fírúz Sháhi by Ziá Barni (Elliot's History of India), -III. 264-65. - -[1323] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History -of India, I. 65. - -[1324] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History -of India, I. 49. - -[1325] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History -of India, I. 66. - -[1326] Written A.D. 1600 (Elliot, I. 213). - -[1327] Táríkh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 16. - -[1328] Tuhfat-ul-Kirám in Elliot, I. 344. - -[1329] Táríkh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 217. - -[1330] Tárikh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 218. - -[1331] Tárikh-i-Táhiri (Elliot's History of India), I. 267-68. - -[1332] Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal for February 1838, 102. - -[1333] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 268. - -[1334] Tárikh-i-Fírúz Sháhi in Elliot, II. 260. - -[1335] In his Arabic Text of the Murúj (Prairies D'Or, Cairo Edition) -Al Masúdi writes the name of the Kanauj king as Farwarah. (If the F -stands for P and the w for m, as is quite possible in Arab writing, -then this can be Parmárah the Arab plural for Parmár.) At volume -I. page 240 the word Farwarah is twice used. Once: "And the king -of Kanauj, of the kings of Sindh (India) is Farwarah." Again at the -same page (240): "And Farwarah he who is king of Kanauj is opposed to -Balhara." Then at page 241: Farwarah is again used in the beginning -of the account quoted by Elliot in I. 23. - -[1336] Elliot's History of India, I. 23. In the Cairo Edition of the -Arabic Text of Al Masúdi's Murúj (Prairies D'Or) vol. I. page 241 is -the original of this account. - -[1337] Elliot's History of India, I. 33. - -[1338] Elliot's History of India. I. 45. - -[1339] Elliot's History of India, I. 49. - -[1340] Elliot, I. 90. - -[1341] Elliot's History of India, I. 147. - -[1342] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 15. - -[1343] Táj-ul-Mâásir in Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, -II. 222. 'After staying some time at Dehli he (Kutb-ud-dín) marched -in A.D. 1194 (H. 590) towards Kol and Banâras passing the Jumna which -from its exceeding purity resembled a mirror.' It would seem to place -Kol near Banâras. - -[1344] Al Masúdi's Prairies D'Or (Arabic Text), I. 168. - -[1345] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 19, 20, 21 and -Prairies D'Or, I. 178. - -[1346] Al Masúdi Arabic Text Prairies D'Or, (I. 381); Al Masúdi in -Elliot (History of India), I. 24. - -[1347] That is an Arab dirhem and a half. Al Istakhri in Elliot -(History of India), I. 27. These Tártariyya dirhems are mentioned -by almost all Arab writers. Al Idrísi says they were current -in Mansúrah in Sindh and in the Malay archipelago. See Elliot, -I. 3 note 4. According to Sulaimán (A.D. 851) the Tártariya dirham -weighed "a dirham and a half of the coinage of the king." Elliot, -I. 3. Al Masúdi (Prairies D'Or, I. 382) calls these "Tátiriyyah" -dirhams, giving them the same weight as that given by Sulaimán to -the Tártariyah dirhams. Ibni Haukal calls it the Titari dirhem and -makes its weight equal to "a dirham and a third" (Elliot, I. 85). - -[1348] Kumlah is rauma salt land. There is a Rúm near Kárur about -sixty miles south-east of Multán. Al Idrísi (A.D. 1135) has a Rumálah -three days from Kalbata the salt range. Elliot, I. 92. - -[1349] Probably Okhámandal. See Appendix vol. I. page 390 Elliot's -History of India. - -[1350] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni's Indica, 99. - -[1351] Persian Text Bombay Edition of 1832, I. 53. - -[1352] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 100. - -[1353] Elliot's History of India, I. 84. - -[1354] Al Biláduri in Elliot (History of India), I. 129. The word -sáj in the Arabic text means besides a teak-spar (which seems to be -an improbable present to be sent to a Khalifáh), a large black or -green turban or sash. - -[1355] Ibni Khurdádbha in Elliot (History of India), I. 14 and 15. - -[1356] De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, III. 47-48. - -[1357] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27 and 30. - -[1358] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34 and 38. - -[1359] Al Bírúni in Elliot, I. 66. - -[1360] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 77-85. - -[1361] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 403 Appendix. - -[1362] Lee's Ibni Batuta, 166. - -[1363] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 21. - -[1364] Rashid-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot, I. 68. - -[1365] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 89. - -[1366] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 65; Sachau's Arabic -Text of Al Bírúni, 102. - -[1367] Elliot's History of India, I. 67. - -[1368] Sachau's Text of Al Bírúni, 252. - -[1369] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253. - -[1370] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253 chapter 58. - -[1371] It appears that at the time of his expedition to Somnáth Mahmúd -had not adopted the title of Sultán. - -[1372] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253 chapter 58. - -[1373] Sachau's Text, 253 chapter 58. - -[1374] The Táríkh-i-Kámil. Ibni Asír (A.D. 1160-1232) is a voluminous -and reliable historian. Ibni Khallikán, the author of the famous -biographical dictionary, knew and respected Asír always alluding to -him as "our Sheikh." See Elliot, II. 245. - -[1375] From the term 'sculptured' it would seem the idol was of -stone. It is curious how Ibni Asír states a little further that a -part of the idol was "burned by Mehmúd." See Elliot, II. 471. The -Tárikh-i-Alfi says (Elliot, II. 471) that the idol was cut of solid -stone. It however represents it as hollow and containing jewels, in -repeating the somewhat hackneyed words of Mahmúd when breaking the -idol regardless of the handsome offer of the Bráhmans, and finding -it full of jewels. - -[1376] The Rauzat-us-Safa (Lithgd. Edition, IV. 48) speaks of Mahmúd's -project of making Somnáth his capital and not Anhilwára as stated -by Farishtah (I. 57, Original Persian Text). The Rauzát-us-Safa -says that when Mahmúd had conquered Somnáth he wished to fix his -residence there for some years as the country was very large and -had a great many advantages including mines of pure gold and rubies -brought from Sarandíb or Ceylon which he represents as a dependency -of Gujarát. At last he yielded to his minister's advice and agreed -to return to Khurásán. - -[1377] Prairies D'Or (DeMeynard's Arabic Text, I. 381); also Al Masúdi -in Elliot (History of India. I. 24). - -[1378] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27. - -[1379] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30. - -[1380] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34, 39. - -[1381] Thus in Sachau's Arabic Text page 102, but Elliot (I. 66) -spells the word Sufára in his translation. It might have assumed -that form in coming from the Arabic through Rashíd-ud-dín's Persian -version from which Sir Henry Elliot derives his account. - -[1382] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77 and 85. - -[1383] Al Bilázuri in Elliot, I. 116. - -[1384] Barbier DeMeynard's Text of Masúdi's Prairies D'Or, I. 330 -and 381. - -[1385] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, chapters 18, 99, 102 and -Elliot's History of India, I. 60-61, 66-67. - -[1386] Al Idrísi in Elliot, 1-89. - -[1387] Al Idrísi says the real tabáshír is extracted from the root of -the reed called sharki. Sarki is Gujaráti for reed. It is generally -applied to the reeds growing on river banks used by the poor for -thatching their cottages. Tabáshír is a drug obtained from the pith -of the bamboo and prescribed by Indian physicians as a cooling drink -good for fever. - -[1388] The name Barádah in Arabic orthography bears a close -resemblance to Barâbah, Bárlabah, Barlabah, all three being the forms -or nearly the forms in which the word Walabah or Walabi would be -written by an Arab, supposing the diacritical points to be, as they -often are, omitted. Besides as Barádah the word has been read and -miswritten Nárand or Bárand and Bárad or Barid. In the shikastah or -broken hand Nárand or Bárand would closely resemble Bárlabah or -Báradah. Al Bilázuri in Elliot's History of India I. 127, writes -the word Nárand or Bárand. Sir Henry Elliot (History, I. 444) reads -the word Barada and would identify the place with the Barda hills -inland from Porbandar in south-west Káthiávád. The objection to this -is that the word used by the Arab writers was the name of a town as -well as of a coast tract, while the name of Barda is applied solely -to a range of hills. On the other hand Balaba the coast and town -meets all requirements. - -[1389] Reigned A.D. 754-775. - -[1390] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, II. 246 and Frag. Arabes 3, -120, 212; Weil's Geschichte der Chalifen, II. 115. - -[1391] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 444. - -[1392] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 445) identifies Kandhár -with Kandadár in north-west Káthiávád. - -[1393] Sachau's Original Text, 205. - -[1394] Sachau's Original Text, 17-94. - -[1395] Details above in Dr. Bhagvánlál's History, 96 note 3. - -[1396] Elliot's History of India, I. 7. - -[1397] Elliot's History of India, I. 22, 24, 25. - -[1398] Elliot's History of India, I. 34. - -[1399] Elliot's History of India, I. 86. - -[1400] Al Masúdi Les Prairies D'Or, II. chapter 18 page 85. - -[1401] Giving an account of the diviners and jugglers of India Abu -Zaid says: These observations are especially applicable to Kanauj, -a large country forming the empire of Jurz. Abu Zaid in Elliot's -History of India, I. 10. References given in the History of Bhínmál -show that the Gurjjara power spread not only to Kanauj but to Bengal. - -[1402] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 13. - -[1403] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 25. - -[1404] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34. - -[1405] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 67. - -[1406] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 59. - -[1407] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 76. - -[1408] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 86. - -[1409] The merchant Sulaimán (851 A.D.) in Elliot's History of India, -I. 5. - -[1410] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot (History of India), I. 13. - -[1411] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 23. - -[1412] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 25. - -[1413] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 14. - -[1414] Al Masúdi in History of India by Sir Henry Elliot, I. 25. - -[1415] Lane's Notes on his Translation of the Alf Leilah, III. 80. - -[1416] Al Masúdi's Murúj (Arabic Text Cairo Edition, I. 221). - -[1417] The merchant Sulaimán (Elliot's History of India), I. 4 and 5. - -[1418] See page 519 note 8. - -[1419] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 11. - -[1420] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 14. - -[1421] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 15. - -[1422] Al Masúdi (Elliot's History of India), I. 23. - -[1423] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, -III. 47-48. - -[1424] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 239. - -[1425] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 253. - -[1426] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 384. - -[1427] Ibni Haukal (Ashkál-ul-Bilád) and Elliot's History of India, -I. 39. - -[1428] Elliot's History of India, III. 33. - -[1429] Mámhal is by some numbered among the cities of India. Al Idrísi -in Elliot, I. 84. - -[1430] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 79. - -[1431] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 85. - -[1432] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 85. - -[1433] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 85. - -[1434] Rashíd-ud-dín in Elliot's History of India, I. 67-68. - -[1435] Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968) in Elliot, I. 39. - -[1436] Al Idrísi (A.D. 968) in Elliot, I. 84 and 87. - -[1437] Al Idrísi speaking of Cambay in Elliot's History of India, -I. 84. - -[1438] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 85. - -[1439] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 88. - -[1440] Al Masúdi in Elliot's History of India, I. 9. - -[1441] Ibni Haukal in Elliot, I. 35. - -[1442] Ibni Haukal in Elliot, I. 39. - -[1443] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 88. - -[1444] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) in Elliot's History of India, -I. 67. The passage seems to be a quotation from Al Bírúni (A.D. 1031). - -[1445] Ibni Haukal in Elliot's History of India, I. 34-38, also Al -Kazwíni, I. 97. - -[1446] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 29. - -[1447] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 7. - -[1448] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 6. - -[1449] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 7. - -[1450] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 10. - -[1451] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 9-10. - -[1452] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 11. - -[1453] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot, I. 17. - -[1454] See Elliot, I. 76, where Al Idrísi calls the first class -'Sákariá' the word being a transliteration of the Arabic Thákariyah -or Thákurs. - -[1455] The Arabic plural of the word Barahman. - -[1456] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 13-17. - -[1457] Text Les Prairies D'Or, I. 149-154 and Elliot's History of -India, I. 19. - -[1458] Arabic Text Les Prairies D'Or, I. 149-154, and Elliot's History -of India, I. 20. - -[1459] Al Masúdi's Prairies D'Or, I. 169, and Elliot's History of -India, I. 20. - -[1460] Rashíd-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot's History of India, -I. 67-68. - -[1461] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 76. - -[1462] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 85. - -[1463] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87. - -[1464] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 88. - -[1465] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 88. - -[1466] Contributed by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., I.C.S. - -[1467] We learn from Pliny (VI. 22) that Palaisimoundou was the name -of a town and a river in Ceylon, whence the name was extended to the -whole island. - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's History of Gujarát, by James McNabb Campbell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF GUJARÁT *** - -***** This file should be named 54652-0.txt or 54652-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/6/5/54652/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (Prepared from -scans made by the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. 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