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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of International May Day and American Labor Day, by 
-Boris Reinstein
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: International May Day and American Labor Day
-       A Holiday Expressing Working Class Emancipation Versus a
-       Holiday Exalting Labor's Chains
-
-Author: Boris Reinstein
-
-Release Date: May 6, 2017 [EBook #54666]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration: WEEKLY PEOPLE]
-
-                 _OFFICIAL ORGAN SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY_
-
-A revolutionary Socialist journal. Dedicated to the idea that the
-emancipation of the working class must be the class-conscious work of
-that class. The WEEKLY PEOPLE teaches that a political victory of the
-working class is “moonshine” unless the might of the workers in the
-shape of a revolutionary industrial union is behind that victory. It
-teaches further that the organization of the working class can not be
-accomplished by dragging the revolutionary movement into the ratholes of
-anarchists and “pure and simple” physical forcists generally. The WEEKLY
-PEOPLE ruthlessly exposes the scheming “pure and simple” politician as
-well as the “pure and simple” physical forcist. In doing this it at the
-same time imparts sound information regarding Marxian or scientific
-Socialism. It is a journal which, read a few times, becomes
-indispensable.
-
-      Subscription rates: One year, $2; six months, $1; three
-      months, .50 cents; trial subscription, 25 cents. Bundle
-      rates supplied on request.
-
-               Weekly People, 45 Rose St., New York City.
-
-
-
-
-                         International May Day
-                                ..and..
-                           American Labor Day
-
-
-                                   BY
-                            BORIS REINSTEIN
-
-
-                               A HOLIDAY
-                 Expressing Working Class Emancipation
-                                 Versus
-                               A HOLIDAY
-                        Exalting Labor’s Chains
-
-
-                              Published by
-           National Executive Committee Socialist Labor Party
-                     45 Rose Street, New York City
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                                PREFACE.
-
-
-During the period in history that the present generation is going
-through the struggle for supremacy between Capital and Labor is
-occupying a more and more prominent position at the front of the stage.
-Here in America the material conditions necessary for the triumph of
-Labor in this struggle,—for the realization of Socialism—are by far more
-ripe than in any other country.
-
-The old system of wealth production in small shops, with crude tools, by
-the application of the labor of one, two or a handful of workers, is
-practically extinct. Through the use of up-to-date improved machinery,
-through co-operation of thousands and sometimes tens of thousands of
-workers employed by one concern, and the consequent subdivision and
-specialization of labor enhancing its productivity; through capitalist
-concentration and amalgamation of individual concerns into corporations
-and trusts, eliminating waste of labor incidental to competition and
-anarchy in production, through all that the productivity of labor became
-plentiful to the point of being marvelous. After centuries of struggle
-society at last has within its grasp the means of assured, carefree
-existence and untrammeled progress.
-
-With regard to the power of the political State and the political rights
-of the people the historical development of the civilized nations was
-along the lines of concentration of political powers in the hands of an
-oligarchy, small in numbers, and finally in the person of a single
-individual, the political autocrat, while on the other hand the masses
-of the people were concentrating in the camp of the politically
-disfranchised and disinherited. In France, for instance, after a
-struggle running through a long series of generations, concentrating the
-political powers in fewer and fewer hands, the point of autocracy was
-finally reached. The former “peers” were reduced to the position of mere
-dependents and hangers-on at the court of the autocrat; the mass of the
-people, politically absolutely disinherited, could only bend its neck,
-and the autocrat, Louis XIV, with boots and spurs on and whip in hand,
-could proclaim haughtily and defiantly, “l’état c’est moi!” (The
-government, it is I!) and could sway the destinies of the nation with
-the stroke of his pen.
-
-From this point it was only a comparatively short step to the point when
-the millions of “subjects of the autocrat,” concentrated in the camp of
-the disinherited, realized that they had only one head to chop off, and
-did literally chop it off in the person of Louis XVI, in order to assert
-their rights by establishing the political democratic republic.
-
-Similarly in the realm of economic development. The difference only is
-that in this enlightened age, with the modern press and other means of
-disseminating knowledge and information all over the globe in a few
-minutes, bigger strides along the path of progress are made within
-decades and years than were made formerly within centuries and
-generations.
-
-In this country, under the eyes of a single generation,—the present
-generation—a veritable Social Revolution has taken place. When the
-gray-haired men of to-day were young the overwhelming majority of
-inhabitants in this country belonged to the property-holding class and
-were consequently self-sustaining. They had some farming, commercial, or
-industrial property. They did not have much but enough of it to be able
-to eke out a living without being compelled to hunt for and beg some
-employer for a job to save themselves from starvation. To-day what
-remains of the independent farmers and middle class are hanging by the
-skin of their teeth to their little property, the source of their
-“economic independence,” as they feel that property slipping through
-their hands. It begins to dawn on them that even those of them who still
-retain some business property are rapidly becoming mere dependents and
-hangers-on at the court of enthroned capital.
-
-But already a big percentage of formerly independent American citizens
-and the sons and daughters of a still bigger percentage of them, are
-found to be stripped of all income-bearing property, driven into and
-concentrated in the camp of the proletariat,—the propertyless
-wage-earning class—towards which, like iron filings towards a powerful
-magnet, are gravitating the rapidly increasing millions of ruined,
-formerly independent citizens, the modern proletariat. According to
-recently published figures to the camp of the wage-earning class belong
-now no less than thirty-three and a half millions of men, women, and
-children, not younger than fifteen years of age. This gigantic army,
-with the little children, the wives of some of the workmen and other
-dependents, whom the capitalists so far have not succeeded in hitching
-up to the machinery in their factories, constitutes already the
-overwhelming majority of the entire population of the country.
-
-The forces of social evolution have thus already created, as far at
-least as this country is concerned, that other indispensable factor for
-the success of the impending Social Revolution. They have created that
-class, the proletariat, whose mission it is and which is strong enough
-to free itself and the whole of mankind from exploitation and oppression
-by the capitalists, the master class of our time.
-
-While these forces of social evolution were thus decomposing the present
-social order, divorcing the wealth-producers from the sources of
-wealth-production, driving the millions of these wealth producers into
-the camp of the proletariat, there was at the same time another process
-of concentration going on, the concentration of the wealth of the
-formerly independent American citizens in the hands of a small number of
-gigantic capitalist concerns. Out of their ranks the industrial autocrat
-is to rise,—the “one head” that the disinherited millions are to “chop
-off” in order to come to their own by the institution of the Industrial
-Democratic Republic.
-
-The rapid progress towards this stage of industrial autocracy was
-already marked, and not a few years ago at that, by the historical
-Vanderbilt exclamation, “The public be damned!”—the modern version of
-Louis XIV’s “The government, it is I!”
-
-Still more light on the progress made in that direction under the very
-eyes of the present generation is thrown by the figures which recently
-made the rounds of the daily press. They deal with the growth of the
-volume of business and power wielded by one single capitalist concern,
-the J. Pierpont Morgan banking firm in Wall Street, New York. The
-figures show that the business capital of that concern alone, the stocks
-and bonds of all the innumerable enterprises, commercial, industrial,
-etc., controlled by it represented the amount of $527,282,564. But that
-was 21 years ago, in 1892. Gigantic as this mass of capital was it was
-insignificant compared with the proportions it reached in subsequent
-years. In 1897 it was $1,396,506,231; in 1902, $3,852,940,908, and in
-1912 it was estimated to be $26,854,254,628. In other words, nearly
-TWENTY-SEVEN THOUSAND MILLION dollars of business capital are controlled
-by the one man at the head of this single concern, whose mere stroke of
-pen would suffice, if he saw fit, to turn the key in the lock of the
-door of thousands of factories and other business concerns where
-millions of workers must earn their daily bread. The lives of millions
-of workers and of many more millions of members of their families
-actually depending upon the will and the whim of a single individual!
-How much more is needed to complete the evolution towards industrial
-autocracy, the gate to Industrial Democracy? The power of political
-autocrats, of Czar Nicholas of Russia, of Louis XIV of France, etc., is
-like that of children, compared with the economic power wielded by this
-colossus of Twentieth Century capitalism. It will not require, it cannot
-require, centuries or generations for the thirty-three and a half
-millions of wage-slaves to realize that they can have the power and
-must,—to save their own lives—throw off from their necks the Iron Heel
-of modern Industrial Autocracy!
-
-In point of development of all these material conditions, as
-prerequisites for a successful Social Revolution, America leads the
-procession of all modern nations. In one important respect, however,
-America lags far behind the procession. It is with regard to the
-economic organization of labor, with regard to the labor union movement.
-As yet this strategically vital and determining field is in the
-possession of the reactionary forces of the American Federation of
-Labor, the organization that is doing all in its power to check the
-growth of Socialism in this country, to perpetuate the capitalist system
-of wage labor.
-
-The supremacy of this organization in the economic field of the labor
-movement exercises upon the American working class, eagerly though that
-class is seeking its own emancipation, an influence which, in the
-political field likewise, prevents it from organizing and fighting on
-proper lines. The baneful influence of the American Federation of Labor
-thus threatens to render nought the otherwise ripe material conditions,
-and to render abortive the impending Social Revolution.
-
-Whether the coming crisis in the life of this nation will result in the
-rearing of the Dome of Socialism and Industrial Democracy, or whether it
-will lead only to a most stupendous slaughter of the working class, to
-the erection of a “Caesar’s Column,” and to complete and hopeless
-subjugation of the masses depends largely on reorganization of the union
-movement from the craft union basis of the American Federation of Labor
-to a correct and sound industrial union basis.
-
-Unfortunately among the Socialists of America the vital importance of
-the educational work needed as a prerequisite for the reorganization of
-the labor union movement of the land is very little recognized. Only too
-frequently one meets Socialists who innocently assure themselves and
-others that they “believe in industrial unionism” and are “opposed to
-the A. F. of L.” merely because they try to hit back when Gompers
-attacks their party. The knowledge possessed by such Socialists as to
-the essential features of the A. F. of L. unionism, which makes of that
-organization a veritable trap that holds the working masses fast and
-helpless against the capitalist exploiters, is very indistinct. The
-literature, the press, the lectures, etc., that mold the views of such
-Socialists avoid, for sundry reasons, the dissecting and exposing of the
-dangerous features of craft unionism. As a rule, in the minds of such
-Socialists there is only a vague idea that “there is something wrong
-with the American Federation of Labor,” and they are mostly inclined to
-find that “wrong” in the opposition of the A. F. of L. leaders to the
-political work of the Socialists. Most of them are only too ready to
-forget and forgive the “mistakes” of that organization if it would only
-“leave the Socialists alone.”
-
-It is to stimulate the study of the essential and distinct features of
-A. F. of L. craft unionism, and as a contribution towards that study
-that this pamphlet is offered to the working class.
-
-                                                        BORIS REINSTEIN.
-
-
-
-
-                   MAY DAY AND LABOR DAY—A CONTRAST.
-
-
-The workers who are more or less familiar with the Labor and Socialist
-Movement in this country and especially in European countries, often
-wonder why most American workingmen celebrate “Labor Day” on the first
-Monday of September instead of May Day, on the first of May.
-
-We shall endeavor, in this pamphlet, to give a sketch of the difference
-in the character and effect of these two holidays of Labor.
-
-Except that both these holidays are dedicated to Labor and are primarily
-participated in by working people, there is nothing in common between
-them. In fact, they contradict and stand in opposition to each other,
-the same as the organized International Socialist and Labor Movement,
-which established the May Day, contradicts in all essentials and stands
-in opposition to the American Federation of Labor,—the organization
-under whose auspices the American Labor Day is celebrated.
-
-May Day was created by a resolution adopted, upon the initiative of
-American Socialists, at the International Socialist Congress held in
-Paris, France, in July, 1889. The resolution had for its prime object to
-get the workingmen of all countries, races, climes and nationalities,
-speaking all the innumerable languages of the earth, to celebrate on the
-same fixed day their own holiday, and thus graphically to demonstrate to
-the world that, in spite of all the differences in language,
-nationality, etc., they are all members of the same class, the
-proletariat,—the propertyless wage-earning class—that their interests
-are the same and, like members of the same family, they stand for the
-Workers’ Brotherhood, International Solidarity and Universal Peace.
-
-May Day was thus created by the workingmen themselves, in defiance of
-the capitalist class and its governments, and up to the present time the
-working people in many countries are compelled on the First of May to
-fight for their holiday at the sacrifice of their jobs, liberty, blood,
-and even life. When the police and cossacks of different countries
-appear on the scene on May Day it is always for the purpose of clubbing,
-maiming, arresting, and killing working people; for the police and
-cossacks recognize that May Day is the drilling day for the Social
-Revolution.
-
-The American Labor Day, on the contrary, was a “gift” which the workers
-received from their masters, the capitalists, through the capitalist
-politicians. That first Monday in the month of September was made a
-legal holiday under the name of Labor Day, at first by the legislature
-of one state some thirty years ago; the politicians of other states
-followed the clever example, so that at present Labor Day is a legal
-holiday all over the country.
-
-A vampire, when he settles down upon the body of a sleeping person and
-sucks its blood, is known to fan his victim with his wings, to soothe
-the victim’s pain, and to prevent him from waking up and driving the
-vampire away. So was the Labor Day created by the political agents of
-the American capitalists to fan the sleeping giant, the American working
-class, while the capitalists are sucking its blood.
-
-American Labor Day can also be considered as a modern, capitalist
-version of the ancient custom of the days of serfdom and slavery. In
-those days the masters, for recreation and amusement, often-times set
-aside one day to celebrate the “enthronement of slaves.” They would take
-a slave, take the chains off his limbs, put him on a mock throne, put a
-mock crown on his head and, bowing to him in mock humility and
-obedience, would humbly serve him and overwhelm him with flattery. And
-the Silly Pool on the mock throne would throw out his chest and swell
-with pride. But the day of mockery over, the chains were again clapped
-on his limbs, and the miserable slave, groaning, would resume his life
-of a beast of burden.
-
-Likewise with the unawakened American workman on Labor Day. On that day
-the chains of wage-slavery are, figuratively speaking, taken off his
-limbs; he is made the hero of the day; his masters, the capitalists,
-stand before him in mock humility; their spokesmen in the press, pulpit
-and on their political platforms, overwhelm him with flattery; and the
-modern Silly Fool, likewise, throws out his chest and swells with pride.
-But, the day of mockery and of the Fool’s Paradise over, the
-masters,—who during this day are only slyly smiling—break out into
-sardonic laughter—though unheard by the slave—clap the chains back on
-his limbs and he again hears only the crack of the whip of Hunger and
-Slavery.
-
-It is only natural, therefore, that when the capitalist masters send out
-on Labor Day their hired bodyguard—the police and militia—they send them
-not to molest or injure the workingmen, but to march, as honorary
-escort, at the head of their Labor Day parades.
-
-And why shouldn’t they? Don’t they know that the American Labor Day is
-only a day for the annual injection of a new dose of narcotic “dope,” of
-the antidote against the Social Revolution?!
-
-What, indeed, is the key-note to the speeches delivered at Labor Day
-gatherings in America by the capitalist politicians, clergymen and
-professional “labor-lieutenants” of the capitalist class—the Gomperses,
-the Mitchells, the Duncans, the O’Connells, the Lennons, etc.? It is the
-biggest Lie of the Age, the lie that wealth is the joint product of
-Brother Capital and Brother Labor, that is, of the capitalist class and
-of the working class; that the interests of both are identical or
-reciprocal, that the two can and should live in harmony, peace and
-brotherhood with each other, and that the aim of the Labor Movement is
-to maintain indefinitely that harmonious equilibrium, and thus
-perpetuate the capitalist wage system by securing for the workers “a
-fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work” by means of an “equitable
-division” of that “joint product of Brother Capital and Brother Labor.”
-
-Craft Union “Organization” and Spirit.
-
-For this purpose the American Federation of Labor—the celebrant of Labor
-Day—gathers the masses of the workers, who in their blindness, ignorance
-and anxiety to secure immediate relief, respond to its luring call and
-flock to its banner. The gathered masses are then cut up into
-innumerable “independent and autonomous” craft divisions. They are
-taught to respect the claim of “Brother Capital” and to be guided in
-their actions not by the consideration of solidarity and identity of
-interests of all workers of the world, not even of those of the working
-class of America, not even of those of the American workers belonging to
-the same craft, but merely by the consideration of the interests of
-their personal jobs.
-
-Accordingly, to monopolize their jobs they proclaim the principle of
-“America for Americans,” and try to build a Great Chinese Wall around
-America by means of reactionary anti-immigration laws and, in the
-meanwhile, build innumerable small Chinese walls around their unions by
-means of high, often prohibitive, initiation fees, dues and assessments;
-apprenticeship rules, catchy, tripping examinations of applicants for
-membership; system of “closing books” to all new applicants; forcing
-“troublesome” members out of the union and jobs by unjust and excessive
-fines, etc.
-
-It is again only natural that labor “unions” of this type, built upon
-the principle of CLASS PEACE instead of CLASS STRUGGLE, discard the
-up-to-date ammunition from the arsenal of modern social warfare and
-persistently train their armies of “organized labor” to use the worse
-than worthless wooden swords and wooden bullets of conciliation,
-mediation and arbitration. Every careful observer of the American Labor
-Movement knows that the only effect of these weapons always was to break
-the aroused fighting spirit of the workers; to lead the electricity of
-the social storm into the ground; to make workers lose the advantageous
-position and opportune moments for securing substantial gains; to put
-them, broken in power and demoralized in spirit, at the mercy of their
-masters, and to give their false leaders the opportunity they so much
-crave for “settling the strike” and,—feathering their own nests
-financially, politically, or both.
-
-Likewise is it only in keeping with this spirit and character of the
-heroine of Labor Day, the American Federation of Labor, that much of its
-time and energy is spent in fratricidal jurisdiction fights, fights over
-the question whether it should be the exclusive privilege of this, that
-or the other union to control certain kinds of jobs.
-
-These jurisdiction fights, together with the system of agreements and
-contracts concluded by separate craft unions with the employers, without
-consideration of the interests of the other unions, and of the welfare
-of the labor movement generally,—contracts by means of which the members
-of the contracting unions are delivered over to the employers tied hand
-and foot and deprived even of the right to strike,—lead in innumerable
-cases to acts of betrayal and even of direct scabbing of members of one
-union against those of another.
-
-
-                        Labor Day and Politics.
-
-If the American Labor Day does not represent real unity and solidarity
-of the workers in their immediate field—the economic field—what wonder
-that it represents the same disruption and betrayal in the political
-field? That Labor Day plays a considerable part in the politics of the
-country no person familiar with the question can deny.
-
-It must be remembered that America is a county where most of the
-workingmen, and now a rapidly growing number of working women, have a
-right to vote, and, as the working class—in America, of all countries—is
-the class to which the overwhelming majority of the people belong, no
-politician can get his fingers into the public pie, and the capitalist
-class cannot secure the control over the powers of government they need
-so badly, without employing some means of fooling the working people out
-of their votes.
-
-American Labor Day is one of the institutions that is made to serve that
-purpose, too. The capitalist politicians have conveniently fixed it for
-the early part of September, about two months before Election Day, the
-season when the politicians make or prepare to make their nominations of
-candidates. The big gatherings of union men, voters, at Labor Day
-parades, mass meetings and picnics, supply splendid opportunities for
-advertising the candidacy of some capitalist politician claiming to be a
-“friend of Labor.” They give the false and treacherous leaders of the
-unions a chance, in expectation of good reward, to render these
-politicians a good service by securing them as speakers at these
-gatherings, and otherwise advertising them. They also give these false
-and ambitious union leaders a chance to boost their own stock on the
-political market by demonstrating to the politicians what a big crowd of
-voters the leader can influence for the one or the other political party
-of capitalism. It is in this respect both surprising and amusing how
-easily the labor fakers bluff and swindle at this game the politicians,
-who are otherwise supposed to be such shrewd men.
-
-It is therefore not an accident only that at most, if not at all of
-the Labor Day gatherings, prominent politicians are invited to speak,
-and that those parades generally lead the mass of the workers past the
-City Hall and other such buildings, from the windows of which the
-politicians review the parade and flatteringly cheer the tramping
-hosts of poor, deluded workers. What is needed to reveal the true
-political significance of the performance is that the union
-leaders,—hungry for political jobs or nominations—should order a big
-banner carried in the parade bearing an inscription about as follows:
-“Look, gentlemen-politicians! See what a big herd of voting cattle we
-have this time to sell! How, what are you going to bid for them? What
-nominations will you give to us, the leaders; what appointments to
-political jobs will you promise to us if we deliver the votes of this
-herd to you?”
-
-
-                    Judas Reward of “Labor Leaders”.
-
-And the result generally is that the politicians generally conclude, in
-order to insure the success of their capitalist parties, to bait their
-political hooks with some prominent “union leaders” whom they nominate
-for some insignificant office on their tickets, and the mass of deluded
-workers, out of misplaced loyalty to their brother-union man, swallow
-bait, hook and all, dividing their forces between the leading capitalist
-parties.
-
-Another form of rewarding the union leaders, who succeed in advertising
-their value on the political market or who render valuable services to
-capitalists, is to have them supplied with good political jobs. Not to
-mention smaller instances of local character, few of the many instances
-of prominent appointments could be cited as illustrations.
-
-Ex-President Taft, following the example of his predecessors, as soon as
-he assumed power, appointed a “labor-leader,” Daniel O’Keefe, of the
-Longshoremen’s Union, to the office of Federal Commissioner of
-Immigration, with a fat salary and fatter emoluments. President Wilson
-appointed two prominent “labor leaders” to positions on the Federal
-Commission on Industrial Relations—they were: John B. Lennon, of the
-Journeymen Tailors’, an anti-Socialist and member of the National
-Executive Committee of the capitalist organization, known as the
-“National Civic Federation,” and James O’Connell, of the International
-Association of Machinists, and also a member of the National Executive
-Committee of the reactionary “Militia of Christ,” organized by the
-Roman-Catholic political machine to fight Socialism. The Commissioners
-are paid more than liberally by the Government.
-
-
-               Case of Secretary of Labor, Wm. B. Wilson.
-
-The United Mine Workers have among their leaders in Pennsylvania a
-certain William B. Wilson. He soon became a proprietor in the mining
-business, but retained membership and leadership in the miners’ union.
-That helped him to get nominations on capitalist tickets, and he was
-thus elected Congressman on such a ticket. In the Congress in Washington
-he became the leader of the so-called Labor Group, that is, of other
-such Congressmen with union cards in their pockets, upon several of whom
-Col. Mulhall has since cast considerable light. When agitation was begun
-to create the Department of Labor as a new department of the Federal
-Government, with a seat for the Secretary of Labor in the Cabinet of the
-President of United States, President Gompers and other leaders of the
-American Federation of Labor began to agitate that “our Bill,” Mr.
-William B. Wilson, should be given the job and the power of Secretary of
-Labor. Accordingly, when the Department of Labor was created and
-President Woodrow Wilson assumed power, he immediately gave to “our
-Bill” the job of Secretary of Labor, with a salary of $12,000 a year,
-and power to distribute a large number of good political jobs to his
-friends. One of the first things William B. Wilson did when he became
-Secretary of Labor was to give to the son of Samuel Gompers one of the
-best jobs at his disposal. It was thus a complete case of one hand
-washing the other.
-
-
-                          John Mitchell Case.
-
-Take again the case of John Mitchell, the former President of the United
-Mine Workers and still a national leader of that organization. He is
-likewise a member of the National Executive Committee of the
-anti-Socialist “Militia of Christ.” He belonged to the National Civic
-Federation too, and held there a job of “settling” big strikes for which
-he received $6,000 a year salary. But the union miners woke up and
-compelled him, if he did not want to be expelled from the union, and
-lose his value to the capitalists, to give up that job and get out of
-the debauched and debauching Civic Federation. Poor John, shedding the
-tears of sacrifice and martyrdom, left the Civic Federation. But he did
-not like to remain long in the ranks of the “unemployed.” Though even
-during the period when he had no “steady job” he was “turning an honest
-penny” lecturing all over the country as the apostle of Peace between
-Capital and Labor, charging good admission fees to his lectures, having
-the railroads run special excursion trains to the towns where he
-lectured, etc., he was still yearning for a steady position.
-
-Finally the Democratic capitalist Governor Sulzer of New York, believing
-that such virtuous men must be rewarded properly, and anxious to boost
-his own political stock by demonstrating his appreciation of the
-services of the Labor Leaders, took upon himself to champion the cause
-of John Mitchell’s career. There is in New York State a good paying
-political office known as Commissioner of Labor. Its chief and real
-function is to act as peacemaker whenever Brother Capital and Brother
-Labor are engaged in any of their interminable scraps. When the Tammany
-Hall politician Dix was Governor he gave that job to a “labor”
-politician Williams, who boasts of carrying in his pocket the membership
-card of the Carpenters’ Union. Williams’ term recently expired, and
-Governor Sulzer, Dix’s successor, seized the opportunity for playing
-“labor politics.” He appointed John Mitchell to the position of
-Commissioner of Labor at an increased salary, bringing it up to $8,000 a
-year. But here he struck a snag. Such a fat job was bound to make the
-mouth water not of Mitchell alone. Mitchell is not the only Labor Leader
-on the political market. There are other politicians, among Labor
-Leaders and otherwise, who would be glad to get hold of such a job, and
-besides, these others are more partisan Democrats than Mitchell is, and,
-consequently, enjoy the support of the more strictly Democratic partisan
-members of the Senate of the State of New York, who must ratify Governor
-Sulzer’s appointments. Accordingly the Senate refused to ratify the
-appointment of Mitchell to the position. Sulzer sent to the Senate for
-the second time the appointment of Mitchell to the same position. The
-Senate again refused to ratify and thereupon the legislature adjourned
-for the summer. Here, thought Sulzer and Mitchell, was their chance to
-put through their deal. Since the term of Commissioner Williams had
-expired, and he was only holding over awaiting the appointment of his
-successor, Sulzer, Mitchell, and Williams put their heads together and
-hatched out a nice little scheme. Williams put in his resignation from
-the office to take place immediately. Governor Sulzer accepted it and,
-since a vacancy was thus created and the Legislature was not in session,
-he, as a “matter of emergency,” immediately appointed Mitchell to fill
-the vacancy at a salary of $8,000 a year. Mitchell, on the spot, took
-the oath of office. He then turned around and appointed Williams to act
-as his first Deputy Commissioner of Labor, at a salary of $5,000 a year.
-Everything appeared to be smooth sailing. Mitchell was already planning
-how he would distribute among his labor leader friends the many other
-jobs at his disposal, but—“there is many a slip ‘twixt the cup and the
-lip,” as poor Sulzer and Mitchell learned to their sorrow.
-
-The State Comptroller, who is responsible for the payment of salaries to
-state officials, took the stand that he had no right to authorize the
-payment of salaries to Mitchell and his appointees on the ground that
-Governor Sulzer had no legal right to appoint Mitchell without the
-consent of the State Senate, even if it was as a “matter of emergency”
-during the recess of the Legislature. Attorney-General Carmody of the
-State of New York took the same stand. The fight over poor Mitchell’s
-job was taken from stage to stage till it reached the highest court in
-the State, the Court of Appeals, which finally settled the fight by
-deciding against Mitchell and Sulzer. If Mitchell lost this fat job, it
-was only because of too strictly partisan politics played in this case,
-because Mitchell was not strict enough a Democrat to suit the Democratic
-majority in the State Senate. It was not opposed to him as
-“representative of Labor.” And there can be no doubt that Mitchell will
-not remain long on the list of politically “unemployed,” that at the
-very first opportunity he will be given a good fat political job.
-
-Oh, you can leave it to the capitalists, they know how to appreciate
-such friends of theirs, how to take care of such “labor lieutenants” of
-theirs, as the late capitalist and leading politician Senator Mark Hanna
-called the leaders of the American Federation of Labor.
-
-
-                        Case of James T. Lynch.
-
-The latest instance of this policy of the capitalist politicians
-occurred only a short time ago. When Governor Sulzer, of New York, was
-finally prevented by the Court of Appeals from rewarding his pet John
-Mitchell with that fat job of State Commissioner of Labor, what did he
-do? He looked around in the market for other available “labor
-lieutenants,” and found a whole raft of them standing in line waiting
-for their political rewards and ready to be “seduced” without much
-coaxing. His attention was attracted to the big, towering, Taft-like
-figure of James T. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y. Governor Sulzer began to do
-some figuring:
-
-“First—Has Lynch enough of a following and influence in the Labor
-Movement to be able to ‘deliver the goods,’ to influence his followers
-in favor of myself and my Democratic party?”
-
-Why yes, Jim Lynch is the International President of the International
-Typographical Union, one of the pillars and most influential leaders of
-the American Federation of Labor.
-
-“Good! Next. How about his politics? Is he a good enough Democrat? Won’t
-I have the trouble with him I had about Mitchell’s appointment?”
-
-Don’t worry! Lynch is a solid “a number one” Democrat.
-
-“Fine! Now, what is his position in the Labor Movement? Is he safe and
-sane? May be he is one of those radical, Socialistic Labor Leaders?”
-
-Who? Jim Lynch?! Isn’t he one of the most bitter, rabid enemies of
-Socialism? Isn’t he a member of the National Executive Committees of
-both the National Civic Federation and of the Ultramontane
-Roman-Catholic “Militia of Christ”?
-
-“Beautiful! Now to his record in the struggles between Capital and
-Labor, what is it?”
-
-Why, it can’t be beat! Lynch is the most prominent apostle of sanctity
-of contracts between employers and employees, the most faithful
-watch-dog of the employers’ interests and upholder of the employers’
-claim to the lion’s share of the wealth produced. He not only preaches
-it, but practices it with an iron hand. When the Newspaper Solicitors’
-Union in San Francisco, in 1910, was compelled to declare a boycott
-against the publishers of a local capitalist daily, and the boycott was
-endorsed and taken up by the entire force of organized labor in that
-city, it was Lynch who telegraphed to them to stop that boycott, got the
-International Presidents of Union Pressmen, Stereotypers, etc., to send
-similar telegrams, and finally succeeded in breaking that boycott with
-the aid of President Gompers himself.
-
-Again, when the union pressmen were locked out by the newspaper
-publishers in Chicago in 1912 and the union stereotypers joined their
-fight to help them in the trouble and union compositors of the I. T. U.
-intended to do likewise, it was Jim Lynch who rushed to Chicago and by
-threats of withdrawing their charter compelled the union compositors to
-stay in and scab it on union pressmen. The International President of
-the union stereotypers followed a similar policy, actually taking away
-the charter of the union stereotypers who were struggling together with
-the pressmen, and thus both he and Lynch broke the fight of the union
-men against the daily papers in Chicago. Don’t worry. Jim Lynch never
-hesitates to break a strike of union men when his and his friends’, the
-employers’, interests are crossed.
-
-“That’s bully! Why, Lynch is even better than Mitchell. Now, one more
-thing. Would he be willing ‘to be insulted’ by the offer to him of a
-nice, juicy political job?”
-
-Would he? Just try him! Wasn’t he only a few weeks ago fishing in
-Washington, D. C., for the appointment to the federal job of Public
-Printer? He came very near landing that job, only it slipped off the
-hook as Mitchell’s job in New York State slipped off.
-
-“It’s O. K.” concluded the Governor, approached Jim Lynch,—and
-discovered, or at least surmised, that he was the very man who was
-pulling the wires through his friends, the politicians, to prevent the
-State Senate from ratifying Mitchell’s appointment so that the job
-should go to him, Jim Lynch. The friendship between dogs ceases when a
-bone is thrown to them. The friendship and “solidarity” between “labor
-lieutenants” of the capitalist class ceases, and they are ready to stab
-each other in the back, when a good job is at stake. As to the Governor,
-it made no difference to him who got the job, Mitchell, Lynch or anybody
-else, so long as his political fences were thereby mended. So the upshot
-of it was that Jim Lynch who was drawing $3,500 yearly salary as
-President of the International Typographical Union was named for New
-York State Commissioner of Labor with an $8,000 yearly salary. May God
-have mercy on the souls of the working people of New York State when
-James T. Lynch is in charge of the Labor Bureau!
-
-While handing out this political plum to Lynch, Governor Sulzer, to make
-assurance doubly sure, gave to another “labor lieutenant,” Charles J.
-Chase, leader of union locomotive engineers, another good political job.
-He made him member of an up-state Public Service Commission.
-
-Many more such cases of “labor politics” could be cited, but the above
-will suffice to show the character of the political fruits of the
-American Federation of Labor. And the Sun of Labor Day helps to ripen
-them!
-
-
-                         Corrupting Influences.
-
-The demoralizing and corrupting effect of the general character and the
-whole atmosphere of the American Federation of Labor, the celebrant of
-the Labor Day, is also seen in the matter of “controlling the jobs by
-the workers.” One of the aims of the Labor Movement is to secure such
-changes in the run of things that “the workers should own their jobs.”
-Well, some of the unions of the A. F. of L., bakers, printers, etc.,
-have secured such a hold upon their trade in certain localities that
-they succeeded in putting into their contracts with the employers
-provisions that the union is to act as the employment agency for the
-employer, and the latter, whenever he needs help, must take whomever of
-its membership the union will send to him. On the face of it it looks as
-though “the workers control their jobs,” a step to “the workers’ owning
-their jobs.” In reality this “victory” is only an additional source of
-corruption in these unions. The actual power of distributing the jobs is
-in the hands of the business agent of the union and his hangers-on, or
-of the chairman of the union chapel of the shop. This power to
-manipulate the assignment of certain members of the union to more
-steady, easier and better paying jobs, and others, on the contrary, as
-mere “subs” to jobs for only few hours or days or for half-time jobs, or
-for harder and poorer paid jobs, inevitably leads in the selfish and
-corrupt atmosphere of the A. F. of L. unions to exactions of bribes by
-the leaders from the unemployed union members, to favoritism, to keeping
-of the “kickers” against leaders on the unemployed lists or on bad jobs.
-This ulcer upon the American Labor Movement has led even to the
-formation among the union printers, under the leadership of the above
-mentioned Jas. T. Lynch, of a secret malodorous organization, known as
-“Wahneta,” within the International Typographical Union.
-
-In view of the above features of the American Federation “unions,”—and
-they by no means exhaust the list—it is only natural that when the
-“hosts of Labor” are marching in Labor Day parades they do not march to
-the strains of the battle-hymn of the modern revolutionary
-proletariat,—the “International” or the “Marseillaise”—unless some
-misguided Socialists disgrace Socialism by participating in such
-parades. No, it is to the tune of the vulgar rag-time and of the stale,
-capitalist patriotic hymns that the “organized labor” forces are
-marching on Labor Day. These rag-time melodies and patriotic hymns send
-the cheer of joy and hope and triumph to the hearts of capitalists and
-politicians. But to the ears of awakened class-conscious wage slaves and
-revolutionists these tunes are worse than a funeral dirge for the hopes
-and aspirations of the proletariat!
-
-Such is the true character, aim and spirit of the American Federation of
-Labor under whose auspices Labor Day is celebrated.
-
-
-                       How Different the May Day!
-
-It is the awakened, intelligent, class-conscious Working Class of the
-World that stands back of the May Day. In America May Day is celebrated
-by the revolutionary Socialists in the political arena and, besides a
-few progressive locals of the American Federation of Labor, by the
-Industrial Workers of the World in the economic arena.[1]
-
-Footnote 1:
-
-  The original Industrial Workers of the World, formed in Chicago in
-  1905, and having at the time of this writing its headquarters in
-  Detroit, and not the Anarcho-industrialist “Chicago I. W. W.”, is
-  meant in this and subsequent paragraphs.
-
-The key-note to May Day is the greatest Truth of the Age, the solidarity
-of the working class of the world and the struggle for the overthrow of
-the capitalist class and its wage system.
-
-As the Preamble of the Industrial Workers of the World, one of the most
-compact utterances of a revolutionary workers’ organization, expresses
-it:
-
-“The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There
-can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of
-working people and the few, who make up the employing class have all the
-good things of life.
-
-“Between these two classes a struggle must go on until all the toilers
-come together on the political, as well as on the industrial field, and
-take and hold that which they produce by their labor....
-
-“The rapid gathering of wealth and the centering of the management of
-industries into fewer and fewer hands make the trades unions unable to
-cope with the ever-growing power of the employing class, because the
-trades unions foster a state of things which allows one set of workers
-to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry,
-thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars....
-
-“These sad conditions can be changed and the interests of the working
-class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its
-members in any one industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease
-work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus
-making an injury to one an injury to all.”
-
-Fully in keeping with these basic principles are the sentiments and
-ideas given utterance to at May Day celebrations, as are also the
-functions and the work of the organizations, both political and
-industrial, which unequivocally rally under the Banner of the
-International May Day.
-
-
-                        Lessons Taught to Labor.
-
-On May Day, of all days, the men, women and children of the working
-class, whatever line of work they may be engaged in in a given industry,
-are appealed to by industrial union representatives to form one compact
-union of the workers of the industry, and all such industrial unions to
-form one nation-wide union of the working class.
-
-They are taught that to accomplish this unification of the labor forces
-the labor union must be an open union; that it is criminal and suicidal
-for labor to prevent a single wage-earner, whatever his creed, color,
-nationality or race may be, from becoming or remaining a member of the
-union of his or her industry; that, consequently, exclusion laws against
-wage-earners of any race or nationality whatever, high initiation fees,
-assessments and dues, catchy trade examinations of applicants for
-membership, practically prohibitory apprenticeship rules, “closing of
-union books,” driving of members from the union by imposition of unjust
-and excessive fines, that these and similar measures are only
-contrivances to prevent the forces of Labor throughout the country and
-throughout the world from coming together to advance their common
-interests.
-
-The workers are taught on May Day that a true, up-to-date labor union
-must recognize that it is not true that wealth is the joint product of
-capital and labor, in other words, of the capitalist class and the
-working class whose claims can and should be harmonized through
-“collective bargaining” and methods of conciliation, mediation and
-arbitration.
-
-It must recognize that, on the contrary, LABOR ALONE PRODUCES ALL WEALTH
-and TO LABOR BELONGS ALL IT PRODUCES.
-
-It must recognize that the employing class as a class of social
-parasites, has no real claim to any part of the wealth produced that the
-workers should be bound to respect.
-
-It must recognize that instead of the absurd aim of securing “a fair
-day’s pay for a fair day’s work” the labor union movement must aim to
-secure for the wealth producers the opportunity to enjoy with their
-families every particle of the wealth they helped to produce and all the
-benefits of a civilized society.
-
-It must recognize that such a union, planted upon the ground of the
-class struggle instead of class peace, must, in order to succeed, be
-militant in character, democratic in conduct, and be guided in all its
-acts and utterances by the spirit of brotherhood and solidarity of the
-international working class. It follows therefrom that:
-
-To preserve and develop its militant spirit the union must leave the
-work of providing for sick benefits, death benefits and other such
-ambulance and insurance features to insurance companies, fraternal
-orders and other such organizations outside of the union proper;
-
-The union must never conclude contracts or agreements with employers
-which in the least interfere with the right of any member of the union
-to strike or deal any blow at the employers whenever considerations of
-self-preservation or of solidarity of the Labor Movement require it;
-
-To protect itself against being sold out, against favoritism, corruption
-and demoralization the membership of the union must retain in its own
-hands and not entrust in the hands of a leader or leaders the final
-power of ordering or calling off strikes, control over distribution of
-jobs, etc.
-
-
-                         The Goal—Emancipation.
-
-Organized into a compact body of workers of a whole industry and guided
-by the spirit of class solidarity the union at last will be free from
-suicidal jurisdiction fights and be able to present a solid, united
-front against the common enemy, the capitalist class.
-
-A prominent feature of May Day, distinguishing it from Labor Day, is
-also the recognition of the fact that “knowledge is power,” that
-education of the workers in true principles of the Labor Movement, is a
-vital thing. That is the reason one never sees ignorant and treacherous
-politicians disgrace the Labor banner by speeches at May Day meetings as
-they do at Labor Day gatherings.
-
-As the key-note of May Day is UNITY of the working class with regard to
-international solidarity and industrial union action so it represents
-the principles of united action of the workers in the political arena as
-well. On May Day the working people are appealed to unite politically as
-a class, as well as industrially. But they are appealed to to stand and
-pull together politically not for the purpose of begging from the
-masters for political alms or to secure a political job for some “labor
-leader,” but to protect and secure what improvements may be possible
-under the present social system and prepare that material force—the
-industrial organization of the working class—which is necessary to
-secure the final emancipation of the working class.
-
-Accordingly, while the Labor Day does not object to the yoke of capital
-being kept upon the neck of Labor indefinitely and, at best, is
-emblematic of the attempt to have the yoke padded, the International May
-Day as even its battle hymn, the “International” expresses it—is a
-challenge to the capitalist class, is a demand upon them to surrender,
-is an appeal to the wage slave class of the world to close their ranks,
-to rise and fight to secure their own emancipation, better future for
-their children, to redeem the human race.
-
-May Day marshals the forces for the impending Proclamation of Labor’s
-Independence! It is the harbinger of the Social Revolution!
-
-
-
-
-                              GUSTAV BANG:
-
-                           CRISES IN EUROPEAN
-                                HISTORY
-
-
-                     Translated by Arnold Petersen
-
- A PAMPHLET WHICH EVERY STUDENT OF HISTORY AND ECONOMICS SHOULD POSSESS
-
-“As an economic interpretation of three important crises in European
-history it is perhaps one of the best, considering the brevity of the
-work. Dr. Bang here employs to the best advantage the Marxian key, and
-succeeds in unravelling what to the average reader usually appear to be
-mysteries or near-mysteries. As the author explains in his introduction,
-the motive power of historical changes is to be found in the economic
-basis of a given society, in the methods of production and exchange
-peculiar to that society. To put it in this manner is, of course, to lay
-oneself open to the charge of teaching that the economic basis, and
-nothing else, influences the historical processes. Dr. Bang, however, in
-the concrete examples chosen furnishes ample evidence to show that while
-that undoubtedly is the chief, and in the long run the really important
-factor, the line cannot be drawn too sharply between cause and effect,
-seeing the effect frequently reacts upon the cause, stimulating it and
-aiding in accelerating (or retarding temporarily, as the case may be)
-the historical process.”—From the preface.
-
-                                56 Pages
-                             PRICE 15 CENTS
-
-                      New York Labor News Company
-                      45 ROSE ST., NEW YORK, N. Y.
-
-
-
-
-                       INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY AND
-                           AMERICAN LABOR DAY
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-                             Price 10 cents
-
-          NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO., 45 ROSE ST., NEW YORK CITY
-
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-
-
-
-
-                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
-
-
- 1. Silently corrected typographical errors.
- 2. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
- 3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
-
-
-
-
-
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