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diff --git a/old/54782-0.txt b/old/54782-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index e13195f..0000000 --- a/old/54782-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9341 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Sketches from Eastern History, by Theodor Nöldeke - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Sketches from Eastern History - -Author: Theodor Nöldeke - -Translator: John Sutherland Black - -Release Date: May 25, 2017 [EBook #54782] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SKETCHES FROM EASTERN HISTORY *** - - - - -Produced by Delphine Lettau, Cindy Beyer, and the online -Distributed Proofreaders Canada team at -http://www.pgdpcanada.net with images provided by The -Internet Archive. - - - - - - - [Cover Illustration] - - - - - SKETCHES FROM EASTERN HISTORY - - - - - MORRISON AND GIBB, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. - - - - - SKETCHES - FROM - EASTERN HISTORY - - BY - - THEODOR NÖLDEKE - PROFESSOR OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES IN THE - UNIVERSITY OF STRASSBURG - - - - TRANSLATED BY - - JOHN SUTHERLAND BLACK, M.A. - - - AND REVISED BY THE AUTHOR - - - LONDON AND EDINBURGH - A D A M A N D C H A R L E S B L A C K - 1892 - - - - - P R E F A C E. - ―•― - -OF the following studies, three have already appeared in German -periodicals, and one (that on the Koran) forms part of the article -MOHAMMEDANISM in the 9th edition of the _Encyclopædia Britannica_. But -all four have been considerably revised. The remaining essays were -written in the course of last year. The fourth, fifth, and sixth, and to -some extent the second and third also, may be regarded as supplementing -Aug. Müller’s excellent _History of Islam_. I have made careful use of -all the sources that were accessible to me, but have cited them only -rarely. I hope I have been fairly successful in obliterating the traces -of laborious study, while, at the same time, I trust that the book may -be found to be of some value, even to the specialist. - -The account of Mansúr’s reign is preceded by a brief _résumé_ of the -antecedent history, and of the beginnings of the Abbásids dynasty; it -was impossible otherwise to exhibit the personality of Mansúr in a -proper light. Less organically connected with their context are the -paragraphs at the close of the essay upon King Theodore. But the -interest which Abyssinia now has, even for the ordinary newspaper -reader, justifies, I think, the few words on its history after the death -of that king, and the forecast of its future. I take this opportunity of -mentioning that an Italian of thorough insight and information has -expressed to me his entire concurrence with the opinions indicated in -the paragraphs in question. But I must earnestly beg those who read what -I have there said not to leap to the conclusion that I have the same -opinion about the German as about the Italian enterprises in Africa. - -My old friend, De Goeje, of Leyden, has frequently given me valuable -assistance in the history of the servile war, especially on geographical -points. I am also indebted for some geographical notes to my friend G. -Hoffmann, of Kiel. - -In speaking of mediæval times I have often retained the familiar -classical names of Oriental countries, such as Babylonia instead of -Irák, Mesopotamia for Jezíra, in the belief that most readers will find -this more convenient. - -Where, in the Mohammedan dates, the day of the week and the day of the -month did not seem to agree, I have, in reducing them to terms of the -Julian calendar, of course held invariably to the day of the week; in -the rude Mohammedan reckoning by lunar months errors of two, or even of -three days are quite common. As the Mohammedan months seldom, and the -Mohammedan years never, coincide with ours, I have occasionally found it -necessary, where my authorities gave only the year and the month, to -leave the question open as between two years or months of the Julian -calendar. So also with the Syrian (Seleucid) years, which are strictly -Julian indeed, but begin with 1st October, not 1st January. - -The transcription of Oriental names and other words gives their -pronunciation only approximately. _S_ is always to be pronounced sharp, -as in _song_, _this_; _z_ is the English _z_, as in _razor_. _H_ is -always a distinctly audible consonant, even in such words as Alláh. Long -vowels in Arabic and Persian are indicated thus (´), but in some cases -this diacritical mark has been omitted (viz. in the first syllable of -Irán, Isá, Amid, Amol, Aderbiján, and in the word Islam). In words -belonging to other Oriental languages than the Arabic and Persian, I -have used the mark but rarely, as in many instances I could not tell -whether a vowel denoted as long in the written character was (or is) -actually so pronounced. - -For Orientalists I may mention, further, that in the following pages I -have in Persian geographical names followed the modern pronunciation, -and thus have avoided the sounds _é_ and _ó_. - -In the English translation some slips of the original German edition -have been corrected, partly at the instance of my friend Professor -Robertson Smith. - - TH. NÖLDEKE. - STRASSBURG, _18th July 1892_. - - - - - C O N T E N T S. - ―•― - - I. - PAGES - SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SEMITIC RACE, 1-20 - - - II. - THE KORAN, 21-59 - - - III. - ISLAM, 60-106 - - - IV. - CALIPH MANSÚR, 107-145 - - - V. - A SERVILE WAR IN THE EAST, 146-175 - - - VI. - YAKÚB THE COPPERSMITH, AND HIS DYNASTY, 176-206 - - - VII. - SOME SYRIAN SAINTS, 207-235 - - - VIII. - BARHEBRÆUS, 236-256 - - - IX. - KING THEODORE OF ABYSSINIA, 257-284 - - - INDEX. 285-288 - - - - - I. - SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SEMITIC RACE.[1] - - -ONE of the most difficult tasks of the historian is to depict the moral -physiognomy of a nation in such a way that no trait shall be lost, and -none exaggerated at the cost of the others. The difficulty of the task -may be best appreciated by considering how complicated a thing, full of -apparent contradictions, individual character is, and that the historian -who seeks to define the character of a nation, or perhaps of a race -embracing many nations, has to deal with a still more complex -phenomenon, made up of widely varying individuals. This difficulty, -indeed, is not equally great with all nations. The common characters of -the Semitic nations are in many respects so definite and strongly -marked, that on the whole they are more easily portrayed than those of -the small Greek people, which, although at bottom a unity, embraced a -great variety of distinct local types,—Athenians as well as Bœotians, -Corinthians as well as Spartans, Arcadians and Ætolians as well as -Milesians and Sybarites. And yet it is no very easy matter to form an -estimate of the psychical characteristics of the Semites,—witness the -contradictory judgments passed on them by such distinguished scholars as -Renan and Steinthal. I have no mind to attempt a new portrait of the -Semitic type of humanity. All that I intend is to offer a few -contributions to the subject, connecting my remarks, whether by way of -agreement or, occasionally, by way of dissent, with a well-written and -ingenious essay of the learned orientalist Chwolson, which is mainly -directed against Renan.[2] In this the author is successful in refuting -some of Renan’s unfavourable criticisms on the Semitic character. But -his own judgments are not always strictly impartial; he is himself of -Jewish extraction, and in some particulars offers too favourable a -picture of the Semitic race, to which he is proud to belong. - -Chwolson rightly lays emphasis upon the enormous importance of inborn -qualities for nations as well as for individuals; but he is not free -from exaggeration in his attempts to minimise the influence of religion -and laws on the one hand, of geographical position and of climate on the -other. The inhabitants of Paraguay were savage Indians like their -neighbours in Brazil and in the Argentine countries; but under the -despotic discipline of the Jesuits and their secular successors, they -grew into a nation which thirty years ago fought to the death against -overwhelming odds for its country and its chief. Islam, Christianity, -and Buddhism have exercised a powerful influence for good or for evil -even on the character of nations already civilised. In like manner, -climate and geographical position are very important factors in the -formation of national character. Could we observe the first beginnings -of nations, they would perhaps be found to be the decisive factors. -Peoples that are, so to speak, adult, and possessed of a developed -civilisation, are naturally much less susceptible to such influences -than the savage child of nature. But they are not wholly independent of -them: isolated countries in particular, with strongly marked -geographical peculiarities, such as elevated mountain regions, lonely -islands, and above all, desert lands—not to speak of polar -regions—exercise this influence in a high degree. Ethnologically the -Persians and the Hindoos are very closely related, yet their characters -differ enormously; and this must be mainly ascribed to the geographical -contrast between their seats. The Persians dwell on a lofty plateau, -exposed to violent vicissitudes of cold and heat, and in great part -unfit for cultivation; the Hindoos in a region of tropical luxuriance. -Chwolson points to the enormous difference between the ancient and the -modern Egyptians as a convincing proof that race character is little -dependent upon local environment; but really we see in Egypt how a -country with such marked peculiarities forces its inhabitants into -conformity with itself. Munziger, in his day unquestionably the best -authority upon North-Eastern Africa, brings out in a few masterly -touches the essential likeness of modern to ancient Egypt. I will quote -only one of his remarks: “The ancient Egyptians,” he says, “were not so -far ahead of the modern as we are sometimes ready to imagine; then, as -now, hovels adjoined palaces, esoteric science coexisted with crass -ignorance,” and so forth.[3] In the history of ancient Egypt, extending -as it does through millenniums, there naturally occur alternate periods -of prosperity and of decay; we may not venture to compare the time of -the Mameluke sultans and the Turkish rule with that of the -pyramid-builders; but it seems to me a very fair question whether the -civilisation of Egypt during the best period of the Fatimids did not -stand quite as high as the highest attained under the Pharaohs. The main -difference is that the Egyptians in remote antiquity had no neighbours -who stood on any sort of equality with them, and thus they received no -considerable influences from without; but this was also the reason why -their civilisation so soon became stationary. - -Chwolson might have made more of the point that peoples are not rigid -bodies incapable of modification, but organisms that can develop and -assimilate,—organisms offering a varying resistance to external -influences, but in the long course of centuries capable of such -transformation that their early character can only be recognised in some -minor features. Many a touch in the Magyar still reminds us of his -Asiatic origin; yet, on the whole, he has more resemblance to any one of -the civilised peoples of Europe than to his nearest relations on the -Ural. - -Similarly, in drawing the character of the Semites, the historian must -guard against taking the Jews of Europe as pure representatives of the -race. These have maintained many features of their primitive type with -remarkable tenacity, but they have become Europeans all the same; and, -moreover, many peculiarities by which they are marked are not so much of -old Semitic origin as a result of the special history of the Jews, and -in particular of continued oppression, and of that long isolation from -other peoples, which was partly their own choice and partly imposed upon -them. - -Our delineation of the Semites must begin with the Arabs, Hebrews, and -Syrians (Aramæans), the last named of whom, however, have never -constituted a closely-welded nationality, politically or otherwise. Of -the inner life of the Phœnicians and some minor Semitic nations of -antiquity, we know very little. The whole character of the Babylonians -and Assyrians, which in many respects differs widely from that of the -other Semites, is steadily coming more and more to light through the -arduous labours of cuneiform scholars, but we are still far from knowing -it nearly so intimately as we know that of the three first-mentioned -peoples. Moreover, it still remains undetermined how far non-Semitic -people may have had a share in the commencement of the high and -extremely ancient civilisation of Babylon. To make the picture complete -it would be necessary, of course, to bring in also the black Semites of -Abyssinia and the adjoining regions; but these to all appearance owe -their origin to an intermingling of Arab Semites with Africans; indeed, -they are for the most part only Semitised “Hamites,” and have -accordingly retained much pristine African savagery, especially as they -were always strongly exposed to the influence of non-Semitic nations -dwelling around and among them. Besides, there is much to be said for -neglecting undeveloped or atrophied members when delineating the -character of a group of peoples. - -The religion of the Semites is the first thing that demands our -attention, and that not solely on account of the influence it has -exerted on us in Europe. Renan is right in neglecting the beginnings of -Semitic religion, and taking the results of their religious development -and their tendency to monotheism as the really important thing. The -complete victory of monotheism, it is true, was first achieved within -historical times among the Israelites; but strong tendencies in the same -direction appear also among the other Semitic peoples. Renan is also -right in reckoning Christianity as only in part a Semitic religion, for -even its origin presupposed a world fructified by Greek ideas, and it -was mainly through non-Semitic influences that it became a -world-religion; nay, we may almost say that the changes which have taken -place in Christianity from the Reformation onwards consist in a more and -more complete elimination of its Semitic elements. Islam, on the other -hand, in its pure Arabic form, the doctrine of Mohammed and of his -disciples, which for a century past has again been preached in its -purity by the Wahhabites[4] in the country of its birth, is the logical -perfection of Semitic religion, with the importation of only one -fundamental idea, though that is indeed a very important one, namely, -the conception of a resurrection and of a life in heaven which had -already been adopted by Judaism and Christianity.[5] Islam is infinitely -hard and one-sided, but in its crude simplicity strictly logical. -Mohammed cannot in strictness be called a great man, and yet the -appearance of the religion which found in him such clear and energetic -expression—a religion which in one rapid march of conquest first -subdued the Semitic world already ripe for the change, and then brought -under its sway numerous other peoples both civilised and savage—was the -most important manifestation the Semitic genius ever made. In the -religious portions of the Old Testament we find that more inward warmth -of feeling and that richer fancy which distinguished the ancient Hebrew -from the Arab. When we read the Psalms and the Prophets, even without -the customary idealising spectacles, we shall place them—and not from -the merely æsthetic point of view only—far above the Koran. But the -result of the religious development of the Old Testament—the religion -of Ezra, of the Pharisees, and of the Rabbins—can hardly be said to -stand higher than Islam. - -The energy and simplicity of Semitic ideas in religion are not -favourable to a complicated mythology. Where anything of the sort is met -with among them, it is either of purely foreign provenance, or has -arisen through admixture with foreign elements. This holds good perhaps -even of the Babylonian mythology (which, for the rest, is somewhat -formless), certainly of all the variety of Gnostic sects, and in a large -measure also of the official Christianity as it is found among Semites. -Mystical doctrines with them easily degenerate into crudeness; compare, -for example, the religion of the purely Semitic Druses with analogous -phenomena of Persian and Indian origin. - -Even in the field of religion the nations of Indo-European civilisation -display a richer genius than the Semites; but they lack that tremendous -energy which produced the belief in the unity of God, not as a result of -scientific reflection, but as a moral demand, tolerating no -contradiction. This strength of faith, which has subdued the world, is -necessarily associated with much violence and exclusiveness. Nowhere is -the uncompromising spirit of the Old Testament more impressive than in -its half-mythical and yet thoroughly historical portrait of Elijah, that -magnificent ideal of prophecy in its zeal for the Lord. I cannot -understand how Chwolson will scarcely admit the existence of religious -ecstasy among the Semites, when the Old Testament is full of evidences -of high imaginative exaltation in its prophets as well as in those of -Baal; nay, in Hebrew the very word “to behave as a prophet” -(_hithnabbê_) also means simply “to behave madly, to rave.” Ecstasy, the -condition in which the religiously-inspired man believes himself to hold -immediate converse with God, was to the prophets themselves the -subjective attestation of their vocation. Not less deeply rooted in -their religion is that Semitic fanaticism which Chwolson would also fain -deny. “Take heed to thyself lest thou make a covenant with the -inhabitants of the land whither thou goest, lest it be for a snare in -the midst of thee; but ye shall break down their altars, and dash in -pieces their images, and ye shall cut down their groves” (Ex. xxxiv. 12, -13)—in such or similar terms run those strict commands, which were -indeed justifiable at the time, but none the less bear witness to -frightful exclusiveness and rigid fanaticism. In the same spirit the -followers of Baal destroy the altars of Jehovah and slay His prophets (1 -Kings xix. 10). The captives and property taken by the Israelites from -their enemies were often devoted to destruction in honour of Jehovah -(_herem_). By the inscription of king Mesha we now know that the -Moabites practised the same thing on a large scale, in honour of their -god Chemosh. The Greek translation of _herem_ is _anathema_, properly “a -dedicatory gift;” the cry, “Anathema sit,” so often heard in -Christendom, is an inheritance from the Semites. I grant that religious -fanaticism has been powerful elsewhere, and particularly where there has -been a strong priestly class, as in India; but for the Semitic -religions, fanaticism is characteristic. Among the Persian priests of -the Sásánian period it first became powerful under Semitic influence and -in conflict with Semitic religion. The same trait is conspicuous in -Islam. There, indeed, it is more deeply rooted, and of stricter inward -necessity, than in Christianity, though it has seldom risen to such -heights of atrocity as it has sometimes reached in the latter. When all -has been said, Moslems are bound to regard all peace with unbelievers as -a truce merely—an obligation at this day much more vividly present to -the minds of the vast majority of Mohammedans than Europeans usually -suspect. - -Another side of their religious narrowness is shown in the wide -diffusion which human sacrifice continued to have amongst highly -civilised Semites. Amongst the ancient Hebrews, indeed, only isolated -traces of it continue to be met with (as also among the Greeks); but as -king Mesha sacrificed his son in his need (2 Kings iii. 27), so also did -Carthaginian generals centuries afterwards. In fact, extensive human -sacrifices were offered to a god in Carthage every year, and as late as -the fourth century B.C., the distress into which Agathocles brought the -city (in 310) was attributed to the wrath of the deity because the rich -had begun to cause purchased children to be offered instead of their -own; on this account the horrible custom was again re-established in all -its simplicity (Diodor. xx. 14). Among the Arabs also we meet with human -sacrifice; only a century before Mohammed, the Arab prince of Híra, a -town that contained a large Christian population, sacrificed four -hundred nuns whom he had taken in war to his goddess Ozza (the planet -Venus). In the Semitic religions occasional traces of primitive rudeness -in ideas and manners are continually cropping up. In Mecca reverence is -still paid to the black stone, a relic of the once widely-diffused -worship of stone-fetishes, of which traces are found even in the Old -Testament. To the same category belongs the retention, both in Judaism -and in Mohammedanism, of the old custom of circumcision. As the unchaste -worship of female goddesses was specially in vogue among the ancient -Semites, so even now it happens in Arab countries, that amongst people -who pass for thoroughly holy and world-weaned (often simply insane) the -grossest excesses are regarded as holy deeds; this, to be sure, is only -popular belief, and has never been sanctioned by orthodox theologians. -It is a high prerogative of the Old Testament that, surrounded by -unchaste religious services, it sternly banishes all such immorality -from its worship of Jehovah. - -In denying to the Semites in general any tendency to asceticism and -monkery, Chwolson is not entirely wrong, but neither is he perfectly -right. In the first place, it is fair to say that such a tendency is -hardly in any instance characteristic of a nation as a whole. And then, -again, the Old Testament does look upon the Nazirate (and also the rule -of the Rechabites, who, amongst other things, abstained from wine) as -something meritorious; the Jewish Essenes were neither more nor less -than a monastic order; and the Old Testament and the Koran alike contain -some precepts either wholly or partially ascetic in their character. It -must, however, be conceded that the precepts are not exorbitant, and -that some of them (such as the prohibition of wine) are very suitable -for Asiatic and African countries. Yet it must always be remembered that -in all Christendom, Egypt apart, it will be difficult to find such an -insane and soul-destroying asceticism as was practised by the purely -Semitic Syrians from about the fourth to the seventh century.[6] - -The Old Testament almost everywhere breathes a purely ethical spirit, -and seeks to conceive of the Godhead as morally perfect; but this view -is not wholly strange to other nations. The Roman “Jupiter optimus -maximus” is surely intended to express moral perfection as well as the -highest power; and amongst the Greeks there arose, at a tolerably early -date, a view which freed the gods of the objectionable features -attributed to them by the ancient myths. But if the Israelite (like -other Semitic peoples) regards his God as the merciful and gracious One, -it by no means follows that he is disposed to allow this mercy and grace -to extend to other men. The ethical prescriptions of the Old Testament -are often unduly idealised. The command to love one’s neighbour has -reference, in the Old Testament, only to people of one’s own nation. -Cosmopolitan ideas appear occasionally in some of the prophets, but only -in germ, and always in such a way that Israel and Israel’s sanctuary -remain exalted above all peoples. The cosmopolitanism without which -Christianity would be inconceivable, could not gain any strength until -after Hellenic and Oriental ideas had begun to combine. Whether the -precepts in Deuteronomy, which enjoin humanity in war and otherwise, -give as favourable a testimony to the mild disposition of the ancient -Israelites as is sometimes supposed, is very doubtful. Perhaps they -indicate the very contrary. Chwolson himself points out that among the -lying Persians the duty of truthfulness has from of old been specially -insisted on; and I believe it would be possible to prove that the -hot-blooded ancient Semites had a strong vein of ferocity. The great -humanity and benevolence of the Jews of to-day, a result of their -peculiar history, can certainly not be adduced as evidence to the -contrary. - -In political life the Semites have done more than is commonly supposed. -It is true that we find among them, on the one hand, a lawless and -highly-divided state of society, in which even the rudiments of -political authority are hardly known (as among the ancient and modern -Bedouins), and, on the other, unlimited despotism. In the first century -of Islam the former of these conditions was almost immediately replaced -by the latter. Chwolson ought not to deny the despotic character of the -Omayyad caliphate, which was purely Semitic, and not half-Persian, like -that of the Abbásids in Bagdad. The Arabs of that age, in fact, could -hardly think of a ruler at all as without absolute authority. Even the -individual governor or general, as long as he is in office, has full and -unlimited power. Even those radical fanatics, the Kharijites, who -recognised only a perfect Moslem as ruler, whether great or small,[7] -gave absolute authority to their leader, if only he did not apostatise -from the faith. If, indeed, he did this—and the decision on this point -of fact each reserved for himself—they deposed him, and at that period -the actual rulers and chiefs had to reckon very strictly with the views -and wishes of their fighting subjects; but in theory they were -unrestricted in their actions, and a strong and capable prince in some -degree actually was so. It was otherwise, however, in ancient Israel. We -can still discern that in both kingdoms the sovereigns were in many -points limited by survivals of the old aristocratic constitution. To get -rid of Naboth, queen Jezebel required the sentence of a public assembly, -which she secured by false witnesses (1 Kings xxi.). The narrator -therefore gives us to understand that the heads of the commune retained -the power of life and death in their own hands, although the monarchy -was even then an old institution. The kings of Edom appear in very early -times to have been elective princes. And the Phœnicians (including the -Carthaginians) present a very large variety of political constitution, -which reminds one of Greece. Amongst the Phœnicians we find also, at -least in times of the direst need, a self-sacrificing patriotism, as is -witnessed by the wars against Rome, in which Carthage perished, and the -mortal struggle of Tyre against Alexander (although in the latter -religious motives seem to have played a part). But, in general, -individualism preponderates among the Semites so greatly that they adapt -themselves to a firmly settled state only at the call of great religious -impulses, or under the pressure of despotic authority; and, even when it -is established, they have no real attachment to it. The still untamed -Arab is much more strongly attached to the family, the clan, the tribe; -so also among the Israelites of the older time, clanship seems to have -been a bond of very great strength. But it is an error to try to see in -this absence of formed national feeling, as contrasted with the -patriotism of the Greeks, any approach to the freer modern conception of -the State. - -It is also quite a mistake to attribute to the Semites democratic -inclinations. No people has ever laid so much stress upon genealogies as -the two Semitic nations with which we are best acquainted, the Hebrews -and the Arabs, have done. The genuine Arab is thoroughly aristocratic. -Many a feud turns upon the precedence of one family or tribe over -another. In the first two centuries after Mohammed bloody wars were -waged on such rivalries. Even now it is with a heavy heart that the Arab -sees set over him a man of less noble extraction than himself. The deeds -of ancestors are accepted as legitimation, but are also the spur of -emulation. In the councils of the tribe or of the community, it is -difficult for the man of humble origin to acquire influence. Even a -caliph so early as the third in the series owed his throne to the -influence of his clan, the Omayyads, who yet shortly before had been the -bitterest enemies of the Prophet, but nevertheless, after their -subjection, retained the position of greatest prominence in Mecca, and -so in the new State. But for the consideration in which his family was -held, Moáwiya, the real founder of the Omayyad dynasty, with all his -talent and all his services to the empire, would never have attained to -the supreme command. In this matter, indeed, Islam has gradually -effected a mighty change. At his first appearance Mohammed gave offence -to the upper-class Meccans by admitting to the number of his followers -slaves, freedmen, and other people of no family or account. The might of -the religious idea triumphed over old prejudices. In presence of the -almighty extra-mundane God all mortals are on an absolute equality; -whosoever went over to Islam received the same rights, and undertook the -same duties as the highest and the meanest believer. But, in spite of -all this, Mohammed himself made many concessions to the aristocratic -temper, and this temper continued for a long time after to be a great -power; it was the complete development of the despotism, after the old -Oriental fashion, that levelled all subjects. But even to this day -aristocratic ideas prevail among the Arabs of the desert, and also among -the sedentary Arabs in remoter regions. The genuine Arab has in -connection with his aristocratic notions a sense of chivalry, a fine -feeling for points of honour (not necessarily the same as we ourselves -take), but also a strong propensity to vanity and boasting. There are -many evidences that in the communities of ancient Israel also an -aristocratic rule (elders and nobles) prevailed. That the constitution -of Carthage was in its essential features aristocratic is well known. -The same is true of the Syrian city of Palmyra, though its constitution -was modified by the general conditions of the Roman empire, to which it -had to accommodate itself. - -As the Semite can hardly be induced, voluntarily, to submit to a strict -discipline, he does not, on the whole, make a good soldier. Skirmishes -and little surprises are what the Arab finds inspiriting; of the -adventures of his heroes and robbers he tells stories, as the Hebrews -before him did about Samson. Like all vigorous nations with an exuberant -vitality, the Arabs delight in narratives of battle and victory, -especially if these are properly exaggerated and flatter their pride of -family or race. The Old Testament speaks less of heroes than of saints, -but then it is a religious book; its many tales of the “wars of the -Lord” nevertheless bear witness that the peaceful Hebrew could also be -thoroughly warlike. How could it possibly have been otherwise in a land -that had been conquered with the sword, and very often required to be -similarly defended? When Chwolson tries to demonstrate the absolutely -peaceable disposition of the Israelites by reference to the ideal -kingdom of peace which was the object of their hopes, it can be argued -on the other side that the very prophet who promises the beating of -swords into ploughshares, and of spears into pruning-hooks, depicts the -daughter of Zion as trampling on the nations or wasting the land of -Assyria with the sword (Micah iv., v.). But Semitic armies have seldom -done anything great. This might be ascribed to the circumstance that -among the Semites the power of taking in complex unities at a glance, -the talent for arrangement, is rare, and that therefore they have had no -generals; but we have only to think of Hannibal and other great -Carthaginians to reject this view. These, however, carried on their -campaigns with foreign troops. For it is quite undeniable that the -Semites do not readily make good soldiers. For moulding the Arabs into -powerful armies in the early years of Islam, unusual impulses were -required: the enthusiasm generated by a new national religion which -promised a heavenly reward, and the allurements which the prospects of -booty and of settlement in rich lands offered to the inhabitants of the -sterile wilderness. Over and above all this there was a wonderful -intellectual outburst which showed itself in the appearance of a -singular series of highly gifted generals, statesmen, and men of -eminence in various directions. And these were precisely the men who -then stood at the head of the nation. To subsequent generations the -youth of Islam, the true prime of the Arabs, is unintelligible. They are -unable to appreciate the great spiritual forces which, either in -conjunction with, or in hostile opposition to, each other, were then -unfolded. The theological school discerns everywhere only theological -battles, and this school dominates the view of later Moslems. This is -the chief reason why the names of the great warriors and statesmen of -that period have long been almost forgotten in the East, while those of -theologians and saints are popular. The later Jews also often fought -with the utmost bravery, but only when the defence of their religion was -in question. To become subject to a stern discipline, and to encounter -death merely for the sake of freedom and fatherland, was not a thought -that came naturally to them. Chwolson seems to prefer the enthusiasm of -religion to the enthusiasm of patriotism; but I take it that the heroes -of Marathon laid the world under a debt of obligation by no means less -deep than did the armies of the Maccabees. - -In religion the one-sidedness of the Semitic mind was a creative power; -but it was highly prejudicial to the development of science. A keen eye -for particulars, a sobriety of apprehension (justly dwelt on by -Chwolson), are undoubtedly talents of great service in the beginnings of -science. Accordingly we find at a comparatively early period amongst -Hebrews and Arabs an intelligent system of chronicles such as was never -attained by (let us say) the dreamy Hindoos; and from the firm lapidary -style in which king Mesha recounts his exploits we can infer that in his -time (about 900 B.C.) some beginnings of historic narrative existed even -in that remote land. But, as already remarked, the Semite is deficient -in the power of taking a general view, in the gift of comprehensive -intelligence, of large and, at the same time, logical thought, and -therefore, speaking generally, he has only in a few cases contributed -anything of importance to science. The ideas of monotheism and of a -creation are by no means products of philosophical reflection; the naïve -intelligence of the Israelite has not the faintest suspicion of the -enormous difficulties which the assumption of a creation out of nothing -presents to the reflecting mind; to him the proposition is self-evident. -The speculation of the Arabs on the freedom of the will and similar -subjects, continued to be very unsystematic and unscientific as long as -it was only superficially affected by Greek thought. And even after they -had been trained by Greek philosophy, the Arabs, so far as I am able to -judge from what I freely confess to be a very limited knowledge, -produced little that was new in this field. On the whole, it becomes -increasingly apparent that the Syrians and Arabs, whatever their merit -in keeping up and handing on the sciences of the Greeks, were not very -fruitful in their own cultivation of these, though it must be admitted -that the Arabs at least made advances in some matters of detail. -Besides, we must not assume that everything written in Arabic must -necessarily be Arab and Semitic; one might as well ascribe all the Latin -literature of the Middle Ages to the Italians. There are, however, -undeniably certain fields of knowledge in which the Arabs distinguished -themselves without stimulus from without; Arabian philology in -particular, in its various branches, is a brilliant achievement. Many -Persians, it is true, had a share in it, but it is almost entirely -Arabian in its first origin, and thoroughly so in spirit. It evinces an -exceedingly keen observation of the phenomena of language, and though -breadth of view and genuine systematic method are frequently wanting, -and the wisdom of the school seeks to improve upon the facts, the Arabic -language (of course the Arabic only) is examined from all sides with a -subtlety worthy of all admiration. But how any one could ever have -thought of finding among the ancient Israelites long before Aristotle’s -time anything of the nature of natural science is, I confess, -incomprehensible to me. When we read that Solomon “spake of trees” and -of animals (1 Kings iv. 33; [Heb. v. 13]), the expression admits perhaps -of more than one interpretation, but certainly we are not to understand -that botany and zoology are meant. Neither should I be disposed to -reckon under Semitic science the agricultural treatises of the -Carthaginian Mago. We shall be safe in asserting that these did not -stand on a higher level than the corresponding Roman and Greek works on -that subject, which were directed exclusively to practical ends; but if -we are to regard such writings as scientific, we must do the same with -cookery books. The discovery of the alphabet, or rather the separation -of a true alphabet out of a highly complicated system of writing, has -proved infinitely important for science, and bears decisive testimony to -the intellectual powers of the Semites,[8] but I hesitate to call this -an achievement of science in the proper sense of the word. The science -of the Babylonians, on the other hand, deserves high recognition. What -they did for astronomy and the measurement of time in particular at a -very early period is of the very greatest value, and is even now not -wholly out of date; just as, in another aspect, the astrological -superstition connected with it dominated succeeding ages. The -conspicuous services to science of modern Jewish _savants_ clearly -cannot come into the account here; for these men belong to civilised -Europe. - -All qualified judges are pretty unanimous about Semitic poetry and art. -A keen eye for particulars, great subjectivity, a nervous restlessness, -deep passion and inwardness of feeling, and, finally, a strong tendency -to follow older models and keep to traditional forms of presentation, -mark their excellences as well as their defects. I shall not here repeat -the remarks so often made on Arabic and Hebrew poetry, as to the want of -a Semitic epic and so on. I only observe that the few remains we possess -of Hebrew poetry, though mainly of a religious character, reveal -many-sidedness in a far higher degree, and also, on the whole, more of -depth and freshness, than does the very uniform if formally perfect -poetry of the Arabs, of which, notwithstanding many losses, we still -possess a very large quantity. From the Syrians much verse has come to -us, but hardly anything truly poetical apart from some quite short -popular songs of the modern Syrians of the extreme north-east. For the -rest, the want of an epos is compensated among the Hebrews and Arabs (as -also among some Indo-European peoples) by talent for lively and -attractive prose narration. Essentially, as a result of the peculiar -structure of their language, the Arabs have naturally a strong tendency -to a pointed manner of speech, varying between epigrammatic brevity and -ornate tautology. Even the Bedouins in the desert spoke in this way; and -this was the style employed by the princes and generals of the first -period of Islam in their public addresses as well as in their letters. -This artificial and ornate style inevitably degenerated into a -mannerism, and finally issued in a meaningless jingle of words and the -well-known oriental inflation which we find so intolerable, especially -in Persian and Turkish imitations. The counterpart of this love for a -striking and elegant manner of speech was, of course, a great -sensibility to style on the part of hearers and readers. Eloquence was a -highly-prized gift before Mohammed’s time. The pleasure which the Arabs -took in beauty of language is one of the principal causes which led to -their peculiar success in philology. A taste for well-arranged, -striking, and sonorous words existed among the ancient Hebrews also, -though not in so highly-developed a form. - -Every one admits that, apart from the Babylonians and Assyrians, the -Semites have had little success in the plastic arts. The statements of -the Old Testament give us a very moderate idea of the architectural -performances of the Hebrews. In all essential respects the Phœnicians -appear to have copied Egyptian, and afterwards Greek models. The -extensive ruins of Palmyra, Petra, Baalbec (Heliopolis), and other towns -of Syria, are in a Greek style, only slightly modified by oriental -influences. The Arabs, also, have mainly followed foreign patterns. Arab -buildings sometimes, indeed, show extraordinary beauty of detail, -wonderful ornamentation, splendid colour; but in this department, also, -there is a want of sense for totality, of articulate unity of plan. It -must, moreover, be noted, that many buildings of the Arabs—the very -famous Omayyad mosque at Damascus, among others—were in whole or in -part executed by foreigners. It is characteristic of the Arabs that they -reckon caligraphy among the fine arts; and certainly any one who has -seen finished examples of the work of Arab penmen must acknowledge that -there is in them something more than mere dexterity and elegance,—that -these wonderfully free and pure forms are controlled by the same feeling -for nobility of outline which appears in all branches of Arab decorative -art.[9] In Arabian art we everywhere find a delicate sense for detail, -but nowhere large apprehension of a great and united whole. That most -Semites have effected nothing in sculpture, and very little in painting -strictly so called, is partly to be accounted for, no doubt, by -religious considerations; but at bottom it has its explanation in want -of aptitude for these arts. It is only among the Babylonians and -Assyrians that an original sculpture has flourished. Among the remains -of Nineveh some notable works of art occur, alongside of many pieces of -excellent but purely conventional workmanship. - -Our general conclusion, then, is that the genius of the Semites is in -many respects one-sided, and does not reach the level of some -Indo-European nations, especially the Greeks; but it would be most -unjust to deny their claim to one of the highest places among the races -of mankind. Among the pure Semites of the present day, indeed, we -discover extraordinarily few indications of natural or vigorous -progress; much points to the conclusion that this group of nations has -long since passed its prime. Whether modern European culture may be able -really to lay hold of them, and awaken them to a new and strenuous life, -is a question which will not be answered in the immediate future. - ------ - -[1] Originally published in _Im neuen Reich_, ii. (1872) p. 881 sqq. - -[2] _Die Semitischen Völker_, Berlin 1872. - -[3] _Ostafrikanische Studien_, p. 5 ff. - -[4] See below, p. 103. - -[5] Strictly speaking, this idea is itself but a conglomerate of Persian -religious teachings and Greek thought with Semitic accretions. - -[6] See below, “Some Syrian Saints.” p. 207. - -[7] See below, p. 80. - -[8] It may now be regarded as tolerably certain that the Semitic -alphabet, from which all those of Europe had their origin, was reached -by simplification of the extremely unpractical writing of the Egyptians. - -[9] Some of the Phœnician inscriptions also, in their slender straight -lines, show a fine caligraphic taste. - - - - - II. - THE KORAN.[10] - - -THE Koran (_Ḳor’án_) is the foundation of Islam. It is the sacred book -of more than a hundred millions of men, some of them nations of -immemorial civilisation, by all whom it is regarded as the immediate -word of God. And since the use of the Koran in public worship, in -schools and otherwise, is much more extensive than, for example, the -reading of the Bible in most Christian countries, it has been truly -described as the most widely-read book in existence. This circumstance -alone is sufficient to give it an urgent claim on our attention, whether -it suit our taste and fall in with our religious and philosophical views -or not. Besides, it is the work of Mohammed, and as such is fitted to -afford a clue to the spiritual development of that most successful of -all prophets and religious personalities. It must be owned that the -first perusal leaves on a European an impression of chaotic -confusion,—not that the book is so very extensive, for it is not quite -so large as the New Testament. This impression can in some degree be -modified only by the application of a critical analysis with the -assistance of Arabian tradition. - -To the faith of the Moslems, as has been said, the Koran is the word of -God, and such also is the claim which the book itself advances. For -except in sur. i.—which is a prayer for men—and some few passages -where Mohammed (vi. 104, 114, xxvii. 93, xlii. 8), or the angels (xix. -65, xxxvii. 164 sqq.), speak in the first person without the -intervention of the usual imperative “say” (sing. or pl.), the speaker -throughout is God, either in the first person singular, or more commonly -the plural of majesty “we.” The same mode of address is familiar to us -from the prophets of the Old Testament; the human personality -disappears, in the moment of inspiration, behind the God by whom it is -filled. But all the greatest of the Hebrew prophets fall back speedily -upon the unassuming human “I”; while in the Koran the divine “I” is the -stereotyped form of address. Mohammed, however, really felt himself to -be the instrument of God; this consciousness was no doubt brighter at -his first appearance than it afterwards became, but it never entirely -forsook him. We might therefore readily pardon him for giving out, not -only the results of imaginative and emotional excitement, but also many -expositions or decrees which were the outcome of cool calculation, as -the word of God, if he had only attained the pure moral altitude which -in an Isaiah or a Jeremiah fills us with admiration after the lapse of -ages. - -The rationale of revelation is explained in the Koran itself as -follows:—In heaven is the original text (“the mother of the book,” -xliii. 3; “a concealed book,” lv. 77; “a well-guarded tablet,” lxxxv. -22). By a process of “sending down” (_tanzíl_), one piece after another -was communicated to the Prophet. The mediator was an angel, who is -called sometimes the “Spirit” (xxvi. 193), sometimes the “holy Spirit” -(xvi. 104), and at a later time “Gabriel” (ii. 91). This angel dictates -the revelation to the Prophet, who repeats it after him, and afterwards -proclaims it to the world (lxxxvii. 6, etc.). It is plain that we have -here a somewhat crude attempt of the Prophet to represent to himself the -more or less unconscious process by which his ideas arose and gradually -took shape in his mind. It is no wonder if in such confused imagery the -details are not always self-consistent. When, for example, this heavenly -archetype is said to be in the hands of an exalted “scribe” (lxxx. 13 -sqq.), this seems a transition to a quite different set of ideas, -namely, the books of fate, or the record of all human -actions—conceptions which are actually found in the Koran. It is to be -observed, at all events, that Mohammed’s transcendental idea of God, as -a Being exalted altogether above the world, excludes the thought of -direct intercourse between the Prophet and God. - -It is an explicit statement of the Koran that the sacred book was -revealed (“sent down”) by God, not all at once, but piecemeal and -gradually (xxv. 34). This is evident from the actual composition of the -book, and is confirmed by Moslem tradition. That is to say, Mohammed -issued his revelations in fly-leaves of greater or less extent. A single -piece of this kind was called either, like the entire collection, -_ḳor’án_, _i.e._ “reading,” or rather “recitation;” or _kitáb_, -“writing;” or _súra_, which is the late-Hebrew _shúrá_, and means -literally “series.” The last became, in the lifetime of Mohammed, the -regular designation of the individual sections as distinguished from the -whole collection; and accordingly it is the name given to the separate -chapters of the existing Koran. These chapters are of very unequal -length. Since many of the shorter ones are undoubtedly complete in -themselves, it is natural to assume that the longer, which are sometimes -very comprehensive, have arisen from the amalgamation of various -originally distinct revelations. This supposition is favoured by the -numerous traditions which give us the circumstances under which this or -that short piece, now incorporated in a larger section, was revealed; -and also by the fact that the connection of thought in the present súras -often seems to be interrupted. And in reality many pieces of the long -súras have to be severed out as originally independent; even in the -short ones parts are often found which cannot have been there at first. -At the same time we must beware of carrying this sifting operation too -far,—as I now believe myself to have done in my earlier works, and as -Sprenger in his great book on Mohammed also sometimes seems to do. That -some súras were of considerable length from the first is seen, for -example, from xii., which contains a short introduction, then the -history of Joseph, and then a few concluding observations, and is -therefore perfectly homogeneous. In like manner, xx., which is mainly -occupied with the history of Moses, forms a complete whole. The same is -true of xviii., which at first sight seems to fall into several pieces; -the history of the seven sleepers, the grotesque narrative about Moses, -and that about Alexander “the Horned,” are all connected together, and -the same rhyme runs through the whole súra. Even in the separate -narrations we may observe how readily the Koran passes from one subject -to another, how little care is taken to express all the transitions of -thought, and how frequently clauses are omitted, which are almost -indispensable. We are not at liberty, therefore, in every case where the -connection in the Koran is obscure, to say that it is really broken, and -set it down as the clumsy patchwork of a later hand. Even in the old -Arabic poetry such abrupt transitions are of very frequent occurrence. -It is not uncommon for the Koran, after a new subject has been entered -on, to return gradually or suddenly to the former theme,—a proof that -there at least separation is not to be thought of. In short, however -imperfectly the Koran may have been redacted, in the majority of cases -the present súras are identical with the originals. - -How these revelations actually arose in Mohammed’s mind is a question -which it is almost as idle to discuss as it would be to analyse the -workings of the mind of a poet. In his early career, sometimes perhaps -in its later stages also, many revelations must have burst from him in -uncontrollable excitement, so that he could not possibly regard them -otherwise than as divine inspirations. We must bear in mind that he was -no cold systematic thinker, but an Oriental visionary, brought up in -crass superstition, and without intellectual discipline; a man whose -nervous temperament had been powerfully worked on by ascetic -austerities, and who was all the more irritated by the opposition he -encountered, because he had little of the heroic in his nature. Filled -with his religious ideas and visions, he might well fancy he heard the -angel bidding him recite what was said to him. There may have been many -a revelation of this kind which no one ever heard but himself, as he -repeated it to himself in the silence of the night (lxxiii. 4). Indeed -the Koran itself admits that he forgot some revelations (lxxxvii. 7). -But by far the greatest part of the book is undoubtedly the result of -deliberation, touched more or less with emotion, and animated by a -certain rhetorical rather than poetical glow. Many passages are based -upon purely intellectual reflection. It is said that Mohammed -occasionally uttered such a passage immediately after one of those -epileptic fits which not only his followers, but (for a time at least) -he himself also, regarded as tokens of intercourse with the higher -powers. If that is the case, it is impossible to say whether the trick -was in the utterance of the revelation or in the fit itself. - -How the various pieces of the Koran took literary form is uncertain. -Mohammed himself, so far as we can discover, never wrote down anything. -The question whether he could read and write has been much debated among -Moslems, unfortunately more with dogmatic arguments and spurious -traditions than authentic proofs. At present, one is inclined to say -that he was not altogether ignorant of these arts, but that from want of -practice he found it convenient to employ some one else whenever he had -anything to write. After the emigration to Medina (A.D. 622) we are told -that short pieces—chiefly legal decisions—were taken down immediately -after they were revealed, by an adherent whom he summoned for the -purpose; so that nothing stood in the way of their publication. Hence it -is probable that in Mecca, where, as in a mercantile town, the art of -writing was commoner than in Medina, a place of agriculture, he had -already begun to have his oracles committed to writing. That even long -portions of the Koran existed in written form from an early date, may be -pretty safely inferred from various indications; especially from the -fact that in Mecca the Prophet had caused insertions to be made, and -pieces to be erased, in his previous revelations. For we cannot suppose -that he knew the longer súras by heart so perfectly that he was able -after a time to lay his finger upon any particular passage. In some -instances, indeed, he may have relied too much on his memory. For -example, he seems to have occasionally dictated the same súra to -different persons in slightly different terms. In such cases, no doubt, -he may have partly intended to introduce improvements; and so long as -the difference was merely in expression, without affecting the sense, it -could occasion no perplexity to his followers. None of them had literary -pedantry enough to question the consistency of the divine revelation on -that ground. In particular instances, however, the difference of reading -was too important to be overlooked. Thus the Koran itself confesses that -the unbelievers cast it up as a reproach to the Prophet that God -sometimes substituted one verse for another (xvi. 103). On one occasion, -when a dispute arose between two of his own followers as to the true -reading of a passage which both had received from the Prophet himself, -Mohammed is said to have explained that the Koran was revealed in seven -forms. In this dictum, which perhaps is genuine, seven stands, of -course, as in many other cases, for an indefinite but limited number. -But one may imagine what a world of trouble it has cost the Moslem -theologians to explain the saying in accordance with their dogmatic -beliefs. A great number of explanations are current, some of which claim -the authority of the Prophet himself; as, indeed, fictitious utterances -of Mohammed play throughout a conspicuous part in the exegesis of the -Koran. One very favourite, but utterly untenable interpretation is that -the “seven forms” are seven different Arabic dialects. - -When such discrepancies came to the cognisance of Mohammed it was -doubtless his desire that only one of the conflicting texts should be -considered authentic; only he never gave himself much trouble to have -his wish carried into effect. Although in theory he was an upholder of -verbal inspiration, he did not push the doctrine to its extreme -consequences; his practical good sense did not take these things so -strictly as the theologians of later centuries. Sometimes, however, he -did suppress whole sections or verses, enjoining his followers to efface -or forget them, and declaring them to be “abrogated.” A very remarkable -case is that of the two verses in liii., when he had recognised three -heathen goddesses as exalted beings, possessing influence with God. This -he had done in a moment of weakness, to win his countrymen by a -compromise which still left Alláh in the highest rank. He attained his -purpose indeed, but was soon visited by remorse, and declared the words -in question to have been inspirations of the Evil One. - -So much for abrogated readings; the case is somewhat different when we -come to the abrogation of laws and directions to the Moslems, which -often occurs in the Koran. There is nothing in this at variance with -Mohammed’s idea of God. God is to him an absolute despot, who declares a -thing right or wrong from no inherent necessity, but by His arbitrary -fiat. This God varies His commands at pleasure, prescribes one law for -the Christians, another for the Jews, and a third for the Moslems; nay, -He even changes His instructions to the Moslems when it pleases Him. -Thus, for example, the Koran contains very different directions, suited -to varying circumstances, as to the treatment which idolaters are to -receive at the hands of believers. But Mohammed showed no anxiety to -have these superseded enactments destroyed. Believers could be in no -uncertainty as to which of two contradictory passages remained in force; -and they might still find edification in that which had become obsolete. -That later generations might not so easily distinguish the “abrogated” -from the “abrogating” did not occur to Mohammed, whose vision, naturally -enough, seldom extended to the future of his religious community. -Current events were invariably kept in view in the revelations. In -Medina it called forth the admiration of the Faithful to observe how -often God gave them the answer to a question whose settlement was -urgently required at the moment. The same _naïveté_ appears in a remark -of the Caliph Othmán about a doubtful case: “If the Apostle of God were -still alive, methinks there had been a Koran passage revealed on this -point.” Not unfrequently the divine word was found to coincide with the -advice which Mohammed had received from his most intimate disciples. -“Omar was many a time of a certain opinion,” says one tradition, “and -the Koran was then revealed accordingly.” - -The contents of the different parts of the Koran are extremely varied. -Many passages consist of theological or moral reflections. We are -reminded of the greatness, the goodness, the righteousness of God as -manifested in Nature, in history, and in revelation through the -prophets, especially through Mohammed. God is magnified as the One, the -All-powerful. Idolatry and all deification of created beings, such as -the worship of Christ as the Son of God, are unsparingly condemned. The -joys of heaven and the pains of hell are depicted in vivid sensuous -imagery, as is also the terror of the whole creation at the advent of -the last day and the judgment of the world. Believers receive general -moral instruction, as well as directions for special circumstances. The -lukewarm are rebuked, the enemies threatened with terrible punishment, -both temporal and eternal. To the sceptical the truth of Islam is held -forth; and a certain, not very cogent, method of demonstration -predominates. In many passages the sacred book falls into a diffuse -preaching style, others seem more like proclamations or general orders. -A great number contain ceremonial or civil laws, or even special -commands to individuals down to such matters as the regulation of -Mohammed’s harem. In not a few, definite questions are answered which -had actually been propounded to the Prophet by believers or infidels. -Mohammed himself, too, repeatedly receives direct injunctions, and does -not escape an occasional rebuke. One súra (i.) is a prayer, two (cxiii., -cxiv.) are magical formulas. Many súras treat of a single topic, others -embrace several. - -From the mass of material comprised in the Koran—and the account we -have given is far from exhaustive—we should select the histories of the -ancient prophets and saints as possessing a peculiar interest. The -purpose of Mohammed is to show from these histories how God in former -times had rewarded the righteous and punished their enemies. For the -most part the old prophets only serve to introduce a little variety in -point of form, for they are almost in every case facsimiles of Mohammed -himself. They preach exactly like him, they have to bring the very same -charges against their opponents, who on their part behave exactly as the -unbelieving inhabitants of Mecca. The Koran even goes so far as to make -Noah contend against the worship of certain false gods, mentioned by -name, who were worshipped by the Arabs of Mohammed’s time. In an address -which is put in the mouth of Abraham (xxvi. 75 sqq.) the reader quite -forgets that it is Abraham, and not Mohammed (or God Himself), who is -speaking. Other narratives are intended rather for amusement, although -they are always well seasoned with edifying phrases. It is no wonder -that the godless Koraishites thought these stories of the Koran not -nearly so entertaining as those of Rostam and Ispandiár related by Nadr -the son of Hárith, who, when travelling as a merchant, had learned on -the Euphrates the heroic mythology of the Persians. But the Prophet was -so exasperated by this rivalry that when Nadr fell into his power after -the battle of Badr, he caused him to be executed; although in all other -cases he readily pardoned his fellow-countrymen. - -These histories are chiefly about Scripture characters, especially those -of the Old Testament. But the deviations from the Biblical narratives -are very marked. Many of the alterations are found in the legendary -anecdotes of the Jewish Aggádá and the New Testament Apocrypha; but many -more are due to misconceptions such as only a listener (not the reader -of a book) could fall into. The most ignorant Jew could never have -mistaken Haman (the minister of Ahasuerus) for the minister of Pharaoh, -or identified Miriam the sister of Moses with Mary (=Miriam) the mother -of Christ. In addition to such misconceptions there are sundry -capricious alterations, some of them very grotesque, due to Mohammed -himself. For instance, in his ignorance of everything out of Arabia, he -makes the fertility of Egypt—where rain is almost never seen and never -missed—depend on rain instead of the inundations of the Nile (xii. 49). -The strange tale of “the Horned” (_i.e._ Alexander the Great, xviii. 82 -sqq.) reflects, as has been lately discovered, a rather absurd story, -written by a Syrian in the beginning of the sixth century; we may -believe that the substance of it was related to the Prophet by some -Christian. Besides Jewish and Christian histories, there are a few about -old Arabian prophets. In these he seems to have handled his materials -even more freely than in the others. - -The opinion has already been expressed that Mohammed did not make use of -written sources. Coincidences and divergences alike can always be -accounted for by oral communications from Jews who knew a little and -Christians who knew next to nothing. Even in the rare passages where we -can trace direct resemblances to the text of the Old Testament (comp. -xxi. 105 with Ps. xxxvii. 29; i. 5 with Ps. xxvii. 11) or the New (comp. -vii. 48 with Luke xvi. 24; xlvi. 19 with Luke xvi. 25), there is nothing -more than might readily have been picked up in conversation with any Jew -or Christian. In Medina, where he had the opportunity of becoming -acquainted with Jews of some culture, he learned some things out of the -Mishna, _e.g._ v. 35 corresponds almost word for word with Mishna -_Sanh._ iv. 5; compare also ii. 183 with Mishna _Ber._ i. 2. That these -are only cases of oral communication will be admitted by any one with -the slightest knowledge of the circumstances. Otherwise we might even -conclude that Mohammed had studied the Talmud; _e.g._ the regulation as -to ablution by rubbing with sand, where water cannot be obtained (iv. -46), corresponds to a Talmudic ordinance (_Ber. 15a_). Of Christianity -he can have been able to learn very little even in Medina; as may be -seen from the absurd travesty of the institution of the Eucharist in v. -112 sqq. For the rest, it is highly improbable that before the Koran any -real literary production—anything that could be strictly called a -book—existed in the Arabic language. - -In point of style and artistic effect, the different parts of the Koran -are of very unequal value. An unprejudiced and critical reader will -certainly find very few passages where his æsthetic susceptibilities are -thoroughly satisfied. But he will often be struck, especially in the -older pieces, by a wild force of passion, and a vigorous, if not rich, -imagination. Descriptions of heaven and hell, and allusions to God’s -working in Nature, not unfrequently show a certain amount of poetic -power. In other places also the style is sometimes lively and -impressive; though it is rarely indeed that we come across such strains -of touching simplicity as in the middle of xciii. The greater part of -the Koran is decidedly prosaic; much of it indeed is stiff in style. Of -course, with such a variety of material, we cannot expect every part to -be equally vivacious, or imaginative, or poetic. A decree about the -right of inheritance, or a point of ritual, must necessarily be -expressed in prose, if it is to be intelligible. No one complains of the -civil laws in Exodus or the sacrificial ritual in Leviticus, because -they want the fire of Isaiah or the tenderness of Deuteronomy. But -Mohammed’s mistake consists in persistent and slavish adherence to the -semi-poetic form which he had at first adopted in accordance with his -own taste and that of his hearers. For instance, he employs rhyme in -dealing with the most prosaic subjects, and thus produces the -disagreeable effect of incongruity between style and matter. It has to -be considered, however, that many of those sermonising pieces which are -so tedious to us, especially when we read two or three in succession -(perhaps in a very inadequate translation), must have had a quite -different effect when recited under the burning sky and on the barren -soil of Mecca. There, thoughts about God’s greatness and man’s duty, -which are familiar to us from childhood, were all new to the hearers—it -is hearers we have to think of in the first instance, not readers—to -whom, at the same time, every allusion had a meaning which often escapes -our notice. When Mohammed spoke of the goodness of the Lord in creating -the clouds, and bringing them across the cheerless desert, and pouring -them out on the earth to restore its rich vegetation, that must have -been a picture of thrilling interest to the Arabs, who are accustomed to -see from three to five years elapse before a copious shower comes to -clothe the wilderness once more with luxuriant pastures. It requires an -effort for us, under our clouded skies, to realise in some degree the -intensity of that impression. - -The fact that scraps of poetical phraseology are specially numerous in -the earlier súras, enables us to understand why the prosaic mercantile -community of Mecca regarded their eccentric townsman as a “poet,” or -even a “possessed poet.” Mohammed himself had to disclaim such titles, -because he felt himself to be a divinely-inspired prophet; but we too, -from our standpoint, shall fully acquit him of poetic genius. Like many -other predominantly religious characters, he had no appreciation of -poetic beauty; and if we may believe one anecdote related of him, at a -time when every one made verses, he affected ignorance of the most -elementary rules of prosody. Hence the style of the Koran is not -poetical but rhetorical; and the powerful effect which some portions -produce on us is gained by rhetorical means. Accordingly the sacred book -has not even the artistic form of poetry; which, among the Arabs, -includes a stringent metre, as well as rhyme. The Koran is never -metrical, and only a few exceptionally eloquent portions fall into a -sort of spontaneous rhythm. On the other hand, the rhyme is regularly -maintained; although, especially in the later pieces, after a very -slovenly fashion. Rhymed prose was a favourite form of composition among -the Arabs of that day, and Mohammed adopted it; but if it imparts a -certain sprightliness to some passages, it proves on the whole a -burdensome yoke. The Moslems themselves have observed that the tyranny -of the rhyme often makes itself apparent in derangement of the order of -words, and in the choice of verbal forms which would not otherwise have -been employed; _e.g._ an imperfect instead of a perfect. In one place, -to save the rhyme, he calls Mount Sinai _Sínín_ (xcv. 2) instead of -_Síná_ (xxiii. 20); in another Elijah is called _Ilyásín_ (xxxvii. 130) -instead of _Ilyás_ (vi. 85, xxxvii. 123). The substance even is modified -to suit exigencies of rhyme. Thus the Prophet would scarcely have fixed -on the unusual number of _eight_ angels round the throne of God (lxix. -17) if the word _thamániyah_, “eight,” had not happened to fall in so -well with the rhyme. And when lv. speaks of _two_ heavenly gardens, each -with _two_ fountains and _two_ kinds of fruit, and again of _two_ -similar gardens, all this is simply because the dual termination (_án_) -corresponds to the syllable that controls the rhyme in that whole súra. -In the later pieces, Mohammed often inserts edifying remarks, entirely -out of keeping with the context, merely to complete his rhyme. In Arabic -it is such an easy thing to accumulate masses of words with the same -termination, that the gross negligence of the rhyme in the Koran is -doubly remarkable. One may say that this is another mark of the -Prophet’s want of mental training, and incapacity for introspective -criticism. - -On the whole, while many parts of the Koran undoubtedly have -considerable rhetorical power, even over an unbelieving reader, the -book, æsthetically considered, is by no means a first-rate performance. -To begin with what we are most competent to criticise, let us look at -some of the more extended narratives. It has already been noticed how -vehement and abrupt they are where they ought to be characterised by -epic repose. Indispensable links, both in expression and in the sequence -of events, are often omitted, so that to understand these histories is -sometimes far easier for us than for those who heard them first, because -we know most of them from better sources. Along with this, there is a -great deal of superfluous verbiage; and nowhere do we find a steady -advance in the narration. Contrast, in these respects, “the most -beautiful tale,” the history of Joseph (xii.), and its glaring -improprieties, with the story in Genesis, so admirably conceived and so -admirably executed in spite of some slight discrepancies. Similar faults -are found in the non-narrative portions of the Koran. The connection of -ideas is extremely loose, and even the syntax betrays great awkwardness. -Anacolutha are of frequent occurrence, and cannot be explained as -conscious literary devices. Many sentences begin with a “when” or “on -the day when,” which seems to hover in the air, so that the commentators -are driven to supply a “think of this” or some such ellipsis. Again, -there is no great literary skill evinced in the frequent and needless -harping on the same words and phrases; in xviii., for example, “till -that” (_hattá idhá_) occurs no fewer than eight times. Mohammed, in -short, is not in any sense a master of style. This opinion will be -endorsed by any European who reads through the book with an impartial -spirit and some knowledge of the language, without taking into account -the tiresome effect of its endless iterations. But in the ears of every -pious Moslem such a judgment will sound almost as shocking as downright -atheism or polytheism. Among the Moslems, the Koran has always been -looked on as the most perfect model of style and language. This feature -of it is in their dogmatic the greatest of all miracles, the -incontestable proof of its divine origin. Such a view on the part of men -who knew Arabic infinitely better than the most accomplished European -Arabist will ever do, may well startle us. In fact, the Koran boldly -challenged its opponents to produce ten súras, or even a single one, -like those of the sacred book, and they never did so. That, to be sure, -on calm reflection, is not so very surprising. Revelations of the kind -which Mohammed uttered, no unbeliever could produce without making -himself a laughing-stock. However little real originality there is in -Mohammed’s doctrines, as against his own countrymen he was thoroughly -original, even in the form of his oracles. To compose such revelations -at will was beyond the power of the most expert literary artist; it -would have required either a prophet or a shameless impostor. And if -such a character appeared _after_ Mohammed, still he could never be -anything but an imitator, like the false prophets who arose about the -time of his death and afterwards. That the adversaries should produce -any sample whatsoever of poetry or rhetoric equal to the Koran is not at -all what the Prophet demands. In that case he would have been put to -shame, even in the eyes of many of his own followers, by the first poem -that came to hand. Nevertheless, it is on such a false interpretation of -this challenge that the dogma of the incomparable excellence of the -style and diction of the Koran is based. The rest has been accomplished -by dogmatic prejudice, which is quite capable of working other miracles -besides turning a defective literary production into an unrivalled -masterpiece in the eyes of believers. This view once accepted, the next -step was to find everywhere evidence of the perfection of the style and -language. And if here and there, as one can scarcely doubt, there was -among the old Moslems a lover of poetry who had his difficulties about -this dogma, he had to beware of uttering an opinion which might have -cost him his head. We know of at least one rationalistic theologian who -defined the dogma in such a way that we can see he did not believe it -(Shahrastání, p. 39). The truth is, it would have been a miracle indeed -if the style of the Koran had been perfect. For although there was at -that time a recognised poetical style, already degenerating to -mannerism, a prose style did not exist. All beginnings are difficult; -and it can never be esteemed a serious charge against Mohammed that his -book, the first prose work of a high order in the language, testifies to -the awkwardness of the beginner. And further, we must always remember -that entertainment and æsthetic effect were at most subsidiary objects. -The great aim was persuasion and conversion; and, say what we will, that -aim has been realised on the most imposing scale. - -Mohammed repeatedly calls attention to the fact that the Koran is not -written, like other sacred books, in a strange language, but in Arabic, -and therefore is intelligible to all. At that time, along with foreign -ideas, many foreign words had crept into the language, especially -Aramaic terms for religious conceptions of Jewish or Christian origin. -Some of these had already passed into general use, while others were -confined to a more limited circle. Mohammed, who could not fully express -his new ideas in the common language of his countrymen, but had -frequently to find out new terms for himself, made free use of such -Jewish and Christian words, as was done, though perhaps to a smaller -extent, by certain thinkers and poets of that age who had more or less -risen above the level of heathenism. In Mohammed’s case this is the less -wonderful, because he was indebted to the instruction of Jews and -Christians whose Arabic—as the Koran pretty clearly intimates with -regard to one of them—was very defective. Nor is it very surprising to -find that his use of these words is sometimes as much at fault as his -comprehension of the histories which he learned from the same -people—that he applies Aramaic expressions as incorrectly as many -uneducated persons now employ words derived from the French. Thus, -_forkán_ means really “redemption,” but Mohammed (misled by the Arabic -meaning of the root _frk_, “sever,” “decide”) uses it for “revelation.” -_Milla_ is properly “Word,” but in the Koran “religion.” _Illíyún_ -(lxxxiii. 18, 19) is apparently the Hebrew name of God, _Elyón_, “the -Most High;” Mohammed uses it of a heavenly book (see S. Fraenkel, _De -vocabulis in antiquis Arabum carminibus et in Corano peregrinis_, Leyden -1880, p. 23). So again the word _mathání_ is, as Geiger has conjectured, -the regular Arabic plural of the Aramaic _mathníthá_, which is the same -as the Hebrew _Mishna_, and denotes, in Jewish usage, a legal decision -of some of the ancient Rabbins. But in the Koran “the seven _Mathání_” -(xv. 87) are probably the seven verses of súra i., so that Mohammed -appears to have understood it in the sense of “saying” or “sentence” -(comp. xxxix. 24). Words of Christian origin are less frequent in the -Koran. It is an interesting fact that of these a few have come over from -the Abyssinian, such as _hawáríyún_, “apostles,” _máida_, “table,” and -two or three others; these all make their first appearance in súras of -the Medina period. The word _shaitán_, “Satan,” which was likewise -borrowed, at least in the first instance, from the Abyssinian, had -probably been already introduced into the language. Sprenger has rightly -observed that Mohammed makes a certain parade of these foreign terms, as -of other peculiarly constructed expressions; in this he followed a -favourite practice of contemporary poets. It is the tendency of the -imperfectly educated to delight in out-of-the-way expressions, and on -such minds they readily produce a remarkably solemn and mysterious -impression. This was exactly the kind of effect that Mohammed desired, -and to secure it he seems even to have invented a few odd vocables, as -_ghislín_ (lxix. 36), _sijjín_ (lxxxiii. 7, 8), _tasním_ (lxxxiii. 27), -and _salsabíl_ (lxxvi. 18). But, of course, the necessity of enabling -his hearers to understand ideas which they must have found sufficiently -novel in themselves, imposed tolerably narrow limits on such -eccentricities. - -The constituents of our present Koran belong partly to the Mecca period -(before A.D. 622), partly to the period commencing with the emigration -to Medina (from the autumn of 622 to 8th June 632). Mohammed’s position -in Medina was entirely different from that which he had occupied in his -native town. In the former he was from the first the leader of a -powerful party, and gradually became the autocratic ruler of Arabia; in -the latter he was only the despised preacher of a small congregation. -This difference, as was to be expected, appears in the Koran. The Medina -pieces, whether entire súras or isolated passages interpolated in Meccan -súras, are accordingly pretty broadly distinct, as to their contents, -from those issued in Mecca. In the great majority of cases there can be -no doubt whatever whether a piece first saw the light in Mecca or in -Medina; and, for the most part, the internal evidence is borne out by -Moslem tradition. And since the revelations given in Medina frequently -take notice of events about which we have pretty accurate information, -and whose dates are at least approximately known, we are often in a -position to fix their date with, at any rate, considerable certainty; -here, again, tradition renders valuable assistance. Even with regard to -the Medina passages, however, a great deal remains uncertain, partly -because the allusions to historical events and circumstances are -generally rather obscure, partly because traditions about the occasion -of the revelation of the various pieces are often fluctuating, and often -rest on misunderstanding or arbitrary conjecture. But, at all events, it -is far easier to arrange in some sort of chronological order the Medina -súras than those composed in Mecca. There is, indeed, one tradition -which professes to furnish a chronological list of all the súras. But -not to mention that it occurs in several divergent forms, and that it -takes no account of the fact that our present súras are partly composed -of pieces of different dates, it contains so many suspicious or -undoubtedly false statements, that it is impossible to attach any great -importance to it. Besides, it is _à priori_ unlikely that a contemporary -of Mohammed should have drawn up such a list; and if any one had made -the attempt, he would have found it almost impossible to obtain reliable -information as to the order of the earlier Meccan súras. We have in this -list no genuine tradition, but rather the lucubrations of an undoubtedly -conscientious Moslem critic, who may have lived about a century after -the emigration. - -Among the revelations put forth in Mecca there is a considerable number -of (for the most part) short súras, which strike every attentive reader -as being the oldest. They are in an altogether different strain from -many others, and in their whole composition they show least resemblance -to the Medina pieces. It is no doubt conceivable—as Sprenger -supposes—that Mohammed might have returned at intervals to his earlier -manner; but since this group possesses a remarkable similarity of style, -and since the gradual formation of a different style is on the whole an -unmistakable fact, the assumption has little probability; and we shall -therefore abide by the opinion that these form a distinct group. At the -opposite extreme from them stands another cluster, showing quite obvious -affinities with the style of the Medina súras, which must therefore be -assigned to the later part of the Prophet’s work in Mecca. Between these -two groups stand a number of other Meccan súras, which in every respect -mark the transition from the first period to the third. It need hardly -be said that the three periods—which were first distinguished by -Professor Weil—are not separated by sharp lines of division. With -regard to some súras, it may be doubtful whether they ought to be -reckoned amongst the middle group, or with one or other of the extremes. -And it is altogether impossible, within these groups, to establish even -a probable chronological arrangement of the individual revelations. In -default of clear allusions to well-known events, or events whose date -can be determined, we might indeed endeavour to trace the psychological -development of the Prophet by means of the Koran, and arrange its parts -accordingly. But in such an undertaking one is always apt to take -subjective assumptions or mere fancies for established data. Good -traditions about the origin of the Meccan revelations are not very -numerous. In fact, the whole history of Mohammed previous to his -emigration is so imperfectly related that we are not even sure in what -year he appeared as a prophet. Probably it was in A.D. 610; it may have -been somewhat earlier, but scarcely later. If, as one tradition says, -xxx. 1 sq. (“The Romans are overcome in the nearest neighbouring land”) -refers to the defeat of the Byzantines by the Persians, not far from -Damascus, about the spring of 614, it would follow that the third group, -to which this passage belongs, covers the greater part of the Meccan -period. And it is not in itself unlikely that the passionate vehemence -which characterises the first group was of short duration. Nor is the -assumption contradicted by the tolerably well-attested, though far from -incontestable statement, that when Omar was converted (A.D. 615 or 616), -xx., which belongs to the second group, already existed in writing. But -the reference of xxx. 1 sq. to this particular battle is by no means so -certain that positive conclusions can be drawn from it. It is the same -with other allusions in the Meccan súras to occurrences whose chronology -can be partially ascertained. It is better, therefore, to rest satisfied -with a merely relative determination of the order of even the three -great clusters of Meccan revelations. - -In the pieces of the first period the convulsive excitement of the -Prophet often expresses itself with the utmost vehemence. He is so -carried away by his emotion that he cannot choose his words; they seem -rather to burst from him. Many of these pieces remind us of the oracles -of the old heathen soothsayers, whose style is known to us from -imitations, although we have perhaps not a single genuine specimen. Like -those other oracles, the súras of this period, which are never very -long, are composed of short sentences with tolerably pure but -rapidly-changing rhymes. The oaths, too, with which many of them begin, -were largely used by the soothsayers. Some of these oaths are very -uncouth and hard to understand, some of them perhaps were not meant to -be understood, for indeed all sorts of strange things are met with in -these chapters. Here and there Mohammed speaks of visions, and appears -even to see angels before him in bodily form. There are some intensely -vivid descriptions of the resurrection and the last day, which must have -exercised a demonic power over men who were quite unfamiliar with such -pictures. Other pieces paint in glowing colours the joys of heaven and -the pains of hell. However, the súras of this period are not all so wild -as these; and those which are conceived in a calmer mood appear to be -the oldest. Yet, one must repeat, it is exceedingly difficult to make -out any strict chronological sequence. For instance, it is by no means -certain whether the beginning of xcvi. is really what a -widely-circulated tradition calls it, the oldest part of the whole -Koran. That tradition goes back to the Prophet’s favourite wife Aïsha; -but as she was not born at the time when the revelation is said to have -been made, it can only contain at the best what Mohammed told her years -afterwards, from his own not very clear recollection, with or without -fictitious additions. Aïsha, moreover, is by no means very trustworthy. -And, besides, there are other pieces mentioned by others as the oldest. -In any case xcvi. 1 sqq. is certainly very early. According to the -traditional view, which appears to be correct, it treats of a vision in -which the Prophet receives an injunction to recite a revelation conveyed -to him by the angel. It is interesting to observe that here already two -things are brought forward as proofs of the omnipotence and care of God: -one is the creation of man out of a seminal drop—an idea to which -Mohammed often recurs; the other is the then recently introduced art of -writing, which the Prophet instinctively seizes on as a means of -propagating his doctrines. It was only after Mohammed encountered -obstinate resistance that the tone of the revelations became thoroughly -passionate. In such cases he was not slow to utter terrible threats -against those who ridiculed the preaching of the unity of God, of the -resurrection, and of the judgment. His own uncle, Abú Lahab, had -somewhat brusquely repelled him, and in a brief special súra (cxi.) he -and his wife are consigned to hell. The súras of this period form almost -exclusively the concluding portions of the present text. One is disposed -to assume, however, that they were at one time more numerous, and that -many of them were lost at an early period. - -Since Mohammed’s strength lay in his enthusiastic and fiery imagination -rather than in the wealth of ideas and clearness of abstract thought on -which exact reasoning depends, it follows that the older súras, in which -the former qualities have free scope, must be more attractive to us than -the later. In the súras of the second period the imaginative glow -perceptibly diminishes; there is still fire and animation, but the tone -becomes gradually more prosaic. As the feverish restlessness subsides, -the periods are drawn out, and the revelations as a whole become longer. -The truth of the new doctrine is proved by accumulated instances of -God’s working in nature and in history; the objections of opponents, -whether advanced in good faith or in jest, are controverted by -arguments; but the demonstration is often confused or even weak. The -histories of the earlier prophets, which had occasionally been briefly -touched on in the first period, are now related, sometimes at great -length. On the whole, the charm of the style is passing away. - -There is one piece of the Koran, belonging to the beginning of this -period, if not to the close of the former, which claims particular -notice. This is i., the Lord’s Prayer of the Moslems, and beyond dispute -the gem of the Koran. The words of this súra, which is known as -_al-fátiha_ (“the opening one”), are as follows:— - -“(1) In the name of God, the compassionate Compassioner. (2) Praise be -[literally “is”] to God, the Lord of the worlds, (3) the compassionate -Compassioner, (4) the Sovereign of the day of judgment. (5) Thee do we -worship, and of Thee do we beg assistance. (6) Direct us in the right -way; (7) in the way of those to whom Thou hast been gracious, on whom -there is no wrath, and who go not astray.” - -The thoughts are so simple as to need no explanation; and yet the prayer -is full of meaning. It is true that there is not a single original idea -of Mohammed’s in it. Several words and turns of expression are borrowed -directly from the Jews, in particular the designation of God as the -“Compassioner,” _Rahmán_. This is simply the Jewish _Rahmáná_, which was -a favourite name for God in the Talmudic period. Mohammed seems for a -while to have entertained the thought of adopting _al-Rahmán_ as a -proper name of God, in place of _Alláh_, which was already used by the -heathens.[11] This purpose he ultimately relinquished, but it is just in -the súras of the second period that the use of _Rahmán_ is specially -frequent. It was probably in the first súra also that Mohammed first -introduced the formula, “In the name of God,” etc. It is to be regretted -that this prayer must lose its effect through too frequent use, for -every Moslem who says his five prayers regularly—as the most of them -do—repeats it not less than twenty times a day. - -The súras of the third Meccan period, which form a pretty large part of -our present Koran, are almost entirely prosaic. Some of the revelations -are of considerable extent, and the single verses also are much longer -than in the older súras. Only now and then a gleam of poetic power -flashes out. A sermonising tone predominates. The súras are very -edifying for one who is already reconciled to their import, but to us, -at least, they do not seem very well fitted to carry conviction to the -minds of unbelievers. That impression, however, is not correct, for in -reality the demonstrations of these longer Meccan súras appear to have -been peculiarly influential for the propagation of Islam. Mohammed’s -mission was not to Europeans, but to a people who, though quick-witted -and receptive, were not accustomed to logical thinking, while they had -outgrown their ancient religion. - -When we reach the Medina period it becomes, as has been indicated, much -easier to understand the revelations in their historical relations, -since our knowledge of the history of Mohammed in Medina is tolerable -complete. In many cases the historical occasion is perfectly clear, in -others we can at least recognise the general situation from which they -arose, and thus approximately fix their time. There still remains, -however, a remnant, of which we can only say that it belongs to Medina. - -The style of this period bears a pretty close resemblance to that of the -latest Meccan period. It is for the most part pure prose, enriched by -occasional rhetorical embellishments. Yet even here there are many -bright and impressive passages, especially in those sections which may -be regarded as proclamations to the army of the faithful. For the -Moslems, Mohammed has many different messages. At one time it is a -summons to do battle for the faith; at another, a series of reflections -on recently experienced success or misfortune, or a rebuke for their -weak faith; or an exhortation to virtue, and so on. He often addresses -himself to the “doubters,” some of whom vacillate between faith and -unbelief, others make a pretence of faith, while others scarcely take -the trouble even to do that. They are no consolidated party, but to -Mohammed they are all equally vexatious, because, as soon as danger has -to be encountered, or a contribution is levied, they all alike fall -away. There are frequent outbursts, ever increasing in bitterness, -against the Jews, who were very numerous in Medina and its neighbourhood -when Mohammed arrived. He has much less to say against the Christians, -with whom he never came closely in contact; and as for the idolaters, -there was little occasion in Medina to have many words with them. A part -of the Medina pieces consists of formal laws belonging to the -ceremonial, civil, and criminal codes; or directions about certain -temporary complications. The most objectionable parts of the whole Koran -are those which treat of Mohammed’s relations with women. The laws and -regulations were generally very concise revelations, but most of them -have been amalgamated with other pieces of similar or dissimilar import, -and are now found in very long súras. - -Such is an imperfect sketch of the composition and the internal history -of the Koran, but it is probably sufficient to show that the book is a -very heterogeneous collection. If only those passages had been preserved -which had a permanent value for the theology, the ethics, or the -jurisprudence of the Moslems, a few fragments would have been amply -sufficient. Fortunately for knowledge, respect for the sacredness of the -letter has led to the collection of all the revelations that could -possibly be collected,—the “abrogating” along with the “abrogated,” -passages referring to passing circumstances as well as those of lasting -importance. Every one who takes up the book in the proper religious -frame of mind, like most of the Moslems, reads pieces directed against -long-obsolete absurd customs of Mecca just as devoutly as the weightiest -moral precepts,—perhaps even more devoutly, because he does not -understand them so well. - -At the head of twenty-nine of the súras stand certain initial letters, -from which no clear sense can be obtained. Thus, before ii. iii. xxxi. -xxxii. we find _ALM_ (_Alif Lám Mím_), before xl.-xlvi. _HM_ (_Há Mím_). -At one time I suggested that these initials did not belong to Mohammed’s -text, but might be the monograms of possessors of codices, which, -through negligence on the part of the editors, were incorporated in the -final form of the Koran; but I now deem it more probable that they are -to be traced to the Prophet himself, as Sprenger and Loth suppose. One -cannot indeed admit the truth of Loth’s statement, that in the proper -opening words of these súras we may generally find an allusion to the -accompanying initials; but it can scarcely be accidental that the first -verse of the great majority of them (in iii. it is the second verse) -contains the word “book,” “revelation,” or some equivalent. They usually -begin with: “This is the book,” or “Revelation (‘down sending’) of the -book,” or something similar. Of súras which commence in this way only a -few (xviii. xxiv. xxv. xxxix.) want the initials, while only xxix. and -xxx. have the initials, and begin differently. These few exceptions may -easily have proceeded from ancient corruptions; at all events, they -cannot neutralise the evidence of the greater number. Mohammed seems to -have meant these letters for a mystic reference to the archetypal text -in heaven. To a man who regarded the art of writing, of which at the -best he had but a slight knowledge, as something supernatural, and who -lived amongst illiterate people, an A B C may well have seemed more -significant than to us who have been initiated into the mysteries of -this art from our childhood. The Prophet himself can hardly have -attached any particular meaning to these symbols: they served their -purpose if they conveyed an impression of solemnity and enigmatical -obscurity. In fact, the Koran admits that it contains many things which -neither can be, nor were intended to be, understood (iii. 5). To regard -these letters as ciphers is a precarious hypothesis, for the simple -reason that cryptography is not to be looked for in the very infancy of -Arabic writing. If they are actually ciphers, the multiplicity of -possible explanations at once precludes the hope of a plausible -interpretation. None of the efforts in this direction, whether by Moslem -scholars or by Europeans, have led to convincing results. This remark -applies even to the ingenious conjecture of Sprenger, that the letters -_KHY‘Ṣ_ (_Káf Hé Yé ‘Ain Sád_) before xix. (which treats of John and -Jesus, and, according to tradition, was sent to the Christian king of -Abyssinia) stand for _Jesus Nazarenus Rex Judæorum_. Sprenger arrives at -this explanation by a very artificial method; and besides, Mohammed was -not so simple as the Moslem traditionalists, who imagined that the -Abyssinians could read a piece of the Arabic Koran. It need hardly be -said that the Moslems have from of old applied themselves with great -assiduity to the decipherment of these initials, and have sometimes -found the deepest mysteries in them. Generally, however, they are -content with the prudent conclusion, that God alone knows the meaning of -these letters. - -When Mohammed died, the separate pieces of the Koran, notwithstanding -their theoretical sacredness, existed only in scattered copies; they -were consequently in great danger of being partially or entirely -destroyed. Many Moslems knew large portions by heart, but certainly no -one knew the whole; and a merely oral propagation would have left the -door open to all kinds of deliberate and inadvertent alterations. -Mohammed himself had never thought of an authentic collection of his -revelations; he was usually concerned only with the object of the -moment, and the idea that the revelations would be destroyed unless he -made provision for their safe preservation, did not enter his mind. A -man destitute of literary culture has some difficulty in anticipating -the fate of intellectual products. But now, after the death of the -Prophet, most of the Arabs revolted against his successor, and had to be -reduced to submission by force. Especially sanguinary was the contest -against the prophet Maslama, an imitator of Mohammed, commonly known by -the derisive diminutive Mosailima (_i.e._ “Little Maslama”). At that -time (A.D. 633) many of the most devoted Moslems fell, the very men who -knew most Koran pieces by heart. Omar then began to fear that the Koran -might be entirely forgotten, and he induced the Caliph Abú Bekr to -undertake the collection of all its parts. The Caliph laid the duty on -Zaid, the son of Thábit, a native of Medina, then about twenty-two years -of age, who had often acted as amanuensis to the Prophet, in whose -service he is even said to have learned the Jewish letters. The account -of this collection of the Koran has reached us in several substantially -identical forms, and goes back to Zaid himself. According to it, he -collected the revelations from copies written on flat stones, pieces of -leather, ribs of palm-leaves (not palm-leaves themselves), and such-like -material, but chiefly “from the breasts of men,” _i.e._ from their -memory. From these he wrote a fair copy, which he gave to Abú Bekr, from -whom it came to his successor Omar, who again bequeathed it to his -daughter Hafsa, one of the widows of the Prophet. This redaction, -commonly called _al-sohof_ (“the leaves”), had from the first no -canonical authority; and its internal arrangement can only be -conjectured. - -The Moslems were as far as ever from possessing a uniform text of the -Koran. The bravest of their warriors sometimes knew deplorably little -about it; distinction on _that_ field they cheerfully accorded to pious -men like Ibn Mas‘úd. It was inevitable, however, that discrepancies -should emerge between the texts of professed scholars, and as these men -in their several localities were authorities on the reading of the -Koran, quarrels began to break out between the levies from different -districts about the true form of the sacred book. During a campaign in -A.H. 30 (A.D. 650-1), Hodhaifa, the victor in the great and decisive -battle of Neháwand—which was to the empire of the Sásánians what -Gaugamela was to that of the Achæmenidæ—perceived that such disputes -might become dangerous, and therefore urged on the Caliph Othmán the -necessity for a universally binding text. The matter was entrusted to -Zaid, who had made the former collection, with three leading -Koraishites. These brought together as many copies as they could lay -their hands on, and prepared an edition which was to be canonical for -all Moslems. To prevent any further disputes, they burned all the other -codices except that of Hafsa, which, however, was soon afterwards -destroyed by Marwán, the governor of Medina. The destruction of the -earlier codices was an irreparable loss to criticism; but, for the -essentially political object of putting an end to controversies by -admitting only one form of the common book of religion and of law, this -measure was necessary. - -The result of these labours is in our hands; as to how they were -conducted we have no trustworthy information, tradition being here too -much under the influence of dogmatic presuppositions. The critical -methods of a modern scientific commission will not be expected of an age -when the highest literary education for an Arab consisted in ability to -read and write. It now seems to me highly probable that this second -redaction took this simple form: Zaid read off from the codex which he -had previously written, and his associates, simultaneously or -successively, wrote one copy each to his dictation. These, I suppose, -were the three copies which, we are informed, were sent to the capitals -Damascus, Basra, and Cufa, to be in the first instance standards for the -soldiers of the respective provinces. A fourth copy would doubtless be -retained at Medina. Be that as it may, it is impossible now to -distinguish in the present form of the book what belongs to the first -redaction from what is due to the second. - -In the arrangement of the separate sections, a classification according -to contents was impracticable because of the variety of subjects often -dealt with in one súra. A chronological arrangement was out of the -question, because the chronology of the older pieces must have been -imperfectly known, and because in some cases passages of different dates -had been joined together. Indeed, systematic principles of this kind -were altogether disregarded at that period. The pieces were accordingly -arranged in indiscriminate order, the only rule observed being to place -the long súras first and the shorter towards the end, and even that was -far from strictly adhered to. The short opening súra is so placed on -account of its superiority to the rest, and two magical formulæ are kept -for a sort of protection at the end; these are the only special traces -of design. The combination of pieces of different origin may proceed -partly from the possessors of the codices from which Zaid compiled his -first complete copy, partly from Zaid himself. The individual súras are -separated simply by the superscription, “In the name of God, the -compassionate Compassioner,” which is wanting only in the ninth. The -additional headings found in our texts (the name of the súra, the number -of verses, etc.) were not in the original codices, and form no integral -part of the Koran. - -It is said that Othmán directed Zaid and his associates, in cases of -disagreement, to follow the Koraish dialect; but, though well-attested, -this account can scarcely be correct. The extremely primitive writing of -those days was quite incapable of rendering such minute differences as -can have existed between the pronunciation of Mecca and that of Medina. - -Othmán’s Koran was not complete. Some passages are evidently -fragmentary; and a few detached pieces are still extant which were -originally parts of the Koran, although they have been omitted by Zaid. -Amongst these are some which there is no reason to suppose Mohammed -desired to suppress. Zaid may easily have overlooked a few stray -fragments, but that he purposely omitted anything which he believed to -belong to the Koran is very unlikely. It has been conjectured that in -deference to his superiors he kept out of the book the names of -Mohammed’s enemies, if they or their families came afterwards to be -respected. But it must be remembered that it was never Mohammed’s -practice to refer explicitly to contemporary persons and affairs in the -Koran. Only a single friend, his adopted son Zaid (xxxiii. 37), and a -single enemy, his uncle Abú Lahab (cxi.)—and these for very special -reasons—are mentioned by name; and the name of the latter has been left -in the Koran with a fearful curse annexed to it, although his son had -embraced Islam before the death of Mohammed, and although his -descendants belonged to the high nobility. So, on the other hand, there -is no single verse or clause which can be plausibly made out to be an -interpolation by Zaid at the instance of Abú Bekr, Omar, or Othmán. -Slight clerical errors there may have been, but the Koran of Othmán -contains none but genuine elements—though sometimes in very strange -order. - -It can still be pretty clearly shown in detail that the four codices of -Othmán’s Koran deviated from one another in points of orthography, in -the insertion or omission of a _wa_ (“and”), and such-like minutiæ; but -these variations nowhere affect the sense. All later manuscripts are -derived from these four originals. - -At the same time, the other forms of the Koran did not at once become -extinct. In particular we have some information about the codex of Obay. -If the list which gives the order of its súras is correct, it must have -contained substantially the same materials as our text; in that case -Obay must have used the original collection of Zaid. The same is true of -the codex of Ibn Mas‘úd, of which we have also a catalogue. It appears -that the principle of putting the longer súras before the shorter was -more consistently carried out by him than by Zaid. He omits i. and the -magical formulæ of cxiii. cxiv. Obay, on the other hand, had embodied -two additional short prayers, whose authenticity I do not now venture to -question, as I formerly did. One can easily understand that differences -of opinion may have existed as to whether and how far formularies of -this kind belonged to the Koran. Some of the divergent readings of both -these texts have been preserved, as well as a considerable number of -other ancient variants. Most of them are decidedly inferior to the -received readings, but some are quite as good, and a few deserve -preference. - -The only man who appears to have seriously opposed the general -introduction of Othmán’s text is Ibn Mas‘úd. He was one of the oldest -disciples of the Prophet, and had often rendered him personal service; -but he was a man of contracted views, although he is one of the pillars -of Moslem theology. His opposition had no effect. Now when we consider -that at that time there were many Moslems who had heard the Koran from -the mouth of the Prophet, that other measures of the imbecile Othmán met -with the most vehement resistance on the part of the bigoted champions -of the faith, that these were still further incited against him by some -of his ambitious old comrades, until at last they murdered him, and -finally that in the civil wars after his death the several parties were -glad of any pretext for branding their opponents as infidels;—when we -consider all this, we must regard it as a strong testimony in favour of -Othmán’s Koran that no party—that of Alí not excepted—repudiated the -text formed by Zaid, who was one of the most devoted adherents of Othmán -and his family, and that even among the Shíites we detect but very few -marks of dissatisfaction with the Caliph’s conduct in this matter. - -But this redaction is not the close of the textual history of the Koran. -The ancient Arabic alphabet was very imperfect; it not only wanted marks -for the short, and in part even for the long vowels, but it often -expressed several consonants by the same sign, the forms of different -letters, formerly clearly distinct, having become by degrees identical. -So, for example, there was but one character to express B, T, Th, and in -the beginning and in the middle of words N and Y (I) also. Though the -reader who was perfectly familiar with the language felt no difficulty, -as a rule, in discovering which pronunciation the writer had in view, -yet as there were many words which admitted of being pronounced in very -different manners, instances were not infrequent in which the -pronunciation was dubious. This variety of possible readings was at -first very great, and many readers seem to have actually made it their -object to discover pronunciations which were new, provided they were at -all appropriate to the ambiguous text. There was also a dialectic -licence in grammatical forms, which had not as yet been greatly -restricted. An effort was made by many to establish a more refined -pronunciation for the Koran than was usual in common life or in secular -literature. The various schools of “readers” differed very widely from -one another; although for the most part there was no important -divergence as to the sense of words. A few of them gradually rose to -special authority, and the rest disappeared. Seven readers are generally -reckoned chief authorities, but for practical purposes this number was -continually reduced in process of time; so that at present only two -“reading styles” are in actual use,—the common style of Ḥafṣ and that -of Náfi‘, which prevails in Africa to the west of Egypt. There is, -however, a very comprehensive massoretic literature in which a number of -other styles are indicated. The invention of vowel-signs, of diacritic -points to distinguish similarly formed consonants, and of other -orthographic signs, soon put a stop to arbitrary conjectures on the part -of the readers. Many zealots objected to the introduction of these -innovations in the sacred text, but theological consistency had to yield -to practical necessity. In accurate codices, indeed, all such additions, -as well as the titles of the súra, etc., are written in coloured ink, -while the black characters profess to represent exactly the original of -Othmán. But there is probably no copy quite faithful in this respect. - -The correct recitation of the Koran is an art difficult of acquisition -to the Arabs themselves. Besides the artificial pronunciation mentioned -above, a semi-musical modulation has to be observed. In these things -also there are great differences between the various schools. - -In European libraries, besides innumerable modern manuscripts of the -Koran, there are also codices or fragments of high antiquity, some of -them probably dating from the first century of the Flight. For the -restoration of the text, however, the works of ancient scholars on its -readings and modes of writing are more important than the manuscripts, -which, however elegantly they may be written and ornamented, proceed -from irresponsible copyists. The original, written by Othmán himself, -has indeed been exhibited in various parts of the Mohammedan world. The -library of the India Office contains one such manuscript, bearing the -subscription: “Written by Othmán the son of Affán.” These, of course, -are barefaced forgeries, although of very ancient date; so are those -which profess to be from the hand of Alí, one of which is preserved in -the same library. In recent times the Koran has been often printed and -lithographed both in the East and the West. - -Shortly after Mohammed’s death certain individuals applied themselves to -the exposition of the Koran. Much of it was obscure from the beginning, -other sections were unintelligible apart from a knowledge of the -circumstances of their origin. Unfortunately those who took possession -of this field were not very honourable. Ibn Abbás, a cousin of -Mohammed’s, and the chief source of the traditional exegesis of the -Koran, has, on theological and other grounds, given currency to a number -of falsehoods; and at least some of his pupils have emulated his -example. These earliest expositions dealt more with the sense and -connection of whole verses than with the separate words. Afterwards, as -the knowledge of the old language declined, and the study of philology -arose, more attention began to be paid to the explanation of vocables. A -good many fragments of this older theological and philological exegesis -have survived from the first two centuries of the Flight, although we -have no complete commentary of this period. Most of the expository -material will perhaps be found in the very large commentary of the -celebrated Tabarí (A.D. 839-923), of which an almost complete copy is in -the Viceregal library at Cairo. Another very famous commentary is that -of Zamakhsharí (A.D. 1075-1144), edited by Nassau-Lees, Calcutta 1859; -but this scholar, with his great insight and still greater subtlety, is -too apt to read his own scholastic ideas into the Koran. The favourite -commentary of Baidáwí (_ob._ A.D. 1286) is little more than an -abridgment of Zamakhsharí’s. Thousands of commentaries on the Koran, -some of them of prodigious size,[12] have been written by Moslems; and -even the number of those still extant in manuscript is by no means -small. Although these works all contain much that is useless or false, -yet they are invaluable aids to our understanding of the sacred book. An -unbiassed European can no doubt see many things at a glance more clearly -than a good Moslem who is under the influence of religious prejudice; -but we should still be helpless without the exegetical literature of the -Mohammedans. - -Even the Arab Moslem of the present day can have but a very dim and -imperfect understanding of the Koran, unless he has made a special study -of its exegesis. For the great advantage, boasted by the holy book -itself, of being perspicuous to every one, has in the course of thirteen -centuries vanished. Moreover, the general belief is that in the ritual -use of the Koran, if the correct recitation is observed, it is -immaterial whether the meaning of the words be understood or not. - -A great deal remains to be accomplished by European scholarship for the -correct interpretation of the Koran. We want, for example, an exhaustive -classification and discussion of all the Jewish elements in the Koran; a -praiseworthy beginning has already been made in Geiger’s youthful essay, -_Was hat Mahomet aus dem Judenthum aufgenommen?_ We want especially a -thorough commentary, executed with the methods and resources of modern -science. No European language, it would seem, can even boast of a -translation which completely satisfies modern requirements. The best are -in English, where we have the extremely paraphrastic, but for its time -admirable translation of Sale (repeatedly printed), that of Rodwell -(1861), which seeks to give the pieces in chronological order, and that -of Palmer (1880), who wisely follows the traditional arrangements. The -introduction which accompanies Palmer’s translation is not in all -respects abreast of the most recent scholarship. Considerable extracts -from the Koran are well translated in E. W. Lane’s _Selections from the -Kur-án_. - -Besides commentaries on the whole Koran, or on special parts and topics, -the Moslems possess a whole literature bearing on their sacred book. -There are works on the spelling and right pronunciation of the Koran, -works on the beauty of its language, on the number of its verses, words, -and letters, etc.; nay, there are even works which would nowadays be -called “historical and critical introductions.” Moreover, the origin of -Arabic philology is intimately connected with the recitation and -exegesis of the Koran. To exhibit the importance of the sacred book for -the whole mental life of the Moslems, would be simply to write the -history of that life itself; for there is no department in which its -all-pervading, but unfortunately not always salutary, influence has not -been felt. - -The unbounded reverence of the Moslems for the Koran reaches its climax -in the dogma (which appeared at an early date through the influence of -the Christian doctrine of the eternal Word of God) that this book, as -the divine Word, _i.e._ thought, is immanent in God, and consequently -_eternal_ and _uncreated_. That dogma has been accepted by almost all -Mohammedans since the beginning of the third century. Some theologians -did indeed protest against it with great energy; it was, in fact, too -preposterous to declare that a book composed of unstable words and -letters, and full of variants, was absolutely divine. But what were the -distinctions and sophisms of the theologians for, if they could not -remove such contradictions, and convict their opponents of heresy? - -The following works may be specially consulted: Weil, _Einleitung in den -Korán_, 2nd ed. 1878; Th. Nöldeke, _Geschichte des Qorân_, Göttingen, -1860; and the Lives of Mohammed by Muir and Sprenger. - ------ - -[10] Originally published in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_, 9th ed., -vol. xvi. p. 597 sqq. - -[11] Since in Arabic also the root _RHM_ signifies “to have pity,” the -Arabs must have at once perceived the force of the new name. - -[12] See below, p. 206, on the commentary of Khalaf. - - - - - III. - ISLAM.[13] - - -ON the 14th of September 629, the emperor Heraclius again set up the -true Cross in Jerusalem. He had vanquished the Persians after a -desperate struggle, and compelled them to restore this most sacred of -relics, which they had carried off on their conquest of the Holy Land. -It was a day of triumph for all Christendom, which is still marked in -its calendars as the “Feast of the Elevation of the Cross.” At the very -moment of this striking celebration of the victory of Christendom over -unbelievers, we may suppose tidings to have been brought to the emperor, -that his Arabian troops beyond Jordan had been attacked by a small band -from the interior, and had only with difficulty succeeded in repelling -the violent onset. It is not likely that the news can have struck him as -implying anything very serious. Nevertheless this was the first assault -of the Moslems; it was quickly followed by others, and in a few years -Palestine and many other provinces had been for ever torn away from the -Roman empire, to which they had for seven centuries belonged, the empire -of Persia had been destroyed, and in the native lands of Christianity -and Zoroastrianism a new faith and a new people had attained an enduring -ascendency. No overturn at once so great and so rapid is recorded in -history. - -The founder of this new religion, Mohammed, son of Abdalláh, was no -martial hero. It was under the pressure of circumstances, and by the -necessities of thoughts which carried him much farther than he could -possibly have divined, that he became a prince and a conqueror. The -hysterical enthusiast, conscious of a vocation to make known the Oneness -of God, was forced into a career of battle by the opposition of his -kinsfolk and neighbours. The conviction that his light came from God -gave him strength and confidence, and raised him above every prejudice -and scruple. The character of the new religion was very powerfully -influenced by the manly spirit of some of its first confessors and -champions; both the good and the bad qualities of the Arabs, among whom -it arose, and for whom it was in the first instance promulgated, have -stamped their unmistakable impress upon it. - -It may be doubted if the original teaching of any other founder of a new -religion is known to us so exactly as Mohammed’s. For the sacred book of -Mohammedanism, the Koran, consists entirely of his own revelations, -given in the name of God; and among his spoken utterances which have -been handed down by tradition there is, mixed up with a great deal that -is spurious, so much of what is genuine, that by its aid we are able at -many points to supplement the Koran. And Koran and _Sunna_, that is, -“the rule,” given by the tradition of the Prophet’s words and deeds, -have ever been regarded by Mohammedans as the sources of their religion. - -In the several heads of Mohammed’s doctrine there is practically nothing -original. The Arabs of that time had outgrown their crude heathenism, -and it was only by force of habit, without real attachment, that, a -highly conservative people as they were, they held firmly by the ancient -practices. In particular, isolated ideas originating in Christianity had -become widely diffused through the agency of wandering bards. Very many -Arabs were already Christians. Their Christianity, it is true, sat but -loosely on them; for the finest elements of that religion they had no -organ. Moreover, there were in Arabia many Jews who here also -occasionally, as in Abyssinia, made numerous proselytes; but the rigid -and irksome ordinances of Judaism were suited to the nature of the proud -and untamed inhabitants of the Arabian desert as little as were the -mystical doctrines and the too ideal ethics of Christianity. Mohammed -borrowed from both religions, but especially from Judaism, those -elements which instinct rather than reflection taught him to be suited -to his countrymen. The main lines of his doctrine are a further -development of Judaism, only simpler and coarser; speaking generally, it -stands much nearer to the religion of the Old Testament than the -Christianity of the Church does. - -Mohammed’s idea of God is essentially that of the Old Testament, only he -gives greater prominence to the divine omnipotence and arbitrary -sovereignty, and less to the divine holiness. He attributes to God many -human features, but these no longer have the naïve and poetic charm -possessed by so many of the Old Testament anthropomorphisms. Everything -is done and determined by God; man must submit himself blindly; whence -the religion is called _Islám_ (“surrender”), and its professor _Muslim_ -(“one who surrenders himself”). Mohammed had the strongest antipathy for -the doctrines of the Trinity and the divine Sonship of Christ. True, his -acquaintance with these dogmas was superficial, and even the clauses of -the Creed that referred to them were not exactly known to him; but he -rightly felt that it was quite impossible to bring them into harmony -with simple genuine Semitic monotheism, and probably it was this -consideration alone that hindered him from embracing Christianity. - -According to the Koran, God makes known His will through prophets, of -whom, in the course of time, He has sent many into the world. From Jesus -down to the time of Mohammed, it was the duty of men to follow the -former and His gospel; the Jews incurred grave sin by rejecting Him. -Jesus was greater than all the prophets before Him; but the final -revelation was first made known through Mohammed. The earlier sacred -writings taught the same doctrine as the Koran, and bear witness to -Mohammed; but they had been falsified by the Jews and the Christians. -The laws which God laid down through the prophets are not necessarily in -harmony with each other, for God changes His ordinances at will; even in -the Koran itself He sometimes cancels commandments which He had -previously laid down in that very book. Mohammed is but a frail mortal, -only chosen of God. He is subject to sin, and without the gift of -miracles bestowed on former prophets. This last limitation, which is -clearly expressed in the Koran, was, as was to be expected, very soon -explained away by his followers, and numerous miracles are accordingly -related of him. - -God rewards good and punishes evil deeds; only, He is merciful, and is -easily propitiated by repentance. But the punishment of the impenitent -wicked will be fearful. The horrors of hell are vividly presented; we -can see how grievously the thought of them afflicted the Prophet -himself. In accordance with Christian precedent, he conceives of hell as -fire. In his description of the heavenly paradise, or “garden,” also, -Mohammed appropriates representations from the Old and New Testaments, -yet depicts its joys according to his own fancy. His picture of the -glory of the saints above can be properly understood only when the -reader remembers the barrenness of Mohammed’s native land and the -exceedingly simple manner of life of his countrymen. The bright-eyed -maidens who give their society to the righteous in paradise are the -innovation of a sensual nature. The crude representations of hell and -heaven took powerful hold of the Arab imagination, and unquestionably -contributed much to the diffusion and establishment of Islam. Other -eschatological imaginings, about the resurrection and the last judgment, -have an important _rôle_ in the Koran. All of them attach to older -ideas, and particularly to such as had already been borrowed from the -Persians by Judaism, and partly also by Christianity. Awe of the -judgment day was perhaps the most important cause of Mohammed’s becoming -a visionary and a prophet. The Koran has, of course, much to say of -angels and devils. Alongside of these figure also demons or _jinn_, -taken from Arab popular belief, but connected also with late Jewish -notions. The minor contradictions that naturally occur in such myths and -fancies have caused little difficulty to the ingenuity of interpreters, -and still less to the simple faith of the masses. - -The ethics of Islam are not so strict or earnest as those of Judaism. -Mohammed, it is true, insists on virtuous disposition and action, and is -energetic in his denunciations of vice: he urges honourable dealing, -benevolence, placability, and so forth, and requires men ever to be -mindful of God and of the retribution beyond the grave. But he is no -rigorist. His very crass doctrine of retribution, which governs the -rules of conduct, admits the application of commercial principles: the -consequences of sins can be averted by certain penances; under certain -circumstances one can rid oneself of the duty of fulfilling an -obligation, and even perjury can be made up for by good works. In dire -necessity even the faith may be denied in words (contrast Matt. x. 32, -33); against making a free use of this permission, Mohammedans have, it -is true, been protected by their pride and the strength of their -conviction. Islam is a thoroughly practical religion, which does not -make it necessary to explain away too high demands (such as those of -Matt. v. 33-41) by artificial interpretations. The Koran also has -comfort for the persecuted and the suffering; but it is too Arab—or, -shall we say, too natural and too manly?—to declare the poor and -oppressed to be in themselves happy. The Koran, further, pronounces all -earthly things to be indeed vain; yet it takes much account of human -wants and desires, and lays down definite regulations about property and -goods. If the Prophet had immediately met with recognition in his native -town, he might perhaps have founded a contemplative monkish community; -but, driven by necessity to become the ruler of a warrior State, he had -to follow another course. After some hesitation he finally preached war -against unbelievers as such; they have no choice but between acceptance -of Islam and extermination. Only to the professors of old religions of -revelation, that is to say, in the first instance, to Jews and -Christians, does it remain lawful to live on as subjects on payment of -tribute. The Moslem’s vocation, alike in this and in the future life, is -to rule the world. - -Islam has no mystical sacraments, although it has a number of external -observances. Originally Mohammed himself had attached the greatest value -to severe exercises of penance, such as watching and fasting; gradually -he relaxed much both to himself and to his followers, but an Oriental -religion wholly without mortifications of this kind is quite -unthinkable. Accordingly he made fasting in the month of Ramadán -obligatory in the sense that throughout the entire month, as long as the -sun is above the horizon, both eating and drinking are absolutely -forbidden. In Oriental heat this is a severe burden, and one can readily -believe that in the month of the fast, towards the end of the day, the -majority of the faithful are thinking much more about the enjoyments of -the coming night than about God and the hereafter. Still more important -than fasting is the _salát_. As with all Oriental Christians a certain -number of daily prayers are prescribed to the clergy, and partly also to -the laity, so Mohammed again, after some hesitation, finally fixed for -all believers that there should be five daily “prayers.” This _salát_ is -essentially different from what we call prayer. It consists in a fixed -series of bowings, prostrations, and other attitudes, accompanied by the -recitation of certain religious formulæ. Of course the worshipper is not -forbidden at other times or in other ways to call upon God in words of -his own; but to do so is not the official and obligatory action. Prayer -is preceded by an ablution; when water, a commodity of such rarity in -Arabia, is wanting, rubbing with sand can be substituted.[14] It is more -meritorious to take part in the public _salát_ of the community, -conducted by a leader (_Imám_), than to discharge the _salát_ by -oneself. Public attendance ought to be given, in particular, on Friday, -which is especially set apart for public worship, but in other respects -is regarded as a working day: the Sabbath rest is unknown to Islam. The -common prayer and its formalities have done much to give stability to -Islam. The multitudes, while doing what was indispensable for the -salvation of their souls, became trained to the habit of strictly -following a leader. As Von Kremer has pointed out, the mosque was the -drill ground for the warlike believers of early Islam. - -A noteworthy survival of Arab heathenism is the pilgrimage to Mecca. In -Mohammed’s native town there was a temple called the Caaba (“the die”), -with an object of ancient veneration, “the black stone.” This sanctuary -had gradually come to be the centre of pilgrimage for the greater part -of Arabia. In connection with this a lively trade was developed, which -must have been very advantageous to the inhabitants of Mecca, the -Koraish. Still more important for these was the circumstance that their -whole territory was held to be holy and inviolable, and that they had -the most favourable opportunities for entering into friendly relations -with the various Bedouin tribes. They were thus able to maintain a -caravan traffic with the old lands of civilisation beyond the desert and -its predatory nomads. In this way they not only became prosperous, but -also gained a great intellectual superiority over the other Arabs. As a -man of Koraish, Mohammed himself had grown up in pious reverence for the -Caaba and the black stone. Properly speaking, indeed, this reverence was -at variance with the principles of his religion; but he managed to -adjust matters by his theory that these holy things had been established -by Abraham, and only abused by the heathen. Possibly in this view he was -but following some Meccan predecessor whom Jews or Christians had told -about Abraham and Ishmael. The heathen of Mecca, of course, knew nothing -about these or any other characters of the Old Testament. That the -retention of this sanctuary on Mohammed’s part was due less to -calculation than to deeply rooted religious habit, seems to be shown by -this, among other things, that between his emigration and the capture of -Mecca, he frequently expressed his sorrow at being excluded from free -participation in the ceremonies there. When at last he made his entry as -a conqueror, he did away with all the open signs of idolatry, and in his -last Pilgrimage, shortly before his death, he finally fixed the -observances—some of them very peculiar—to be followed. Everything -heathenish was to disappear; or, if various things of that nature -remained, they were uncomprehended, and therefore inoffensive. Yet one -rock of offence was unremoved—the veneration of the old fetish—the -black stone, a veneration to which some consistent Moslems could only -reluctantly bring themselves, and which in later times is occasionally -even scoffed at by less steadfast believers. In strictness it is the -duty of every Moslem to take part in the yearly pilgrimage as often as -he can; but it is not contrary to the intention of Mohammed (who was -always ready to take account of practical difficulties), if the proviso -“as he can” is strongly accentuated in practice, and thus comparatively -few join in the expedition from the more distant lands of Mohammedanism. -With all this the pilgrimage has been a chief pillar of Islam. In Mecca -the most pious Moslems still meet from year to year out of regions so -remote as Turkestan, British and Dutch India, the Turkish dominions, -Morocco, and Nigritia, and exchange ideas and prejudices; a custom which -naturally helps to maintain the unity of the faith. What is of -particular importance is that many of the most zealous and learned -pilgrims stay permanently in Mecca, and from this centre labour to -promote the pure faith, and hostility against all idolaters (Europeans -in particular). - -Another relic of rude heathenism handed down from hoary antiquity is -circumcision. It is not specially enjoined in the Koran, but is taken -for granted as being the custom with all Arabs. It is not, however, -theoretically at least, an integral part of religion, as it is in -Judaism. - -Like the Jews, Mohammed puts a high value upon alms. Gradually, however, -he changed the freewill offering of love into a formal and somewhat -heavy tax, out of which not only were the poor supported, but also the -expenses of government were met. - -Mohammed’s laws relating to food are not nearly so complicated as those -of the Jews. The animals of which the Moslem, whether by Mohammed’s -injunction or by some later rule, may not eat are mostly such as men are -naturally averse to (_e.g._ carnivora). Only the pig and the dog are -wholly unclean. Moreover, it is lawful to eat only of such animals as -have been duly slaughtered with the formula: “In the name of God, the -compassionate Compassioner.” The Moslem, like the Jew, and, strictly -speaking, the Christian also (Acts xv. 20, 29, xxi. 25), is enjoined to -abstain from blood. But, in danger of death by starvation, he is -permitted the use of any food. Wine is interdicted; and under this name -the legislature meant to include all intoxicating drinks. No impartial -observer will deny that this regulation, much as it has been broken, has -proved a real blessing to all the lands of Islam. It is not certain -whether the prohibition of a favourite Arab game of chance (_meisir_), -in which pointless arrows were used as lots, is intended to include all -forms of gambling; perhaps Mohammed had in view only the heathenish -practices, or the wastefulness, that used to be associated with the -_meisir_. - -On the whole the ritual commands and prohibitions of Islam do not bear -with excessive hardness on the life of the Oriental, which in any case -moves somewhat monotonously in fixed forms. Of the anxious scrupulosity -with which Judaism discusses “clean” and “unclean,” “lawful” and -“unlawful,” there are but few traces, even in the writings of the later -theologians of Islam, not to speak of Mohammed himself, or the life of -his followers until now. - -Religion and the law of the State are not separated in Islam. Here, -accordingly, properly speaking, would be the place for considering the -whole system of civil and criminal law which Mohammed gave in the Koran -or in his spoken utterances. In his decisions, which were usually -occasioned by some particular case definitely before him at the moment, -he follows partly Arabian partly Jewish custom, but very often also the -promptings of his own mind. Completely to abolish blood revenge would -have been impossible, and probably was never in his thoughts; he only -bound it to the observance of certain forms. It is not the executive, -but the nearest relative of the slain that decides whether the murderer -shall die, or whether he shall buy himself off. - -The anomalies that can result when an individual man essays permanently -to fix the order of Church and State according to his own discretion on -the spur of the moment, are exemplified with singular clearness in the -Moslem calendar. The Arabs, like the majority of ancient peoples, had a -year of twelve true (lunar) months; and this, as often as seemed to be -required, they brought roughly into accordance with the solar year by -the intercalation of a thirteenth month. The intercalation was not very -skilful, it is true; still any trifling derangements of the calendar -which may have resulted were not such as could produce any practical -inconveniences in the simple relations of life in those days. But -Mohammed, who objected either to the inequality of the year, now of -twelve now of thirteen months, or to the connection that subsisted -between this arrangement of the calendar and the heathen system, shortly -before his death unfortunately took it into his head to ordain that -Moslems should have a movable lunar year of twelve lunar months, without -any intercalations whatever. Every Mohammedan year is thus some ten days -shorter than the solar year which governs the course of nature; so that -the Mohammedan festivals move in succession through all the seasons.[15] -The husbandman must accordingly everywhere provide himself with a second -(Christian or Persian) calendar, based upon the solar year, in addition -to the ecclesiastical one. A Mohammedan at thirty-three is no older than -a Christian at thirty-two. The conversion of Mohammedan into Julian or -(what is worse) Gregorian dates, is for the student who has not the -requisite tables at hand a very laborious task. - -The position of women was left by Mohammed essentially where it had been -among the Arabs. He limited polygamy somewhat, and made the separation -of women from men rather more strict. But Islam changed for the worse -the lot of women in those countries where polygamy had already -disappeared, and divorce was not so easy or so common as among the -Arabs. That the husband can dismiss the wife at any time, a moment of -ill-temper thus very often resulting in a divorce, is, moreover, a far -worse evil for Moslem society than its polygamy (which in practice is -not very extensive), or the permission it gives to take female slaves as -concubines. The Bedouins, who then, as they still do, showed the most -chivalrous respect for a defenceless woman, nevertheless placed the -weaker sex so low that they had no scruple in burying new-born girls -alive. This barbarity, which perhaps never occurred in the more -prosperous towns, was opposed by Mohammed at the very outset of his -career, and he afterwards completely suppressed it. The Arabs, further, -in their wars were accustomed to carry off the wives and children of -their enemies as prisoners or slaves; between Moslems this totally -ceased. On the other hand, by giving up the holy month’s “truce of God,” -Mohammed inflicted a serious injury on his country. His wish was to put -an end to all wars among his followers, but in this he was least -successful of all in Arabia, where to this day the feuds never cease -from year’s end to year’s end. - -The thought of abolishing slavery never so much as occurred to Mohammed -any more that it did to the apostles; but he declared manumission of -slaves to be a meritorious deed, and he gave to slaves a certain -security in the eye of the law. - -Islam in its original form as a whole ranks far below primitive -Christianity. In many respects it is not to be compared even with such -Christianity as prevailed, and still prevails, in the East; but in other -points, again, the new faith, simple, robust, in the vigour of its -youth, far surpassed the religion of the Syrian and Egyptian Christians, -which was in a stagnating condition, and steadily sinking lower and -lower into barbarism. Above all things, Islam gave, and gives, to those -who profess it a feeling of confidence such as is imparted by hardly any -other faith. The Moslem is proud of being a Moslem; he is convinced that -he is preferred by God before all other men, whom accordingly he -despises as fuel appointed for hell-fire. The Christian is bidden enter -into his closet to pray; the Moslem takes his stand, and especially when -unbelievers are near, in as conspicuous a place as possible for the -performance of his ceremonies of prayer. His heart has little part in -these, but he nevertheless feels himself raised by them, and equally so -whether he rightly understands the Arabic formulæ he repeats or not. -Islam is not very well fitted to produce purity and delicacy of feeling; -we shall be justified if we assume that during the first centuries of -its existence many a deep and finely-touched spirit had to pass through -severe inward struggles because his religious needs were not satisfied -by it. But all such struggles fully fought themselves out long ago, and -deep peace now fills every Moslem’s heart. All those who make faith and -assurance of salvation the chief heads of religion, ought to work for -Islam. A religion amongst the followers of which suicide is almost -absolutely unknown, has surely some claim on our respect. - -After Mohammed’s death (8th June 632) the most prominent of his -companions united to elect as his successor Abú Bekr, who had been his -most trusted friend. At first, indeed, it had cost some trouble to get -the Medinites, the old “helpers” of Mohammed, off the idea that one of -themselves ought to become the leader. But no attention was paid to the -sulking of Alí, whose wife, Fátima, was the only surviving child of his -cousin Mohammed. There was no doubt that the choice of Abú Bekr was what -the Prophet himself would have desired. But hardly had the Arabs heard -of Mohammed’s death when they rebelled _en masse_. Many renounced Islam -entirely; many attached themselves to new prophets who arose here and -there after the pattern of the Prophet of Mecca; others were willing to -retain Moslem prayer indeed, but not to pay taxes; in a word, Mohammed’s -whole work was brought into question. Then it was that the strength of -Islam, and of a firm will, was shown. Abú Bekr, assured as he was in his -own faith, scorned, even in the hour of most pressing need, to make any -concession whatever to the insurgents; he insisted on absolute -submission to the commands of Islam. The insurrections, which were -unconnected with each other, were for the most part easily quelled by -the Moslems, led as they were by a single will; but in some instances -torrents of blood had first to be shed. The military merit of these -deeds belongs chiefly to Khálid, “the sword of God,” a man of Koraish, -like almost all the prominent warriors and statesmen of that time, the -same who nine years before had turned the battle in favour of the -unbelieving Meccans against Mohammed at Mount Ohod. - -As soon as all Arabia had been again brought into subjection, the great -wars of conquest began. It was certainly good policy to turn the -recently subdued tribes of the wilderness towards an external aim in -which they might at once satisfy their lust for booty on a grand scale, -maintain their warlike feeling, and strengthen themselves in their -attachment to the new faith. But I do not believe those undertakings to -have been mainly the result of cool political calculation. Mohammed -himself had already sent expeditions across the Roman frontier, and -thereby had pointed out the way to his successors. To follow in his -footsteps was in accordance with the innermost being of the youthful -Islam, already grown great amid the tumult of arms. The Bedouins knew -uncommonly little Koran, but on such children of nature it is success -that makes the deepest impression. That faith which had subdued -themselves, and which was now leading them on to victory and plunder, -must be true; very soon there was no one to doubt this. Though the -nomads among the Arabs have naturally few religious needs, they yet -possess as the purest of all Semites a deeply-seated religious -disposition; and this simple religion, which corresponded to their -inclinations and flattered their self-esteem, soon took entire -possession of them. Under the sagacious, clear-headed, and strong-handed -Omar (634-644), the fresh force of the new faith, and the warlike -disposition of the Arab people, now united for the first time, and led -by great generals, speedily achieved successes against the Romans and -the Persians of which Mohammed had never so much as dreamed. This -astonishing overturn is, when all has been said, not easy of -explanation. It is indeed true that both empires were in a state of -decay. Both were at the moment terribly weakened by the wars they had -waged with each other during the first three decades of the century. The -Persian empire, which had finally been vanquished after long years of -victory, had, moreover, been shaken both before and after the conclusion -of the peace by bloody struggles about the succession to the throne. On -the other hand, both Byzantium and Persia had at their command genuine -soldiers regularly armed and disciplined. The traditions of Roman -warfare were not yet entirely lost, and the Persians still possessed -their dreaded cuirassiers, before whom, in better times, even the armies -of Rome had often fled. The reduction of the fortified towns must in any -case have been at least as severe a task to the Arabs as it was to the -Goths and Huns, who were by nature much more warlike peoples. Moreover, -Persia, when the chief attack upon its territory was made, happened to -have come once more under the rule of a firm hand. Its king, indeed, -Yezdegerd III., was a boy; but the royal power and the command of the -army were held by a man of energy and bravery—Rustem, the head of one -of the first princely houses of the empire. Yet these wretchedly armed -Arabs, fighting, not in regularly organised military divisions, but by -families and clans, and under leaders who never before had faced -disciplined troops, after long struggle overcame Rustem and his mighty -hosts (636); soon afterwards took the fortified capital, Ctesiphon -(637); and, a few years later, by the decisive battle of Neháwend (640, -641, or 642), brought the empire itself to the ground. How was such a -thing possible? The Arabs’ own explanation indeed was very simple: “God -took away the courage of the uncircumcised;” “God smote the Persians;” -“God slew Rustem.” In such words, so thoroughly like those of the Old -Testament, we can only recognise how great a force lies in the rudest -religious conviction. Almost more marvellous are the conquests they -gained on Roman territory. The emperor Heraclius was certainly the -greatest man who had held the empire since Constantine and Julian. He -was an astute diplomatist, a very competent general, and, as a soldier, -bold even to rashness. How could it come about that he of all men was -compelled to yield up to the sons of the desert the territories he had -wrested back from the Persians? We certainly are aware of one or two -circumstances which made their conquests easier to the Arabs. Most of -the inhabitants of Syria, and almost all the Egyptians, were Monophysite -heretics, and as such had experienced great oppression at the hands of -the Orthodox Byzantines; they accordingly aided and abetted the Arabs as -occasion offered, especially as they might promise themselves some -relief of the burden of taxation through the latter. The Syrian -Nestorians also, who formed the majority of the inhabitants of the -richest lands of the Persian empire (those on the Tigris and on the -lower Euphrates), we may believe to have been more favourably inclined -to the Arabs than to the Persians. But in connection with conquests like -these, much weight is hardly to be assigned to the sympathies and -antipathies of unwarlike peasants and townsmen. More important, perhaps, -is the circumstance that the numerous Arab tribes, which had been -subject to the Roman and Persian rule although for the most part -nominally Christian, appear to have gone over to the Moslems almost -unanimously soon after the first victories. It would be possible to -multiply explanations still further, yet the phenomenon continues -mysterious as before. Rhetorical expressions about the decaying -condition of both empires, and the youthful energy of the Moslems, are -unsatisfying to the inquirer who keeps the concrete facts before him. - -Omar, who became Mohammed’s successor or “substitute” (_Khalífa_) after -Abú Bekr’s brief rule of two years, and who was the first to assume the -title of “Commander of the Faithful” (_Emír almúminín_), organised a -complete military-religious commonwealth. The Arabs, the people of God, -became a nation of warriors and rulers. The precepts of the religion -were strictly maintained; the Caliph lived as simply as the meanest of -his subjects. But the enormous booty and the taxes levied on the -vanquished supplied the means of giving adequate pay to every Arab. This -pay, the amount of which was graduated according to a definite scale, -and in which women and children also participated, was raised as the -revenues increased. For the leading principle was that everything won -from enemies and subjects belonged to Moslems collectively, and -therefore all that remained over after payment of common expenses had to -be divided. But in the conquered territories the Arabs were not allowed -to hold landed property; they were only to set up camps. It was bad for -Islam, but good for the world, that this military communist constitution -did not last long. It was contrary to human nature; and, besides, the -receipts did not permanently continue to come in on such a scale as -afforded adequate pay to every one. The principle also, that new -converts of foreign nationality must be placed on a level with the -Arabs, was not yet capable of being fully carried out; the aristocratic -feeling of the Arabs long stood out against making a reality of that -equality among its professors which Islam demanded. - -Under Omar’s successor, Othmán (644-656), the field of conquest was -still further and greatly extended; but the purely warlike character of -the State was nevertheless already somewhat abated, permission being now -given to Arabs to hold landed property in the newly-acquired regions. -The landed proprietor and the peasant are naturally less inclined for -expeditions of distant conquest than is the mere soldier. The principle -of at least relative equality in profit-sharing was violently broken -through by the bestowal of crown domains on persons of prominence. The -conversion of the religious into a secular State followed rapidly and -inevitably. The secular State, it is true, still remained in relations -of the closest kind with religion,—much closer than those of the -so-called Christian State anywhere in modern times,—but the attempts to -set up the empire of Islam again upon a purely religious basis ended in -failure. - -In the supreme command there was no hereditary succession. Abú Bekr was, -as we have seen, chosen to be Caliph by the most influential Meccan -Companions of the Prophet. Abú Bekr himself had finally nominated as his -successor Omar, his right-hand man, and the second most intimate friend -and counsellor of the Prophet. Omar, himself the ideal of a Moslem -ruler, clearly thought none of his own companions quite worthy of the -command. He arranged accordingly that after his death five of the most -distinguished of the old friends of Mohammed should decide as to who -among themselves ought to succeed. After long deliberation they united -upon Othmán. Now Othmán had been, it is true, one of the very first to -acknowledge Mohammed as a prophet, and he had successively married two -daughters of the latter; but he belonged to the Omayyads, one of the -most prominent families of pre-Islamite Mecca, the head of which, Abú -Sufyán, had for years been leader in the struggle against Mohammed and -the Medinites. Preference for kinsmen is deeply seated in the blood of -every genuine Arab, and the Prophet himself was not free from it. Omar, -who in many respects was a more consistent exponent of Islam than -Mohammed, never laid himself open to the smallest charge of nepotism, -but Othmán was a weak man; he showed exorbitant favour to his relatives, -and in a short time a number of the most important and profitable posts -were in the hands of Omayyads—able men for the most part, but of an -intensely worldly disposition. The good Othmán was not himself conscious -of anything wrong in this; but many of his subjects saw the matter in -another light. The righteous indignation of some strict Moslems, the -tumultuary disposition of the mass of the people, and very specially -also the instigations of three of the five men who had formed the -electoral college after Omar’s death,—Alí, Talha, and Zubair,—as also -of Aïsha, daughter of Abú Bekr, and the intriguing favourite of the -Prophet, resulted in a rebellion, in which the grey-headed Othmán was -put to death (17th June 656). This deed of violence was an evil -precedent for many subsequent scenes of terror, the beginning of bloody -civil wars, and eventual schisms. The slayers of Othmán called Alí to -the caliphate; Talha and Zubair also acknowledged him, but soon broke -their word, and united with Aïsha against him. Alí’s bravery was soon a -match for these enemies; but already another and more formidable -opponent had arisen in the person of the astute Moáwiya, son of the Abú -Sufyán mentioned above, who had long been governor of Syria, and held -sway there like a prince. The struggle was carried on with animosity for -years. Moáwiya came forward as avenger of his kinsman Othmán. As the -powerful head of the family, he was, according to old Arab ideas, well -entitled, and indeed bound to do this, and Islam had not abolished this -view of his duty. But, as successor of Mohammed, the son of the man who -had led the heathen against him at Ohod and in the battle of the Fosse, -could, of course, set up no other claim than the unconditional -attachment of his troops and the superiority of his own genius. Alí also -was without hereditary right, and the proclamation by Othmán’s slayers -was a very doubtful title in law; but as kinsman, favourite, pupil, -son-in-law of Mohammed, he might well seem better suited to represent -the interests of religion than Moáwiya, who also, however, appears to -have been an acceptable person with the Prophet in his declining years. -The Moslems who were faithful to their convictions accordingly went over -for the most part to Alí’s side, especially the Medinites, who (or their -fathers) had once fought Mohammed’s battles, but were now being more and -more thrust into the background by the lukewarm Moslems of Mecca. In the -heat of controversy the view for the first time germinated that Alí had -a divine right to the supreme power, and that even Abú Bekr, Omar, and -Othmán had been usurpers. Those who hold this view are the Shíites -proper, the partisans (_shía_) of Alí. The great majority of the -Moslems, on the other hand, recognise, indeed, Alí’s right as against -Moáwiya, but also hold the first three caliphs for legitimate. And, -indeed, many good Moslems stood by Moáwiya in this struggle, and by -other sovereigns of his family thereafter, though since the fall of the -Omayyads few Moslems would justify Moáwiya’s appearance against Alí. In -the disorders of this time there now arose also a new extreme radical -party, who denied the right of all claimants, and awarded the command to -“the best.” These people, the Kharijites (_Khawárij_, “dissenters”), -certainly had hold of a fundamental idea of Moslem, which they developed -to the utmost; they were in a certain sense in the right, but on such -principles as theirs it would be impossible to establish any State, and -least of all in the East. They were fanatics who sought to carry out -their ideas with the wildest energy and the most desperate bravery, and -to a certain extent they maintained a loyalty to conviction worthy of -all admiration; but they only caused a great deal of suffering, and -produced nothing. The controversy about the caliphate has long ago -ceased to have any concrete bearings, but it still continues to divide -the Mohammedan world. Historical tradition on the subject is very rich, -but greatly coloured by party feeling. It is much too favourable to Alí, -and fails to show Moáwiya quite in his full historical importance. -Naturally it does not allow us to see, except dimly, that at bottom the -struggles really had reference merely to the plunder, and were only the -expression in another direction of the same wild warrior spirit which -shortly before had gained the mastery over Persians and Romans. In the -older time, however, people were sometimes able to see rather more -clearly how much of human passion—very often passion of the lowest -kind—was at work in these civil wars in spite of all the religious -party cries. To a truly pious Moslem it must often have caused the -gravest reflections to see how unworthily such persons as Talha, Zubair, -Aïsha, and, essentially, Alí also had conducted themselves, while yet -the Prophet had long before promised a place in heaven to them all. - -Alí was a thoroughly brave man, but could hardly be called a general, -was certainly wanting in true insight, and in no sense whatever born to -be a leader. He fell (22nd January 661) by the dagger of one of three -Kharijites who had brought themselves under an oath to remove both the -rivals, and also Amr, the powerful governor of Egypt, so as to make a -free choice possible; but the attempts on Moáwiya and on Amr failed. By -this deed of blood Alí was delivered from the humiliation of living to -see everything fall to the clever Omayyad. The death of the rival left -the road clear; Moáwiya assumed the title of Caliph. Alí’s incapable -son, Hasan, gave in his submission without much difficulty, in -consideration of a handsome pension. The governor of Syria, now -universally recognised as chief of the Believers, paid every regard to -the stricter Moslems; his outward demeanour was entirely that of a -spiritual prince (he preached, for example, every Friday in the mosque, -as the Prophet and previous Caliphs had done, and as was also the -practice of provincial governors and of generals), but he was none the -less a secular ruler. The support of himself and of his house were “the -people of Syria,”—that is to say, not, of course, the old inhabitants -of the country, but the Arab troops that had settled there. The -Omayyads, accordingly, were compelled to retain Damascus, the most -important town in Syria, as their capital, although it had no such -religious nimbus as invested Medina, the residence of the Prophet and -his first successors, and although it lay too far to the west to be a -good point from which to keep watch over the numerous subject countries -in the east. The Omayyad rule set up by Moáwiya had to encounter many -storms. The unchurchly and even frivolous demeanour of some members of -the dynasty embittered the Faithful and encouraged a variety of -pretenders, as well as the wild Kharijites, to repeated outbreaks, which -were not suppressed without much bloodshed. Twice was the holy city of -Mecca desecrated by troops of the Omayyad Caliphs (683 and 692); and the -unruly sons and grandsons of Mohammed’s most faithful champions, the -Medinites, were cut down by the soldiers of Yezíd, Moáwiya’s son, in -their native place, the city of the Prophet (28th August 683). It was -against this same Caliph, a man pretty much without religion, that Alí’s -second son Husain also rose in rebellion. The rising, like most others -that proceeded from the family of Alí, was begun and carried on in a -headless way, and was suppressed with little trouble. To all appearance -it was an affair of absolutely no consequence; but the way in which men -regard a matter is often more important than the matter itself. Even -contemporaries were deeply impressed to see the grandson of the Prophet -put to death by the satellites of the profane Caliph, and his bloody -head set up to open show after the common fashion of the East. Husain, -the thoughtless rebel, was in the eyes of pious Moslems metamorphosed -into a martyr, and his glory grew with time. The cry of “vengeance for -Husain” contributed much to the downfall of the Omayyad throne. To this -day the Shíites observe the anniversary of Husain’s death as a day of -mourning, which never fails to stir up deep emotion and wild rage in -their bosoms; and with them Kerbelá, where he perished on 12th October -681, is a site almost as holy as Mecca and Medina. The non-Shíite -Mohammedans also acknowledge Husain to have been a holy martyr, and hold -in the deepest abhorrence the light-living but by no means wicked -Yezíd.—If the dynasty of the Omayyad Caliphs was imperilled by the -hostility of the stricter Moslems, it received injury from another -quarter through the religious zeal of the only really pious man among -them, the honest but narrow idealist Omar II. (717-720), who sought with -all his might to bring the Koran into practice, and to restore once more -the constitution of Omar, but of course brought about dire -disorganisation as the sole result. - -Although the Omayyads produced great rulers, they failed, for various -reasons, to establish an enduring empire. Their fall was inevitable when -they themselves, and with them the Syrian troops on whose support they -were wholly dependent, began to quarrel; and a rival family came upon -the scene, that of the Abbásids. The descendants of Mohammed’s uncle -Abbás, who became a convert to Islam only on the capture of Mecca, and -who never had any conspicuous _rôle_, lived for a long time in -obscurity. But now they had the wit to turn to account the powerful -apparatus which the descendants of Alí had prepared for the undermining -of the empire. Much was made of ambiguous expressions, such as “the -right of the house of Háshim” (which included Abbás as well as Alí) and -“the right of the family of the Prophet” (which might suggest his uncle -quite as readily as his cousin and son-in-law); there was word also of -an alleged transfer of the hereditary right by one of the descendants of -Alí to the Abbásids. The chiefs of the latter family succeeded in -winning over to their side a large portion of the troops in the remoter -part of Eastern Persia (Khorásán), which could not be kept under firm -control from Damascus. These troops consisted for the most part of -Persians who had accepted Islam, but were anything but friendly to the -Arabs. After severe struggles the Abbásids were victorious (750). Few -members of the fallen house escaped the terrible massacre. - -The triumph of the Abbásids made an end of the purely Arab, and at the -same time of the purely Semitic, State; in it we see, in a great -measure, a reaction of the Persian element, and a repristination of the -old Asiatic world-empires, the structure of which had been at least a -little more stable. It was not a mere casual circumstance that forthwith -and from the first the seat of government was transferred to where it -had been held successively by Achemenids, Arsacids, and Sásánians,—the -plains of the lower Euphrates and Tigris. There arose the proud city of -the Caliphs, Bagdad. The Abbásids paid more external respect to religion -than the Omayyads had done, but they were in reality quite as -worldly-minded. Over and above this, there showed itself in them a very -unpleasing strain of insincerity. The first two Caliphs of the family -were nevertheless very considerable men. The second in particular, -Mansúr (754-775), was one of the greatest princes, one of the most -unscrupulous also, that ever have guided a mighty empire. He it was who -established the Mohammedan empire on a firm basis.[16] Under his -grandson Hárún ar-Rashíd (786-809) the caliphate unquestionably enjoyed -its period of greatest splendour, although Hárún himself was very far -from being a great ruler. In his day almost all the lands from the -Jaxartes and the Indus to near the Pillars of Hercules obeyed the -Caliph. The Arabs had ceased to be the props of the empire, but the -Arabic language had spread far and wide; it was the language of -religion, of government, of poetry, and of the science that was just -rising. On the banks of the Tigris there flourished a civilisation more -brilliant than under the best of the Sásánians. A fair measure of quiet -prevailed in most of the provinces, and thus the enormous prodigality of -the court did not press upon the subjects beyond endurance. Syria and -the adjoining lands found themselves in better circumstances than they -had for a long time experienced. True, the administration was very -defective if judged according to modern ideas; but good government in -the East must be measured by a very modest standard. The Christian -population had gone over to Islam _en masse_. The desire to stand on an -equality with the conquerors in the eye of the law, and to pay -diminished taxes, was, of course, a powerful motive to this; but no less -strong an influence was the suitability of Islam to Oriental peasants -and townsfolk of the humbler class, especially as God Himself had by the -event declared Himself in its favour. The Christian Churches of the East -have never been very persevering in their zeal to educate and elevate -their adherents on the spiritual side; they have always attached the -principal importance to the externalities of worship, confessional -formulas, and the condemnation of heretics. A fact specially worthy of -note is that Islam was accepted by a majority of the East-Syrian -Christians even,—the Nestorians of the lands watered by the Tigris, -whose ancestors could not be brought to apostasy by all the fierce -persecutions of the Persian kings. In explaining this result, perhaps -some weight ought to be assigned also to the consideration that, in -adopting the priestless religion of Islam, the Christians got rid of the -tutelage and oppression of their own clergy. Speaking generally, the -civilisation of the Syrians, Copts, and other Oriental Christians lost -but little by their change of faith. Islam, of course, severed many old -associations that made for culture, but in compensation for these it -called many new germs into life. Conversions were seldom due to direct -compulsion. The pious rejoiced when Christians accepted Islam in crowds; -but to the rulers these conversions were, for the most part, positively -unwelcome, as the converts were thereby relieved from the heaviest of -the taxes, and their change of faith thus meant a serious decrease of -revenue. Nor were Christians systematically maltreated. They had indeed -to suffer much repression and scorn, and to make up their minds to a -position of inferiority; for, apart from the legal inferiority of -non-Moslems as merely protected aliens, Islam gives to its followers a -tone of haughty contempt for all outsiders.[17] Moreover, the lords, -great and small, whose exactions pressed so hard even on their Moslem -subjects, saw still less reason to spare unbelievers. But this is the -Oriental way in everything. The different Christian Churches might keep -up their controversies as before, if they chose, but they could no -longer actually persecute one another. It was certainly easier for a man -to live as a Christian under the rule of the Caliphs than as a Christian -heretic within the Byzantine empire. The situation of the adherents of -the old Persian religion in the East was similar to that of the -Christians in the West, save that their legal position was not so firmly -secured by unambiguous passages of the Koran. In some parts of the old -Persian empire conversion to Islam on a large scale took place very -early; but in others, and particularly in Persia proper, the national -faith long persisted with great tenacity. - -The decline of the Abbásid caliphate begins with the celebrated Mámún -(813-833). Hárún by his last will had foolishly divided the empire -between his sons Amín and Mámún, but reserving for the former the -suzerainty and title of Caliph. The natural consequence was civil war. -After desperate struggles the incapable Amín, who both on the father’s -and on the mother’s side was a descendant of Mansúr, lost his throne and -life through the Khorásán troops of Mámún, whose mother had been a -Persian slave. It was a fresh victory of the Persian over the Arabian -interest. Through these occurrences, which were followed by further -confusions, the governors who headed the troops of their respective -provinces, and also the commanders of the mercenaries, in many cases -reached a dangerous degree of power. Táhir, to whom Mámún was mainly -indebted for his successes, established for himself, and handed on to -his descendants, in the important province of Khorásán, a principality -which was but loosely dependent on the caliphate. Mámún knew neither how -to keep his victorious generals in their proper places, nor how to -destroy them, as Mansúr had done. That he was hindered by scruples of -conscience, no one will believe who duly considers his conduct towards -Músá, the descendant of Alí. In order to win over the still powerful -Shíite party, Mámún had made it great concessions, and had taken steps, -which can hardly have been sincere, to secure the succession to Músá. -But when he came to encounter the energetic opposition of his own house -and its immediate dependants, he secretly made away with that -unfortunate prince. Mámún had great interest in art and science, and -favoured the translation into Arabic of Greek scientific works. But -along with this he had an unfortunate liking for theological -controversy. - -The Caliphs from this time leaned for support on great bands of foreign -mercenaries, chiefly Turks, and their captains became the real lords of -the empire as soon as they realised their own strength. How thoroughly -the Abbásid caliphate had been undermined was shown all at once in a -shocking manner, when the Caliph Mutawakkil was murdered by his own -servants at the command of his son, and the parricide Muntasir set upon -the throne in his stead (Dec. 861). The power of the Caliphs was now at -an end; they became the mere playthings of their own savage warriors. -The remoter, sometimes even the nearer, provinces were practically -independent. The princes formally recognised the Caliph as their -sovereign, stamped his name upon their coins, and gave it precedence in -public prayer, but these were honours without any solid value. Some -Caliphs, indeed, recovered a measure of real power, but only as rulers -of a much diminished State. Theoretically the fiction of an undivided -empire of Islam was maintained, but it had long ceased to be a reality. -The names of Caliph, Commander of the Faithful, Imám, continued still to -inspire some reverence; the theological doctors of law insisted that the -Caliph, in spiritual things at least, must everywhere bear rule, and -control all judicial posts; but even theoretically his position was far -behind that of a pope, and in practice was not for a moment to be -compared to it. The Caliph never was the head of a true hierarchy; -Islam, in fact, knows no priesthood on which such a system could have -rested. In the tenth century the Búids, three brothers who had left the -hardly converted Gílán (the mountainous district at the south-west angle -of the Caspian Sea) as poor adventurers, succeeded in conquering for -themselves the sovereign command over wide domains, and over Bagdad -itself. They even proposed to themselves to displace the Abbásids and -set descendants of Alí upon the throne, and abandoned the idea only -because they feared that a Caliph of the house of Alí might exercise too -great an authority over their Shíite soldiers, and so become -independent; while, on the other hand, they could make use of these -troops for any violence they chose against the Abbásid puppet who sat in -Mansúr’s seat. - -It was this period that for the first time witnessed any great successes -of the Shíites. Out of what had originally been a political party a -sect, or rather a number of sects, had gradually grown. The doctrine of -the divine right of Alí and his descendants had under foreign -influences, Christian and Persian, gradually developed into a complete -or partial deification. At the beginning of the Abbásid period there -were some who taught the divinity of Alí without qualification, and if -the majority of Shíites energetically repudiated this, they nevertheless -believed in a supernatural, divine illumination of Alí and his -descendants the Imáms, or even that the Spirit of God passed from the -one to the other of these. As early as 750, dreams were cherished of the -Messianic return of “a hidden Imám;” and the names of Abú Bekr, Omar, -and Aïsha were cursed more fervently than those of the Omayyads. Here, -as in other things, the ground of Islam was entirely abandoned; but men, -of course, concealed this from themselves, by putting allegorical -interpretations upon the sacred book, and by setting up against the -(certainly much falsified) tradition or “sunna” of the orthodox -(“Sunnites”) a still more falsified sunna of their own. Moreover, from -the simple Shíitism that is still essentially Islamitic, many -intermediate connecting links lead over to strange heathenish sects, as -offshoots of which we still have (for example) the Druses and the -Nosairians. The first actually Shíite empire on a large scale was that -of the Fatimid Caliphs, founded (about 910) by Obaidalláh, a real or -alleged descendant of Alí. He thoroughly understood how to utilise the -credulity of the Berbers so as to become master over large territories -in North Africa. But his connections reached also far into Asia. He and -his successors allowed themselves to be regarded by their intimate -dependants as supernatural beings. A court poet says (about 970) of the -Fatimid, in whose service he is, things which the genuine Moslem could -at most allow to be said of the Prophet himself. Thus in some measure we -are able to understand how it has come to pass that one of them, and he -the crazy Hákim (996-1021), is worshipped by the Druses as God. But -while the Fatimids imposed some reserve upon themselves in their own -proper kingdom, where the Shíites were certainly in the minority, they -gave a free hand to their partisans elsewhere. The Karmatians in Arabia -utilised the plundering zeal of the Bedouins for their own ends, -threatened the capital of the Abbásids, fell upon the pilgrim caravans, -and finally, during the pilgrim festival, forced their way on one -occasion into Mecca, perpetrated a horrible massacre, and carried off -the black stone of the Caaba (930). This was an open breach with Islam. -The Fatimid Caliph disavowed the Karmatians, but we know that they had -acted on his suggestion, and they subsequently (951), at the command of -his successor, again restored the holy stone for a heavy payment. After -their conquest of Egypt (969) the Fatimids were the most powerful -princes of Islam, and it seemed at times as if even the form of power -had passed from the Abbásids. The Fatimids, moreover, governed -excellently as a rule, and brought Egypt to a high pitch of prosperity. -But at last they, too, shared the usual fate of Oriental dynasties; the -Abbásids lived to see the utter downfall (1171) of their worst rivals, -and continued to enjoy for nearly a century longer the empty -satisfaction of being named in public prayer in Egypt as Commanders of -the Faithful. Since then there has never been another Shíite Caliph. - -In the history of Islamite peoples the politico-religious controversies -which turned upon the right to the caliphate are by far the most -important. But alongside of these there were a multitude of purely -dogmatic disputes. Above all, Islam was agitated with the old and ever -new question as to whether, and how far, man is a free or a determined -agent in his purposes and actions. The Koran, generally speaking, -teaches a rather crass determinism. According to the Koran, God is the -author of everything, including the dispositions of men; He guides whom -He wills, and leads into error whom He wills. But at a very early period -some pious souls began to take offence at the horrible thought that God -should thus have foreordained multitudes of men to sin and to the -everlasting pains of hell. They could recognise a divine righteousness -only if God leaves men free to choose between good and evil, and -determines the retribution according to the character of the choice. -They found points of support for this doctrine of theirs in the Koran -itself; for Mohammed, who was anything but a consistent thinker, has in -his revelations often treated man as free. A popular teacher of religion -will, it is clear, whatever be his inclination to determinism, -inevitably find himself ever and anon addressing himself to his hearers, -in his exhortations to faith and virtue, as if they were in possession -of freedom of will. The people who taught in this strain were called -Kadarites. Possibly they were not wholly exempt from Christian -influences. The procedure of their successors, the Mutazila -(“Dissidents”), was more systematic. They constituted a school of a -strongly rationalistic tendency, and with the aid of Greek dialectic, -with which the Arabs became acquainted first in a limited degree, and -afterwards much more fully, through the Syrians, reduced their orthodox -opponents to desperation. They also opposed with special zeal the -proposition that the Koran is uncreated.[18] This dogma was certainly in -flagrant contradiction to the fundamental position of the Koran itself. -On this point the Mutazila were in reality the orthodox; but it could -hardly fail to happen that in the heat of debate some went further, and -thought of the Koran altogether more lightly than befits a Moslem. The -fair beginning of a truly progressive movement which was involved in -this was inevitably checked within Islam at a very early stage. The -school of the Mutazila could hardly have attained to any significance at -all had it not been favoured by some of the earlier Abbásids. Mámún -especially took sides with great zeal for the doctrine that the Koran is -created. But that he is not on this account to be designated as in any -sense a “friend of free thought,” is evident from the fact that he -imposed severe punishments on those theologians who publicly avowed -their adherence to the opposite doctrine then generally prevalent. So -also his successors, down to Mutawakkil, who reversed the condition of -matters, and caused it to be taught that the Koran is increate.—Another -controversy had reference to the divine attributes. The Koran in its -unsophisticated anthropomorphism attributes human qualities to God -throughout, speaks also of His hands, of the throne on which He sits, -and so forth. The original Moslems took this up simply as it was -written; but, later, many were stumbled by it, and sought to put such a -construction on the passages as would secure for the Koran a purer -conception of God. Some denied all divine attributes whatever, inasmuch -as, being eternal equally with Himself, they would, if granted, -necessarily destroy the divine unity, and establish a real polytheism. -Many conceded only certain abstract qualities. On the other hand, some -positively maintained the corporeity of God,—in other words, an -anthropomorphism of the crassest kind, which even Mohammed would have -rejected. The Mutazila maintained their dialectical superiority until -Ash‘arí (in the first third of the tenth century), who had been educated -in their schools, took the dialectic method into the service of -orthodoxy. It was he who created the system of orthodox dogmatic. Of -course the later dogmatists did not in all points agree with him, and by -some of them, on account of some remains of rationalism in his teaching, -he was even regarded as heterodox. Since Ash‘arí’s time the commonly -accepted doctrine on the three controverted points just mentioned has -been:—(1) God produces the good as well as the evil deeds of man, -although the latter has a certain measure of independence in his -appropriation of them. (2) The Koran is eternal and increate. Some -maintain this, indeed, only with regard to the original of the sacred -book in heaven, but others hold it also of the words and letters of the -book as it exists on earth. (3) God really has the attributes which are -attributed to Him in the Koran; it is a matter of faith that He has -hands and feet, sits on His throne, and so on, but it is profane -curiosity to inquire as to how these things can be. Whatever be the -exceptions that a man may take to any of these doctrines, the first and -the third at least are in entire accord with the Koran—even in respect -of their illogicality. The Mutazilite, like other rationalistic -movements which make their appearance here and there in Islam, may -awaken our sympathy, but they are too plainly in contradiction with the -essence of a crassly supranaturalistic religion; and this explains how -it is that at a later date only a few isolated after-effects of the -Mutazila continue to be met with. We must be particularly careful not to -attach undue importance to these controversies of the school. The -Mohammedan people as a mass was hardly touched by them. The same holds -good of other dogmatic differences, unless, perhaps, when they happened -to have a political side also; as, for example, the dispute between the -rigorists, who regarded every grave sin as “unbelief,” of which the -punishment is hell; and those who, on the other side, gave prominence to -the divine mercy. The former was the doctrine of the Kharijites, who -declared Othmán, Alí, Aïsha, Moáwiya, and many other “Companions” of -Mohammed to have been unbelievers; while their opponents, more in the -spirit of the Prophet, left it with God to pronounce judgment on these -as well as on others who might have fallen into sin. - -The theologico-juristical schools are of much greater practical -importance than the dogmatic. In Islam “law” embraces ritual also in the -widest sense of the word; for example, the rules of prayer (_salát_), -purification, pilgrimage. Law, like dogma, rests upon the Koran and upon -tradition. But this tradition is a very heterogeneous composition. All -of it is alleged to come from the Prophet, and much of it can, in fact, -be traced back to him; but a great deal has another origin. Mohammed’s -doctrine and example could not in reality suffice as rules of life for -highly-developed peoples. The law and custom of the Arabs, and still -more of the lands of ancient civilisation which accepted Islam, opinions -of the school, political tendencies, and many other such things, are the -real sources of much that is given out as precept or practice of the -Prophet. It is only recently that scholars have begun to see on how -great a scale traditions were fabricated. In many cases it was believed -in good faith that one was justified in ascribing immediately to the -Prophet whatever one held to be right in itself and worthy of him; but -other falsifications arose from baser motives. In this mass of -traditions, which claim to be binding on all true believers, many -contradictions, of course, occur. Hence there arose, from the eighth -century onwards, a variety of schools whose masters determined for their -disciples the rules of law, in the widest sense of that word, on the -basis of those traditions which they themselves regarded as correct. The -impulse to reconcile internal differences, which is exceedingly strong -in Islam, was not successful indeed in removing the discrepancies of the -schools of law, but it was able to extend recognition to four of them -(which had very soon thrown all the others into the shade) as equally -orthodox. These orthodox schools differed from one another in a number -of juristic and ritual particulars, but were practically at one on all -the most important principles. Every Sunnite is under obligation to hold -by the prescriptions of one or other of the four schools. These go -deeply into the affairs of daily life, especially in what relates to -forms of worship and to the regulation of the family; but on another -side, again, they are exceedingly doctrinaire, often presupposing as -they do an ideal State, such as never existed even under Omar, and by no -means the actual conditions of greedy Oriental despotism. Of these the -Hanbalite school has now almost entirely disappeared, and the Hanefites, -Sháfiites, and Málikites are distributed over the countries of Sunnite -Islam.—Shíite law is something different from that of any of these four -schools. - -The supreme authority in law, as in other things, is the consensus of -the whole Mohammedan world—that is to say, the generally accepted -opinion. It decides upon the validity of traditions, and also upon the -interpretation of the Koran. For in Islam, as in other Churches, it is -only the accepted interpretation of the sacred book that is of -consequence to believers, however violent may be the disagreement -between this interpretation and the original sense. The consensus of the -entire body of Mohammedanism is, of course, an ideal that is never -actually realised, but nevertheless it has great practical importance. -By its means gradual recognition came to be accorded to things which -were foreign, and even opposed, to the teaching of Mohammed—as, for -example, the worship of saints. It silently tolerates all kinds of local -variations, but exercises a steady pressure towards an ever-extending -realisation of its binding prescriptions. - -From the prosperous period of the Abbásids onwards, freethinking spread -to a considerable extent among the more highly-cultivated classes. Some -poets ventured to ridicule or gainsay, more or less openly, fundamental -doctrines of Islam, and even the faith itself. Persian writers -expressed, in prose and verse, their detestation of Arabism; and the -reflecting reader noted that the detestation extended to the Arab -religion. One may imagine what expressions were used in conversation in -such circles. The scholastic philosophers contrived for the most part to -accommodate themselves outwardly to Islamite dogma, and often, we may be -sure, in good faith; but the theologians nevertheless, and with reason, -held them in deep suspicion; the old pagan Aristotle, on whom they -leaned, fits in with Islam even less than with Christianity. All sorts -of ideas—some of them very fantastic, of Persian and other foreign -origin, and distinctly non-Islamite—also from time to time met with -acceptance in the cultivated world. Once and again, indeed, a quite too -audacious freethinker or heretic was executed; but in general people -were allowed to speak and write freely, if only they put on a touch of -Mohammedan varnish. Islam has no inquisition, and accepts as a Moslem -the man who externally professes it, however doubtful his real -sentiments may be. Accordingly, in some instances individuals whose -thinking and teaching was quite un-Islamite, such as the famous mystic -poet Abul-Alá al Maarrí (973-1057), were regarded by the people as -devout, and even as saintly. But even from this very fact we can see -that the danger for Islam was by no means very great. Such ideas were -confined to very narrow circles of thinkers and poets, or of -profligates, and were never long in dying out again. Nothing of it all -penetrated to the great mass of the people, and it is in this that the -strength of Islam lies. - -The mysticism of the Súfis was a greater danger to the dominant -religion. The impulse to self-mortification and introspection, which in -Mohammed’s own case was very active at only one period of his life, -found new nourishment after his followers had become masters of the -neighbouring Christian countries, in which this type of piety was only -too flourishing. It was all genuinely Semitic; and during the ascendency -of the youthfully energetic element in Islam there was no danger of its -exercising an enervating influence on the latter. But subsequently -Persian and Indian ideas became associated with this mysticism. The -Súfis sought to submerge themselves in God, and arrived at the Indian -conception of the All-One, which is irreconcilable with Islam. In Indian -fashion, systematic rules were devised for attaining the mystic victory -over earthly limitations. He who believed himself to have succeeded in -this might venture to break away from the precepts of positive religion, -and often enough he allowed the moral law to go in the same way. The -enthusiast, essentially a supernaturalist, who had merged himself in the -All and One, readily held himself to be a worker of wonders; and still -more easily was he so regarded by his adherents. What are the limits of -the laws of nature (which Orientals, in fact, never recognise) to one -who has effected the leap from the finite to the infinite? The finest -and the coarsest attributes of the human spirit often worked together -here. Amongst the Súfis we find deep souls, magnificent enthusiasts, -fantastic dreamers, sensual poets, many fools, and many rogues. The -systematic character of their procedure, which had to be learned, and -the impression produced by the personality of leading Súfis, led to the -formation of schools and orders. We have here a sort of monasticism, -though without celibacy and without permanent vows. The fakírs or -dervishes (_i.e._ “poor”) live on pious gifts or foundations, but often -also carry on some civil calling. They keep up regular ascetic -exercises, often of a very extraordinary character, in order to attain -to the supersensuous. By these means they over-stimulate the nerves, -exhaust body and spirit, and fall into a temporary insanity. However -fine may be the blossoms which Súfic mysticism has produced, and however -quickening its influence upon Persian poetry, the existence of -dervishism, which plays a great part in almost all Mohammedan countries, -is on the whole a mischief. For the rest, most Súfis believed themselves -to be good Moslems. By allegorical interpretation they also were able to -come to an understanding with the Koran. Not many can have clearly seen -how fundamentally opposed is the pantheistic conception of God in -mysticism to the rigid monotheism of the Koran. The great mass of -dervishes are, of course, much too unthinking and superficial to follow -in the fanciful footsteps of the old masters. They dance and howl for -the glory of God, as other men pray. The people regard the dervishes as -the props of Islam, and in fact hostility against all unbelievers is -fomented in a quite special way by some of these brotherhoods. There is -no suspicion how un-Islamic are the fundamental ideas on which these -orders rest. The simple axioms of Islam itself meanwhile remain -unshaken. - -About the year 1000, Islam was in a very bad way. The Abbásid caliphate -had long ceased to be of any importance, the power of the Arabs had long -ago been broken. There was a multitude of Islamite States, great and -small; but even the most powerful of these, that of the Fatimids, was -very far from being able to give solidity to the whole, especially as it -was Shíite. In fact, large regions which had been conquered by the first -Caliphs were again lost to the Byzantines, who repeatedly penetrated far -into Mohammedan territory. At this point a new element came to the aid -of the religion, namely, the Turks. Warriors from Turkestan had long -played a part in the history of Moslem kingdoms, but now there came a -wholesale migration. The Turks pressed forward in great masses from -their seats in upper Asia, and, newly converted to Islam, threw -themselves in the first instance upon the lands of Persia. These nomads -caused dreadful devastation, trampled to the ground the flourishing -civilisation of vast territories, and contributed almost nothing to the -culture of the human race; but they mightily strengthened the religion -of Mohammed. The rude Turks took up with zeal the faith which was just -within the reach of their intellectual powers, and they became its true, -often fanatical, champions against the outside world. They founded the -powerful empire of the Seljuks, and conquered new regions for Islam in -the north-west. After the downfall of the Seljuk empire they still -continued to be the ruling people in all its older portions. Had not the -warlike character of Islam been revived by the Turks, the Crusaders -perhaps might have had some prospect of more enduring success. - -But this Turkish influx was followed by another of evil augury for -Islam. Jenghiz Khan led his Mongols and Turks into Mohammedan territory -in 1220, and his grandson Hulagu (January 1258) took Bagdad, the -Mohammedan capital, and brought the Abbásid caliphate to an end. The -loathly heathens were masters of Asia. But Islam, with its simple -dogmas, its imposing ceremonial, and its practical character, soon won -over these barbarians. Fifty years after the capture of Bagdad, those -Mongols who had Moslem subjects had themselves accepted Islam. The -frightful injuries they had inflicted on the lands of Islam were, -however, not to be repaired. Babylonia, the home of primeval -civilisation, was till then still the chief seat of Mohammedan culture; -but since the Mongols set foot on it, it has been a desolation. - -Through the dynasty of the Ottoman Turks, Islam once more became the -terror of Christendom. The old dream of the conquest of Constantinople, -and of the complete destruction of the Roman empire, was realised -(1453). On his occupation of Egypt in 1517, Selím I. even proclaimed -himself Caliph. The sultans of Egypt had, after the destruction of -Bagdad, given their protection to a scion of the Abbásid family, to whom -they gave the title of Caliph (1261), and similar nominal Caliphs, -without any trace of power, “reigned” there till the Ottoman conquest. -But how little the Moslem world troubled itself about them may be judged -from the fact that the great philosophical historian Ibn Khaldún (of -Tunis, 1332-1405), in the introduction to his History of the World, -where he speaks very exhaustively about the caliphate, the spiritual and -the secular State, never once alludes to this make-believe. But, armed -with the enormous power of the then Turkish empire, the caliphate now -once more bore another aspect. Although the sultan of Stamboul was -wanting in one attribute which almost all orthodox teachers had regarded -as essential in Caliphs, namely, descent from the Prophet’s tribe of -Koraish, his claims found wide recognition, for his successes filled -every Moslem heart with pride and joy, and the holy cities of Mecca, -Medina, and Jerusalem did homage to him as their lord. The caliphate, -let it be added, did not bring any actual increase of strength to the -Ottoman sultans, who on the whole have not themselves attached much -value to it; on their coins they do not assert the title either of -“Caliph,” or “Imám,” or “Commander of the Faithful.” They have never -actually possessed spiritual authority over Moslems who were not their -own subjects. At the same time, it might be a serious thing for the -Ottoman empire if the sultan should cease to be mentioned in public -prayer at Mecca and Medina as overlord and Caliph, a thing which might -very well happen if besides Egypt he were to lose Syria. For a kingdom -that is slowly but steadily collapsing, the removal of even a weak -pillar may be of disastrous consequence. It would appear that in the -last confusions in Egypt prior to the English occupation, this idea was -actually made use of, and alarm thereby excited in Constantinople. The -Sherífs of Mecca as Caliphs (a suggestion that has been made) would, it -must be said, play but a poor part. They are descended, indeed, from -Alí, and thus theoretically have a vastly greater claim to the dignity -than the Ottomans have; but their territory is small and excessively -poor, and they of necessity could live only by the favour of other -princes. Moreover, the heads of the different branches of this numerous -family are constantly in conflict with each other in true Arabic -fashion. Lastly, the sultans of Morocco have for a long time been also -in the habit of calling themselves “Commanders of the Faithful,” and -thus, for their own kingdom at least, they expressly lay claim to the -supreme spiritual authority. - -In the later Middle Ages the opposition between Sunnites and Shíites -seemed to be dying down. The Sunnites had at an early period accepted -certain Shíite views, particularly the exaggerated respect in which Alí -was held, and on the other hand, all Shíites did not go so far as to -declare Abú Bekr and Omar infidels. The Sherífs of Mecca, just spoken -of, from being moderate Shíites had imperceptibly become Sunnites. But -the enmity of the two parties received a new lease of life when, just -about the time when the Sunnite Ottomans were attaining their highest -power, a great empire arose also for the Shía. In Persia the doctrine of -the divine right of Alí had of old fallen on specially fruitful soil; it -is to Persian influences that the Shíite dogmas chiefly owe their -development. In Persian lands smaller or greater Shíite States have also -arisen at various times, but it was through the founding of the -Sefid[19] empire (about 1500) that Persia first became in a strict sense -the land of the Shíite faith, whilst formerly (what is often overlooked) -it had been in great part Sunnite. This Shíite empire constituted a -weighty counterpoise to the Ottomans, and through it many a diversion -was created in favour of Europe when most distressed by the pressure of -the Turks. Since the fall of the Sefids in last century, Persia has -continued to sink deeper and deeper; the State and the nation are far -feebler than even in Turkey; but Shíitism has taken Persia into its -exclusive possession. So full of life is it, that even in our own time -it was able to throw out a vigorous offshoot—the strange enthusiastic -sect of the Bábís, which has profoundly agitated the entire country, and -has not yet been definitively eradicated. The antithesis between Shía -and Sunna is very sharp to this day. The Orientals, who have -extraordinarily little feeling of patriotism, have all the more zeal for -religion. Bitter hatred still separates the Persians from their Moslem -neighbours,—Ottomans, Arabs, Uzbegs, Afghans, and so on,—because, -forsooth, the Companions of Mohammed were not able to agree as to who -should be the successor of the murdered Othmán. - -Islam has, on the whole, undergone but little change during the last -thousand years. The spread of mysticism and dervishism, as we have seen, -did not affect the faith of the multitude. These things, of course, gave -fresh stimulus to the business in saints and miracles. The mystic -submerges himself in God, and ignores earthly things; the masses, -accordingly, are only too much inclined to take for a saint the rogue -who imitates him without scruple and seemingly surpasses him, and the -madman who can make nothing of the world at all. Belief in miracles is -deep-seated in the blood of the Oriental; religious impostors, -themselves often the victims of imposition, have never been wanting -there. That saints are able to work miracles, has been faintly -questioned only by a few theologians. Of long time, accordingly, the -real or alleged sepulchres of saints have been venerated as fountains of -grace. They give rise to local cults, and often are hotbeds of -fanaticism. It is no accident that in the last troubles in Egypt -atrocities were perpetrated upon Europeans at the sepulchre of the most -highly venerated of the Egyptian saints, es-Seyyid el Bedawí, at Tantá. -Of holy places of this class many are of ancient Christian origin, and -some even date from heathen times. All sorts of chicanery, crass -superstition, and much that is totally un-Islamite easily connect -themselves with such places. No Moslem, it is true, is under obligation -to believe in any of these things; there is no such thing as an -authoritative list of saints; and some Mohammedan scholars have even -disputed the legitimacy of saint-worship altogether, but without -success. - -Towards the middle of last century there arose in the native land of -Islam a violent storm of puritanism against the prevailing apostasy. The -Wahhabites, or followers of Abdal-Wahháb, brought forward no new -doctrine; they were thoroughly orthodox Moslems; but they broke with -tradition thus far, that they sought to abolish certain abuses which had -been tolerated or even approved by general consent. In this they -proceeded with a strictness which reminds more of Omar than of the -Prophet. They were far from denying Mohammed to have been the Apostle of -God, but they held in detestation the exaggerated honour which was paid -to his name, his dwelling-places, and his grave. The worship of saints -they condemned as idolatry, and wherever they went they destroyed the -saints’ tombs and places of martyrdom. They wanted to restore the -original Islam; for example, they took in serious earnest the legal -prohibition against the wearing of silk, and, in agreement with many -learned theologians, interdicted tobacco as an innovation. The kingdom -which they founded was a copy of the original Islamitic one; it once -more reunited by force almost all the inhabitants of Arabia, but could -not succeed in infusing a real spirit of religion into the great mass of -the Bedouins. Their strict spiritual discipline was particularly irksome -to the inhabitants of Mecca—on the whole a very secularly disposed -people. The armies of Mohammed Alí of Egypt at length broke the power of -the Wahhabites, not without great exertions, took back the sacred -cities, Mecca and Medina, which had fallen into their hands in 1803, and -penetrated into the heart of their kingdom (1814, 1815). They again took -another start at a later period, but neither was this permanent; a -purely Arab State, and that, too, founded upon religion, can be kept -together for any length of time only by rulers of uncommon efficiency. -At present the Wahhabite kingdom, properly so called, is powerless; it -is subject to that of the Shammar, which lies to the north of it, and -the prince of which, Ibn Rashíd, a ruler of extensive tracts, is also a -professor of Wahhabitism, though with none of the fiery zeal of earlier -times. The Wahhabites are no longer a menace to Damascus and Bagdad. -Their reform of Islam has remained confined to Arabia, and even there is -hardly likely to operate long. But it has rightly been remarked as -noteworthy, that this purely Semitic religious movement with all its -energy has produced nothing new; it has been directed exclusively -towards the repristination of pure monotheism. - -For a considerable time Islam has seemed to be in a state of deep -humiliation. Even the great Moslem kingdoms are without strength. By far -the larger portion of the Moslem world is ruled by Christian powers. But -let us not deceive ourselves as to the vitality of this religion. How -many catastrophes has it not already survived! Immediately on the death -of its founder the revolt of the Arabs threatened it with extinction. -Soon afterwards, from being a spiritual State (as corresponded with its -essential nature), it was changed into a secular one, and it survived -the transformation. Its united empire was broken up and fell into -fragments. The Moslems tore one another to pieces in fierce party -warfare. The Karmatians carried off the black stone, the palladium of -Islam, and for years made impossible the pilgrimage, one of the most -important expressions of Mohammedan life. The heathen Mongols destroyed -the caliphate, and long ruled over half of the lands of Islam. Instead -of being able to carry on the holy war against the unbeliever, one -Moslem State after another is in these days either directly or -indirectly falling under infidel control. But the faith that there is no -God but Alláh, and that Mohammed is His Prophet, and all that is -involved in this faith, remain unshattered. It would seem as if Islam -were now in course of being driven out from the Balkan peninsula, even -as it was long ago compelled to quit Sicily and Spain; whether it shall -be able to maintain its hold everywhere in Asia and North Africa may be -questioned; but in the Indian Archipelago it is steadily advancing, -among the nomads of Central Asia it has gained strength just as the -Russian sway has extended, and in Central Africa it is achieving -conquest upon conquest. Precisely because the consolidation of European -power in the lands of Nigritia brings with it greater security of -intercourse, it may be presumed that the spread of Islam will be -powerfully promoted there. But in the dark continent, which offers no -favourable soil for Christianity, the acceptance even of Islam means -progress from the deepest savagery to a certain culture, however limited -and limiting, and to association with peoples who in the Middle Ages -were higher in civilisation than the people of Europe. Perhaps -slave-hunting and kidnapping will come to an end only when practically -all the negro peoples shall have become Moslem. - -If religion among the higher classes in Turkey is, undeniably, sometimes -a matter of doubt or even of ridicule, more as the result of frivolity -than as a consequence of serious thinking, and if similar phenomena -manifest themselves still more frequently among the light-minded, -bright, and unconscientious Persians, the firmness of the faith -nevertheless remains unshaken with the vast mass of the people, even -with those who are remiss in the discharge of ritual duties. Without any -qualms of doubt, peacefully resigned to the will of God, the Moslem sees -his kingdoms go down. But we must also be prepared to find the strength -of this faith continuing to maintain itself in frightful outbursts of -fanaticism. If the occurrences in Egypt during the last rebellion showed -little of death-defying courage and energy, that is to be attributed to -the languid temper of the Egyptians; a great rising in Syria or Asia -Minor might conceivably give Europeans a good deal more trouble. The -best strength of the great Indian Mutiny of 1856 lay with the Moslems. -The Moslem subjects of Britain and other European States sigh for the -moment when they shall be able to shake off the yoke of the infidel. The -successes of the “dervishes” in the Soudan may serve to warn Europeans -of the strength that still resides in the warrior zeal of Islam. - ------ - -[13] Originally published in _Deutsche Rundschau_, ix. (1883) p. 378 -sqq. - -[14] This substitution was also known among the Jews. From them also -were borrowed certain mitigations of the task in time of travel or -circumstances of danger. - -[15] One can see how hard is the precept of fasting for the Tartars in -Kasan when Ramadán falls in summer with a day of eighteen hours, as -contrasted with its lightness when it falls at the time of the winter -solstice. - -[16] For a fuller treatment of Mansúr and the establishment of the -Abbásid empire, see next essay. - -[17] It is not inconsistent with this that individual Christians and -Jews, whether by princely favour or by their own talents, occasionally -rose to positions of power and dignity, especially as physicians; still -less is it so that Coptic clerks were regularly employed in the -administration of Egypt. - -[18] See above, p. 58 sq. - -[19] In Old English the kingdom of the Sophy. - - - - - IV. - CALIPH MANSÚR. - - -THE Arabs had established a vast empire with great rapidity, but to keep -it together was hardly possible so long as its purely Arab character was -retained. The reigning house of the Omayyads had to contend with very -dangerous political and religious antipathies; and, perhaps a greater -danger, the Arabs, who now controlled a world-empire, kept up without -abatement the old untractableness and exaggerated zeal for the honour of -family and tribe which they had developed in their desert life. The only -difference now was, that their tribal patriotism had reference not so -much to the small subdivisions in which the Bedouin lives, as to large -tribal groups, the unity of which was in part no more than a fiction. If -a governor leaned upon the Yemenites, the Modarites forthwith became his -open or secret foes; any prominent official who belonged to the Kais -group was hated by the Kelb. And almost every one in authority was ready -to overlook in his tribesmen even those offences which, in members of -another tribe, he severely, and rightly, punished. The Omayyad Caliphs -accordingly found the utmost difficulty in keeping down the private -feuds even of the Arabs of Syria, who were generally loyal; and their -troubles were much greater in the remoter provinces, where there was -little or no sympathy with the reigning house. The kingdom of the -Omayyads was never in a state of tolerable order and prosperity unless -there was an eminently astute and energetic governor in Babylonia (Irák) -as well as a capable sovereign in Syria. For the seat of supreme power -was tied to Syria by the circumstances under which the dynasty had -arisen; while the eastern provinces, too remote to be controlled from -Damascus, were necessarily administered from Irák. All steady order -ceased with the reign of the talented but utterly profligate Walíd II. -(743-744). The struggles of various Omayyads with one another did the -rest. - -The ground had long before been undermined by the efforts of a religious -party hostile to the Omayyads. The descendants of Alí, who, as -blood-relations, in fact descendants, of the Prophet (through his -daughter Fátima), considered themselves to have the nearest right to the -throne, alienated from the Omayyads the hearts of many of their -subjects. There was an expectation that the house of Mohammed, should it -once attain to the supreme authority, would fill the earth as full of -righteousness as it was now full of iniquity. The pious professors and -followers of the divine law had little liking for the rule of the -reigning house, which, for all its forms of religion, was purely -secular. And though the risings of the Alids were unsuccessful through -the bungling of their leaders, the very failure cost the Omayyads dear; -for the incapable grandchildren of the Apostle of God, who had fallen or -been put to death, in the eyes of the people became martyrs, whose blood -cried to heaven for vengeance. - -In perfect quietness, meanwhile, another family was setting itself to -work to gather in the fruits of the efforts of the Alids for its own -behalf,—their cousins, the Abbásids. Abbás, from whom they traced their -descent, had held a somewhat ambiguous attitude towards his nephew the -Prophet. His son Abdalláh passes for one of the strongest pillars of -religious tradition; but, in the eyes of unprejudiced European research, -he is only a crafty liar. Abdalláh’s grandson Mohammed, and the sons of -the latter, so far as they are known to us, combined considerable -practical vigour with their hereditary cunning and duplicity. They lived -in deep retirement in Humaima, a little place to the south of the Dead -Sea, seemingly far withdrawn from the world, but which, on account of -its proximity to the route by which Syrian pilgrims went to Mecca, -afforded opportunities for communication with the remotest lands of -Islam. From this centre they carried on the propaganda in their own -behalf with the utmost skill. They had genius enough to see that the -best soil for their efforts was the distant Khorásán,[20]—that is, the -extensive north-eastern provinces of the old Persian empire. The -majority of the people there had already gone over to Islam; many had -embraced the new faith with ardour, and had even fought bravely on its -behalf against the unbelieving populations to the north and east. But -the converted Persians were held in little esteem by the dominant Arabs, -who looked on them as “clients,”[21] and refused to accord to them the -full rights to which they had a claim as Moslems. The internal wars of -the Arabs, moreover, raged in those parts with exceptional violence. To -the Persians it was a matter of indifference whether the Yemenites or -Modarites or Rabía were victorious; but they keenly felt the devastation -of their country, and their own subordinate position; and thus a great -proportion of the newly-converted Persians were filled with hatred -towards their Arab “brethren in the faith.” This hatred was easily -turned against the reigning house, which was named as the source of all -unrighteousness, and whose secular disposition must certainly have been -very offensive to the truly pious. The Persians, moreover, were -naturally inclined to legitimism, and to enthusiastic attachments to -spiritual leaders. Accordingly they were drawn over in multitudes to the -doctrine that “the house of the Prophet” alone is called to dominion -over his kingdom and his Church. Well-chosen emissaries of the Abbásids -canvassed for the family of the Prophet, for the Háshimids, by which -expression were understood, in the first instance, the descendants of -Alí. Other watchwords and fictitious sayings of Mohammed were also -successfully put in circulation. Gradually and furtively the place of -the Alids was taken by the Abbásids, who undoubtedly also were -descendants of Háshim, and who, since descent from Mohammed in the -female line was represented as unimportant, could claim to be just as -nearly related to the Prophet as the others.[22] The main point was, -that the adherents secured for the cause became entirely attached to the -persons of the emissaries, so that the latter were able in the end to -direct their followers as they pleased. To secure adherents there seems -to have been no scruple about favouring all sorts of objectionable -opinions (partly due to a mixing up of the old with the new religion) -inconsistent with the fundamental laws of Islam. Of details of the -progress of the agitation we know little; but so much is certain: that -it was very active, that the emissaries had a regular organisation, and -that frequent communication was maintained between Khorásán and the -centres from which the wires were pulled—Cufa, the residence of the -supreme agent, and Humaima, the home of the Abbásids. The yearly -pilgrimages gave special opportunities for meeting without arousing -suspicion; many important consultations may possibly have taken place in -Mecca itself. Operations had long been carried on in this way, when the -head of the Abbásids—either Mohammed, who died in 743, or his son -Ibráhím, it is not quite certain which—discovered the man who was -destined to bring the movement to a successful issue. This was Abú -Moslim, a freedman whose country and descent are unknown, but who in any -case was not of Arabian blood. This quondam slave united with an -agitator’s adroitness and perfect unscrupulosity in the choice of his -means the energy and clear outlook of a general and statesman, and even -of a monarch. Within a few years he brought it about that the black -banner of the Abbásids was openly unfurled (in the beginning of summer, -747). In a perfidious but masterly manner he contrived still further to -foment the mutual antipathies of the Arab parties which were openly at -war with each other, although Nasr, the governor, was not the only one -who clearly saw that nothing less was at stake than the supremacy, and -even the very life, of the Arabs. Ibráhím is even said to have given -orders to Abú Moslim that, so far as possible, no Arab should be left -alive in Khorásán. Soon the brave Nasr was compelled to quit the -country; and immediately afterwards he died (November 748). The -Khorásánians pressed steadily forwards. The chief control was in the -hands of Abú Moslim, although he remained in Khorásán; not only the -Persians, but also the Arab leaders, put themselves under the command of -the freedman, a thing unheard-of for Arab pride. It should be added, -that the Arabs of Khorásán undoubtedly had a strong strain of Persian -blood, and that they had taken on much that was Persian. - -A large portion of Southern Persia had not long before been seized by -another of the Háshimids, Abdalláh, son of Moáwiya, a descendant of -Alí’s brother Jaafar. He had had the support of the Abbásids. But this -thoroughly unworthy person (for such he seems to have been) was overcome -by the generals of the Omayyad Merwán II., and betook himself in flight -to Abú Moslim. He had served his turn, in so far as he had thrown the -empire into wilder confusion, and called the attention of the people to -the family of the Prophet; now as a rival he might prove inconvenient. -Abú Moslim therefore first cast him into prison, and afterwards took his -life. - -Babylonia, the most important province of the empire, was occupied by -the troops of the Abbásids. Once more a great battle took place close to -the field where Alexander had gained his final victory over Darius -(middle of January 750). The men belonging to Yemenite tribes, who -formed the majority of the Omayyad troops, were disinclined to stake -their lives on behalf of Merwán, who was not favourably disposed towards -them; and accordingly the battle was lost. Over and above this, there -now arose internal struggles in Syria and Egypt, which facilitated the -work of the Abbásid troops. Merwán, a tried warrior, had to flee from -place to place, and soon afterwards fell, almost deserted, at the -village of Búsír,[23] in Middle Egypt (August 750). - -The head of the Abbásids was now no longer Ibráhím; he had been thrown -into prison by Merwán when his complicity with Abú Moslim was -discovered, and, shortly before the triumph of his party, had either -died or been murdered in captivity. His brothers had fled to Cufa, and -kept themselves in hiding there. Here, immediately after the occupation -of the city by the Khorásánians, and before the last blow had been -struck against Merwán, Abul-Abbás, now the head of the house, was -proclaimed Caliph (November or December 749). In his inaugural sermon in -the principal mosque, Abul-Abbás designated himself as Saffáh, _i.e._ -“the bloodshedder;” and to this dreadful name, which has since been his -standing title, he did ample justice. All Omayyads were ruthlessly -struck down. The watchword was: “Vengeance for the Háshimids slain by -the Omayyads.” It is, of course, possible that the Abbásids, themselves -Arabs, may really have had Arab feelings in the matter, and required -vengeance for the blood of their relations as such. But the actual -motives were nevertheless other than these; their object was to excite -the mob against the Omayyads, as being impious men and worthy of death, -and to make their whole house absolutely harmless. To this end no -violence or treachery was spared. Even those members of the house who -had fled for mercy to the conquerors, and had been received by them, nay -more, even those who had yielded only on the solemn promise that no harm -should befall them, were put to death; and the Abbásids, the Caliph -himself, as well as his uncles, and particularly Abdalláh, who led the -pursuit of the defeated Merwán, personally gloated over the murder of -their adversaries. And yet Abdalláh had only a short time before -experienced an act of clemency when, while taking part in the rebellion -of the Jaafarids, he had fallen into the hands of Merwán’s general. -Notwithstanding the fierceness of the massacre, a few members of this -very numerous Omayyad family managed to escape. Some kept themselves in -hiding, and by and by were ignored or forgiven; others made their escape -into the far west, where the Caliph’s power did not extend. Nor was it -only Omayyad blood that was freely shed at the establishment of the -Abbásid rule, whether to excite terror among its subjects, or because -the new ruler was hardly able to control the lust for slaughter in his -victorious troops. Syria, however, did not accommodate itself to the new -dynasty without trouble. Various disturbances gave the conquerors a -great deal to do from the very first. In particular, it proved an -arduous task to suppress those insurgents who had placed at their head -Abú Mohammed, a descendant of the first two Omayyad Caliphs. - -Shortly after the death of Merwán, his last powerful supporter, Ibn -Hobaira, who had taken possession of the important town of Wásit, on the -lower Tigris, made his peace after he had been blockaded for a long time -by Mansúr, the brother of the Caliph. By both these princely brothers he -had been promised not only life, but continuance in his high office. But -so lofty a personage, with a large body of adherents, who had already -asserted a very independent position as governor of Babylon, harmonised -ill with the new condition of affairs. Mansúr accordingly, in concert -with his brother, caused him to be put to death; solemn promises and -oaths had no meaning for these men. This was done, it is said, on the -advice of Abú Moslim. It is more probable that Abú Moslim had a hand in -making away with Abú Salama, “the vizier of the Háshimids,” who from -Babylonia had directed the movement in Khorásán, and who had rendered -great services in connection with the change of dynasty. It is alleged -that—perhaps in full consistency with his original orders—he had, -after the death of Ibráhím, shown more inclination to the Alids than to -the Abbásids. In any case he stood in the way of Abú Moslim. - -Saffáh appears to have been a strong ruler, who, had he lived longer, -might perhaps himself have done for the empire what it was left for his -follower to achieve. Great differences between the caliphate of the -Abbásids and that of the Omayyads immediately emerged, due in part to -the manner in which it had been set up, and in part to the personal -character of the rulers. The seat of empire was transferred to -Babylonia, the true centre. The power of the sovereign rested primarily -on Persian troops, which were more amenable to discipline than Arabian. -The Caliph no longer needed to take much account of the tribal -jealousies of the Arabs, although he occasionally utilised them for his -own ends. Hence he could act much more autocratically than his -predecessors; the lands of the caliphate now formed much more of a -political unity than before. In short, on the old soil of the great -Asiatic empires, another was once more set up, which at the most was -only half Arab in its character, the rest being Persian. - -Even in Saffáh’s lifetime Mansúr took a prominent place as an -influential counsellor, and as governor of great provinces, but it is -hardly likely that the Caliph allowed himself to be led entirely by his -brother. - -Abú Moslim, whose people were blindly devoted to him, and who held sway -like a prince in Khorásán, in 754 desired to be the leader of the -pilgrimage, that is, to represent the Caliph himself before the entire -Islamite world. Saffáh, however, quickly instigated Mansúr to seek this -dignity for himself, so that he had to express his regret that the -office had been already bestowed, and that Abú Moslim could only go as a -companion to Mansúr. It seems that in the course of the pilgrimage -friction arose between the parvenu who had founded the new empire and -the no less self-conscious brother of the Caliph; in any case, Abú -Moslim did not by any means overdo the part of a devoted servant. By his -liberality he so won over the Bedouins that they declared it a pure -slander to call this man an enemy of the Arabs. The two were already on -their return journey when news arrived that Saffáh had died (on Sunday, -9th June 754)[24] at Anbár (north of Cufa), and that Mansúr had been -proclaimed Caliph on the same day. - -Abú Jaafar Abdalláh al Mansúr (_i.e._ “the victorious”) was at that time -a man of over forty. Of his outward appearance we learn that he was tall -and thin, and that he had a narrow face, lank hair, thin beard, and -brownish complexion. What his inward character was is shown by his -deeds. His mother, the Berber slave Salláma, during her pregnancy -dreamed, it is said, that she had brought forth a lion, to which other -lions came from all quarters to render homage.[25] A lion, truly, who -tore in pieces all who came within his reach, unless they acknowledged -him as their master! - -Mansúr can hardly have reached the neighbourhood of the Euphrates when -he learned that he had a very dangerous rival. His uncle Abdalláh,[26] -then posted in the far north of Syria ready to march against the -Byzantines, laid claim to the throne. His pretensions, perhaps, were not -altogether unfounded, for it is not so certain as is usually asserted -that Saffáh nominated Mansúr as his successor. It was indeed unfortunate -that the dynasty was hardly established before it was torn asunder by -disputes about the succession. As Abú Moslim with the Khorásánians held -by Mansúr, Abdalláh was compelled to rely upon the Arab troops of Syria -and Mesopotamia, and on this account caused thousands of Khorásánians -who were with him to be massacred. Humaid, son of the Arabian general -Kahtaba, who five years previously had led the Khorásánian troops from -victory to victory, suddenly went over from Abdalláh to Mansúr, and -rendered to the latter conspicuous service both in this and in many -subsequent wars. Abú Moslim brought an end to the war which had been -going on for some months in Mesopotamia by a victory gained on 26th (or -27th) November 754. Abdalláh fled to his brother Sulaimán, Mansúr’s -governor in Basra (near the mouth of the Tigris), and remained here in -hiding for some time. - -Abú Moslim thus had not only set up the Abbásid dynasty, but also had -saved the throne for Mansúr. A man who had done so much could do still -more, and was a danger to his master. Mansúr resolved to get rid of Abú -Moslim, a course which is said to have suggested itself even to Saffáh. -How they first fell out is told in various ways. It is probable that the -Caliph nominated Abú Moslim to be the governor of the western provinces -of Syria and Egypt in order to keep him at a distance from Khorásán, -where his power had its root, but that the latter did not agree to this. -In any case he had noted that Mansúr wished to deprive him of influence, -and he resolved accordingly, without reference to Mansúr, to return to -Khorásán. Of his own soldiers he was perfectly sure, even in a campaign -against the Caliph. At this stage a correspondence took place between -the two. Abú Moslim in the end suffered himself to be befooled by the -sworn assurances of Mansúr (with a slight admixture of threats), and -came with but a small following to the Caliph at the “city of the -Romans,” a decayed place that had belonged to the Seleucia-Ctesiphon -group of Persian royal cities. Mansúr received him graciously, but after -having made sure of him, caused him to be slain before his eyes, and the -body to be cast into the Tigris (February 755). - -The removal of the powerful individuality, of whom we hear that his -followers would have sacrificed their lives and their very souls for -him, but upon whose fidelity the Caliph could hardly rely, was a -political necessity. An intimate of Mansúr’s is said to have quoted to -him against Abú Moslim the verse of the Koran in which it is said that -if the world held other gods besides Alláh it would go to ruin (súra 21, -22). Such a prince as Mansúr could tolerate no rival in the kingdom. Nor -can any great claim upon our pity be made for Abú Moslim, who shrank -from no resource of violence or treachery, whether against enemies or -against inconvenient friends, and of whom it is said (no doubt with huge -exaggeration), that he caused as many as 600,000 prisoners to be slain. -Mansúr gave proof of admirable astuteness when he overreached the -cunningest of the cunning. But that his conduct was abominable goes -without saying. - -The murder was by no means without danger for its perpetrator. The -soldiers indeed whom Abú Moslim had brought with him were restrained -from making any disturbance, partly by their dismay at the accomplished -fact, and partly by a lavish distribution of money. But mutterings were -heard in Khorásán. There the dead man had thousands who clung to him -with religious attachment. In fact, there were many who could not -believe in his death, and who expected him to return once more as a -Messiah. A Persian named Sampádh excited in that very year a great -revolt in Khorásán to avenge Abú Moslim. What is reported of him, that -he was a professor of the old Persian religion, is improbable; he may -have belonged to one of the half-Persian sects, which the majority -certainly could not regard as Mohammedan. In any case the revolt was a -popular movement. Sampádh advanced far towards Media, but thereupon was -defeated by Jahwar, whom Mansúr had despatched against him, and slain -somewhere near the spot where the last of the Dariuses met his end. The -victorious general had made himself master of the treasures of Abú -Moslim, and now in turn himself rebelled, but was quickly overcome, and -put to death (755 or 756). Khorásán was once more securely in the hands -of the Caliph. - -In other directions also disturbances of various kinds occurred. The -Kharijites,[27] who had no reason for regarding the rule of the -Prophet’s kinsmen as juster or more in accordance with the laws of God -than that of the Omayyads, fought on for their ideals in various parts -of the empire, with few followers indeed, but with a courage that defied -death. Thus a certain Kharijite, Mulabbid, in Mesopotamia gave much -trouble to the armies of the Caliph, and was only at last overcome in -756 by Házim, perhaps the ablest of Mansúr’s generals. - -A handful of strange mortals brought the Caliph into a very difficult -position, probably in 757-8. The Ráwendí, who are guessed to have been -connected with Abú Moslim, not only believed in the transmigration of -souls, but had also taken into their heads that Mansúr was God Himself. -They accordingly betook themselves to his capital, and set themselves in -an attitude of worship around his palace. Mansúr, indeed, was quite of -the mind that it was better to have people obey him and go to hell in -consequence, than earn heaven by rebellion against him; but the -Commander of the Faithful durst not tolerate such conduct as this of the -Ráwendí, unless he wished to provoke a universal rising of all Moslems -against him. He accordingly caused a number of the fanatics to be -imprisoned. But they did not take this well; they freed their comrades -and now assailed the life of the Caliph, who only had a limited guard at -hand. In mastering them, which he did only with difficulty, he displayed -great courage. In the struggle there came to the front one who had been -a conspicuous general under the Omayyads, afterwards had kept himself in -concealment, and now seized this opportunity to gain favour with the -Caliph. This was Maan, son of Záida, famed for his bravery, and still -more for his liberality, but at the same time stern and pitiless towards -his foes. Mansúr, whom it thoroughly suited to intermingle pure Arabs -with his Khorásán generals of mixed Arabian and Persian origin, -willingly took the fire-eater into his grace. Shortly afterwards he sent -him into Yemen, where, during his nine years’ governorship, he subdued -all opponents with much bloodshed. Subsequently he sent him to -south-eastern Persia, where he was surprised and slain by the -Kharijites. - -The dynasty of the Omayyads once overthrown, the Alids saw that they had -not gained much. It made no difference to them whether their nearer -cousins, the descendants of Abbás,[28] or whether their slightly more -distant kinsmen, those of Omayya, possessed the sovereignty; the name of -Háshim was not enough. When the house of the Prophet had been canvassed -for, every one in the first instance had thought of his actual -descendants; these last now deemed, not unrightly, that they had been -defrauded of their birthright. It is probable that even the Abbásids, in -the secret negotiations, at an early stage had at one time freely -acknowledged the Alid Mohammed, son of Abdalláh, as head of the entire -house, and as the future Caliph. Why this particular man should have -been selected from among the very numerous descendants of Alí, we are -unable to say. One advantage, which fell into the scale when a -legitimist claim was being urged, he undoubtedly had—namely, that the -females also who came into his genealogy were all free Arabs of good -family, and that the Hasanid Mohammed was through his grandmother a -descendant also of Husain, and thus in a twofold way descended from the -Prophet.[29] His father, who might have advanced still stronger claims, -was perhaps over-timid or too little ambitious. - -The Abbásids knew too well how it was that they themselves had reached -the throne to be other than exceedingly jealous of the hereditary -advantages of their cousins. One and another Alid now and again -expressed tolerably openly his opinion of the situation. And the -Mohammed just mentioned, as well as his brother Ibráhím, had betrayed -themselves by refraining to come to pay their respects to Mansúr when he -made the pilgrimage during the lifetime of his brother. If Mansúr -actually had at one time acknowledged Mohammed’s right to the caliphate, -this would be to him a further motive for effort to have them in his -power. But neither promises nor threats availed; they hid themselves in -various quarters of Arabia, and are said to have wandered about in even -remoter lands. As their father when closely questioned persisted in -declaring that he had no idea where his sons were living, Mansúr, when -he came on pilgrimage once more to Mecca in April 758, caused him to be -imprisoned. But even this did not avail. The governors in Medina either -could not or would not find the fugitives. The inhabitants were attached -to the Alids as being children of the Prophet and children of their -city, and the majority of the officials even would doubtless have felt -it to be a crime to deliver them up to destruction. Riyáh, however, of -the tribe of Morra, who entered upon the governorship of Medina on 27th -December 761, was free from any such weakness. He threatened the -inhabitants with the same fate with which, sixty-eight years before, his -fellow tribesman Moslim, son of Okba, had visited their rebellion -against authority.[30] He caused all the nearer kinsmen of Mohammed’s -family, and many of his adherents, to be imprisoned, and also a number -of the Juhaina Bedouins, among whose mountains, to the west of -Medina,[31] it was supposed that the claimant was in hiding. When, at -the close of another pilgrimage (March 762), Mansúr visited Medina, he -took these captive Alids, including the father of the two brothers, and -various other persons of consideration, and carried them with him in -chains into Babylonia. Amongst these exiles was the step-brother of -Abdalláh, who secretly, and in violation of his plighted word, had given -his daughter in marriage to his nephew, the claimant, and is said also -to have himself seemed formidable by reason of his personal distinction -as a descendant of Caliph Othmán. A son of Mohammed’s fell into the -hands of the governor of Egypt, and was sent to the Caliph. We can -readily believe what we read, that the treatment of these hostages was -by no means indulgent;[32] several were put to death, many died in -prison. But popular imagination, or personal hatred, has raised the -colours of the picture; the story goes that the Caliph kept the bodies -of all the murdered Alids in a great chamber to which no one had access -but himself; in the ear of each was a label with his name and genealogy -neatly written. Mansúr’s son Mahdí ventured to use the key after his -father’s death, and, horrified at the discovery, caused them all to be -buried. - -Riyáh’s diligent search seems at length to have led Mohammed to attempt -a premature revolt, which towards the end of 762 broke out in Medina. -Mohammed was proclaimed Caliph, the captives set free, the governor and -other adherents of Mansúr thrown into prison. The famous doctor of -Islam, Málik, son of Anas, gave his decision that the oath of allegiance -to the Abbásids, having been obtained by force, was of no binding -obligation. This is characteristic at once for the ethics of Islam and -for the view of the rule of the Abbásids which was taken by those -persons who were, properly speaking, the guardians of religion and of -the sacred law.[33] At Málik’s dictum everybody went over to Mohammed. -Even the descendants of Abú Bekr and other men of Koraish, who had -formerly distinguished themselves at the founding of the empire of -Islam, for the most part joined him. So also did the poet Abú Adí al -Ablí, who belonged to a side branch of the house of Omayya. These -individuals, however, seem to have inherited but little of the -statesmanlike and warlike ability of their ancestors. From the very -first many clear-headed men saw that the enterprise had small prospect -of success. When a volunteer courier, in the extraordinarily short space -of nine days, brought news of the insurrection to Mansúr at Cufa, he was -far from dissatisfied with this clearing of the situation. “Now, at -last,” said he, “I have the fox out of his hole!” Medina was of all -places least suited for the foundation of an anti-caliphate,—for this, -among other reasons, that the whole region was dependent on imports from -Egypt, the supply of which was now at once cut off. Mansúr sent his -cousin Isá, son of Músá, with a small but tried army against Medina. -Mohammed proved no more equal to his task than the other Alid pretenders -had done. Instead of taking the advice of persons skilled in war, and -assuming the offensive, he remained within the city of the Prophet, the -sanctity of which he took to be his best defence: once, in a dream, it -had appeared to the Prophet under the figure of a breastplate. By way of -fortification he caused the fosse of the Prophet to be restored; a work -which indeed had filled with astonishment the Arabs combined against -Mohammed,—men who had had no experience of war on a large scale, or -indeed of any kind of strenuous united action,—but which was mere -child’s play for the veterans of Khorásán. Isá had already, by letters, -won over from Mohammed various important persons. The great bulk of his -followers quietly melted away as the foe drew near. Isá paused for three -days before Medina, to obtain, if possible, an amicable settlement by -negotiation, and operations then began. The fosse was bridged with some -house-doors. A woman of the family of Abbás secretly caused a large -black cloth to be hoisted on the tallest minaret; upon this all the -pious townsmen immediately rushed to the conclusion that the -Khorásánians had entered the city by the rear, and there had planted the -black banner of the Abbásids. Only a few, including a company of Juhaina -Bedouins, stood by Mohammed. Mohammed, a tall and handsome man, fell -after a heroic struggle late on the afternoon of Monday, 6th December -762. He had caused the captive Riyáh to be put to death immediately -before. One more addition was thus now made to the roll of Alid -“martyrs,” who had inherited from their ancestors courage and bravery, -but with these also an incapacity for generalship and supreme command. -The supporters of the house surnamed Mohammed as “the pure soul.” - -Isá, obeying orders, showed comparative clemency. It was of importance -to the descendants of Abbás that the sanctity of the city of the -Prophet, to whom they traced back their rights, should not be violated -too grossly. Some prominent participators in the rebellion, indeed, were -put to death, or else imprisoned or subjected to severe corporal -chastisement. The goods of that branch of the Alid family to which the -pretender had belonged were confiscated. According to the custom of the -time, his head was brought to the Caliph, who sent it by courier-post -round the provinces as an awful example. It arrived in Egypt in the -spring of 763, just in time to check a rising of the Alid party there. - -While affairs in Medina were still undecided, the Caliph learned that -Ibráhím had risen in the interests of his brother Mohammed at Basra -(Monday, 22nd November 762). Mansúr had previously come to know that -Ibráhím was in hiding there, and had taken some precautionary measures -accordingly; but he nevertheless seems to have been greatly taken aback -by this new insurrection. Basra was not merely a wealthy trading city, -but also, from a military point of view, very different in importance -from Medina. To a man of enterprise it offered great opportunities; from -it as a basis, the Tigris and Euphrates could be blockaded, and the -maritime provinces to the east comparatively easily mastered. Nor was -this all; the very important city, in the immediate neighbourhood of -which Mansúr had his residence, the turbulent Cufa, was thoroughly Alid -in its sympathies. Should an Alid make his appearance in the -neighbourhood with an army, an outbreak might be expected within it at -any moment. In addition to this, the whole central province was in a -state of ferment. But Mansúr had at the moment only a very few troops at -hand. He afterwards confessed that it had been a great mistake to leave -himself so bare, and declared that in future he would always retain at -least 30,000 men beside him. He managed, however, to arrange them so -that the Cufans considerably overestimated the number of his forces. The -Cufans were, moreover, always much more heroic in words than in deeds. -Mansúr, however, was not yet able to take the offensive against Ibráhím; -but was constrained to suffer the latter, into whose hands the treasure -of the rich province of Basra had fallen, to become master of Susiana -and Persis also. Wásit also received the troops of Ibráhím. In the -neighbourhood of this city, indeed, he was encountered by an officer of -Mansúr’s; and here the two armies stood, facing one another, until the -whole struggle was ended. - -Ibráhím deemed himself already a sovereign, and spent his time with a -wife whom he had just married. Mansúr, on the other hand, never looked -on the face of woman till the conflict was over. A contemporary praises, -in eloquent words, the courage and determination which he maintained in -his critical position. The advice to incite Cufa to revolt was set aside -by Ibráhím because such a step would cause much harm to children, women, -and other non-combatants. In the same spirit he forbade pursuit of -fugitives, and so forth. All this sounds very well, but is out of place -in one who, for his own interests, is carrying on a rebellion which, -under any circumstances, must involve much bloodshed, and can ultimately -achieve success only by concentration of every energy. In such -tenderness there is more of weakness than of humanity. “Thou desirest -the sovereignty, yet darest not to slay!” some one said to him. _Pour -faire des omelettes il faut casser les œufs._ - -Soon after the middle of December 762, Ibráhím received the crushing -intelligence of his brother’s death. Yet if even now he had advanced -immediately, he would still have been able to put Mansúr to great -straits. But when he finally marched towards Cufa with barely 10,000 -men, a sixth or a tenth of his strength on paper, Isá had already -arrived at the head of a superior army. The Caliph had ordered troops -from Media against Susiana, which soon captured the capital Ahwáz. In -Bákhamrá, only sixteen hours south of Cufa, the army of Ibráhím, who had -now assumed the title of Caliph, encountered the advancing host of Isá -(Monday, 14th February 763). Mansúr’s vanguard was driven back; but Isá -held his ground, and the fugitives soon rallied. Mansúr’s cousins, the -sons of Sulaimán, fell upon Ibráhím’s rear. After a fierce battle he -fell, mortally wounded with an arrow. The Caliph caused his head also to -be publicly exhibited, but would not suffer a bystander to treat the -dead with contumely. He punished with frightful cruelty a coarse person -who had spat on Ibráhím’s head in his presence. - -A victory for Ibráhím seems to have been widely counted upon. The famous -blind poet, Basshár, no sectary, but an enlightened freethinker, had -sent him a poem, in which he was praised, and Mansúr violently attacked; -after the battle he so altered the poem, that he was able to give it out -as an earlier production directed against Abú Moslim. - -Ibráhím’s death was a much greater relief to Mansúr than that of -Mohammed. He could now feel pretty sure that henceforth no Alid claimant -could be of danger to him. True, he caused the whole family of those -kinsmen of his to be strictly watched, but he was particularly willing -to receive into his service any members of it whom he thought he could -venture to trust. Perhaps in this the old Arab feeling for family ties -had still some part; however that may be, it produced a good effect, as -showing to subjects that both the main branches of the Háshimids still -held by one another. - -In Medina these struggles were followed by a little after-piece. Persian -soldiers behaved with violence towards peaceful inhabitants. The people -complained to the chief authority, but received no attention. Then -active resistance began. The town butchers (black freedmen, it would -seem) killed a soldier; from this it grew to a general _melée_. The -negroes, who were numerous, both slaves and freedmen, drew together, and -killed part of the little garrison. The governor fled. They even seized -on the stores that had been set apart for the troops. The higher classes -trembled before the wrath of Mansúr. It is noteworthy that two who -specially exerted themselves for the restoration of order were a member -of the Omayyad family and an official who had been imprisoned for his -participation in the rising of Mohammed. The loyalty of the population -towards the sovereign was strongly insisted on. The stores that had been -plundered were given back or made good. The blacks suffered themselves -to be persuaded by the representations of the most prominent citizens, -and returned home. It was now seen to have been only a momentary -outburst of temper, not social revolution. The governor returned at the -earnest invitation of the notables. Four ringleaders had a hand chopped -off—the punishment of thieves. The chief mischiefmaker perished in -prison. - -The rebellion of the Alids had interrupted Mansúr in a great -undertaking—the building of Bagdad. With the fall of the Omayyads it -had become quite a matter of course that the rulers of the enormous -empire, which extended from what is now Russian Turkestan and the Indus -to Aden, Algeria, and Eastern Asia Minor,[34] should have their seat in -Babylonia; but they had not as yet any definite capital. Mansúr lived a -great deal in Háshimíya, founded by his predecessor, in the immediate -neighbourhood of Cufa. But the Cufans, little attached as they were to -the Abbásids, were no desirable neighbours. After the death of Ibráhím, -Mansúr had preached them as sharp a sermon against their sins as any -Omayyad governor could have delivered, and expressed in it his -astonishment that the Omayyads had not long ago depopulated the accursed -place as an abode of unbelievers. Moreover, nothing but a creation of -his own could have satisfied Mansúr’s haughty nature. After long -deliberation he determined to build the new capital on a site on the -west bank of the Tigris, then occupied by a little place named -Baghdád.[35] So far as we can judge, the district had already before -this time been brought into communication with the Euphrates by means of -canals. Mansúr caused the connection to be notably extended and -improved. The official name of the city here planted was -Madínat-as-Salám (“the city of welfare”), but in practical use the old -name Bagdad maintained exclusive currency. Mansúr’s keen vision in the -selection of this site may well be compared with that shown by Alexander -when he founded the Egyptian Alexandria. At any rate, the situation of -this city, which he called into being out of nothing, is so favourable -that it soon became a world-city, with all the lights and shadows of -such; a place which, Constantinople apart, had no rival, and which, even -in the deep decline of all these countries since that time, and -notwithstanding the irreparable injury suffered by Bagdad itself when it -was destroyed by the Mongols in 1258, still remains a considerable city, -by far the most important in the whole region of the Euphrates and -Tigris. The work of building had been begun in early summer of 762. When -news came of Mohammed’s revolt, the walls were hardly six feet high. -When Ibráhím approached, the rumour spread that he had gained a great -victory. Hereupon the freedman who had been left in charge of the vast -accumulations of building materials set fire to the stores of timber, -that they might not fall into the hand of the enemy. As soon as the -empire was once more pacified, Mansúr caused operations to be resumed. -The building was carried out on a magnificent scale. Vast sums were -expended by the Caliph in building residences for himself, his -dependants, kinsfolk, and freedmen, as well as his officers and troops, -and also in constructing mosques, government offices, aqueducts, canal -bridges, and fortifications. He assigned allotments to the members of -the reigning house and the grandees on which to build their houses. -Troops of handicraftsmen, traders, and other settlers flocked to the -spot. Houses of sun-dried brick cost but little, and it is possible that -even directly, certainly indirectly, the trifling outlay of the builders -was in many cases made good out of the public exchequer. Traders had, -moreover, to pay a duty upon their shops. In 766 the great city was -practically finished; its walls were completed in 768. Mansúr’s city, as -already mentioned, lay on the west bank of the river. Yet even he caused -the opposite side, where now the main part of Bagdad lies, to be built -on. “The camp” of his son Mahdí was there. It seemed expedient to place -a portion of the garrison on the other side of the river, so that, in -case of necessity, the two divisions of the army might be able to hold -one another in check. A peculiar police regulation was introduced later -by Mansúr; he caused the markets, which were frequented by an excessive -number of strangers, whose supervision was not easy, to be removed -outside the city proper. Bagdad was strongly fortified. Mansúr caused -other important inland cities also to be fortified in such a way that -the garrisons might be able to cope with casual insurrections. This he -did also in the case of the city of Ráfika, founded by him in 772 in the -neighbourhood of Rakka (Callinicus), on the east bank of the middle -Euphrates, in which he placed a garrison of Khorásánians. - -The active superintendence which Mansúr gave to the building of his -capital is only an instance of the whole system of his government, which -was, as far as possible, personal. Posts were still conferred on a -certain number of Arab nobles, who still sometimes showed the -insubordination and tribal patriotism of their race, but he took care -that they never overgrew himself. At the same time, he conferred the -most important governorships upon various members of his own family, and -made ample provision for all of them; but he kept them in strict -subjection, and on occasion chastised them severely. He had absolutely -trustworthy tools in his freedmen and clients of foreign extraction, to -whom, to the horror of the aristocratic Arabs, he sometimes gave even -the most important administrative offices. The governors and other high -officials of the provinces were strictly overseen by special officers, -entirely independent of them, who sent an uninterrupted series of -couriers with their reports to the Caliph.[36] When, for example, Mansúr -on one occasion learned through this channel that the governor of -Hadramaut (in the extreme south of Arabia) was more attentive to the -pleasures of the chase than to the duties of his office, he deposed him -at once. Even the actions of Mahdí, the heir-apparent, in his capacity -as governor of the lands of the east were subjected to this kind of -control. Thus, the Caliph having on one occasion learned that Mahdí had -given to a certain poet much too great a reward for a laudatory copy of -verses, he compelled the recipient to repay the greater part of the -sum.[37] These officers, in addition to their special duties, reported -all the more important law cases, and all occurrences of any particular -interest; they further apprised the Caliph of the price of provisions; -for, with a view to public peace and security, it was judged necessary -to take prompt measures for the prevention of dearths.[38] So well was -Mansúr informed as to the state of the provinces, that it was whispered -he had a magic mirror in which he could see all his enemies. Still -better is he characterised by his own words to his son: “Sleep not, for -thy father has not slept since he came to the caliphate; when sleep fell -upon his eyes, his spirit remained awake.” He was an excellent -financier. He is frequently reproached with avarice even; he was -surnamed “the father of farthings,”—a reproach which presumably came -chiefly from those whose interests would have been served by that -prodigality to favourites which has procured a very undeserved -reputation for many Oriental sovereigns. In the same way other eminently -good rulers, such as the Omayyads Abdalmelik and Hishám, have the -reputation of avarice. Mansúr was certainly strict in money matters. The -vast expenditures on the building of Bagdad he caused to be accounted -for down to the last farthing, and he compelled his officials to refund -little profits which they had made for themselves. He looked sharply -after his tax collectors. In payment of the land tax he commanded that -only certain kinds of the gold coins of the Omayyads which were quite of -full weight should be received. Of course he followed also the old -established principle of Oriental princes, according to which high -officers who had gorged themselves were compelled to give back their -accumulations.[39] Even one of such exalted position, and of such -conspicuous service in the establishment and support of the Abbásid -dynasty, as was the Persian[40] Khálid, son of Barmek, the founder of -the Barmecide power, was subjected to an operation of this kind. He was -called upon within a very short time to pay 3,000,000 dirhems (about -£57,000); the Caliph in the end was satisfied with 2,700,000. Nay, even -Mansúr’s own brother Abbás was compelled to give up the money which he -had squeezed from the people when governor of Mesopotamia, and was -imprisoned besides. An Oriental State can never altogether prevent the -abuse by which officials, small and great, enrich themselves in illicit -ways. On the occasion of a land survey at Basra it was discovered that a -family of consideration, the descendants of the Prophet’s freedman Abú -Bekra, had increased their estate to a prodigious extent; the Caliph cut -it down to a tenth. Here is a piece of the higher finance:[41] Mansúr -ordered every inhabitant of Cufa to pay five dirhems (nearly two -shillings); all, of course, complied. Having in this way ascertained -their exact number, he imposed on all a poll-tax[42] of forty dirhems -(fifteen shillings), and applied the money to the fortifications of the -city. Whether this story is exact we will not undertake to say; in any -case, it is probable that he sought by stringent measures to raise the -revenue as much as possible, especially as he left to his successor an -overflowing exchequer. It must, however, be considered that the -comparative measure of quiet which he secured for most of the countries -of his empire more than compensated for high taxation. How far the -Christians’ complaints of special fiscal oppression under Mansúr were -justified, is a point we can hardly clear up now; perhaps they arose -chiefly from the circumstance that he taxed churches and monasteries, -which was not so very unreasonable. If he again reduced the tribute of -the Cyprians to the sum originally fixed by treaty, this was probably -due, not so much to a sense of justice as to policy; it was expedient -that so exposed a possession should be considerately treated. - -We are safe in saying that the rule of Mansúr, however hard, -treacherous, or ruthless it may often have been, was on the whole a -blessing to the empire. He could say of himself with truth, that he had -done for the mass of the people the one thing which the masses needed; -he had insisted on righteousness (in the administrative and judicial -acts of his officials), had protected them against external attack, and -had secured internal peace and quiet. The fruits of his exertions were -reaped by his successors, who were by no means on a level with himself. -The great prosperity of the empire under his grandson Hárún ar Rashíd is -mainly due to Mansúr. It must be borne in mind, of course, that when we -speak of an Oriental State, justice and internal peace must always be -taken with large qualifications. Even the best of Oriental governments -is extremely defective from our point of view.[43] - -The personal requirements of Mansúr were few. Born and bred in the -deserts of Edom, he had no turn for such luxury as prevailed in the -court of his son, and which afterwards often passed into extravagant -profligacy. Like his predecessor, he seems to have been no slave of -women. He drank no wine, and did not tolerate at his court music and -song, which at that time were only too often the handmaids of -debauchery. On the other hand, he was a friend of literature; he -particularly admired the fine heroic histories of old Arabia. Himself a -man of high mental endowments, he liked to associate with people of -culture and intellect. He found pleasure also in the verses and drollery -of the talented bibulous and frivolous negro Abú Duláma, who seems to -have been more of a court fool than of a court poet. By natural gift and -by cultivation, he became one of the most famous of Arabic orators. He -it was, moreover, who first caused Greek scientific works to be -translated into Arabic. He had at least a share in the rise of Arabic -science which took place in his time. - -The sovereign before whose wrath all the world bowed in shrinking fear, -and of whose bloody severity frightful things were told, was under his -own roof a kindly father and master. He knew how to appreciate frank, -dignified demeanour in cases where this did not appear to carry danger. -Thus he pardoned a Kharijite who was to have been beheaded in his -presence, and whom he had assailed with insulting language, when the -latter pointed out to him how unseemly such conduct was. And he fully -appreciated the Omayyad sovereigns Moáwiya, Abdalmelik, and Hishám, as -also that brave and unselfish servant of the Omayyads, the great Hajjáj. - -The most devoted followers of the Alids were in the habit of asserting -that they had derived from the Prophet a hereditary wisdom; this was -one, or even the sole ground on which the sovereignty was claimed for -them. Among the Persians, in particular, views of this kind had great -currency. The first Abbásid claimants and sovereigns also made similar -pretensions. It was the part of the good subject to believe that the -heads of this house enjoyed a special divine illumination. But, apart -from the individuals who had been won over by their emissaries at the -beginning, this faith did not spread. Even the Arab Moslems were much -more inclined to attribute such an advantage to the Alids than to the -reigning family. Mansúr himself doubtless viewed this doctrine of his -own special enlightenment much as an intelligent Roman emperor regarded -the divine honours paid him by poets and subservient provincials. At any -rate, his nature was cool, and religious zeal will be imputed to him by -no one. So long as heterodox persons were not dangerous to the State he -left them unmolested. Under his reign there were no persecutions of -sectaries, such as his son Mahdí so soon afterwards instituted, and -still less of the supporters of unpopular school opinions, such as -occurred frequently at a later date. In his time, moreover, the -unanimity of a later age as to orthodox doctrine or orthodox practice in -Islam had not yet been attained; much leaven was still at work which was -afterwards cast out. His Christian physician was accustomed to wine; -Mansúr in his own palace caused the obnoxious liquor to be supplied to -him. On the other hand, he praised this functionary for his fidelity to -the now aged wife whom he had left behind at home, when he sent back the -beautiful female slaves presented to him by the Caliph because -Christianity enjoined monogamy. But, of course, Mansúr’s edicts and -letters, according to the fashion of the time, overflowed with pious -phrases and texts from the Koran; and this was most of all conspicuous -in the religious political discourses which, after the example of the -earlier Caliphs, he delivered on Fridays from the pulpit of some great -mosque. Mansúr was further led by the traditions of his family to assume -to some extent the part of a theologian, especially in giving forth -alleged sayings of the Prophet. Some characteristic specimens of such -oral traditions communicated by him to others have come down to us. Thus -he declared the Prophet to have said, that if he had appointed to a -governor a definite revenue, then everything which the latter took in -excess of this was unlawful spoliation. Unfortunately, not many of -Mansúr’s governors were so tender of conscience as to take seriously to -heart a word of the Prophet guaranteed on such authority. At the same -time, all things considered, I do not venture to maintain that Mansúr -was at heart an utter unbeliever. In the East, still less than in the -West, does one expect to find absolute consistency in matters of -religion. The man who in cold blood violated his most sacred oaths may -yet have argued with himself that Alláh the All-merciful would at last -forgive him, good Moslem as he was, all his sins. Perhaps he hoped even -that God would impute it to him for righteousness that he was the cousin -of the Apostle of God; that would have been a truly Arab thought. In the -same way it is also possible that his repeated pilgrimages, over and -above their political purpose, which is obvious, may have been designed -also to satisfy a personal need. It is conceivable, too, that the old -sinner may have counted on the divine favour because he had vigorously -carried on the holy war against unbelievers.[44] - -The baneful frontier war, carried on for centuries between the caliphate -and the Byzantine empire, and interrupted only by short truces, pursued -its course under Mansúr, though mostly only in the form of plundering -forays, devastation of the open country, and destruction of single -fortresses and cities. Mansúr sought to make his frontier against the -Byzantines as secure as possible by freshly fortifying a number of -cities and supplying them with adequate garrisons. In this respect his -restorations of the ruined fortresses of Melatia in Lesser Armenia, and -of that of Massísa (Mopsuhestia) in Cilicia,—a town which he almost -founded anew,—were of special importance. These frontier fortresses -naturally served also as bases of operations against the enemy’s -territory. The maritime towns on the Syrian coast were in like manner -placed by Mansúr in a state of defence. - -The other frontiers also gave enough to do. In 764 the wild Khazars (in -what is now Southern Russia) invaded the territory south of the -Caucasus, took Tiflis, devastated the country far and wide, and defeated -more than one army. Before a sufficient force could be sent against -them, they had again disappeared. But Mansúr now took precautions, by -defensive works, to check as much as possible the inroads of these and -other northern barbarians, at whose hands these lands had long suffered -severely. He took firm possession of the whole territory up to the great -mountain chain, and even levied a tax upon the naphtha-springs of Baku. - -The mountainous districts on the southern margin of the Caspian, on the -other hand, remained unsubdued. The Dílemites (in Gílán) made frequent -plundering attacks on the adjoining country, as had been their -immemorial habit. The war against them was continual. We learn -incidentally that in 760-61 the Caliph summoned expressly the richer -inhabitants of Cufa to take arms against the Dílemites. Now, -theoretically, every Moslem capable of bearing arms is under constant -obligation to fight against unbelievers; but we may conjecture that what -Mansúr had chiefly in view was the money which those not very warlike -people would have to pay for exemption from service.—Tabaristán -(Mázenderán), which borders Gílán on the east, where a family of high -functionaries of the Sásánian empire had maintained themselves as an -independent dynasty and still kept up the religion of Zoroaster, was -almost entirely annexed for the first time under Mansúr.[45] A former -butcher of Rai (Rhagae, near the modern Teherán), who, on his own -responsibility, had collected a body of men, and at its head had fought -bravely against Sampádh,[46] received the appointment of governor. But -this conquest of Tabaristán was not yet final. - -The struggle continued to be carried on—with many interruptions, it is -true—against the unbelievers (Turks and others) beyond the Oxus; so -also on the Indian frontier, where during Mansúr’s reign Kandahár, among -other places, was taken. But the extension of the Mohammedan empire in -these frontier regions was nowhere great. We do not know whether the -fleet which Mansúr despatched from Basra in 770 to chastise a tribe of -pirates in the delta of the Indus was successful. Two years before -members of this tribe had ventured up the Red Sea, and had plundered -Jiddah, the port of Mecca.[47] - -In the repression of the Alid rebellion Isá, son of Músá, had, as we -have seen, specially distinguished himself, and, by a binding -arrangement, the succession to the sovereignty had been secured to him. -But Mansúr wished to be succeeded by his own son Mahdí. He accordingly -wrote to his cousin a letter full of unction, in which he represented -the troops as having taken Mahdí to their heart to such a degree that -the former must of necessity yield to him. The claim had even a stronger -foundation, for the unscrupulous poet Mutí had produced before the -assembled court a prediction of the Prophet which clearly pointed to -Mahdí as the future pattern prince, and had even had the audacity to -call in Abbás, the Caliph’s brother, as a witness to the genuineness of -the announcement,—a testimony in which the latter had, against his -will, to concur. In spite of all this Isá held his own, and maintained, -certainly with good reason, not only that the Caliph and his officials -were obliged by the oath which they had tendered to him to protect him -in his rights, but that he had also bound himself by his oath, and dared -not abandon his claim. At last, by threats and all sorts of -importunities, he was rendered pliable, and renounced on condition that -he was to be the successor of Mahdí. Officials and people were in this -way released from the terms of their oath to Isá (764). The condition -attached was from the first rather illusory, for Mansúr’s son was much -younger than Isá, and actually survived him; but before Isá’s death -Mahdí as Caliph had already compelled him definitely to resign his -claims in favour of Mahdí’s son Hádí. - -At this time also (764) Mansúr’s quondam rival, his uncle Abdalláh, -died. Abdalláh, as already related, had after his defeat taken refuge -with his brother Sulaimán at Basra (end of 754). When Mansúr came to -know that he was in hiding there, he demanded his surrender; but this -was not granted until after he had pledged himself in the most solemn -way that no harm should befall Abdalláh. In the deed in which this -security was promised,—a deed accepted by the Caliph,—it was -specified, among other things, that Mansúr, should he break the -agreement, would be held as renouncing the sovereignty, and as releasing -his subjects from their oath of allegiance. These clauses were little to -Mansúr’s taste: people might, perhaps, one day think of taking him at -his word! The author of the document, Ibn Mokaffa, famous as a stylist -and as a poet, and particularly meritorious as translator of older -Persian works, was accordingly, on account of the words in question, put -to death with cruelty on a hint from the Caliph. And when Abdalláh (12th -May 759) came to his nephew, in spite of every promise he was seized, -and his companions slain. Abdalláh himself also, according to accounts, -died a violent death. Yet it is difficult to see why Mansúr should have -spared his uncle for so long a time if imprisonment was not a sufficient -measure of security; a seven years’ imprisonment was of itself enough to -account for the death of a man no longer young. Still less can we rely -on the various rumours according to which the death of Mohammed, son of -Saffáh (beginning of 767) was due to violence; for Mansúr had no -occasion to be afraid of this dissolute nephew. The fantastic stories -that are told in connection with these things show us, at all events, -what the Commander of the Faithful was deemed capable of. On the other -hand, I am bound to point out that Mansúr, if he never shrank from an -atrocity that he deemed serviceable, hardly can have found his pleasure -in mere murder and bloodshed. Accordingly, he disapproved of Isá’s -having put to death a son of Nasr; for, bravely as Nasr had fought on -behalf of the Omayyad, his son was now no source of danger. - -Though, after the defeat of the Alids, Mansúr had the empire as a whole -well in hand, yet in the remoter provinces all sorts of trouble still -arose, some of them very serious. For example, the Armenian nobles, who -had always been restless, had once more to be put down by force. In 767 -there was another violent outbreak in Khorásán. Its leader[48] is said -to have claimed to possess the gift of prophecy; however this may be, -the movement undoubtedly was of a religious, strongly heretical -character. The histories do not recognise the insurgents as Moslems at -all. Kházim himself born or bred in Khorásán, was sent against them; but -could effect nothing until he got it arranged that the vizier of Mahdí, -the heir-apparent, who governed the eastern provinces from Rai as -viceroy, should no longer be allowed to interfere with the unity of the -command by giving separate orders to the subordinate officers. This -done, he brought the insurrection to an end by a brilliant victory and a -terrible massacre (768). He is said to have caused 14,000 prisoners to -be beheaded. If we consider that Charlemagne, fourteen years afterwards, -caused 4,000 captive Saxons to be massacred,[49] and that by command of -prince (afterwards Caliph) Hárún, who certainly was a man of much higher -culture than either Mansúr’s general or the Frankish king, 2,900 -Byzantine prisoners were put to death in the year 765, the number just -given will not appear much too great. From other facts, also, we know -Kházim to have been a man of great severity. The wars with unbelievers, -especially with Turks and Byzantines, and the civil wars, had trained a -race of brave but pitiless fighters. The leader of the insurrection was -brought a prisoner before Mansúr, and executed. - -Another great rebellion broke out soon afterwards in the province of -“Africa” (corresponding nearly to the modern Tripoli and Tunis), where, -indeed, matters had never been thoroughly quiet. It, too, had a -religious and also a national origin; the rebels were Berbers and -Kharijites. The Caliph’s governor, who shortly before had been -transferred to Africa from the Indian frontier,—a distance of about -sixty degrees of longitude,—fell in battle against them. Mansúr now -sent Yezíd, son of Hátim, with a great army upon the scene, and, to show -how important the matter was in his eyes, accompanied him in person as -far as to Jerusalem (770). In the following year Yezíd gained a decisive -victory, and triumphantly entered the capital, Kairawán, where he -remained as governor till long after Mansúr’s death. The Caliph’s -territory did not extend much farther than this. The regions more to the -west had been separated from the caliphate since the fall of the -Omayyads. In Spain the Omayyad Abderrahmán, a grandson of Caliph Hishám, -after surmounting innumerable dangers, and landing in the country -without resources and without allies, at the age of twenty-five, in the -spring of 756, had rapidly established an independent empire. All -efforts of Mansúr to shatter his power proved vain. Like Mansúr himself, -he was the son of a Berber slave-girl. The Caliph, who, as we have seen, -knew how to recognise valour and greatness even in enemies of his house, -called him “the falcon of the Koraish” (the tribe to which the Omayyads, -Abbásids, and many other families of consideration belonged). - -Much less important than either of those just spoken of were the risings -in northern Arabia, which were quelled by Okba in 768 or 769. In doing -so Okba, a Yemenite Arab, out of tribal hostility shed an inordinate -quantity of blood. Wishing to give a handsome present to an official -whom the Caliph had sent to him, he handed over to him fifty prisoners, -whom he was to take with him to Basra, making as if he was about to -decapitate them and hang up their bodies; their tribesmen in that city -would then be ready to redeem them at 10,000 dirhems (nearly £200) a -piece. The pretty plan was unfortunately spoiled by the temper of the -populace and the interference of an intelligent Cadi. On the report of -the latter to the Caliph, he was thanked, and the prisoners let go. - -It was while returning from a pilgrimage to Mecca that Mansúr had become -Caliph; on a similar journey to Mecca he was destined to die. In 775 he -once more set out; on the way he was seized with a disease of the bowels -(dysentery?), which was probably connected with troubles of the -digestive system from which he had formerly suffered. The heat of the -Arabian late summer, and the fatigues and privations of the journey (on -which even the Caliph must often have had to content himself with very -indifferent drinking water), can only have aggravated the malady in a -man now somewhat advanced in years, if they did not even occasion it. He -succeeded in reaching the holy territory, but not the sanctuary itself. -His death took place on Saturday, 7th October 775,—according to other -authorities, on the Wednesday before,—at Bír Maimún, about one hour’s -journey from Mecca, after a reign of twenty-one years and some months; -his age was over sixty, the authorities vacillating between sixty-three -and sixty-eight lunar (sixty-one and sixty-six solar) years.[50] The -only persons present were the freedman Rabí, an influential confidant, -and some servants. Rabí kept the death secret for some little time, with -a view to the arrangements necessary to secure the throne for Mahdí. -Mansúr lies buried near the holy city, the cradle of his family. Later -generations believed they knew his grave; but the statement is not -improbably correct that at the time a number of graves (“a hundred,” it -is said) were dug, in order that his true resting-place might remain -unknown. At this meeting-place of all restless spirits, where the power -of the central government was never able to assert itself so firmly as -in the lands of ancient civilisation, some embittered enemy of the -dynasty might easily one day gain the upper hand, in which case it was -not inconceivable that he might disinter and insult the body of its most -powerful and most hated member, as Mansúr’s own uncle Abdalláh had done -with the bodies of the Omayyads. - -The East has seen many sovereigns who came near, or even surpassed, -Mansúr in duplicity and absolutely unscrupulous egoism, but hardly one -who was at the same time endowed with such commanding intellect, or who -(speaking generally and on the whole) had so strong an influence for -good on the development of his empire. - ------ - -[20] By the Khorásán of that period we are to understand, not merely the -modern Persian province of this name, but also extensive tracts to the -east and north. Its capital was Merv, now in the hands of Russia. - -[21] At that time even the noblest non-Arabian convert, on his -acceptance of Islam, had to attach himself as “client” to some Arab -tribe; whereupon he was entitled to add to his own name another, which -designated him as belonging to this tribe. - -[22] - - H á s h i m - | - Abdalmuttalib - | - --------------------------- - | | | - Abdalláh Abú Tálib A b b á s - | | - The Prophet Mohammed A l í - | / - | / - Fátima (daughter) / - -[23] Probably on the right bank of the Nile, opposite Eshmúnein. - -[24] According to others, on Saturday, 8th June. - -[25] Compare the dream of Pericles’ mother, Herod. vi. 131. - -[26] - - Abbás - | - Abdalláh - | - Alí - | - ---------------------------------------- - | | | | - Mohammed A b d a l l á h Musá Sulaimán - | | - ------------------ | - | | | | - Ibráhím Saffáh M a n s ú r Isá - | - Mahdí - -[27] See above, p. 80. - -[28] - - Abd Manáf - | - -------------------------------- - | | - Háshim Abd Shams - | | - Abdalmuttalib O m a y y a - | - ------------- - | | - Abú Tálib A b b á s - | - A l í - -[29] - - Mohammed the Prophet - | - Alí-------------------Fátima (daughter) - | - ------------------------- - | | - Hasan Husain - | | - Hasan--------------------Fátima (daughter) - | - Abdalláh - | - ------------------- - | | - Mohammed Ibráhím - -[30] See above, p. 81. - -[31] The Juhaina (Jehéne) have their home there to this day. - -[32] During the journey Abdalláh is reported to have shouted to Mansúr: -“We did not so treat the prisoners we took from you at Badr!” This was a -bitter allusion to the fact that Abdalláh’s ancestor Alí had been a -champion of Islam in the Prophet’s very first battle, while the ancestor -of the Abbásids, who now wished to be taken as representing the rights -of the Prophet’s house, took at that period the side of the heathen, and -with many of his comrades had been taken prisoner, but had been -mercifully treated. - -[33] Historical tradition, on the whole, is not indeed against the -Abbásids, but it is at the same time very favourable to the Alids. This -is shown even by the great fulness of detail with which it records all -Alid rebellions. - -[34] In area Mansúr’s empire was much greater than that of Rome at its -greatest, in population much poorer, and, on that account, as well as -for geographical reasons, much more difficult to govern. - -[35] In this choice of site one element that came into consideration was -the comparative absence of mosquitoes. Any one who has made acquaintance -with the gnats of the Rhine or of Venice can form some faint conception -of what the inhabitants of those hot countries, with their many pools -and marshes, have to suffer from these little bloodsuckers. - -[36] The imperial posts were, as in the ancient Persian empire, well -managed,—not, however, for general use, but only for that of -government. - -[37] As Caliph, Mahdí afterwards restored the whole sum once more to the -poet. - -[38] It is much to be regretted that none of these reports have come -down to us. Altogether, we have extremely few original documents for the -history of the Arabian empire; nor are those very numerous even which -have been preserved for us, either wholly, or in substance, in extant -works. On the other hand, the narrative of the history of the caliphate -is copious. - -[39] “At a time when no conception of any such thing as operation on the -credit of the State had been thought of, whenever receipts fell short of -expenditure, there was no other way of raising money but that of taking -it where it was to be had. The State, that is, the Caliph, did this in -the form of money fines, by taking from people of notorious wealth a -portion, or the whole, of their generally ill-gotten gains.. .. The -people, as a whole, found themselves under this system much better off -than if ever-increasing burdens had been accumulated upon them by a -universal raising of customs and dues, and for this reason, doubtless, I -find no word of complaint on the subject in any of the historians of the -period.” A. von Kremer, in his exceedingly instructive dissertation, -_Ueber das Einnahme budget des Abbasiden-Reiches vom Jahre 306_ H. -(Vienna 1887) p. 11. - -[40] More correctly, Bactrian. - -[41] It recalls the anecdotes in the pseudo-Aristotelic _Oeconomica_, -Bk. ii. - -[42] So we read; but we may be sure that only heads of families are -meant. - -[43] In saying this, I do not mean that we Europeans live in a political -Paradise. - -[44] “Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum,” wrote Lucretius, without -any inkling of the misery yet destined to come upon the world through -the aggressiveness of Semitic religious zeal. - -[45] The exact year is unknown. - -[46] See above, p. 118. - -[47] At sea the great Arab dynasties, like the Roman, have seldom done -anything considerable. - -[48] His name is now, owing to the ambiguity of the Arabic characters -and the mistakes of copyists, quite uncertain. - -[49] The objections that have recently been urged against this statement -are hardly strong enough to invalidate it. - -[50] Compare above, p. 70. Probably Mansúr himself did not know exactly -his own birth year, not to speak of his birthday. - - - - - V. - A SERVILE WAR IN THE EAST. - - -IMMEDIATELY after the tragic night in which the Caliph Mutawakkil was -murdered at the instigation of his own son (11th or 12th December 861), -the proud fabric of the Abbásid empire—already greatly shaken—began to -collapse. The troops, Turkish and others, raised and deposed the -Caliphs; the generals, for the most part quondam slaves, like those whom -they commanded, strove for a mastery which in turn was often dependent -on the humours of the soldiery. In the provinces new rulers arose, who -did not always think it necessary to acknowledge the Caliph as lord, -even in name. Claimants belonging to the house of Alí had success in -some places. In the great towns of the Tigris region there were serious -popular tumults. Peace and security were enjoyed only in those districts -where a governor, practically independent, held firm and strict rule. - -This circumstance alone makes it in some degree intelligible how a -clever and unscrupulous adventurer, leaning for support on the most -despised class of the population, should have been able, not far from -the heart of the empire, to set up a rule which for a long time was the -terror of the surrounding regions, and only yielded at last, after -nearly fourteen years of effort on the part of the caliphate, which had -in the meanwhile recovered a little of its former strength. - -Alí, son of Mohammed, a native of the large village of Verzenín, not far -from the modern Teherán, gave himself out to be a descendant of Alí and -of his wife Fátima, the daughter of the Prophet. The claim may have been -just; the descendants of Alí by that time were reckoned by thousands, -and were very far from being, all of them, persons of distinction. It -is, of course, equally possible that his alleged descent was a mere -invention. According to some authorities his family belonged to Bahrein, -a district of north-eastern Arabia, and was a branch of the tribe of -Abdalkais, which had its seat there. In any case, he passed for a man of -Arab blood. Before he became known to the world, Alí is said, among -other adventures, to have gone about for a while in Bahrein, seeking a -following there. This statement is made extremely probable by the fact -that several of his principal followers belonged to that district, -though it is far removed from the world’s highways, and but seldom -mentioned in history; among these was the black freedman, Sulaimán, son -of Jámi, one of his most capable generals. The ambitious Alí, utilising -the prevailing anarchy, next sought to secure a footing in Basra. This -great commercial city, next to Bagdad the most important place in the -central provinces, was suffering much at that time from the conflicts of -two parties, to all appearance the inhabitants of two different quarters -of the town.[51] Yet Alí gained little here; some of his followers, and -even the members of his own family, were thrown into prison, a lot which -he himself escaped only by flight to Bagdad. But soon afterwards, in -connection with a change of governor, new disturbances broke out in -Basra, the prisons were broken, and Alí was soon again on the spot. He -had already thoroughly surveyed the ground for his plans. - -We are very imperfectly acquainted with the scene of the occurrences -which I am about to relate. Even if the modern condition of these parts -admitted of being represented on maps much more closely than defective -surveys allow, and were the surveys better, they would not help us very -much, for the whole face of the land has greatly changed since the times -we write of. At that time the Euphrates in the lowest part of its course -discharged itself into a region of lake and marsh, connected with the -sea by a number of tidal channels. The most important of these waters -was near Basra, which lay farther to the west than the modern much -smaller city of the same name (Bussorah). That place and its immediate -neighbourhood was intersected by innumerable canals (more than 120,000, -it is asserted). The chief arm of the Tigris was at that time the -southward flowing, now called Shatt al Hai, upon which stood the city of -Wásit. Farther down, the stream must have turned towards the south-east. -The present main arm, whose main course is to the south-east, was at -that time dry, or had a very limited volume of water. The lowest part of -the Tigris was connected with the stream on which Basra stood by -numerous canals, some of them navigable to large sea-going ships. All -these waters were reached by the tide. Floods and broken embankments had -even by that time converted much arable land into marshes; while, on the -other hand, by drainage and embanking, many pieces of land had been -reclaimed. Since that time, in common with all the rest of Irák -(Babylonia), this southern portion, in a very conspicuous degree, has -been so grievously wasted and neglected, that the forces of nature have -entirely gained the upper hand. What was a smiling country has been -turned into a wilderness by the spread of the marshes, or by the silting -up and stoppage of the drainage channels. The rivers have in part quite -changed their beds. On this account we can follow only in a vague way -the very precise topographical details which our sources give in -describing the campaigns against Alí and his bands. - -At no great distance eastward from Basra there were extensive flats, -traversed by ditches, in which great numbers of black slaves, mostly -from the east coast of Africa, the land of the Zenj,[52] were employed -by rich _entrepreneurs_ of the city in digging away the nitrous surface -soil, so as to lay bare the fruitful ground underneath, and at the same -time to obtain the saltpetre that occurred in the upper stratum. An -industry of such magnitude in the open country is seldom met with in the -East. The work in such a case is very hard, and the supervision must be -strict. The feeling of affection which in the East binds the slave very -closely to the family in which he lives and has grown up, is here -altogether wanting. On the other hand, among such masses of slaves -working together there easily springs up a certain community of feeling, -a common sense of embitterment against their masters, and, under -favourable circumstances, a consciousness of their own strength; thus -are combined the conditions of a powerful insurrection. So it was in the -servile wars of the last century of the Roman republic, and so it was -here. Alí recognised the strength latent in those black slaves. The fact -that he was able to set this strength in motion, and that he developed -it into a terrible power which required long time and the very greatest -exertions to overcome it, conclusively shows that he was a man of -genius. The “leader of the Zenj,” the “Alid,” or the “false Alid,” plays -a very great part in the annals of his time—such a part, indeed, that -it is easy to understand why our main informant, Tabarí, should by -preference call him “the abominable one,” “the wicked one,” or “the -traitor.” - -Once before in Babylonia a talented and unscrupulous Arab had utilised a -time of internal confusion to raise a sovereignty on religious pretexts -by the aid of a despised class; the cunning Mokhtár had appealed to the -Persian or half-Persian population of the great cities, particularly -Cufa, upon whom the dominant Arabs in those early days of Islam looked -down with supreme contempt (685-687 A.D.). But our hero went much -deeper, and maintained himself much longer, than Mokhtár. - -Before openly declaring himself, Alí had sought out from among the -lowest strata of the population, and the freedmen in particular, -suitable tools for the execution of his plans. In the beginning of -September 869 he betook himself, at first under the guise of business -agent for a princely family, to the saltpetre district, and began at -once to rouse the slaves. Saturday, 10th September 869, is reckoned as -the date at which he openly declared himself. He represented to the -negro slaves how badly they were being treated, and promised them, if -they joined him, freedom, wealth, and—slaves. In other words, he did -not preach universal equality and well-being, but reserved the supremacy -for the particular class to which he addressed himself. All this, of -course, was clothed in religious forms. He proclaimed the restoration of -true legality. None but those who followed himself were believers, or -entitled to claim the heavenly and earthly rights of the true Moslem. -Alí thus appealed at once to the nobler and to the more vulgar feelings -of the rudest masses, and with complete success. We may accept the -statement that he gave himself out for inspired; at any rate to the -blacks he seemed to be a messenger of God. That he himself believed in -his own heavenly vocation is hardly to be assumed; all that we know of -him bespeaks a very cool understanding. We learn much more, it is true, -about his warlike deeds than about his true character; religious fancy -has often great influence even upon coolly calculating natures, and in -the East especially it is very difficult to draw the line between -self-deception and imposition upon others. That Alí was sincere when he -betook himself to astrology in important crises need not be doubted, for -this superstition at that time held sway over even the clearest heads -with hardly an exception. - -Since the rebel leader claimed, as we have seen, to be descended from -Alí, Mohammed’s son-in-law, we should naturally have expected to find -him, like other Alids, appealing to the divine right of his house, and -coming forward as founder of a sect of Shíites. But instead of this he -declared himself for the doctrine of those most decided enemies of -Shíite legitimism, the Kharijites or Zealots, who held the first two -Caliphs alone to have been lawful, and rejected Othmán and Alí alike, -because they had adopted worldly views; who demanded that none but “the -best man” should wield the sovereignty, “though he were an Abyssinian -slave;”[53] who, moreover, in their ethical rigorism regarded as -idolatry every grave sin, and most of all, of course, opposition to -their own doctrine as the true Islam; and who accordingly regarded all -their Moslem enemies, with their wives and families, as lawfully given -over to the sword or to slavery. One of the most prominent officers of -the negro leader preached in this sense in Basra when it was taken; the -same idea lent fury to his black troops; and even his banner bore the -text of the Koran[54] which had been one of the chief watchwords of the -old death-defying Kharijites. It was certainly also with a purpose that -he called himself upon this banner simply, “Alí, son of Mohammed,” -without allusion to his high descent. With this it agrees that an -original document of the period shortly after his death designates him -as a Kharijite. His choice of party was in the highest degree -appropriate. The slaves were easily gained by a strong personality who -could condescend to them, but they were not to be inspired with -enthusiasm for a mystical hereditary claim. But that they themselves -were the true believers and the lawful destroyers or masters of all -others, the blacks were ready to believe; and they acted accordingly. -Perhaps their leader took this also into account, that in Basra (on the -lower classes of which place he seems at first to have reckoned), the -Shíite doctrine was at that time very unpopular, quite the opposite of -what it was in Cufa, the old rival of Basra. From what has been said it -will be abundantly clear why Karmat, one of the founders of the -Karmatians, an extreme Shíite sect which was destined soon after this to -fill the whole Mohammedan world with fear and dismay, should, on -religious grounds, have decided not to connect himself with the negro -leader, however useful this association might otherwise have been to -him. - -The nature of the ground was highly favourable to a rising of the kind. -Indeed, some forty years before this, in the marshes between Wásit and -Basra, the Gypsies (Zutt) settled there had, augmented by offscourings -of humanity brought together from all quarters, lived the life, first of -robbers, and afterwards of declared rebels, and were only after the -greatest exertion compelled to capitulate; yet these were people who -neither in courage nor in numbers could be compared to the East -Africans, and that, too, at a time when the caliphate was still in -reality a world-empire.[55] - -Of the beginning of the negro insurrection we have exceptionally minute -details from the accounts of eye-witnesses. We learn how one band of -slaves after another—a troop of fifty, a troop of five hundred, and so -forth—obeyed the call of the new Messiah. We even know the names of -those slaves who incited their companions to join the rebel leader. As -was natural, their wrath was directed, not merely against their masters, -who were mostly absent, but even more against the taskmasters, all of -them, we may suppose, themselves slaves or at most freedmen. Yet the -leader spared their lives and let them go, after they had first been -soundly beaten by their former subordinates. The owners more than once -begged him to let them have their slaves back again, promising him -amnesty and five gold pieces per head; but he refused all offers; and -when the blacks began to show uneasiness about such negotiations, he -solemnly pledged himself never to betray them, and to further their best -interests. This oath he kept. - -The most numerous class of these negroes—the Zenj, properly so -called—were almost all of them ignorant of Arabic; for during their -common labours in the open air they had had no occasion to learn this -language, though the Oriental black, for the most part, very readily -drops his mother-tongue to take up that of his master. With these, -accordingly, Alí had to use an interpreter. But others of the -negroes—those from more northern countries (Nubia and the -like)—already spoke Arabic. With the saltpetre workers were undoubtedly -associated many fugitive slaves from the villages and towns, and -probably all sorts of fair-skinned people as well, but apparently few -representatives of the urban proletariat. A valuable accession to their -strength was contributed by the black soldiers who, especially after -defeats, went over to the Zenj from the government troops. So, for -example, at the very outset a division of the army fell upon the almost -unarmed rebels, but was beaten; whereupon three hundred blacks at once -went over to the latter. - -Unfortunately we possess practically no particulars as to the internal -arrangements of this singular State, composed of fanatical warriors or -robbers who once had been, for the most part, negro slaves. With regard -to their great achievements in war, it is to be remembered that they -were excellently led; that they fought upon a favourable and familiar -soil, full of marshes and canals, of which they thoroughly knew how to -take advantage, while the enemy was equipped for an altogether different -kind of fighting; and, finally, that the East African blacks, as a rule, -are brave. It was not without reason that many negroes were at that time -enrolled in the troops of the empire; even at present the black -regiments of the Khedive are much more serviceable than those raised in -Egypt. We know, too, that the negro leader maintained strict discipline. - -It would seem that he had exerted himself to win over the villagers -also, who for the most part, if not altogether, were dependent on -aristocratic or wealthy masters. Perhaps he was more successful in this -than our authorities say. He sometimes gave up hostile villages to -plunder; but the provisioning of his large masses of men was probably, -to a considerable extent, made easier for him through the connivance of -the peasants. And when, at the very outset, he allowed a band of Mecca -pilgrims to pass unharmed, this action was not only sagacious, but also -in accordance with the doctrine which he professed. - -Hardly had the slaves’ revolt declared itself when troops upon troops -were sent for its suppression; but within a few weeks the Zenj had -gained several victories. The imperial armies were, it may be presumed, -not large enough, and were badly led; the enemy, as was natural, was -underrated. Here, at the outset, we find the Zenj’s peculiar mode of -fighting,—namely, out of concealed side-channels, heavily overgrown -with reeds, to fall suddenly upon the rear of the enemy’s troops as they -rowed along. In this war it is the regular thing that a number of the -vanquished are drowned. The leader of the Zenj was always well served by -his scouts. - -Of the booty taken in the first encounters, the most important part -consisted of arms. Prisoners were remorselessly put to death. In fact, -according to Kharijite doctrine, they were unbelievers, and worthy of -death; while the women and the children, as non-Moslems, were made -slaves. When at last the negro chief had defeated an army consisting -principally of inhabitants of Basra, he marched in person against that -town; he calculated, it would seem, that one of the two town parties, -with which he had frequently had dealings, would declare itself for him; -but in this he was deceived. The people, high and low, stood together. -They faced him on Sunday, 23rd October 869 (full six weeks only after -the date of his first rising), and completely shattered his army; he -himself barely escaped death, fighting bravely. But the citizen-army, -though it had manfully defended hearth and home, was hardly fit to take -the offensive, and certainly had no leader who could be matched with -Alí, who quickly rallied his followers. When, on the second day, the -first division of the Basrans was advancing by water, bodies of Zenj -posted in ambush on both sides of the canal fell upon their rear. Some -vessels capsized. The negroes fought with fury; their women threw -bricks. Those also who were advancing by land were involved in the -disaster; many were killed or drowned. The defeat of the townspeople was -complete. A large number of members of the ruling family even, -descendants of Sulaimán,[56] the brother of the first two Abbásid -Caliphs, perished. Alí caused a whole ship to be laden with heads of the -slain and sent along a canal to Basra. His associates now urged him -immediately to fall upon the town; but his reply was, that they ought to -be glad that they might now count upon peace for some time, so far as -the Basrans were concerned. He had in the meanwhile no doubt satisfied -himself that he had no substantial following in Basra, and still felt -himself too weak to make himself master of the great city. - -After these events the Zenj chief caused to be established, on a -suitable dry spot, impregnated with salt and thus without vegetation, a -settlement of his blacks, which he exchanged for another in the -following year. His people reared huts of palm branches, we may suppose, -or perhaps of mud. The “palaces” of the chief and of his principal -officers, the prisons for the numerous captives, the mosques, and some -other public buildings which were gradually added, may in some cases -have been relatively handsome and internally adorned with the spoils of -the enemy, but their material was certainly, at best, sun-dried brick. -In the broader sense, the city finally founded, called Mokhtára (“the -elect city”), covered a large area, and included extensive fields and -palm groves. It lay somewhat below Basra, abutted on the west bank of -the Tigris, and was intersected by the canal Nahr Abilkhasíb, the main -direction of whose course was from north to south (or perhaps from -north-east to south-west); other canals also surrounded, or, we may -suppose, traversed it. With the complete change of the water-courses in -that region, it is hardly likely that its site will ever be exactly made -out. - -The inhabitants of this ephemeral capital for the most part, doubtless, -drew the necessaries of life from the immediate neighbourhood. Yet they -were also dependent to some extent on imports; so that in the end, when -the blockade was fully established and all communications cut off, they -were reduced to great extremity. Until then traders and Bedouins had -ventured to bring provisions to the negro city even in full sight of the -hostile army. The dates grown there served, in part at least, as payment -for the Bedouins. But as the home consumption of this chief article of -produce hardly left much over for trade, we must assume that the dealers -who thus risked their lives for the sake of gain must have been paid for -the flour, fish, and other provisions which they brought with articles -of plunder, and with money that had been accumulated by plunder and -taxation, or rather black-mail. - -At the pressing entreaty of the terrified Basrans the government sent -the Turkish general Jolán. For six months he lay in camp face to face -with the Zenj. His troops, consisting mostly of horsemen, could not move -freely over the ground, thickly planted as it was with date-palms and -other trees, and broken up by water-courses. At last a night attack by -the negroes upon the entrenched camp made such an impression upon his -soldiers, that Jolán judged it expedient to withdraw to Basra. -Previously to this an attack of the Basrans had been victoriously -repelled by the Zenj. The latter now grew so bold that they seized upon -a fleet of twenty-four vessels bound for Basra; much blood was shed in -this action, and the booty, including many captive women and children, -was very great. On Wednesday, 19th June 870, they attacked the -flourishing town of Obolla, which lay four hours from Basra, on the -Tigris (approximately on the site of the modern Bussorah), and captured -it after a brief struggle, in which the commandant fell along with his -son. The slaughter was great: many were drowned; the city, built of -wood, fell a prey to the flames. The fall of Obolla had such an effect -upon the inhabitants of Abbádán, a town on an island at the mouth of the -Tigris, that they made their submission to the Zenj; in doing so they -had to deliver up their slaves and all their arms; the former augmenting -the fighting strength of the victors. Hereupon the negro chief sent an -army far into Khúzistán (Susiana), the adjoining country on the east. -Wherever submission was not made, fire and sword did their work. On -Monday, 14th August, the capital Ahwáz (on the stream now known as the -Kárún) was taken. The garrison of this important place had prudently -withdrawn, and this doubtless secured for the inhabitants a milder -treatment. But, of course, all the property of the government and of the -governor, who with his people had remained at his post, was confiscated. - -Thus, then, within less than a year an adventurer at the head of negro -slaves had taken considerable cities, made himself master of the mouth -of the Tigris, and gained control of wide territories. Even the -disturbance to commerce was very serious. The communications of Bagdad, -the world-city, were broken, and its victualling rendered a matter of -difficulty. Basra trembled at the fate of Obolla. Matters certainly -could never have gone quite so far, if in the meantime the greatest -confusion had not prevailed at the then residence of the Caliph, Sámarrá -(on the Tigris, some three days’ journey above Bagdad). At the very time -of the fall of Obolla the disputes of those in authority had led to the -death, after less than a year’s reign, of the pious Caliph Muhtadí, and -the proclamation of his cousin Motamid as Caliph. But this was the -beginning of an improved state of affairs. For though Motamid was not at -all such a sovereign as the times demanded, yet his brother Mowaffak, -who in reality held the reins of government, leaving to the Caliph only -the honour and luxury of the exalted position, had intelligence and -perseverance enough gradually to restore the power of the dynasty, in -the central provinces at least. At first, indeed, he had too much on -hand elsewhere to be able to think of the Zenj, but in the early summer -of 871 he had got so far as to send against them an army under the -command of his chamberlain Saíd. Saíd at first inflicted serious losses -on them, but in the end suffered a disastrous defeat through a night -attack. He was recalled, but his successor fared no better. Five hundred -heads of soldiers of his were exhibited in the immediate neighbourhood -of Basra; many were drowned. In Susiana, too, a general of the blacks -had fought with success, but their chief called him back to cut off the -Basrans anew from communication with the Tigris, which had recently been -reopened for them by the imperial troops. This done, the Zenj for some -time pressed hard on Basra itself, which had but an inadequate garrison, -was torn by party dissensions, and was suffering from dearth. The -negroes were joined by a number of Bedouins. Great as is the contempt -with which the genuine Arab regards the black, the prospect of plunder, -and the plunder of so rich a town as Basra, is an attraction which the -hungry son of the desert cannot resist. These Bedouins were not equal to -the Zenj, either in bravery or in loyalty; but they were valuable to the -chief, as supplying him with a body of cavalry. On the 7th September -871, during the Friday service, the negro general Mohallabí, with these -Arab horsemen and with black foot soldiers, penetrated into the city, -but retired once more, after setting fire to it in several places. It -was not till Monday that the Zenj took full possession. The massacre -that followed was frightful. It is even alleged that many inhabitants -were induced, by offers of quarter, to gather together at certain -places, where they could more easily be cut down. The chief had vowed -direst vengeance on the city which had deceived his hopes. His general -Alí, son of Abbán, had allowed a deputation from one of the parties of -the town to approach his chief with prayers for quarter; but he would -not admit them to his presence, and superseded the general by a less -soft-hearted man. The brutal negro slaves waded in the blood of the free -men. The lowest estimate places the number of the slain in Basra at -300,000. The captured women and children were carried into slavery. The -noblest women of the houses of Alí and of the reigning house of Abbás -were sold to the highest bidder. Many negroes are said to have received -as many as ten slaves, or more, for their share. - -But a permanent occupation of the great city was not feasible. It was -forthwith evacuated, and the army, which, immediately after the arrival -of the shocking tidings, had been despatched from the capital, under -Mowallad, against the Zenj, was able, in conjunction with the remains of -the troops already in the district, to occupy Basra and Obolla without -striking a blow. Many inhabitants who had been lucky enough to escape -gathered together once more in Basra. But when Mowallad proceeded -further against the Zenj, he was, like his predecessors, defeated in a -night attack, and compelled to withdraw again to the neighbourhood of -the town. In Susiana likewise the fortunes of war, after some -fluctuations, proved favourable to the Zenj. - -Mowaffak himself now advanced with a brilliant force to the -neighbourhood of the negro city; but this also suffered defeat (29th -April 872). The mortal wound of Moflih, the actual commander, seems to -have thrown the soldiers into confusion at once. Mowaffak remained in -the district of Obolla, keeping the Zenj steadily in his eye. In one of -the battles of this period one of their best generals, Yahyá of Bahrein, -was wounded and made prisoner. He was brought to Sámarrá, and there, in -the brutal and cowardly fashion then customary in the treatment of -prominent captive rebels, was led about on a camel for exhibition before -being cruelly put to death in the presence of the Caliph. - -After Mowaffak’s troops had somewhat recovered from the severe -sicknesses from which they had suffered in those hot marshy regions, and -had repaired their equipment, he again marched against the enemy; but -although he occasionally gained some advantage and succeeded in rescuing -captive women and children, he in the end sustained another reverse; -and, to add to his misfortunes, his camp took fire and was burned. -Towards the beginning of full summer, accordingly, he found himself -compelled to quit the proper seat of war, and to withdraw to Wásit. His -army melted away almost entirely, and he himself, in January 873, -returned to Sámarrá, leaving Mowallad behind him in Wásit. The -expedition on which such great hopes had been built had come to nothing; -yet it had not been wholly vain, for Mowaffak had come to know the enemy -more perfectly, and had seen more clearly how he was to be reached. - -After the imperial army had left the field, the negro chief again sent -considerable forces into Susiana, who, with some trouble, succeeded a -second time in taking Ahwáz, the capital (beginning of May 873). Several -prisoners of distinction, who had fallen into the hands of the victors -there, had their lives spared by the chief, doubtless with a view to -heavy ransoms. The expeditions of the Zenj into the neighbouring -countries, be it noted, were designed less for the acquisition of -permanent possessions than to procure food and booty, perhaps also to -inspire terror in the enemy. The Zenj leader may sometimes have dreamt -of conquests on the grand scale, but in the end he always recognised -that he and his negroes were safe only among their marshes and ditches. - -A new army, despatched from the capital, ultimately defeated the Zenj in -Susiana, and drove them out of the country. Other armies pressed on them -from other quarters, and sought to cut off their supplies. The principal -leader in these enterprises was one of the most powerful men in the -empire—Músá the Turk, son of Boghá, who had left Sámarrá in September -873. Still nothing decisive took place. - -A considerable interval passes, during which we learn nothing of the -Zenj. Meanwhile, they were aided by a rising to which they had not -contributed, and which had not them in view. For when a rebel, who had -made himself master of Persia proper (Persis), had vanquished one of the -subordinates of Músá, the latter found himself uncomfortable in Wásit, -and begged to be relieved of his post (spring, 875). Provisionally, -Mowaffak undertook, nominally at least, the government of Músá’s -provinces along with the war against the Zenj. The latter had meanwhile -taken Ahwáz a third time, and had proved disastrous occupants. They had -to be left alone, for now a quite new and very dangerous enemy made a -diversion in their favour. Yakúb, son of Laith, the coppersmith -(Saffár), who had conquered for himself a great empire in the East, -aiming also at the possession of the central lands of the caliphate, -forced his way through Persia and Susiana and advanced upon Bagdad. But -between Wásit and the capital he was met by Mowaffak with the imperial -army, and decisively defeated (April 876).[57] - -The Zenj, of course, took advantage of the withdrawal of troops from the -lower Tigris, every available soldier being required against the -coppersmith. They extended themselves further to the north, where the -Arab tribes who had their settlements in the marshy districts to the -south of Wásit lent them a helping hand. Isolated efforts to drive them -back had no result. The negro king now seriously exerted himself to -become sovereign of Susiana. A Kurdish upstart, Mohammed, son of -Obaidalláh, who, under Yakúb as his superior, had made himself master of -part of that province, became his ally, but with no sincere intentions. -The two armies parted, and consequently the Zenj were defeated by the -imperial troops, especially as a number of Bedouins had gone over to the -latter. The _Societas malorum_ had not held good. Yet the government -derived no substantial benefit; in the long-run the Zenj retained, even -in these regions, the upper hand. All sorts of troubles, and, in -particular, the threatening proximity of Yakúb, who would not be -propitiated by Mowaffak, and who might break out again at any moment, -sufficiently explain why nothing considerable was attempted against -them. For the inhabitants of those countries this must have been a -dreadful time. Yakúb peremptorily rejected the alliance tendered by the -chief of the Zenj, yet, at last, without definite agreement, a truce was -established between the two enemies of Mowaffak. But after Yakúb’s death -(4th June 879) the imperial regent quickly induced his successor, his -brother Amr, to conclude a peace. Meanwhile, he made him very great -concessions, in order that in his great expedition against the blacks -his left flank and his rear might remain covered. - -In 878 the Zenj succeeded in capturing Wásit and other cities of -Babylonia; the customary atrocities were, of course, not wanting. But in -the end not even Wásit was held; Mowaffak’s lieutenant again forced the -Zenj back to bounds. The latter continued to make plundering and -devastating incursions; in 879 they ventured as far as Jarjaráyá, less -than seventy miles below Bagdad, so that the terrified inhabitants of -the country fled for refuge to the capital. - -In Susiana, Tekín the general opposed the Zenj with vigour, and relieved -the great city of Shúshter which they were besieging, but afterwards -entered into negotiations with them. When these became known, one -portion of his army went over to the enemy, another joined Mohammed, son -of Obaidalláh. Such things throw a strange light upon the discipline and -loyalty of the imperial army. After much fighting and conference the -Kurdish Mohammed had at last to bring himself to recognise the supremacy -of the negro chief, to surrender to him a part of his territory, along -with the important town of Rámhormuz, and to pay tribute; but even now -he continued to act in a thoroughly untrustworthy manner, and caused all -kinds of mischief to the Zenj. - -In any case, the power of the Zenj was now (879) greater than ever. But -it was at this point that the tide really began to turn. Mowaffak’s -position had gradually grown stronger, and the death of Yakúb had given -him a free hand. He now no longer delayed to summon all his resources -for making an end of the black robber-scourge. In doing so he proceeded -with great deliberation and unwonted caution. He had learned wisdom at -last, from many failures of the imperial troops, which, in part, had -followed close on brilliant victories. He now knew that it was -impossible to get at these amphibians in the same way as enemies on firm -accessible soil are reached. His preparations for a decisive campaign -against the Zenj would require to be of a quite peculiar character, and -in the campaign itself it would be of supreme importance, along with -bravery, to exercise all caution. A great general with similar resources -at his command would certainly have annihilated the blacks much more -quickly than Mowaffak did; the latter in the campaign plays the part -rather of the prudent statesman who acts only with hesitation, does not -place much at stake, and strives towards his end slowly, if surely. - -The task of expelling the Zenj from the northern territories near Wásit -was entrusted by Mowaffak, in the first instance, to his son Abul-Abbás -(afterwards Caliph Motadid), who was now but twenty-three years old. In -November or December 879 the troops and ships of the latter were -reviewed by his father near Bagdad. The fleet consisted of very diverse -kinds of craft, but all of them rowing vessels. The largest served -partly for transport, partly as floating fortresses; a smaller kind, of -which some are mentioned as carrying twenty, and others as carrying -forty rowers, seem chiefly to have been used for attack. The young -prince justified the confidence reposed in him. He gave battle -repeatedly with success, and, though operations had often to be -suspended, the Zenj were steadily compelled to give place. One of their -captains was taken and pardoned; this is the first instance of the -application of a new policy which was to gain over the officers and -soldiers of the rebel. This course, more astute than heroic, had great -success. In proportion as the situation of the negro chief grew serious, -his subordinates were more ready to desert him, and, instead of -continuing to endure the dangers and privations of a siege, to accept -from Mowaffak amnesty, honours, rewards. Care was taken to make the -deserters in their robes of honour conspicuous, so that the rebels might -be able to see them. Their prince, of course, did all he could on the -other side to check the falling away. Thus, we are told that he caused -“the son of the king of the Zenj” to be put to death, because he had -heard that he proposed to go over to the enemy. Of this real negro -prince we would gladly know more. The prisoners taken by the imperial -troops were, as a rule, killed. Abul-Abbás distinguished himself -personally by his bravery. In one of the battles twenty arrows were -found sticking in the coat of felt which he wore over his breastplate. -Almost a year passed before Mowaffak in person appeared with a great -army on the scene (Tuesday, 11th October 880). The first result of -consequence was the capture of the city of Manía, built by the Zenj not -very far from Wásit, when five thousand captive women and children were -restored to freedom. The liberation of great masses of women and -children becomes an occurrence of increasing frequency as one place -after another is taken from the possession of the negroes. At every -advance Mowaffak was very careful to secure his rearward communications, -and to make it impossible for the blacks to attack him from behind. This -rendered necessary, among other things, much river-engineering, making -and breaking of dams. The regent thereupon again left the campaign for a -time in the hands of his son, and marched towards Susiana (Friday, 6th -January 881), to clear that portion of the empire. This was quickly -done, and without much trouble, for the negro chief himself had given -orders to evacuate the territory which was not to be definitively held, -so as to concentrate his whole power. On their march back the Zenj -continued to loot some villages, although these had made their -submission to the chief. Several bands cut off from the main army asked -and obtained pardon. That honest Kurd Mohammed naturally made his peace -with Mowaffak without delay, and was received into favour. On Saturday, -18th February 881, Mowaffak again joined his son Abul Abbás and his -other son Hárún, whom he had sent on before with his army from Wásit -towards the south, and the united hosts advanced. - -The negroes were now confined to their own proper territory in and -around Mokhtára. Before the attack on this place began, Mowaffak sent -once more a solemn summons to the rebel calling upon him to surrender, -and promising him a full pardon if he obeyed. It need not be said that -such a demand had no effect. Bad as the position of the Zenj chief -was,—and it grew worse every day,—he could not stoop to become a -pensioner of the Caliph. Moreover, it was at any moment possible that -troubles in Bagdad or Sámarrá, or the appearance of some dangerous rebel -in one of the provinces, might compel the persistent adversary to -abandon the siege and all that he had gained. Some of his officers were -less steadfast. The desertion of these to the regent, who received them -with open arms, began with his first approach, and went on repeating -itself to the end of the bloody tragedy. Many soldiers also went over. -Mowaffak so arranged that the negroes in his army tempted those of the -enemy over to his side. All so inclined were forthwith enrolled in his -ranks. Naturally, no one dreamed for a moment of considering the claims -of their former masters upon these slaves. In this way the negro chief -found many of his best forces gradually drawn away from himself and -augmenting the strength of the enemy; this they did less by their direct -fighting capacity than by their accurate acquaintance with the -localities and with the whole condition of things. To the cause of the -Zenj it was, moreover, highly prejudicial that their leader had to -become ever more mistrustful of his subordinates. In fact, several of -his best colleagues, in whom he had placed perfect confidence, abandoned -him, though others held by him to the death. The amnesty was extended -also to those Bedouins who should fall away from the Zenj. On the other -hand, a leader of the negroes, who had been made a prisoner, when it was -proved that he had treated women who had fallen into his hands with -singular atrocity, was put to a painful death. In other cases also, -cruel punishments were sometimes inflicted on prisoners. - -The city of Mokhtára, the siege of which henceforward constitutes the -whole war, was protected, not only by water-courses and dams, but also -by a variety of fortifications properly so called. It even had catapults -upon its walls. During the course of the long siege new defensive works -of various kinds continued to be erected, and artificial inundations -were also resorted to. Nor was there any lack of boats, and still less -of men, though we may take it that the number of 300,000 fighting men -claimed for the negro leader is greatly exaggerated. The Zenj may very -well have outnumbered their assailants, whose strength is given at -50,000, at least at the beginning of the struggle; but the latter were, -on the whole, certainly much better equipped, better fed, and -continually recruited by newly arriving troops. Mowaffak, however, had -so little thought of taking Mokhtára by sudden attack, that in front of -the place, though judiciously separated from it by the breadth of the -river, he built for himself on the east bank of the Tigris a city-camp, -which he named after himself Mowaffakíya. The matter of supreme -importance was to cut off the supplies of the Zenj, and to secure his -own. In Mowaffakíya a lively trade sprang up: he even caused money to be -coined there. But the Zenj still showed themselves very troublesome -enemies, and occasionally captured transports that had been destined for -the imperial troops. It was not until a new fleet arrived from the -Persian coast that intercourse with the outer world was made almost -impossible for the negroes; and henceforward provisions could only be -introduced occasionally and by stealth. For the Bedouins, who had still -been venturesome enough to supply the Zenj with various kinds of food in -exchange for dates, Mowaffak established an easy and safe market in -Basra. Thus gradually the scarcity of food began to be keenly felt among -the blacks, and the supply of bread virtually ceased. Nevertheless, they -held out bravely; and in the numerous collisions which took place, as -our authorities make plain, notwithstanding their highly official -colouring, the imperialists had by no means always the best of it. - -Towards the end of July 881[58] the troops succeeded in forcing their -way into Mokhtára, and had begun their work of destruction with fire and -sword, but the same evening they again abandoned their capture. The same -thing frequently recurred; moreover, the invading troops were more than -once again driven out by the Zenj. At a comparatively late stage of the -siege (end of 882) Mowaffak found himself under the necessity of again -removing his base, which he had recently advanced to the western bank of -the Tigris, back to the eastern, so troublesome had the Zenj proved -themselves to be. The main action was, moreover, more than once -interrupted; as, for example, from the end of summer 881 till October of -that year. In their assaults on the town the besiegers specially -directed their efforts to destruction of the defensive works, so that -several approaches lay open in a way that did not admit of their being -again closed; they also set themselves as much as possible to clear away -the obstacles—bridges, dams, chains—which the besieged had introduced -to prevent the entrance of great ships into the water-ways, and -especially into the main canal—the Nahr Abilhasíb. In these operations -the tide proved sometimes a help, sometimes a hindrance; it frequently -happened that the ebb would leave the vessels high and dry on the sand. -As the opposing parties were often quite near one another, separated -only, it might be, by narrow ditches, wounds were frequent. In addition -to the ordinary weapons of war, molten lead was hurled against the foe. -The besiegers had also with them “naphtha men,” who threw Greek fire at -the Zenj or their works. Fireships were also sometimes used against the -bridges. Occasionally the assailants made way far into the city; on -Monday, 10th December 882, they in this manner destroyed the building -which “the abominable ones called their mosque,” but which the Faithful -naturally regarded as nothing better than a synagogue of Satan. But in -this particular attack Mowaffak himself was seriously wounded with an -arrow, shot by a quondam Byzantine slave; and as he did not spare -himself, his wound grew alarmingly worse. Operations were on this -account suspended for a considerable time, and many became so filled -with fear that they quitted Mowaffakíya. And in the meanwhile an -untoward circumstance of another kind arose. The Caliph Motamid -manifested an inclination to free himself from the tutelage of his -brother, and (in the beginning of December 882) quitted Sámarrá, to take -refuge with Ibn Túlún, the vassal prince of Egypt. But the governor of -Bagdad, Ibn Kondáj, who held by Mowaffak, intercepted the Caliph and -brought him back to the residency (middle of February 883). For this -service Mowaffak loaded Ibn Kondáj with honours. The wretched Caliph had -even to submit so far as to cause Ibn Túlún, whom he had just been -regarding as his liberator, to be cursed from every pulpit as a rebel -against the ordinance of God; nay, his own son, designated to be his -successor (though afterwards compelled to surrender his right), had to -be the first solemnly to pronounce this curse. We can easily understand -how in these circumstances Mowaffak was pressingly urged to abandon his -camp for a while and betake himself to the centre of the empire; but he -continued steadfast in his task. What he had neither heroic courage nor -brilliant generalship to achieve, he effected by caution and -perseverance. - -The Zenj leader utilised to the utmost the truce that had been thus -forced upon his assailants, to place his defensive works in as complete -repair as possible, or even to strengthen them still further. It is -certain, too, that he was adequately informed by his spies and scouts as -to the seriousness of Mowaffak’s then position, both personally and -politically, and he may well have cherished new hopes; but in February -883 he was again sorely pressed: his own palace was plundered and burnt, -and he himself exposed to great danger. In March and April the illness -of Mowaffak rendered necessary another cessation of the attack, but from -the end of April onwards the struggle was seldom intermitted for any -time. The rebel chief transferred the centre of his defence from the -west to the east side of the main canal, though without wholly -abandoning the former. - -The desertions of his officers went on increasing. It is alleged that -even his own son opened negotiations with Mowaffak; these, however, we -may conjecture to have been quite hollow. But, among others, Shibl, a -former slave, one of his most prominent lieutenants, went over to -Mowaffak, and allowed himself forthwith to be sent directly against his -old comrades. To another of these people, Sharání, whose wicked deeds -had been many, there was at first an inclination to refuse pardon; but, -in order not to scare his accomplices, he too was at last accepted, and -received a rich reward for his treachery. The official account gives us -a touching scene, in which Mowaffak, shortly before the last decisive -struggle, solemnly admonishes the deserters to make good their evil -deeds by bravery and fidelity; and this, deeply moved, they promised to -do. - -In the actual encounters the Zenj still continued to show great courage. -The imperialists were not now, it is true, invariably forced to give up -again in the evening the ground they had gained during the day; yet even -in the great battle of Tuesday, 21st May 883, in which the harem of the -negro chief, with more than a hundred women and children, had been -sacked, and Prince Abul-Abbás, in his advance, had burned great stores -of grain, the assailants found themselves at last so hard pressed by the -blacks that Mowaffak judged it advisable to withdraw them to his ships. -He did not yet feel himself strong enough to deliver the mortal blow. -But now new reinforcements were continually coming in, though indeed, -for the most part, these did nothing more than repair the continual -losses through battle and sickness. Among the new-comers were numerous -volunteers, who, from religious motives, entered upon the holy war -against the heretics. An event of very special importance was the -separation from his master of Lúlú, the commander in Northern Syria of -the forces of Ibn Túlún, the ruler of Egypt mentioned above; he entered -into negotiations with Mowaffak, of which the result was that with a -considerable army behind him he joined the latter on Thursday, 11th July -883. The preparations for a decisive assault were now complete; -transport ships for large masses of troops were in immediate readiness, -and the great waterways of the hostile territory were by this time so -entirely free of all obstacles as to be passable at all states of the -tide. Mowaffak is said to have brought more than 50,000 men into the -great battle of Monday, 5th August, while yet leaving a large number -behind in Mowaffakíya. After a severe struggle the whole city was taken. -The negro chief fled; but as the imperialists, instead of pursuing him -keenly, occupied themselves with plunder, and, by becoming scattered, -exposed themselves to the danger of surprise, a withdrawal was again in -the end found necessary, and Alí returned once more to the city. The -respite, however, was but short. The final assault was delivered on -Saturday, 11th August 883. From the first the advanced troops broke up -the Zenj. Their leader was separated from his companions; Sulaimán, son -of Jámi, along with others, was made prisoner. A section of the Zenj, -indeed, drove back the enemy once more, but this was of no avail; in a -little news was brought that the rebel chief was dead, and one of Lúlú’s -people almost immediately confirmed this intelligence by bringing in his -head. It is not certain how he met his death. Perhaps we may venture to -believe a statement[59] that he poisoned himself. According to another -story, he perished in flight. That he did not fall in battle is further -indicated by the circumstance that none of our authorities, with all -their fulness, speak of any combatant as having sought to obtain the -royal reward for slaying the arch-rebel. Death by his own hand seems the -most appropriate to the nature of the man; at the same time, I am free -to confess that we can form a tolerably vivid picture of him only if we -bring a good deal of fancy into play. - -When Mowaffak saw the head of his enemy, he threw himself upon the -ground in an attitude of worship, full of thankfulness to God. The -example was followed by officers and troops. It would almost seem as if -without the energy of Lúlú the mortal struggle of the Zenj might have -been still further protracted. This is not indeed exactly what is said -by the history, written as it is entirely in the government sense, but -there is evidence for it in a couplet which the soldiers sang, to the -effect that— - - “Beyond all doubt, say what you choose, - The victory was all Lúlú’s.”[60] - -On this and the following days some thousands of Zenj surrendered -themselves, and were pardoned; it would have been a senseless thing to -have driven the last remnants of the enemy to desperation, especially -when they could be utilised as soldiers. Others, again, fared badly who -had fled into the desert, some dying of thirst, and some being made -slaves by the Bedouins. Yet a number of blacks still remained unsubdued, -and from the swampy thickets to the west of Basra, whither they had a -considerable time before been sent by the negro chief, continued to -carry on their robberies and murders. Mowaffak was on the point of -sending a division against them, when they, too, made their -submission.[61] When they showed themselves, their good condition struck -the beholders; they had not gone through the hardships of the long -siege. - -The son of the rebel chief and five of his high commanders had fallen -alive into the hands of the victors. They were kept in prison in Wásit, -until one day the negroes there once more raised an insurrection, and by -acclamation chose the first-named as their chief. The prisoners were -then beheaded (885). The bowman who had hit Mowaffak was recognised far -away from the seat of war at Rámhormuz in Susiana, and brought to -Mowaffak, who handed him over to his son Abul-Abbás to be put to death. - -Mowaffak remained for a considerable time in the city he had founded, to -bring matters into order. A general proclamation was issued, that all -who had fled through fear of the Zenj should return to their homes. Many -betook themselves to Mowaffakíya, but this city also had only an -ephemeral existence; even the geographers of the following century no -longer mention it. The great trading city of Basra, which once more rose -to prosperity, proved too powerful a rival for its neighbour. - -Abul-Abbás arrived in Bagdad, the capital, with the head of the negro -leader displayed on a pole, on Saturday, 23rd November 883. - -Thus ended one of the bloodiest and most destructive rebellions which -the history of Western Asia records. Its consequences must long have -continued to be felt, and it can hardly be doubted that the cities and -regions of the lower Tigris never entirely recovered from the injuries -which they at that time suffered. - - - -Several contemporaries, among them former adherents of Alí, wrote the -story of this rebellion. Out of their writings, along with official -documents, Tabarí, himself a contemporary, incorporated in his great -Chronicle, a very comprehensive narrative, especially of the events of -the war. The well-known book of Mas‘údí supplies us with valuable -additions to our information; did we possess his greater works also, we -should doubtless know more as to the person of the negro chief and the -institutions of his State. Other writers supply us only with incidental -notices. - ------ - -[51] Enmity of this kind between two quarters or guilds is nothing -unusual in Arab towns. - -[52] Properly Zeng, hence Zangebar (corrupted into Zanzibar). - -[53] See above, p. 80. - -[54] “God has bought from the faithful their life and their goods with -this price—that Paradise is to be their portion, and they are to fight, -slay, and be slain in the path of God,” and so on (súra 9, 112). In -accordance with this word “bought,” the Kharijites called themselves by -preference “sellers” (_Shurát_); for heaven as their price they gave God -their souls. - -[55] An Arab rebel at that time mockingly said of Caliph Mámún that he -was not able to catch “four hundred frogs” that were within arm’s-length -of him. - -[56] See above, p. 116, note. - -[57] See below, p. 191. - -[58] The very precise details of this war occasionally include notices -of meteorological facts. In the beginning of December 880 the troops (in -about 30° 30′ N. lat. and near sea level) suffered in violent rain from -bitter cold. In December 883 so thick a fog prevailed that a man could -hardly distinguish his neighbour in the ranks. - -[59] By Hamza Isfahání (Leyden MS.; not in the printed text). - -[60] Some years later Mowaffak caused Lúlú to be thrown into prison in -order to obtain possession of his great wealth—wealth, we may be sure, -which had not been quite innocently gained. - -[61] The Zenj who were received into the service of the Caliph after the -death of their leader are described in an original source, dating from -the period of his successor, as pure barbarians, who spoke no Arabic, -and ate carrion, and even human flesh. - - - - - VI. - YAKÚB THE COPPERSMITH, AND HIS DYNASTY. - - -IN eastern Irán lies the marshy district of lake Hámún, formed by waters -draining from the east and north. The area of water varies greatly -according to the season, as the streams rise and fall. These, and -notably the Hélmend, which in the lower part of its course is broken up -into a number of natural and artificial channels, render a great part of -the hot low-lying plain extremely fertile, but the rest of the country -is a dreary waste. The plain was anciently called, from the lake, -Zaranka (“lakeland”), a designation preserved down to the Middle Ages in -the name of the chief town Zereng. From the occupation of the region in -the second century B.C. by the Sacæ, barbarians from the north, it was -called Sakastán (“land of the Sacæ”), more recent forms of the word -being Segistán (Arabic, Sejistân) or Sístán. The low country, which is -notorious for its serpents, is almost surrounded by desert; on the east -it borders upon Zábulistán,[62] which geographically belongs to the -Afghan highlands, and in whole or part often fell under the same -government with them, and was included under their name. Sístán was the -home of the most heroic parts of the Iránian legends, the stories of -Rostam the Strong and his race, of which no trace is to be found in the -ancient sacred books. The legend may be taken as reflecting the brave -character of the inhabitants, who were plainly separated by strongly -marked distinctions from the other Iránians. - -Sístán had been conquered at a comparatively early period by the Arabs, -but the country was difficult of access, and long remained an insecure -possession. Islam soon made great progress in the plain, but among the -mountains to the east the new-comers only slowly established a footing. -And even in Sístán proper the stubborn spirit of the natives inclined -them to adhere rather to the Kharijites[63] than to the State Church. -The governors of the first Abbásids had much difficulty with these -Independents. The family of Táhir also, which from the days of Caliph -Mámún had held the governorship of Khorásán, and of Sístán, which was -regarded as an appendage, was unable to put down the Kharijites here, -who steadily became more unruly as the power of the Táhirids waned. But -in Sístán, as in other desert lands, Kharijite was often little more -than a polite name for bandit. We thus understand how it was that, in -the midst of this vigorous population, as the power of the State -dwindled, volunteer bands were formed for defence against the -Kharijites. Like their adversaries they, of course, declared that they -were fighting solely for God; with what truth, we need not pause to -discuss. At the head of a band of such volunteers one of the name of -Dirhem succeeded in seizing Zereng, the chief town, and driving out the -Táhirid prefect. Among his people was a certain Yakúb, son of Laith, who -had formerly followed the trade of a coppersmith—a prosperous industry -in Sístán,[64] whence the surname of “coppersmith” (Saffár) borne by -himself and his successors. He, and his equally warlike brothers, -belonged to the little town of Karmín, a day’s journey to the east of -Zereng, in the direction of the notable city of Bust, the ruins of which -are still visible. Near his birthplace was, and still is, shown the -stable of Rostam’s gigantic war-horse.[65] It is possible that the -heroic legend had its influence upon him. Yakúb had once before laid -down the hammer for the sword. He had fought under Sálih of Bust (852), -who had made himself master of Sístán, or at least of a part of Sístán, -for a time, but afterwards had been overcome by Táhir, a grandson of the -founder of the Táhirid dynasty. Subsequently Yakúb had passed through -other adventures. Under Dirhem, his boldness and ability brought him to -the front. Thus he killed in single combat a dreaded captain of the -Kharijites named Ammán. In this way he rose to such repute among his -fellows that Dirhem found it expedient to set out on pilgrimage to -Mecca, and afterwards to settle in Bagdad, leaving the leadership to -Yakúb.[66] Yakúb having thus risen to a position of command, doubtless -assumed the title of Emír, which was vague enough to mean either a -general or a local captain, but could also denote a powerful prince by -whom even the Caliph was recognised as a merely nominal suzerain. He -gradually became ruler of his native land, which always continued to be -the central State and the place of refuge of himself and family. His -energetic suppression of the robbers, whose villages he destroyed, and -the security he obtained for traffic, brought him, it would seem, into -high credit, and in any case the brave Sístánese felt themselves drawn -to this countryman of theirs who had proved himself a born ruler. -Accordingly, the kingdom founded by him is generally designated as that -of the Sístánese. That Yakúb at every Friday service caused prayer to be -offered, in the first instance, for the Caliph as the general commander -of all the faithful, need hardly be said. A theoretical dependence such -as this, which in fact was rendered necessary by his protest against the -Kharijite independence, involved no real restriction of his power, but -at most made it necessary to send money and presents more or less -regularly to court. At the outset he seems to have recognised, also, the -Táhirid Mohammed as overlord. In those times, indeed, it often happened -that a lawful governor or vassal and a usurper made appeal to the same -lord, and that in that case the usurper, if victorious, was also -recognised by the overlord as his faithful subject.[67] The date of -these occurrences was about 860. - -As early as 867 Yakúb crossed the frontier of his native land, and after -hard fighting took from Mohammed’s representative Herát, which has often -been an object of struggle at many different times, and also Púsheng, -ten hours from Herát. For the time he contented himself with this -portion of Khorásán; the house of Táhir was still too powerful for him. -He brought back with him as prisoners to Sístán some members of that -family, restoring to them their freedom, however, when that was demanded -by Caliph Motazz. With this Caliph he had already had frequent dealings, -sending him magnificent presents, mostly the result of plunder gained in -his struggles with the heathen of the East. He was making suit for the -governorship of Kermán, which lay to the west of Sístán; but -simultaneously a similar application was being made by Alí, son of -Husain, who was at that time powerful in Persis (Párs). Kermán is, in -fact, essentially a mere appendage of Párs. The Caliph, or rather the -Táhirid Mohammed, who had control of the chief towns, Bagdad and -Sámarrá, sent a commission to both applicants, in the hope that they -would attack and destroy one another. Alí’s general, Tank, promptly -seized the capital of Kermán before Yakúb was able to cover the -exceedingly arduous desert journey from Sístán. The coppersmith lay -encamped for a month or two a day’s journey from the capital; he then -retired a little, but kept himself accurately informed as to his -adversary. When Tauk was now off his guard, Yakúb made a forced march -and fell upon him, taking him prisoner (869). In the camp there were -found, along with many other valuables, a chest full of necklaces and -bracelets intended as rewards of bravery, and another with chains and -halters for prisoners. Yakúb decorated his own braves with the contents -of the one, and appropriated those of the other to his captives, the -heaviest chains being reserved for Tauk himself. When these were being -placed upon Tauk, it appeared that shortly before, “on account of the -heat,” he had had a vein opened. The conqueror made this the occasion of -a lecture to the effect that in his luxury he might have thought twice -before venturing upon a contest with one who for two months had lain on -no bed, had never put off his shoes, and had lived on the hard bread -which he had carried while marching in these shoes.[68] - -Yakúb immediately pressed forward against Párs, which was much more -valuable than Kermán, and indeed one of the richest lands in all the -Caliph’s dominions. It was in vain that Alí and the leading men of -Shíráz, the capital, wrote to represent to him that though his -contendings against heretics had been very meritorious, he would fall -into the greatest crime if he were to force his way into that country -and shed blood without the Caliph’s authority. Alí accordingly, now -reinforced by the fugitives from the vanquished army, took up on the -river Kur (Kyros), not far from the capital, a strong position, -accessible only by a narrow passage between rock and river to one rider -at a time. Yakúb halted his followers some distance off from the river -while he himself galloped forward, a fifteen-foot lance in his hand, to -reconnoitre. The enemy contemptuously shouted: “We shall soon send you -back to your pot and kettle tinkering.” But he had discovered a passable -place, and now caused his horsemen, leaving all encumbrances behind, to -enter the rapid stream; the enemy was taken in flank, and fled without -resistance. An eye-witness says that Yakúb’s horsemen in this movement -followed a large dog which he had caused to be thrown into the river; -perhaps his object was by this means to determine the force and set of -the current. Alí himself was taken prisoner in this action (Thursday, -26th April 869). On the following night, Shíráz was captured. The -inhabitants had expected the whole town to be pillaged, but Yakúb seized -nothing save the public treasure and the estate of Alí and his -officials. Both Alí and Tauk, who had personally offended him, he -compelled, by severe maltreatment, to disclose where their treasures -were. By 14th May he had again left Shíráz, and set out with booty and -captives for Sístán. To the Caliph he sent rich presents, and in -addition, we may be certain, the assurance of his utmost loyalty. But -for the time it had only been a successful robber’s raid. He was not yet -in a position so much as to think of taking permanent possession of -Párs, which is broken up by very high mountains and other natural -obstacles, and abounded in fortresses. On the other hand, he remained -master, though not quite completely, of Kermán. The wild and never -wholly subjugated inhabitants of the lofty, snow-clad mountain range of -Páriz, which intersects the country in a general direction from -north-west to south-east, were only gradually forced to submit by -himself and his successors. - -Yakúb meanwhile enlarged his dominions by conquests in the mountainous -region to the east, where it would seem that he had already fought much. -He, as well as his successors, made many conquests and plundering raids -in these lands, of which, unfortunately, we possess almost no details. -In any case they contributed much to the gradual ascendency of Islam in -the country now called Afghanistan. In March 871 an embassy came from -him to the Caliph Motamid, bringing idols which he had taken in Cabul or -in that neighbourhood. Trophies of this kind from the lands of the -unbeliever had long ceased to be seen in the capital of Islam. The bold -coppersmith thus figured in the eyes of all the world as a champion of -the faith. But his embassy had, of course, very practical objects as -well; it was to negotiate as to the lands the Caliph would assign as -provinces to his faithful Yakúb. The clever regent Mowaffak for his part -was anxious, on the one hand, to strengthen the praiseworthy zeal of -Yakúb for conquest at the expense of heathens and of distant Moslems, -and, on the other, to keep him well away from his own neighbourhood. -When Yakúb was again setting out for an invasion of Párs, where at that -time, after all sorts of complications, Mohammed, the son of Wásil, had -gained the upper hand, and was also recognised as governor by the -Caliph, there accordingly came to him a letter which, in addition to -Sístán and Kermán, made him lord of Balkh (Bactria) and other eastern -countries as far as India. By this means the regent got him away from -Párs, left him in possession of what he already had, and pointed him to -the lordship over a number of remote regions which he would first have -to conquer. Whether he expected Yakúb to make regular payment of the -stipulated tribute for these fiefs may be left a question. - -Yakúb seems soon to have taken possession of Balkh. We may imagine that -the rude warrior-chief was not too gentle in his treatment of his new -subjects in this doubtful frontier territory, and that he made the most -of them in the way of tribute. At least his name, as well as that of his -successor, were long held in unsavoury memory among the Bactrians, and -we know that oppressive taxes were inflicted on other regions which for -a longer or shorter time came under his sway. We have no evidence that -he or his successor, outside of Sístán and Kermán, troubled themselves -at all about the welfare of their subjects, or even could have done so; -but it is beyond doubt that they were very energetic in the matter of -tribute. Then, as at all periods of Eastern history, many potentates -have distinguished themselves in this line. Nothing else was expected of -a military overlord. But that more than a century later the name of -Sístánese (Segzí) had evil associations may be taken as an indication -that Yakúb and his brother pressed very hardly on their subjects. - -Meanwhile the power of the Táhirid Mohammed went on steadily decaying -even in Khorásán. The Alid Hasin, son of Zaid, lord of Tabaristán,[69] -wrested from him the borderland of Gurgán (Hyrcania, to the south-east -of the Caspian Sea). Other portions of Khorásán became the prey of -various petty lords. This gave the coppersmith courage to aim at the -entire possession of the vast country, some eastern portions of which -were already in his hands. We see that he by no means confined himself -within the limits of the Caliph’s grant. A pretext, if pretext were -needed, was supplied by Mohammed. Abdalláh had rebelled against Yakúb in -Sístán, and afterwards fled to Khorásán; after some negotiations he was -now induced by Mohammed, instead of seizing upon the capital Níshábúr, -to take possession, under him, of certain districts which belonged to -the territory of Yakúb. The coppersmith, who had already entered into -all sorts of relations with disaffected grandees of Khorásán, -accordingly set out from Sístán, whither it was his wont to retreat from -time to time, and marched by way of Herát upon Níshábúr. Mohammed sent -an embassy to meet him, but in vain. On Sunday, 2nd August 873, Yakúb -entered the great and flourishing city of the Táhirids without a blow -being struck. Mohammed either could not, or would not, make his escape. -He is reported to have thought that he could make a personal impression -on the victor, and to have received him with loud reproaches; but Yakúb -simply put him into prison with all his kinsfolk, one hundred and sixty -males. The continuous rule in Khorásán of the house of Táhir thus came -to an end after having subsisted for fifty years. Yakúb now promptly -sent an embassy to the Caliph to represent to him that he had set out -only upon the request of the Khorásánians, because Mohammed’s weak rule -had allowed all sorts of disorders to spring up, and that the -inhabitants of Níshábúr had come a ten hours’ journey to meet him, to -deliver their city into his hands. In token of his profound attachment -he sent the head of a Kharijite captain, who in the neighbourhood of -Herát had dared for thirty years to call himself “Commander of the -Faithful.”[70] The embassy was honourably received by the Caliph in -solemn audience, but received from him emphatic orders to their master -that he must quit Khorásán forthwith if he did not wish to be regarded -as a rebel. Some of his people, in fact, who were in Bagdad at the time, -were thrown into prison. Yakúb, however, was not to be duped, but set -about establishing himself as firmly as he could in possession of the -country. As Abdalláh his opponent, after the fall of Mohammed, had taken -refuge with the Alid rulers of Tabaristán, who refused to deliver him -up, Yakúb even resolved to invade that country. On the way he was met by -a man who had risen to a kind of religious-political leadership, and who -offered to accompany him on the expedition against the heretical Alids. -But Yakúb could not accept the services of an independent ally; on the -contrary, he put the volunteer in chains. We do not know the details -well enough to say for certain that Yakúb’s conduct was treacherous, but -the suspicion of treachery is grave both in this case and in that of the -imprisonment of the Táhirid. Yakúb turned the difficult mountain country -to the east by keeping to the sea coast. The old fortifications which -barred the access of the northern nomads can hardly have offered a -serious obstacle. Soon he arrived in the immediate neighbourhood of -Sárí, on the plain bordering the southern shore of the Caspian. Here -Hasan met him, but was defeated (Monday, 17th May 874), and fled -westwards to the mountains of Dílem.[71] Yakúb occupied the two chief -towns, Sárí and Amol, and forthwith levied on both a whole year’s taxes; -he well knew that it would be impossible for him to hold them -permanently. He then set out in pursuit of the fugitive, but in the high -and densely-wooded mountains he fell into great danger, especially as it -rained for weeks. The moist climate of the northern side of these -mountains is as notorious as the drought that characterises the rest of -Irán, and consequently the country is covered with a most luxuriant -vegetation. Yakúb found himself compelled to desist from the pursuit if -he was not to court annihilation in some one of the narrow passes. He -had already lost the greater part of his baggage and of his beasts of -burden, besides many soldiers. Had he been read in history he might have -consoled himself with the reflection that he had got off more easily -than many another Persian or Arab general before him who had penetrated -into these dangerous highlands. Returned from Tabaristán, Yakúb directed -his march towards Rai,[72] where, as he had learned, Abdalláh had now -taken shelter with the governor. The latter, to be rid of the dreaded -warrior, handed over the fugitive. Yakúb killed Abdalláh, and retraced -his steps; perhaps he thought the time had not quite arrived for -conquests in Media. Hasan came back to his own country, and chastised -with extreme severity those who (probably out of religious antipathy to -Shíitism) had taken Yakúb’s side. During the somewhat lengthened period -of Yakúb’s stay in Tabaristán, the Táhirid Husain, a brother of the -captive Mohammed, with 2000 Turks, led by the ruler of Khárizm (Khíva), -had made himself master of southern Merv (River Merv, or Mervi-Rúd); but -we do not know whether he held his ground there for any time. On the -whole, at least, Yakúb retained his grasp of Khorásán, in spite of the -great losses in his last campaign. Yakúb, immediately after his first -success at Sárí, had sent a most deferential account of the defeat of -the heretics to the Commander of all true Believers, and had announced -to the Abbásid the joyful news that he now had in his power sixty -members of the family of Alí. But this did not procure for him pardon -for his encroachments. In November or December of the same year (874) -the Caliph, through Obaidalláh, an uncle of Mohammed,[73] caused the -Mecca pilgrims from the north-east of the empire, who were at that time -in Bagdad on their return journey, to be called together to hear a -document in which Yakúb was declared a usurper, and his seizure of the -lawful governor a grievous crime. Such a communication was the best -means of diffusing a knowledge of the Caliph’s will in those remote -regions, especially as the pilgrims in their religious excitement must -have been in a more than usually receptive mood for the words of the -head of all believers. Thirty copies of this writing were sent into the -various countries. - -At this time Abdalláh, son of Wáthik, and thus a full cousin of the -reigning Caliph Motamid, and of the regent Mowaffak, died in Yakúb’s -camp. Unfortunately, we learn nothing more than the bare fact. Perhaps -this prince had betaken himself to the coppersmith, that with his help -he might gain the throne of his father and of his brother (Mohtadí), and -had been put out of the way in their interest; but other explanations of -the fact are conceivable. - -Whether the solemn repudiation of himself in the presence of his -subjects, and the consequent division of Khorásán among the various -governors by letters of the Caliph, had proved more than Yakúb could -bear, or whether the southern lands had offered a temptation to his love -of conquest more than he could resist, we cannot tell; be this as it -may, he now once more directed his energies against Párs, leaving his -brothers Amr and Alí along with others to maintain his rights in -Khorásán. - -Here it may be appropriate to ask whence it was that Yakúb obtained the -large bodies of troops required for his campaigns, which often entailed -heavy losses, as well as for the occupation of the conquered lands. By -levies he can at most have raised only a small number of men. Perhaps -also, after the custom at that time, he bought sturdy Turkish boys -(Mamlúks),[74] and trained them as warriors; but large masses of men -could hardly be procured from this source. The bulk of his armies -appears to have consisted of mercenaries. The volunteer, we are told, -who offered for Yakúb’s service, if he was found suitable, had to give -up his whole property; this was sold, and the amount set down to his -credit; when he retired, it was returned to him. Obviously we are to -understand that the money was retained if he left the service before the -expiry of his time, or contrary to the conditions; it was caution-money. -Pay and commissariat were adequate, and we cannot doubt that the former -was punctually received. In the last resort the expense fell upon the -conquered enemies, and still more upon the subject provinces. Yakúb had -always a full military chest; mention is often made both of his -treasures and of those of his successor. His troops, all of them -mounted, and very mixed in their character, he kept together with an -iron discipline, about which many stories were current. Thus an officer -on one occasion, we are told, who was engaged in a religious ablution at -the moment when the order to march was given, did not venture to take -time to dress, but put his breastplate upon his naked body. On the other -hand, he won his soldiers by his open-handedness; at all events, he -possessed the secret of all great _condottieri_, that of creating in his -troops a strong attachment to his person. One element in his success may -have been that though he was vastly their superior in ability, he was -little so in culture. The story was told of this zealous defender of the -faith, that on one occasion he had betrayed the haziest ideas about -Caliph Othmán,—which is very much as if a good Christian were to have -heard nothing about the Apostle John. His personal bravery also, which -in one of his earlier battles had left its mark in a great scar slanting -right across his face, must have further endeared him to his soldiers. -From his best troops he had picked two divisions of Guards, the one of -which, one thousand men strong, bore golden, the other silvern, maces on -parade. - -In the height of summer 875, Yakúb entered Párs. Mohammed, son of Wásil, -hastened up from Susiana, sought to throw him off the scent by -negotiations, kept back his messengers, and then pressed forward with -all speed so as to surprise him. But as-Saffár was duly informed of his -movements, fell upon his assailant when exhausted by heat and thirst, -and at once put him to flight (August or September). The great treasure -of the enemy fell into his hand. It is not to be supposed that the whole -country forthwith became his without dispute; but he nevertheless ruled -as lord of Párs, and among other things severely punished a tribe of -Kurds who had zealously supported the son of Wásil. He did not, however, -stay long, but pressed westwards to Susiana. In October he was already -at Rámhormuz in the low plain of Susiana, in dangerous proximity to the -Tigris. The central Government was in the greatest alarm, for, besides -being himself a formidable enemy, Yakúb could cut the line of attack -upon the negro rebels, who had brought the empire into great -straits.[75] Those of Yakúb’s people who had been thrown into prison -were accordingly set free with promptitude, and an honourable embassy -was sent to him. As he appeared disposed to treat, Mowaffak called -together the eastern merchants then in Bagdad, and told them that Yakúb -had been named governor of Khorásán, Tabaristán, Gurgán, Rai, and Párs, -as well as military governor of Bagdad—thus conceding to him an extent -of power such as Táhir himself had hardly wielded. A new embassy, which -included his old superior Dirhem, carried to Yakúb the Caliph’s letter -with the announcement. But the powerful general knew what weight to give -to offers of this kind. His feelings of respect for the imperial -Government were long exhausted; he had no scruples about coming to a -complete breach with it. He accordingly replied that he would make his -decision in Bagdad itself. Certain Arabic verses are put into his mouth, -in which, amongst other things, he says that he possesses Khorásán and -Párs already, and that he does not despair of winning Irák also.[76] The -man who could hardly speak a little Arabic, and who certainly was not -able to use literary Arabic according to the rules of grammar, metre, -and style, cannot possibly have made these verses himself; but they well -express what his attitude was in the circumstances. He continued, -doubtless, formally to acknowledge the Caliph as his overlord. Some -years later, a vassal of his undeceived the Zenj, with whom he had -entered into relations, by offering public prayers, in the first place, -for the Caliph; in the second, for Yakúb. If as-Saffár had conquered, he -would perhaps have retained Motamid, but hardly his vigorous and able -brother Mowaffak. For it is rather improbable, though not altogether -inconceivable, that Mowaffak was in collusion with Yakúb, as was -suspected by the Caliph’s “freedmen,” the Turkish generals, to whom the -thought that the Sístánese might be bringing their own hateful power to -an end must have been very unwelcome. Yakúb, then, continued to advance, -occupying Wásit on the Tigris, and marching on Bagdad. Motamid now fell -back upon his last resource; he assumed the mantle of the Prophet, and -with the Prophet’s staff in his hand, took command of the holy war -against the godless rebel. He set out with a great army from Sámarrá, -but himself kept somewhat to the rear as the two armies approached one -another, some fifty miles below Bagdad, Mowaffak took the command in -chief. Yakúb’s army was much the smaller; and, moreover, an artificial -inundation hampered his horsemen in their movements. The battle was -keen. An attack upon his camp, made from the Tigris, and the arrival -towards evening of powerful reinforcements for the imperial army, at -last compelled as-Saffár, who had fought bravely and received three -arrow wounds, to yield (Palm Sunday, 8th April 876). With the camp, rich -booty fell to the victors. What was particularly unpleasant to Yakúb, -the Táhirid Mohammed, whom he carried about with him in chains, made his -escape. The Caliph personally removed the chains, and named him again -military governor of Bagdad on the spot. This was the first great defeat -sustained by the veteran warrior on the field (for in Tabaristán he had -been compelled to yield to the forces of nature). The victorious enemy -did not venture to pursue Yakúb, who sulkily withdrew to Gundíshábúr, -between Shúshter and Susa, quite close to Babylonia. His wide dominion -was now in a somewhat precarious state. He could still be sure of Sístán -and Kermán; but in Khorásán his rule had long had to contend with great -difficulties, caused partly by the imperial Government, and partly by -all kinds of local chiefs; the political state of Khorásán at that time, -as often before and since, must have been most perplexed. With the -Caliph’s sanction, Párs had again been wrested from the “cursed” Yakúb -by Wásil’s son, who, however, was beaten by a general of as-Saffár -(876-7), and himself was made a prisoner, and was carried to the citadel -of Bam, in Kermán, where a number of other state prisoners were already -languishing.[77] - -During this period Yakúb himself was at least once in Párs, where also -coins were minted in his name;[78] but for the most part he resided in -Susiana, large portions of which he held directly, while others were -ruled through his generals. Other potentates also, with varying -fidelity, stood to him in the relation of vassals. He sent an expedition -even into the highlands on the north about the sources of the river -Kerkhá; it brought back one of the chiefs of the region as a prisoner -(877-8). Other portions of Susiana were, at times at least, occupied by -troops of the Caliph or of the Zenj. The proposals of the negro leader -for a formal alliance against the common enemy were brusquely rejected -by Yakúb, who would have nothing to do with unbelievers. Such an -alliance might certainly have been very disastrous for the empire. His -troops came even into serious collisions with those of the Zenj, but -ultimately the community of interests made itself felt, and the -territory of each was tacitly recognised, and mutual injuries ceased to -be inflicted. In September 878 Mowallad,[79] a prominent general of the -Caliph, came over to Yakúb as a fugitive, and was received, we may be -sure, with open arms. The latter, however, still hesitated to make the -decisive advance. He had learned to respect Mowaffak’s ability and -power. But still less did Mowaffak venture to attack the redoubtable -hero, especially as the Zenj were still on his hands. Indeed, he made -one more attempt to come to a good understanding with him. His -messenger, it is related, found as-Saffár sick. When he had delivered -his master’s proposals, he was bidden take back the answer that Yakúb -was ill; should he die then they had peace from one another, but should -he recover the sword would decide, either until Yakúb had wiped out the -defeat he had sustained, or until, all his empire lost, he was compelled -to return to the coarse bread and onions which had been the food of his -youth. Inflexible towards his enemies, he was equally intractable with -his physicians. His disease was colic; he refused to take their -remedies, and died on Wednesday the 5th June 879, at Gundíshábúr. His -grave was afterwards shown here, but all traces of it have doubtless -disappeared with the complete desolation of the city. - -Yakúb was a warrior of iron strength, and certainly also of iron -hardness. His enemy, Hasan (with allusion, we suppose, to his former -trade), called him “the anvil.” He was seldom seen to smile. His -successes, in no small degree, were due to the fact that he formed all -his plans by himself, and directed their execution personally as far as -might be. His main recreation consisted in training boys in the -exercises of war. Even when ruler of extensive territories he adhered to -the very simplest style of living, probably more from mere habit than, -as he himself put it, for the sake of good example. In his tent he slept -upon his shield. The dishes set before himself and his attendants, at a -time when the art of cookery was highly developed, corresponded to those -which would appear at the table of a tolerably well-to-do -handicraftsman: mutton, rice, a sweet pottage, and a dish of dates and -cream.[80] Yakúb had no attendants in his tent; but close beside him he -always had a number of Mamlúks, who were required to be in readiness at -any moment to execute their master’s orders. No traits of gentleness are -related of Yakúb, but neither also of any special cruelty, for, judged -by the manners of the time, his maltreatment of Alí and Tauk can hardly -be so construed. Fearful atrocities in war were then mere matters of -course. Yakúb’s cunning is often celebrated; without it he certainly -would never have succeeded even so far as to become a captain of -volunteers in Sístán. This subtlety finds its expression in his -diplomatic dealings with the Caliph and other authorities. As already -said, there is ground for the suspicion that it sometimes made him -treacherous and disloyal to his word; but it is to be noted that our -authorities, though they mainly reflect the hostile opinion of -government circles in Bagdad, make no point of this; in that age, to be -sure, treachery was too common to excite much remark. The circumstances -of the time, and still more, by much, the whole character of the -warrior-chief himself, explain why it was that he established no -enduring kingdom. We meet with no indication that he combined any higher -ends with his love of conquest. Certainly he never had the least idea of -binding together, in any organic way, the various countries which, one -after another, fell under his power, or even of instituting an efficient -administration. Some buildings he reared, but he hardly devised any -far-reaching measures for the common benefit; and, on the other hand, he -certainly taxed his subjects very grievously. A more ideal intellect -would surely have found more efficacious means to prevent the conquered -countries from falling into other hands, or at least threatening to do -so, as soon as his back was turned. And yet the historian cannot -withhold his respect from this powerful personality who, from being a -common craftsman in a remote district, raised himself to the position of -a great prince, formidable at once to the heathen in Afghanistan and to -the Caliph in his palace. - -He was succeeded by his brother Amr, who is said to have been in his -youth an ass-driver, or, by way of variety, a mason, but as early at -least as his first attempts in Khorásán, and probably even at an earlier -date, had been a trusty helper of Yakúb. Newly come to power, Amr was -naturally indisposed to stake everything on a war with the Caliph, and -forthwith he declared himself the obedient servant of the Commander of -the Faithful. Mowaffak for his part was delighted to be rid of his worst -enemy, and confirmed to Amr all he had offered to Yakúb. The district of -Ispahán was also included in his kingdom, which thus towards the east -and north extended considerably beyond, though on the north-west and -west it in some places fell short of, the limits of modern Persia; but -at that time those lands were much more populous and prosperous than -they are to-day. In addition to this realm, he held the dignity of -military governor of Bagdad and Sámarrá. Amr could not discharge this -office personally; he accordingly, as the lords of Khorásán belonging to -the house of Táhir had been wont to do, named a deputy, a Táhirid to -boot, Obaidalláh, who in autumn 879 was solemnly installed by Mowaffak -himself. It is to be presumed that Obaidalláh was on bad terms with his -nephew Mohammed, whom Yakúb had dethroned. It even fell to Amr to -appoint the governor of the holy cities Mecca and Medina. But -unfortunately for him, it was only in a few portions of this great -kingdom that Amr’s direct or indirect authority was at all sure. -Khorásán in particular, in many respects the most important country of -them all, was ready to slip from his grasp. Here a prominent part was -played by Khujastání, a man who had at first insinuated himself into the -confidence of Yakúb, and afterwards had driven out his brother Alí, and -gained much ground partly on the pretext of winning back for the -Táhirids the territory which hereditarily belonged to them. Amr hastened -to Khorásán, where he had fought many a battle before, but was defeated -by Khujastání (Thursday, 7th July 880), who took from him Níshábúr the -capital, and slew his adherents. Amr went back to Sístán, but with no -intention of giving up Khorásán. He might reckon with confidence that -Khujastání also would have enemies enough. In Bagdad he made the -complaint that the latter had been urged on by the Táhirid Mohammed. In -point of fact, Khujastání and Mohammed’s brother Husain, already -mentioned, who had joined him, did retain the public prayer for -Mohammed; and indeed he was in a certain respect the lawful ruler of the -country, and much sympathy was there felt for the dynasty, which seems, -on the whole, to have governed well. Mowaffak who, as long as the Zenj -were still unsubdued, had to keep Amr in good humour, found himself -compelled, in order to oblige the latter, to imprison Mohammed and some -of his kinsmen. In Mecca, also, Amr asserted his dignity. During the -pilgrim festival in July 881, it came almost to an open fight for the -precedence, in the holiest mosque of all Islam, between the -representatives of Amr and of the Túlúnid ruler of Egypt. Bloodshed was -prevented only by the skilful conduct of the Abbásid prince, who had the -management of the whole festival. His black freedmen had taken sides for -Amr, probably more out of hatred against the Egyptians than from love of -the Sístánese. - -In 881-2 Amr’s governor in Párs revolted. Amr, however, promptly entered -the country, defeated the rebel, took possession of Istakhr -(Persepolis), once the capital, and gave it up to plunder. The rebel was -taken prisoner in his flight. Amr now remained for some time in Shíráz, -the capital. He strengthened his rule in Párs more than his predecessor -had done. Thus, he succeeded in subduing the Arab family which held the -eastern portion of the hot coast-land. To accomplish this required -indeed two years’ severe exertion, and it was at last brought about only -with the help of a member of the same family.[81] Amr extracted large -sums of money from the lord of Ispahán, and out of these he made -handsome presents to the Caliph. He seems once more to have pretty well -become master of Khorásán also, especially after the assassination of -Khujastání by one of his servants (June-July 882). - -He continued to be on good terms with Mowaffak, at whose wish he -imprisoned the Kurd Mohammed,[82] son of Obaidalláh, a thoroughly -untrustworthy person, who had even on occasions been in treaty with the -Zenj. But after the total suppression of the negro rebellion (autumn -883), and after the effects of the exertions it had required had been -partially recovered from, the aspect of matters changed. Mowaffak hoped -to be able to restore the power of the central government in other parts -of the empire also, and especially in Párs. We must assume that he, at -least for form’s sake, negotiated with Amr, but that the latter rejected -every concession. Only thus can we explain the unusually abrupt -character of the action taken against him. On 25th March 885, the Caliph -Motamid caused the pilgrims from Khorásán, who were in Bagdad on their -way to Mecca, to be called together and personally informed that Amr was -deposed from the governorship of Khorásán, and Mohammed the Táhirid -restored to his post. He then anathematised the former in their -presence, and gave orders that he should be cursed from every pulpit. -The deposition applied also, of course, to all the other dominions of -as-Saffár. To give effect to these orders was not easy. In the case of -the remoter provinces, all that could be done for the time was to detach -the people from their lord in the manner indicated. But in the nearer -Párs it was possible to take more vigorous measures. As early as the -middle of February 885, an army set out from Wásit for that province -against Amr. Unfortunately, we know very little about the course of this -war. The ruler of Ispahán inflicted on Amr (to whom he had shortly -before been tributary) a severe defeat, and plundered his entire camp -(probably in August 886). In August 887 Mowaffak himself set out for -Párs. Amr despatched several divisions against him; but as the general -in command of the vanguard went over to the enemy, he was compelled to -evacuate the province. The regent followed him to Kermán; his plan no -doubt was to track him to his native seat. Amr withdrew from Kermán also -into Sístán; during this retreat his son Mohammed died. But Mowaffak was -not in a condition to occupy Kermán even, which was in great part a -desert, and the citadels of which were, we may suppose, mainly in the -hands of Amr’s people; to press on through the frightful wilderness to -Sístán was not for a moment to be thought of. Nature had set insuperable -limits to the enterprise. - -Here begins a course of shifting politics, in which only a few of the -leading movements are known to us. Mowaffak must have recognised that he -was not yet in a position to subdue as-Saffár, and that it was expedient -to come to terms with him. In May or June 889, accordingly, the post of -military governor of Bagdad was again conferred upon Amr, and his name -inscribed on the standards, lances, and shields in the government office -“on the bridge.” Some weeks later Amr again appointed Obaidalláh his -deputy in this post. This presupposes that a peace had been previously -concluded, in which he had received back all, or nearly all, his -provinces. That he continued to be ruler of Párs is attested by a series -of his coins, extending from 888 or 889 to 898 or 899, better than by -any writings of the historians. But as early as February 890 he was -again deprived of his dignity as governor. Perhaps he was dissatisfied -with the concessions he had received, and this was intended as a -punishment. In the East, too, his hands were quite full. He had become -suspicious of his youngest brother Alí, and had therefore thrown him -into prison along with both his sons, but these had made their escape -(890-1) to Ráfi, a rough, unscrupulous warrior of Yakúb’s, who had -skilfully availed himself of circumstances gradually to become master of -a great part of Khorásán, and had also made Rai his own. Alí died while -with him, but the breach was not thereby healed. At this point Ráfi came -into conflict also with the new Caliph Motadid, who began to reign on -16th October 892, shortly after the death of his father Mowaffak. The -Caliph consequently again appointed Amr to the governorship of Khorásán. -While Ráfi was inflicting defeat on the Ispahánese, whom the Caliph had -at the same time stirred up against him, Amr took his capital Níshábúr -(July or August 893). Ráfi, however, did not abandon all hope of his -cause, but now allied himself with the Alid prince of Tabaristán; and -when Amr quitted Níshábúr some time afterwards, he stepped into the -place, caused the public prayer to be offered for the Alid, and -professed the Shíite faith. Through force of circumstances Amr thus -became the champion of orthodoxy and of the Commander of the Faithful -against the heretics. How good his understanding now once more was with -the court is shown by the large presents received from him in Bagdad in -May 896. Besides 4,000,000 dirhems (nearly £75,000), they included a -number of blood-camels and, very particularly, a bronze image, richly -decked with precious stones, of a goddess who (in Indian fashion) had -four arms; in front of the image, upon the car on which it was borne, -were a number of other smaller idols. The whole were publicly exhibited -for three days to the inhabitants of Bagdad. From this we gather that in -the meanwhile Amr had carried his arms again into the eastern heathen -lands which were subject to Indian influences, and this also is -expressly testified. He had permanent hold of the city of Ghazni, where, -among other works, he built a bridge. - -While his presents were arriving in Bagdad, Amr was already in the field -against Ráfi. The siege of Níshábúr began in the end of May. Ráfi was -unable to hold out for long, and fled, but was pursued and beaten by -Amr, whose account of what occurred, sent to the Caliph, was read before -the grandees of the empire on Tuesday, 22nd December 896. Within eight -days a further dispatch arrived, to the effect that the miscreant had -been again defeated near Tús (north-east from Níshábúr), had thence fled -to Khárizm, and there had been slain (Friday, 19th November). This -letter, showing, as it did, how the hand of God had once more -annihilated the foes of the house of Abbás, was read in all the great -mosques at public worship on the following Friday (31st December 896). -On Thursday, 10th February 897, Amr’s messenger arrived with the head of -Ráfi, which was publicly shown all that day. Motadid had undoubtedly -good reason for hating the vanquished man. That Ráfi had done homage to -the descendant of Alí was bad enough in the eyes of the Caliph, who -assumed a consuming zeal for orthodoxy, but it was much worse that he -should publicly have charged Motadid with having compassed the death of -his uncle Motamid, in order to hasten his own succession. This reproach -was all the less pleasant if, as seems likely, it was founded on truth. - -Amr, into whose hands the victory over Ráfi had brought his two nephews -also, was now in undisputed possession of Khorásán. In the course of the -year 897 there arrived in Níshábúr a messenger of the Caliph, who, -besides a variety of complimentary gifts, invested him with the -government of Rai. In return for this, Amr sent a large sum for the -pious purpose of setting up hospices for the accommodation of pilgrims -on the road from Irák to Mecca. He had now reached his culminating -point, and was actually stronger than Yakúb had ever been. - -Motadid, perhaps the ablest Caliph since Mansúr, a man whose one object -was to restore the caliphate to its former glories, could not long -endure so powerful a subject. Amr’s want of moderation came to the -Caliph’s aid. He pressingly urged that he might receive the lands beyond -the Oxus, which certainly had long been regarded as a dependency of -Khorásán, and on which Yakúb, it would seem, had cast longing eyes. The -ruling house there for some time had been that of the Sámánids, who had -succeeded in raising to high prosperity the extensive oases surrounded -by barbarous nomads. The cunning Motadid acceded to this petition, and -in February 898 sent to Amr the tokens of his investiture with -Transoxania. Simultaneously, it is said, he wrote to Ismáíl the Sámánid -to the effect that he had deposed Amr, and now named him (Ismáíl) -governor of Khorásán; this, however, is not probable, Amr’s investiture -with Transoxania having taken place in such solemn form. Even without -this he was sure to gain his end, which was to set the two princes by -the ears, and at least to weaken Amr seriously; for it was a thing of -course that Ismáíl should resist. Amr now sent an army to cross the Oxus -near Amol (approximately where the straight line drawn from Níshábúr to -Bukhárá intersects the river). But, on the Sámánid’s advancing to meet -it, Amr’s army drew back a considerable distance, and near Abíwerd, -where the cultivated part of Khorásán borders on the desert, sustained a -great defeat (Monday, 29th October 898). Ismáíl thereafter retired. Amr -now resolved, against the advice of his counsellors, to take the field -in person. Then, or even earlier, it is said, Ismáíl wrote to him urging -him to be satisfied with his great kingdom; but he would not listen, and -when the difficulty of passing the mighty Oxus was represented to him, -his reply was: “I could, if I choose, dam it up with money bags.” He -betook himself to Balkh, which lies pretty near the river. Ismáíl -advanced to meet him with a superior army. It is expressly noted that -that army included the “owners of the soil;” if not patriotism, strictly -so called, there entered into the struggle a determination to protect -their well-governed land from the violence and greed of the Sístánese. -Ismáíl was successful in investing Balkh, and putting it in a state of -siege; perhaps Amr had previously lost a battle. It was in vain that he -sued for peace. He was compelled to fight, but his troops soon fled, and -dispersed in various directions; he himself got entangled in a marsh, -was taken prisoner (April 900), and sent in chains to Samarcand. Ismáíl -sent a suitable message to the Caliph; the news arrived on Wednesday, -28th May. Whether Motadid had continued to recognise Amr, or whether he -had already had due regard to the successes of the Sámánid, is not -known; now at all events it was matter of course that he should praise -the victor as his obedient officer, and censure the vanquished as a -rebel. Khorásán thenceforward became for a long time a possession of the -house of Sámán; but Párs was given by the Caliph, about the middle of -July, to another. Ismáíl is reported to have given Amr his choice -between being detained a prisoner with himself or being sent to the -Caliph; he is said to have chosen the latter. If this be the fact, he -had radically mistaken the character of Motadid. - -The friendship that had subsisted between the two since the accession of -the latter had never been sincere; at no time had the Caliph seen in -as-Saffár anything but a usurper of his lawful rights, who had attained -to power only _injuriâ temporum_. But probably it was at the Caliph’s -own express demand that Amr was delivered up to him. He had sent -messengers to bring him; and the fact that these did not arrive in -Bagdad till 23rd April 901, indicates protracted negotiations. The -Sámánid had sent an attendant along with Amr, with instructions at once -to behead him if any movement should occur in his favour. The mighty -ruler, whose presents and trophies four short years before had been the -finest spectacle that could be furnished to the mob of Bagdad, was now -paraded before that mob in procession, as customary at the arrest of -great State offenders or heretical princes. From henceforward the -Saffárs were now officially designated as unbelievers or arch-heretics, -certainly with great injustice. The one-eyed, sun-burnt captive sat upon -a great caparisoned two-bunched camel,[83]—one of the animals that he -himself had sent in a present on the occasion just alluded to,—clothed -in a rich silken robe, and with a tall cap upon his head. The sight -touched the very mob in the street, and they refrained from the -customary reproaches and curses. A contemporary poet tells—half -pityingly, half mockingly—how, during this ride, Amr lifted up his -hands to God and prayed to be delivered from this trouble, and to be -allowed to become a coppersmith once more. The Caliph caused the unhappy -man to be brought into his presence, and curtly said to him: “This comes -of thy insolence.” He was then cast into prison, where he lived on for -about a year. In the beginning of April 902 (the date of Motadid’s -death) he was murdered. This, perhaps, was done at the instance of one -of the grandees, who was afraid that Amr might again return to power by -the aid of the successor to the throne, with whom he stood on a good -footing. But it is also possible that the dying Motadid[84] may himself -have given the order to have him put to death; it was not inconceivable -that as-Saffár, should he chance to make his escape in the confusion -attending the change of sovereign, might yet become a great trouble to -the new Caliph. So long as he lived he was “an object of hope and fear.” -In fact, rather more than a year before this (February 901), “out of -wrath for Amr,”[85] troops which had served under him had raised upon -the shield his grandson Táhir, son of Mohammed (who had died in 887), -taken Párs from the Government, and threatened Susiana. - -Amr was hardly so doughty a warrior as his brother; he was not -unfrequently worsted. But his great craft is spoken of with admiration, -and the skill with which he watched over his people by means of a -careful system of espionage. He was greatly beloved by his soldiers. -Like Yakúb, he kept a full treasury. Occasionally his high officers, -even those who enjoyed his special favour, were compelled to surrender -large sums which they had gained _per fas_ or, oftener, _per nefas_; it -is only the sovereign exchequer[86] that in the East, and most of all in -Persian lands,[87] can digest every kind of unrighteous gain. By good -finance and great cleverness, Amr always came out successfully from his -misfortunes, until at last his land-hunger and the double-dealing of his -suzerain completely undid him. Posterity, for the most part, soon forgot -him; only a few considerable ecclesiastical and other edifices continued -to testify to his power and magnificence. - -His grandson Táhir continued to play a part for some years in Párs and -Sístán, until at last he too, in a struggle with a former Mamlúk of Amr, -was taken captive and sent to Bagdad (908-9). Several other Saffárids, -among them three sons of Alí, came forward in the following years, but -all were overpowered. Three of them, among whom was a great-grandson of -Amr, also named Amr, were subdued by the Sámánid Ismáíl and his -successor; this Amr had been chosen by the Sístánese as their ruler in -914.[88] - -Fifty years later we find Khalaf, son of Ahmed, ruling Sístán, under an -overlordship of the Sámánids, which was little more than a name. In his -elevation he had been helped by the circumstance that, through his -mother Bánó, he was a descendant of Amr. Contemporaries even designate -him as “descended from Amr.” His native country, it is clear, still held -as-Saffár’s name in high honour. Khalaf was a very pious ruler; a -protector of poets, who sang his praises; and of scholars, to whose -number he is himself reckoned. Amongst other literary works, he caused a -commentary on the Koran, in one hundred volumes, to be prepared, the -largest of the numerous books of this kind of which we have any -information. But yet he, too, cared more for property and power than for -piety or culture. Tradition represents him not only as a cunning, but -also as a rather untrustworthy person. Out of mistrust he threw his son -Táhir into prison, where he died—a suicide, it was alleged. After many -vicissitudes of fortune, Khalaf fell into the hands of the great -conqueror Mahmúd of Ghazni (1002-3), and died in captivity in March -1008. His son Abú Hafs survived him, and entered the service of Mahmúd. -So ended the mighty race of princes of Sístán. - ------ - -[62] Approximately corresponding to the upper basin of the Hélmend. - -[63] See above, p. 80. - -[64] A contemporary incidentally mentions the great production of copper -and brass work in Sístán. - -[65] Rostam’s stable is pointed out in several other parts of Sístán -also. - -[66] According to another account the governor of Khorásán had got -Dirhem into his power and sent him as a prisoner to Bagdad. Our -information as to the earlier history of our hero is at every point full -of contradictions. - -[67] Something similar happened not unfrequently in the Ottoman empire -during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. - -[68] The details of these struggles are again very variously given. - -[69] See above, p. 139. - -[70] The Kharijites considered themselves the only true believers, and -accordingly gave this proud title to their own leaders. - -[71] See above, p. 139. - -[72] Near the modern Teherán. - -[73] - - Táhir - | - Abdalláh - | - --------------- - | | - Táhir Obaidalláh - | - ----------- - | | - Mohammed Husain - -[74] The word Mamlúk, meaning something like “purchased slave,” was not -current in this sense till later; in Yakúb’s time, such persons were -mostly called Ghulám (plural, Ghilmán), “lads.” - -[75] See above, p. 162 sqq. - -[76] In a somewhat different text these verses are given by others as -his epitaph; but they are only slightly modified from a much older -passage. - -[77] This citadel, which is still kept up, has until recently often -served as a place of confinement for political prisoners. - -[78] One coinage of the year 877-8 is known. - -[79] See above, p. 160. - -[80] In his native Sístán, indeed, a peculiar taste prevailed, asafœtida -being a very favourite condiment. - -[81] The precise date of these events is unknown. - -[82] See above, p. 162. - -[83] In other cases delinquents of this kind were set even upon -elephants. The two-bunched camel is a foreign creature in these parts. - -[84] Motadid once declared it to be a maxim of his, never to let an -enemy out of prison except to his grave. - -[85] The French translation of Mas’údí renders this expression quite -wrongly. - -[86] - - (“Die Kirch’ allein, meine lieben Frauen, - Kann ungerechtes Gut verdauen.”—_Goethe._) - -[87] See above, p. 133. - -[88] - - Laith - | - ----------------------------- - | | | - Y a k ú b A m r Alí - | - Mohammed - | - --------------------- - | | - Táhir Yakúb - | - Amr - - - - - VII. - SOME SYRIAN SAINTS. - - -IN the first centuries of our era there was, in the eastern portions of -the Roman empire, a growing tendency to renounce even lawful worldly -pleasures for the sake of religion.[89] But the inclination to -asceticism acquired peculiar strength after the victory of Christianity, -particularly in Egypt and Syria. Was it not the duty of Christians (Gal. -v. 24) “to crucify the flesh, with its affections and lusts”? The men of -the cloister retained at least a social life; but many ascetics withdrew -into entire solitude to serve God, remote from the world and its -pleasures. They could not be always fasting; but they contented -themselves with the simplest food, which they either gathered for -themselves or received in gifts from their admirers. Many exposed -themselves, without any protection, to all vicissitudes of weather. Some -paid so little attention to the care of their persons as to give up the -practice of washing altogether; the legends often speak with reverential -wonder of the filth and vermin of these disgusting saints.[90] Among the -number of these Christian hermits there doubtless were some elevated, if -mistaken, spirits, of whom, however, only a few can actually have found -peace and satisfaction in such a manner of life. But the majority -certainly consisted of petty souls, whom it cost but little to renounce -many of those things by which man is really made man. The mendicant who -in our day sits silent and solitary in the same spot in all weathers, -waiting for the charity of the passers by, might perhaps, in those times -and regions, have become a holy anchorite. Many of these last may have -suffered in their past lives through fault of their own, or through -innocent misfortune; others had, perhaps, crimes on their conscience -which they sought to atone for. Fastings and macerations are apt to act -on the nervous system and produce visions—now pleasant, now horrible. -This must have been very specially the case with persons of the sort we -are describing—religiously disposed, and brought up to believe in -miracles and manifestations. The saint had at one time to contend with -demons in terrible or in alluring shapes, whom, in the last resort, he -repelled with blows or volleys of stones; at another time there appeared -to him angels and godly men of old, who exhorted and encouraged him, or -even revealed to him the future. If the actual events coincided -tolerably with what had been previously revealed, the coincidence would -gradually come to appear, in the dreamer’s mind, greater than it really -was. A reputation for prophetic gifts was thus easily acquired. The -unfulfilled was forgotten, or the vagueness of the oracles allowed new -interpretations. Similarly with miraculous healings. Here, indeed, we -must remember that certain nervous diseases can for the moment, or even -permanently, be cured by faith in the healing power of another; cures of -this sort still occur, and will, perhaps, repeatedly be wrought within -the next few months at Treves, in connection with the exhibition of the -Holy Coat.[91] Other cures were immediately ascribed to the blessing or -intercession of the ascetics; while cases of failure were attributed to -sin, or were forgotten. Once an ascetic had come to be reputed a prophet -or miracle-worker, his fame rapidly grew, and often stood highest at a -distance from the scene of his activity, or after the lapse of some -time. - -I have already indicated that the hermit seldom or never lived in -absolute solitude. Disciples who learned from him and waited upon him, -and other admirers, gathered round him. The looks of admiration which -others bent upon the man who had given up all earthly things for God -were easily understood and well received; these are not the only devout -men in whom an overpowering pride has clothed itself in expressions of -the deepest humility. - -Once men of this kind had attained high consideration they were often -applied to for counsel and advice in matters not strictly religious. -Governors and princes occasionally paid attention to them, voluntarily, -or to some extent under popular compulsion. Still more had the bishops -to do so, to whom it can hardly always have been any particular pleasure -to share their power (reaching far into secular matters) with a class of -men for the most part uneducated and obstinate. The ascetics, it is -true, who did not need to consult worldly interests, often espoused the -cause of oppressed innocence, and with success; but there was always -great risk of their abusing their authority; for the very conditions of -his life often made it impossible for the ascetic to judge fairly of the -case laid before him. In the deplorable ecclesiastical controversies of -the fifth and sixth centuries, the holy hermits and monks often exerted -an exciting, seldom a soothing, influence. - -Viewing the subject as a whole, we cannot regard this asceticism as -other than a morbid phenomenon. It did little good and much evil. The -mania for self-mortification spread among the Syrians like an infection, -and, combined with their absorption in hair-splitting dogmatic -controversies, had a large influence in giving a false direction to the -mind of that people. - -In what follows I shall endeavour to exhibit to the reader a few Syrian -ascetics. I begin with one of the most famous of them all, and shall -afterwards go on to others whose portraits have been drawn for us only -by one contemporary, but are characteristic for the whole class. - - SIMEON STYLITES. - -Simeon was born, towards the end of the fourth century, in Sís, a -village near Nicopolis (the modern Islahíyeh, in Northern Syria).[92] -His parents seem to have been fairly substantial people of the lower -ranks. He had one surviving brother named Shimshai; the rest of the -family died early. While still a child he tended the flocks of his -parents, thus becoming accustomed to solitude and privation, and having -early opportunity for undisturbed contemplation. He grew up to be a -strong and good-looking youth, but of small stature. At this period of -his life he repeatedly collected storax, a sweet-smelling resin, and -burnt it as an offering without knowing to whom; perhaps in doing so he -was unconsciously following some old pagan custom. For, though baptized, -he was still at that time without any education, whether religious or -secular. - -On one occasion, when Simeon accompanied his parents to church in his -native village, he was powerfully arrested by the words of the gospel -about the blessedness of the poor and the mourner. He had, moreover, -according to a not improbable tradition, visions which pointed him to -the path of renunciation; and he gave himself with zeal to asceticism. -Even at this early stage the old Syrian biography of Simeon makes him a -worker of miracles. The first of these is very peculiar, and deserves to -be shortly told as characteristic for its narrators, and also for the -readers for whom they wrote. Simeon, after a twenty days’ fast, longed -for some fish, and went accordingly to the daughter of a fisherman, who -had made a large catch in a neighbouring lake, and asked her to sell him -five pounds of fish. Untruthfully, but upon oath, she declared that she -had none. Just after he had turned and gone a mysterious power suddenly -seized upon her and her fish; the latter tumbled out on the road before -him and leapt towards him, while the girl rushed after them like one -demented. All this occurred in presence of the people, and of the -soldiers then in garrison to defend the place against Isaurian pirates. -Simeon finally quieted the fish and the girl, delivering to the latter a -severe admonition. He then went on his way, but soon saw a large fish -right in front of him, which he took, after crossing himself; God so -blessed it that he and other shepherds, as well as two soldiers, lived -upon it for three whole days. - -Simeon was still but young when he entered the monastery of Eusebonas at -Tel’edá, in the district of Antioch. To this and other monasteries he -handed over his entire fortune, which had been not inconsiderably -increased by inheritance from an aunt. At the head of its eighty or one -hundred and twenty monks was Heliodorus, who had entered its cloisters -whilst still a little child, and never again quitted it; he had never in -all his life seen a pig or a cock. Here Simeon remained for nine or ten -years, distinguishing himself above his fellows by his severe -mortifications. They fasted only on alternate days, he on every week -day; only on Sundays did he eat a few lentils. In order to keep awake in -his devotional exercises, he supported himself on a round piece of wood, -from which he slipped as soon as he became drowsy; this was a kind of -prologue to his subsequent performances. He girt himself round his naked -waist with a rough cord of palm bast, which wore into his flesh. After -ten days this came to be known, and his brethren, who already had marked -with growing disapproval that instead of confining himself to their -rules he went far beyond them, succeeded in inducing their superior to -expel their eccentric companion. Simeon hid himself in an empty cistern, -full of poisonous snakes, scorpions, and other repulsive creatures, as -later writers add. Five days afterwards his superior regretted what he -had done, and caused Simeon to be sought for and brought back. Soon -afterwards, however, he left Tel’edá finally; he was not adapted for any -society. He now betook himself to the village of Telnishé (somewhat -nearer to Aleppo than to Antioch) to the monastery of Maris, whose sole -occupants were an old man and a boy. Here he caused himself to be walled -in for the great Lenten fast. Bassus of Edessa, who held the spiritual -office of a periodeutes or visiter, and who happened to be present, at -his urgent request closed up the entrance, after setting down some bread -and water for his use. When, at the end of the fast, the door was -opened, it was found that both were untouched. This is related by two -contemporaries. The belief that during the great fast Simeon never ate -anything was certainly general; but whether the thing be perfectly true -may be doubted even after the performances of modern fasting men, for, -according to the story, we must suppose that the feat was repeated -thirty times, year after year. During the fast he, at any rate, ate less -than ever; at the beginning of it he stood, then he sat down as his -strength waned, reclining more and more as he sat, until at last he sank -half-dead upon the ground. On the heights of Telnishé he caused a mandra -or “enclosure” to be built for his permanent residence; the ground for -it was given him by a priest named Daniel. Here he riveted his right leg -to a large stone with an iron chain twenty cubits long. When he at last -took off this chain, at the request of the patriarch Meletius of -Antioch, there were found in the piece of leather which had protected -his skin from the iron more than twenty fat bugs, which he had left -quite undisturbed,[93] never stretching out a finger against them,—so -Meletius himself informed his biographer Theodoret. The exact zoological -designation of the creatures need not be discussed; what is certain is, -that for the glory of God the saint allowed himself to swarm with -vermin. - -In the time during which Simeon sat here in a lonely corner on the -ground, he is said to have wrought various miracles, mostly healings, -such as befit the regular saint. They were wrought sometimes directly, -but sometimes through the agency of objects which he sent,—such as -water, or even what was called hnáná, or “grace” meaning thereby a mass -of dust or filth of the saint kneaded up with oil,—an instrumentality -much used in those times in the regions of Syria. Simeon had many -visions also, which were guarantees of his high standing. “Out of -modesty” he related these only to his most trusted disciples, who were -not to speak about them during his lifetime; but, as was to be expected, -many of these fine things about him spread far and wide. The -consciousness which he enjoyed of his acceptance with God, and the -veneration which men accorded to him, compensated for all the pain which -he inflicted on himself. - -Simeon’s pride finds its most marked expression in the choice of a -pillar as his abode. Long before this, at the great sanctuary of the -Syrian goddess Attar’athé (or Atargatis), in Hierapolis (Mabbog, Arabic -Membij), some ninety English miles distant, there had been a colossal -pillar, to the top of which a man twice every year ascended for seven -days’ converse with the gods;[94] but this practice must have died out -long before Simeon’s time, and it is highly improbable that such an -uninformed person as he should have ever heard anything about it. -Moreover, Theodoret, himself a Syrian, and a man of many-sided culture, -as well as the other contemporaries of Simeon, all regard this -pillar-life as something quite new. We can therefore, at most, attribute -both phenomena to similar religious motives; so that Burckhardt—who, so -far as I know, has been the first to bring the two facts together—is, -to a certain extent, justified in regarding the use of Hierapolis as -“the prototype of the later pillar-saints;” but, historically, they are -hardly connected. - -Simeon began with standing for three months continuously upon the sill -of the hole in the wall, through which the sacrament was handed in to -him in his enclosure, because during the great fast he had seen, for -three whole nights, an angel performing ritual prayer upon this stone, -with bowings and prostrations. Next he caused a pillar to be raised for -him to stand on; it was only six cubits high, so that he could still, -without difficulty, converse with the people below. The top, a cubit or -so square, had probably some kind of balustrade for him to lean on, but -had no covering; and was completely exposed to the broiling rays of the -Syrian sun, as well as to the rains and snows of the winter, which in -Northern Syria, in such an exposed situation, is often bitterly cold. To -live upon a pillar was a grave addition to his self-mortification, but -at the same time it served to raise him above the world and above men. -Many, it is true, even then asked what good purpose was gained, and -others openly scoffed at his folly; all that his defenders could say in -reply was, that he had done so because God had commanded him—in other -words, as we would translate the expression, because he had taken it -into his head to do so. But on the majority the very singularity of his -position made a great impression. Had he kept to the level ground he -would never have become nearly so famous. With admiring astonishment his -biographers go on to relate how, in the course of seven years, Simeon -thrice caused pillars to be set up of increasing height, until at last a -maximum was reached of thirty-six or forty cubits, at which elevation he -remained for fully thirty years. Of this last pillar the following is -related:—When he was standing upon his pillar of twenty-two cubits, he -at the beginning of the great fast (during which he always withdrew -entirely from mankind) gave instructions to prepare, against the end of -the forty days, another of thirty cubits, to consist of two parts. The -workpeople set themselves to the task, but somehow it always failed; -four weeks had passed, and nothing had been accomplished. His most -intimate disciple ventured one night to shout up to the saint tidings of -their ill success. Simeon ordered him to come back the following night, -when he told him that, by a revelation he had received, the pillar must -be forty cubits high and made in three parts, corresponding to the -persons in the Trinity. This high pillar was quickly gone on with, so -that it was ready by the end of the fast to be brought within the -enclosure for the saint to take his stand on it. - -On the top of his pillar Simeon prayed continually, with strict regard -to external forms. Once an admirer counted that he had prostrated -himself one thousand two hundred and forty-four times in succession in -prayer; he then stopped counting, but the saint still went on with his -devotional exercise. With a very limited intelligence Simeon must have -combined an uncommonly healthy and vigorous constitution to be able to -carry on such a life for so long. Even the strength of lung which made -it possible for him to speak from that height to the people below -deserves our respect. He suffered indeed severely in one of his legs -from festering sores with maggots; but latterly this malady seems to -have abated somewhat,—the pure, dry air doubtless being favourable to a -cure. His biographers revel in descriptions of these bodily troubles. In -their pages the maggots become at last huge worms, which his favourite -disciple must always replace if they slip away. On one occasion, it is -related, one of these fell from the top of the pillar to the ground; an -Arab chieftain, a believer, took it up, and, full of fervour, laid it to -his eyes and to his heart, whereupon it was turned into a precious -pearl. During the night and the greater part of the day Simeon occupied -himself in prayer and meditation, except, of course, in the hours of -sleep; but his afternoons he gave to mankind, and spent in addressing -the multitude below,—instructing, consoling, rebuking, admonishing, and -settling disputes. We need not doubt that he often espoused the cause of -the oppressed with success. In the Roman empire there were then only too -many occasions for such intervention. The man who had no one to fear -could dare to make his voice heard; and in presence of the great -authority which he enjoyed far and wide, many an official must certainly -have been compelled to yield, however unwillingly. We still possess the -text of a letter in which a priest named Cosmas, and all the clergy and -notables of his village, pledged themselves to a moral and pious life, -and, in particular, never to take a higher rate of interest than -one-half per cent. per month—that is to say, the half of the then usual -interest of twelve per cent. per annum. That he insisted upon this lower -rate of interest never being exceeded appears also from other testimony. -But in this connection, where the covetousness of the individual is so -powerfully supported by the general conditions of trade and commerce, -his influence cannot have extended far. On the other side of the -account, there was no proper guarantee against abuse of the power which -the saint had over the multitude; nor were instances of this wanting. -Perhaps the following case comes under the category:—Notoriously one of -the worst defects in the constitution of the Roman empire was that the -higher municipal officials were weighted with heavy expenses, which -often ruined their fortunes; every one therefore, who could, evaded the -burden of such charges. It happened on one occasion that the governor of -the province wished to bring two young citizens into the Council of the -city of Antioch. They betook themselves to Simeon, and represented the -conduct of the governor as a piece of vindictiveness. Simeon interfered -on their behalf, but without success; the governor immediately -afterwards, we are told, was deposed with contumely, summoned to -Constantinople, and relegated to exile. This was a divine punishment. - -According to the Syriac biography, the powerful minister Asclepiodotus -published an ordinance of the emperor Theodosius II., commanding the -restoration to the Jews of all the synagogues which had been forcibly -taken from them by the Christians. All good Christians were indignant at -the idea that buildings where Christian worship had been held should -again fall into the hands of “the crucifiers.” Several bishops, -accordingly, turned with this complaint to Simeon, who wrote a blunt -letter to the emperor. Theodosius promptly recalled the edict, sent to -the saint a humble letter of apology, and deposed Asclepiodotus, the -friend of Jews and heathen, the enemy of Christians.—The affair cannot, -however, have happened exactly in the manner related. We still possess -the text of the imperial mandate to the chancellor (_præfectus -prætorio_) Asclepiodotus, in which it is forbidden henceforward to take -their synagogues from the Jews, and order is made to pay them reasonable -compensation for such as had already been used for Christian worship, -and so could not be restored. We can scarcely suppose this order to have -cancelled another more favourable to the Jews, and, in any case, Simeon -can hardly have had a great share in procuring it, for it was issued as -early as 423, when he can have been but little known. The story is -nevertheless instructive, as illustrating how unfair men can become -through fanaticism; for here a simple claim of justice is represented as -a shocking crime. It shows, at the same time, how great was the -authority attributed to Simeon. - -Once and again, on other occasions, Simeon condescended to hold -correspondence with the great ones of the earth. Thus, in the closing -period of his life (457-459 A.D.), he gave the emperor Leo a written -opinion in favour of the Council of Chalcedon (451), which had defined -the dogma of the two natures of Christ. In the same sense he wrote also, -about the same time, to the patriarch Basil of Antioch. Whether the -saint understood—so far as they are at all intelligible—the dogmatic -niceties which were dealt with at Chalcedon, may be left an open -question. The Monophysites of Syria, who were opposed to the Council of -Chalcedon, and who were a majority in that country, afterwards ignored -this action of Simeon and reckoned him among their saints; as was also -occasionally done by the Nestorians, although their doctrine—which -refused to call Mary the “mother of God,” and which had been condemned -as early as 431 by the Council of Ephesus—was held in detestation by -Simeon, and had been expressly repudiated in a letter of his to a former -patriarch of Antioch. Simeon, it may be conjectured, dictated his -letters to one of his disciples, who stood at the top of the ladder by -which his confidants climbed up. Whether he himself could read and write -is uncertain. - -The actions of this eccentric saint and the anecdotes told about him -made, as already hinted, a particular impression on the uneducated. All -our informants dwell on the admiration he excited in the wild Arabs. It -is credible enough that many Bedouins were induced by him to receive -baptism, though hardly in such numbers as is asserted. In doing so they -vowed to abstain from the flesh of the wild ass and of the camel. This -vow can have been kept only by tribes possessing sheep or goats: with -most Arabs camel’s flesh is the only available meat, apart from game, -which is not plentiful. When Theodoret once, at Simeon’s instance, -bestowed his blessing on some newly-converted Arabs, these believers so -crowded and jostled to touch his limbs and his garments (to secure the -blessing properly) that he feared for his life. And once, in true Arab -style, the representatives of two different tribes had a free fight at -the foot of Simeon’s pillar, because each demanded that the saint should -send his blessing to its own chief, and not to that of the other. -Simeon, with invectives and threats, had the utmost difficulty in -separating the combatants. This improvised Christianity did not strike -deep root among these Arabs. In some tribes baptism had certainly -already disappeared before the rise of Islam, and the Arabs of the then -Roman dominion who had continued to profess Christianity, with few -exceptions, soon went over to the new religion. His influence on the -inhabitants of Lebanon, who at that time were still mostly pagans, -appears to have been more permanent; for it is probable that the -Maronites are the descendants of the converts who accepted baptism after -Simeon’s intercession, as they believed, had freed them from the ravages -of wild beasts. These beasts are represented as having been a kind of -spectres who appeared in shifting forms; but as it is said that the -skins of two of them were hung up beside Simeon’s pillar, even the pious -editor of the Syriac biography cannot quite free himself of the -rationalistic idea that there must have been great exaggeration in this, -and that the creatures were actually hyænas. - -It is not inconceivable how the fame of the saint, growing ever from -mouth to mouth, should have reached Persia also, and even the Persian -court: superstition does not always pay heed to differences of religion. -Theodoret says only that the king of Persia is reported to have begged -consecrated oil of him, but less cautious writers positively assert both -this and more. - -I spare my readers most of Simeon’s miracles, which are mainly of the -conventional type. Most of what is related by Theodoret in this -connection may be historical; all that is required is to allow for some -involuntary corrections of the facts, and to bear in mind the weight of -the principle—_post hoc, ergo propter hoc_. Thus, Simeon is said to -have predicted on one occasion the coming of a swarm of locusts as a -punishment, but that through the divine mercy it would not cause great -harm; and this actually came to pass. The story may be essentially true. -In these regions locusts are a frequent plague, and so an obvious -element in all preaching of sin and its punishment; such preaching must -also include some reference to the divine compassion in case of -repentance, and thus an announcement of the kind is always justified by -the event, whether that be the punishment of sin or the compassion that -follows repentance. Nor have we any reason to doubt that the wife of an -Arab prince had a son after Simeon had prayed for her; it is only a -somewhat late biography that connects with this fact an incredible -miracle of healing. The appearance or disappearance of local calamities -was certainly often ascribed to his curse or blessing. His miraculous -cures are covered by the general remarks made above (p. 208). - -Superstition, however, did not content itself with such miracles as were -wrought by every petty saint, but went on to attribute to Simeon magical -powers. Thus it is related that creatures so fleet and so shy as the -ibex or the stag could be so charmed by means of his name as to become -easy captures; this, however, was regarded as a culpable abuse. On the -other hand, it was naturally viewed as very praiseworthy when a cleric, -by the same means, took away all power of motion from a great snake -which was about to devour a child; in this state it continued for three -days, when it was released by Simeon with the command to do harm no -more. It is even said that a male snake once came to Simeon to beg -healing for his female, which was ill; the application was of course -successful; the patient attended outside the enclosure, for Simeon (as -we know in other connections) strictly prohibited any female to enter -that sacred plot of ground. - -But the most wonderful miracle of all is as follows. A ship was -labouring in the high seas in a heavy storm. At the mast-head there -appeared a black man in token that the vessel was doomed. But it so -happened that there was on board a man of the region of Amid (Diárbekr, -in Mesopotamia), who had with him some of Simeon’s holy dust;[95] with -this he made a cross upon the mast, scattering the rest over the ship, -whereupon all with one voice called upon Simeon to procure their -deliverance from God. Instantaneously, Simeon himself appeared, -vigorously chastising the black man with a scourge, and driving him -away. As he fled, the evil one complained of the saint for persecuting -him, not by land only, but also by water. The sea forthwith became calm. -Let it be observed, that this miracle is effected by Simeon while he is -still alive and standing on his pillar. An old popular superstition -about the demon of the storm and the heavenly deliverer[96] is here -crassly transferred to Simeon, even in his lifetime. According to a -shorter version of this story, Simeon once stood long inattentive to the -assembled multitude beneath who were imploring his blessing; at last he -began to speak, and informed them that in the interval he had in person -been saving a ship with 300 souls. That is to say, his spirit had been -absent, and unable to pay attention to the people below. He had become a -supernatural being, and could be in two places at once. - -After fifty-six years of severest asceticism (thirty-seven of them upon -his pillars) Simeon died, upwards of seventy years of age, on Wednesday, -2nd September 459. His death was at first kept as secret as possible, -that no one might carry off the corpse, so full of blessing. The -preparations for his burial were prolonged, and probably the body was -embalmed. On 21st September began a funeral procession of unprecedented -solemnity, which arrived with the body of the saint at Antioch on the -25th. Bishops and clergy of every grade, officials, and innumerable -people accompanied it, as well as the generalissimo of the forces in the -eastern provinces, Ardaburius, son of Aspar, with some thousands of -Gothic soldiers, who indeed, like their commander, were heretical -Arians, but doubtless shared the superstitious veneration of the -Syrians. For the first hour the coffin was carried by bishops and -priests; it was then transferred to a car. The burial took place in the -great church of Constantine at Antioch. The emperor Leo wished to -transport the body to Constantinople, but abandoned the idea on the -earnest entreaty of the Antiochenes. It may be conjectured that the -function was the more frequented because men’s minds were still agitated -on account of the two earthquakes (of September 457 and June 459) which -had caused dreadful havoc in Antioch. In the body of the saint the -Antiochenes hoped to possess a charm against the recurrence of such -manifestations of the “wrath of God”—a hope which proved vain. -Evagrius, the Church historian, saw the body of Simeon when the -Commander of the Forces in the East, Philippicus, son-in-law of the -emperor Maurice, caused it to be exhibited (probably in 588). At that -time it was still well preserved, though it had lost some teeth, to -which believers had helped themselves as salutary relics. I have not -found any later writer who notices, at first hand, the grave and relics -of Simeon. - -A large building was soon erected on the spot where Simeon had lived. -The name of this despiser of all earthly things, whose whole life was a -scornful protest against all concern for the beautiful, was commemorated -in a masterpiece of architecture, the only fine art which then -flourished vigorously, connecting mediæval and modern art with pagan -antiquity by great and original works. On the heights of Telnishé arose -a splendid church, described by Evagrius, the ruins of which still leave -an impression of grandeur on the traveller. The main building forms a -cross, the arms of which, at the point of intersection, enclose an open -space. In the centre of this still stands the base of Simeon’s pillar. -In the time of the historian a great shining star was often seen above, -in a gallery of the inner space. Evagrius, a native of Syria, regarded -this phenomenon, which he himself had witnessed, as supernatural, just -as his pagan countrymen had formerly believed in the divine origin of -the light which from time to time was seen above the sacred lake of -Aphrodite in Lebanon, or as the Russian pilgrims of the present day -still ascribe to a supernatural source the light in the Church of the -Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, at which they kindled their Easter tapers. - -Simeon has had several successors in Syrian lands. Some at least of -these must, however, have greatly modified the penance of standing on -the pillar, for several authors are included in their number, and one at -least, Joshua Stylites, was a very sober-minded and sensible person. - -An enthusiastic deacon named Vulfilaicus, somewhere about the middle of -the sixth century, set up for himself in the neighbourhood of Treves a -similar pillar. But the bishops ordered him down, as he could not -possibly vie with the holy Simeon; and his own bishop, when his back was -turned, caused the pillar to be broken to fragments. If not so learned -as the Syrians, the Frankish bishops had more common sense. Such -ridiculous asceticism did not suit the West, where, on the other hand, -the early mediæval Church rose to the task of educating the rude peoples -in a way that has no parallel in the East.[97] - - - -The famous ecclesiastical writer Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, in -Northern Syria, has given us a sketch of Simeon Stylites, with whom he -was acquainted, and by whom indeed he was survived. In spite of its -somewhat ornate style, this is, on the whole, the most trustworthy -biography; the author was a man of education. - -Much fuller is the account which was written not long after Simeon’s -death by two honest, but rather uneducated Syrians (probably in -472),[98] and which has incorrectly been ascribed by the learned -Maronites to the Cosmas mentioned above (p. 217). It gives very useful -additions to Theodoret’s picture, with a good deal of the legendary -exaggeration which already had begun to gather round the figure of the -saint. It is, however, highly characteristic for the ideas and manner of -expression that prevailed in the circles where it was written. It became -very popular, and the MSS. present considerable variations of text, as -is usual in such popular books.[99] Evagrius used it. Quite inferior to -both these is the Greek biography which is said to have been written by -Antony, a disciple of Simeon. It contains so many extravagances that it -can hardly be so old as it professes to be. - -Our later authorities about Simeon have no independent value. There are -some Syriac letters of Simeon in the British Museum which might be worth -publishing, but the editor would have to be on his guard against -spurious or interpolated pieces. - - - -John, Monophysite bishop of Asia (the province so called), or Ephesus, a -Syrian of Amid (Diárbekr), but who spent great part of his life in -Constantinople and elsewhere in the West, composed in his mother-tongue -a Church history, of which considerable portions have reached us -directly or through other writers, and also a book containing sketches -of pious men or saints whom he had met in the course of his long life. -John was learned, and, as it seems, a man of some activity, but of -little enlightenment. Naturally of a mild disposition, he was -nevertheless a zealous Monophysite, and hated the Council of Chalcedon -with all his heart. All his pious characters accordingly are strict -Monophysites. The world brought before us in these sketches is dismal -enough, but if we arm ourselves with the needful impartiality, we can -learn from them a great deal about the period to which they relate. In -presenting a few of these figures to my readers I do not select the most -important, but such as exhibit most clearly some of the characteristics -of the Syrians of that age. - - SIMEON AND SERGIUS. - -In the neighbourhood of Amid there were many ascetics about the year -500. One of these, called Simeon (one of the commonest names of the -time), lived indeed as a hermit like the others, yet was of a very -hospitable spirit. When he was alone he mortified himself with the -utmost severity, and ate absolutely nothing for as many as ten days at a -stretch; for, since it is written that where two or three are gathered -together in Christ’s name, there is He in the midst of them (Matt. -xviii. 20), it followed that Simeon by himself was not able to secure -the presence of Christ, and without this he would not eat. If, however, -a strange monk, or monks, arrived, he admitted them over the doorless -wall of his enclosure by a kind of ladder, received them cordially, -washed their feet, and after further proving his humility by secretly -drinking three times of the water with which he had washed them(!), set -wine before them, and the produce of his garden. He then ate with them -and was happy. To laymen and to women he gave food through a hole in the -wall. His garden is said to have grown enough to feed forty people, -although it was only twenty cubits long and ten cubits broad, which may -be believed if we consider that the climate was favourable and the -guests very abstemious. Aided by one or two disciples who were usually -with him, Simeon through the hole in his wall, at different times of the -day, taught children of various ages to read the Psalter and other holy -books. He was evidently a man of cheerful and amiable character, and -worthy of a better vocation. - -His most notable disciple was Sergius; he was a zealot _pur sang_. His -special annoyance was the toleration given to the Jews in the village. -“He burned with love for his Lord, and gnashed his teeth” against “the -murderers of God.” With a handful of younger people accordingly he one -night set fire to their synagogue, and burnt it with its books and -trumpets and other sacred objects. As the Jews stood under the -protection of the great church in Amid, to which they paid dues, they -laid a complaint against Sergius before its authorities. But in the -meanwhile he and his people had lost no time in planting, on the site of -the synagogue, a chapel, which they dedicated to the Mother of God; so -that the soldiers sent to restore the Jews to their rights were -helpless, a church once consecrated being inalienable. The Jews now, in -revenge, burned down the cells of Simeon and Sergius; but these were at -once rebuilt by the latter, who also destroyed by night the new -synagogue, now near completion, and carried matters so that the Jews -were completely terrorised. When at last Sergius withdrew from his -master (with whom he had been for some twenty years), to shut himself up -in a low and narrow cell, the Jews took courage to begin building once -more; but the holy man caused his disciples to set fire to this also, -whereupon they desisted from making any further attempt as long as he -lived. - -In 520 the emperor, Justin I., took strong measures against the -Monophysites, to which sect our two anchorites belonged. The agents of -the Government left the aged Simeon unmolested, but tried to induce -Sergius to acknowledge the Council of Chalcedon. He, however, received -them with curses, and swore that if they drove him out he would -anathematise them from the pulpit of the great church in face of the -congregation. In spite of the threat, they broke through a wall of his -cell and did drive him out. He took refuge with the pillar-saint Maron, -also a zealous Monophysite, after staying with whom for a short time he -addressed himself to the fulfilment of his oath. Armed with the blessing -of Maron, who at first had dissuaded him from the enterprise, he went on -Sunday to the church when the whole congregation—including many -Monophysites, who joined in the service, though they abstained from -communicating with the other party—was assembled; and while the -preacher was in the middle of his sermon before the “so-called bishop,” -the weird figure of the hermit in ragged sackcloth suddenly made its -appearance. Planting the cross, which he had carried upon his back, in -front of the pulpit, he sprang up the steps, fell on the preacher with -cuffs and abusive language, and flung him from his place. He then -solemnly pronounced from the pulpit an anathema upon the Council of -Chalcedon and on all who accepted its decrees. A great uproar, of -course, ensued. Sergius was arrested and taken into custody, his long -hermit’s beard cut off, and he himself sent in chains to a neighbouring -monastery in Armenia, the monks of which, three hundred in number, were -all zealous partisans of the Council.[100] The Government, we see, was -very gentle with this violent opponent; if the Syrian Monophysites had -gained the upper hand, their treatment of a similar offender would have -been very different. Sergius, however, managed to make his escape three -days afterwards, and finding his way back to Simeon, began to build a -cell beside him. His adversaries, finding themselves unable to scare him -away, left him personally unmolested,—no doubt out of consideration for -the temper of the populace,—and contented themselves with pulling down -what he had built. He now showed the same determination as in his -contest with the Jews, swearing “by Him who built up the world, and who -was called the carpenter’s son,” that he would never cease to renew his -task as often as his work was thrown down; a vow which he kept. - -Sergius predeceased Simeon, who, in the closing years of his life had -grown very weak and ill, so as to be no longer able (greatly to his -regret) personally to serve his guests. He died after forty-seven years -of a hermit life. John of Ephesus testifies that God wrought many -miracles by him, but does not go into particulars. - - MÁRÁ. - -Márá, a native of a highland village to the north of Amid, was a huge -man of great bodily strength. Although holding some inferior -ecclesiastical office he was still a layman, and when about thirty years -of age his parents wished him to marry. But after everything had been -prepared for the wedding the spirit came upon him, and constrained him -to make his escape by night.[101] He went to a wonder-working hermit -named Paul, who lived near Hisn Ziyat (Kharput), in a cave which was -reputed a haunt of evil spirits. Márá remained five years with Paul as -his disciple in prayer, fasting, and other ascetic exercises, and is -alleged to have slept for only one or two hours of the twenty-four. In -the severest cold of winter he went with bare and bleeding feet through -deep mountain snow for firewood. His master vainly urged him not to -overdo his self-mortifications. In order to be thoroughly free of his -family and their worldly tendencies, he betook himself to Egypt, the -chief school of asceticism, where he visited various penitents, and -himself lived as one for fifteen years. - -At this period Justinian’s Government was making its attempt to force -the Egyptians, decided Monophysites, to accept the decrees of Chalcedon. -For this end here, as in Mesopotamia, it particularly sought to win over -the monks and hermits, the most powerful authorities with the masses, -and if they proved obstinate to scatter and drive them away. Thus Márá, -as a firm Monophysite, was driven from his cell. But instead of simply -withdrawing farther into the desert, he took ship for Constantinople. -There, where the majority were thoroughly “Orthodox,” the foreign -Monophysites were tolerated by Government as harmless, and the Empress -Theodora was so much their declared protectress that we must presume her -to have acted with her husband’s approval. Justinian may have had his -own reasons for not pressing this powerful party too hard. Sheltered -under Theodora’s wing, many of the Monophysites were not slow to flatter -that clever lady, whose questionable past was in their eyes fully atoned -for by her soundness in the faith. But our hermit was not of that sort. -John of Ephesus declines to repeat the terms of reproach hurled in the -faces of the imperial pair by Márá when he presented himself before them -in his tattered garb; it would not be fitting to do so, he tells us; -and, besides, he would not be believed. All this was in execrable taste; -yet it is a real pleasure to see that there still were some people -capable of confronting the servile “Byzantinism” of the day in a way -that was manly and independent. Neither emperor nor empress was in a -condition to meet this holy zeal with violence, if only because they -themselves felt a superstitious awe in the presence of such a man. -Theodora even sought to keep Márá near herself; perhaps she saw in the -rough-tongued saint the confessor her long-borne burden of sin required. -She even attempted to win him with a hundred pounds of gold, but he -hurled the bag from him with one hand, and said: “To hell with thyself, -and with the money wherewith thou wouldst tempt me!” Court and city were -astounded at the bodily strength he showed in this, and still more at -his contempt for Mammon,—a rare sight in Constantinople. - -Márá next retired to the hills immediately to the north of -Constantinople, and there lived as a hermit. The empress sent her -courtiers to tell him that she would be glad to supply whatever he -wished. They had great difficulty in finding him, as he had no fixed -dwelling. By way of expressing his thanks, he sent back the message that -she need not suppose herself to possess aught that servants of God could -use, unless it were the fear of God, if she possessed such a thing as -that. With all his rudeness he still maintained relations with the -court. He earned his bread by making mats and baskets of palm leaves, -but his principal nourishment consisted of wild fruits and herbs. -Against winter he erected for himself some kind of a hut in the -mountains. Being reputed a saint he had many visitors. - -It, of course, came to be well known that Márá was frequently visited by -messengers from the empress, and this naturally gave rise to the idea -that the hermit’s hovel must contain imperial gifts. One night, -accordingly, he received a visit from a robber band. But the saint -wrested from one of them the club with which he had attacked him, seized -him by the hair, and threw him to the ground; three others he disposed -of in the same way, whereupon the six who were left took to flight. -Three of these also he succeeded in overtaking, and after binding them -all he triumphed over them at his leisure. Next morning the visitors who -came saw what had happened; naturally they wished to hand the robbers -over to the authorities, but Márá, retaining only their swords and -clubs, dismissed them with a vigorous allocution. The affair became -known, and a chamberlain carried the weapons to the emperor and empress, -thus giving ocular demonstration of what can be done by the power of -prayer when conjoined with strength of arm. There may be some -exaggeration in this story, but the substance of it as related by John -of Ephesus, who was resident in Constantinople at the time, and knew -Márá personally, is doubtless correct. - -After a sojourn of some years among the mountains, Márá allowed an -official of the court to purchase for him a small villa near the city, -where he lived for five years, earning what was required for the -sustenance of himself and his devout and needy guests by gardening. He -often sent salutary exhortations to the emperor and empress. On the -outbreak of a great plague in 542, he got workpeople sent from the court -to set up a cemetery with vaults and chapel for poor strangers and for -himself. Hardly had they completed their task when he died. His funeral -was attended by many bishops and inferior clergy, as well as monks, -courtiers, and high officers of State. - -Of Márá, whose vigorous and somewhat humorous figure presents a welcome -variety amid the mass of ordinary ascetics, no miracles are recorded. - - THEOPHILUS AND MARY. - -About the year 530 there appeared in the streets of Amid a merry-andrew -(_mimus_) and his female companion, who seemed to be a prostitute. -People of the kind were no rarities even in the pious East, but this -couple attracted special attention by their youth and beauty. The public -witnessed their performances with pleasure, but treated them, as was -also the custom, with brutality; the poor creatures received many little -presents, doubtless, but not without kicks and cuffs. With nightfall -they regularly disappeared, and no one could find out where they had -gone. Some men of influence, whose carnal passions had been inflamed, -now procured from the governor an order that the woman should be given -over to prostitution; but a God-fearing lady named Cosmo rescued her, -took her to be with herself, and exhorted her to a better life. She -listened to the advice with penitential mien, but forthwith returned to -her companion. Now, however, a pious man named John, an acquaintance of -John of Ephesus, began to suspect something extraordinary about the -pair. With much trouble he discovered the retreat where their nights -were spent, and saw them engaged in long-continued prayer. He now came -up to them and asked an explanation. With great reluctance they -consented, but only after he had solemnly promised upon oath to tell no -one as long as they continued in Amid, and even to treat them with the -usual contumely wherever he should see them in public. Their story, -which they told the following night, was that their names were -Theophilus and Mary, and that each was an only child of noble and -prosperous Antiochenes. When Theophilus was fifteen years of age, he -went on to say, he one night discovered, in a stall of his father’s -stables, a poor man, who had hidden himself there in the litter against -the cold; his mouth and hands emitted a halo, which Theophilus alone -could see, and which disappeared whenever the servants entered. The holy -man, at his urgent entreaty, confessed to him (but only on condition of -secrecy) that his name was Procopius, a Roman, who had fled from home to -escape his approaching marriage. He predicted to Theophilus the -approaching death in that year of his parents, and of those of his -affianced bride, and exhorted him on this event to sell all that he had -and give it to the poor, and himself to live a consecrated life in -disguise; the lady also was to do the same. They actually did as they -had been bidden, and lived in virginity together, while in the eyes of -the world they appeared to be living in shameful immorality. For a whole -year John held regular communication with this saintly pair; at the end -of that time they disappeared, and for seven years he sought for them in -vain; but John of Ephesus once afterwards met them near Tella (south of -Amid, towards Edessa). - -The author says that his informant had assured him upon his solemn oath -of the truth of this story; and though one might be tempted to suspect -that the pious man had simply been the victim of a couple of impostors, -I, for my part, believe the narrative to be accurate in its main -features. The light that proceeded from the holy beggar, and his -prophecy, need not mislead us. The story, which comes to us through two -intermediaries, may unintentionally have received various touches of the -marvellous, and, above all, some account must be taken of the -religiously excited fancy of the young man himself, which perhaps was -full of such figures as that of the Roman “man of God”[102] fleeing from -his nuptials, whose double the Procopius of our narrative is. It is -indeed the very height of unnatural self-abnegation when a virtuous -maiden of even excessive spirituality ventures to assume the disguise of -a common prostitute so as to bear the full shame of sin for the glory of -God. - - “Opfer fallen hier - Weder Lamm noch Stier - Aber Menschenopfer unerhört.”[103] - -These Syrians were too apt to hold everything natural for wickedness; -and yet unbridled sensuality was by no means unknown in their circle. - ------ - -[89] For the pagan world compare Jacob Burckhardt, _Constantin_ (2nd -ed.), p. 218. - -[90] I am told by one who knows, that most Indian ascetics, who in -self-mortification in other respects, as a rule, go far beyond the -Christian, pay strict attention to cleanliness. There are, however (or -have been), ascetics in India, also, who have abjured washing. - -[91] This was written in August 1891. As it turns out, the crop of -miracles at Treves has been very poor. This may be explained partly by -the strong light of publicity; partly by the fact that, after all, and -even in the lower classes, there has been a considerable weakening of -simple faith. - -[92] Sís itself has not been identified. It is not to be confounded with -the Sís in the interior of Cilicia. - -[93] “Where the skin has little feeling, so also has the mind and the -soul” (Hehn, _Culturpflanzen u. Hausthiere_, 3rd ed., p. 472, n. 6). - -[94] Lucian, _De dea Syria_, c. 28 sq. The scoffer gravely calls the -pillar a phallus. - -[95] See above, p. 213. - -[96] Compare Leucothea, the Dioscuri, and the like. - -[97] The horrible rule of the Trappists is of comparatively modern -origin. - -[98] This is the date of its composition, not of its transcription, as -has been supposed. - -[99] This applies even to the Roman and London MSS., which are both very -old. Of the latter I was able to use some years ago a transcript kindly -lent me by Prof. Kleyn, of Utrecht, but in the preparation of this essay -I have had only a few notes from it at my disposal. - -[100] The Armenians for the most part were Monophysites, and still are -so except those who are “United” to the Church of Rome. - -[101] An incident that more than once occurs in the lives of Syrian -saints, both legendary and historical. See below, p. 234. - -[102] In later forms of the legend his name is St. Alexius. - -[103] - - “Sacrifices here are neither lamb nor steer, - But human sacrifice unspeakable.”—GOETHE. - - - - - VIII. - BARHEBRÆUS. - - -IN the first half of the thirteenth century a great part of the -population of Melatia, in the east of Asia Minor, close to the upper -Euphrates, consisted of Jacobites, that is to say, Syrians of -Monophysite creed.[104] These Syrians were numerous also in the adjacent -districts, where they had a number of bishoprics and monasteries. -Conspicuous amongst the latter was the great and wealthy monastery of -St. Barsaumá, where the Jacobite patriarch often took up his abode, and -where synods frequently met; its patron saint was held in high repute by -the Moslems of the district also, who presented many gifts in gratitude -for miraculous help. The Moslems of these parts seem to have been of -Turkish speech; probably there was also an Armenian population. The land -belonged to the kingdom of the Seljuks of Asia Minor (Rúm), but, lying -on the marches, was much exposed to assaults, on the one hand, from the -principalities of Syria and Mesopotamia; and, on the other, from the -Christian Armenian State of Cilicia. It had also to suffer from the -internal struggles that accompanied the decline of the Seljuk power. The -Syrians in this quarter seem, however, to have enjoyed a fair degree of -prosperity down to the time of the Mongols; several eminent Syrian -prelates and authors came from Melatia, amongst them the subject of the -following sketch. His father, a respected physician of the name of Ahrún -(Aaron), seems to have been a baptized Jew. This is not inferred from -his name, which was common enough among Syrian Christians, and besides -would certainly have been changed at baptism, but from the fact that his -celebrated son bore the surname of “Son of the Hebrew” (Bar Evráyá, or, -according to another pronunciation, Bar Evróyó). From an epigram of his -we see that the epithet was by no means agreeable to him, which confirms -what has just been said. His Jewish origin is perhaps confirmed by the -keen and sober intelligence which appears both in his actions and in his -writings. His Christian name was John, but in ordinary life he was known -as Abulfaraj, an Arabic name such as Christians living amongst -Mohammedans were wont to bear. But in the following pages we shall -throughout call him Barhebræus, the Latinised form of his surname, which -has long been familiar to European scholars. - -He was born in 1225-26. His mother-tongue was, it may be presumed, a -vulgar dialect of Syriac; but it is certain that from an early age he -was able to speak with fluency the literary Syriac, which had already -disappeared from common use, but played a great part in the language of -the Church and of learning. Of the youth of Barhebræus we have no -details. He must certainly have received in Melatia such a training in -learning as was then given to young Syrians destined for the higher -service of the Church. But the statement sometimes made, that he also -became acquainted with Greek and the ecclesiastical literature of that -language, is certainly incorrect; his writings nowhere show any real -acquaintance with either. By that time the Arabic language and -literature had long superseded its rival with all Syrians who aimed at -the higher education. - -When the Mongols (Tartars) invaded the country in the summer of 1243, -his father Aaron, in common with many others, wished to take refuge with -his family in Syria, but was hindered by an accident, and thus he and -his escaped the fate of the fugitives, who fell into the hands of the -Mongols. The Christians and Moslems of Melatia on that occasion, under -the leadership of the Syrian metropolitan Dionysius, came under a solemn -mutual obligation to stand by one another. This incident is in the -highest degree surprising to one who knows something of the social -conditions of the East. The professors of the two religions habitually -regard one another as born foes; but here the terrible danger effected a -union, and even a subordination of the proud Moslems under the -downtrodden Christians, who were manifestly in the majority, and had for -their leader a man of energy, though not over scrupulous. The Mongol -chief allowed himself to be bought off, and no battle took place. -Falling ill, he asked for a physician; Barhebræus’s father was sent to -him, and did not leave him until he had reached Kharput, after being -cured of his malady. - -Aaron and his family after this removed to Antioch, which was still in -the hands of the Franks. Here his son became a monk, doubtless with a -view to the episcopal dignity, the higher ecclesiastical charges being -in the Oriental Churches accessible only to monks. Soon afterwards we -find Barhebræus in Tripoli, also still in the hands of the Crusaders. -Along with a companion[105] he here studied dialectic and medicine under -a Nestorian. This may have had something to do with the tolerance which -he afterwards showed towards Christians of different creed, though -indeed it was not unusual for a Syrian to frequent the lectures of a man -whose doctrine he regarded as heretical. Barhebræus probably had Moslem -teachers also, for he could hardly otherwise have acquired his good -knowledge of the Arabic language and literature. He wrote Arabic almost -as fluently as Syriac, and not much more incorrectly than most -Mohammedan writers of his time. He could also make use of Persian books -without difficulty, at least in his later years. He spoke Arabic well, -of course; and presumably he had acquired a colloquial knowledge of -Turkish also. But he seems never to have been brought into close -relations with the Franks. - -Talented and industrious, he must very soon have attracted the notice of -the ecclesiastical authorities, and while still a youth of only twenty -he was ordained by the Jacobite patriarch (12th September 1246) to be -Bishop of Gubos, near Melatia, on which occasion he assumed the -ecclesiastical name of Gregory. Not long afterwards he exchanged this -bishopric for that of Lakabín, in the same region.[106] - -As bishop he took part in the synod held at the monastery of Barsaumá, -after the death of Ignatius (14th June 1252), for the election of a new -patriarch. At this juncture there arrived in the neighbourhood of -Melatia a body of Mongols, a detachment of the great hordes which in -those years made an end of the caliphate, and devastated on all hands -with fire and sword. Barhebræus’s aged father, who had again returned to -his home, fled with his little son Barsaumá from the village of Margá to -a rocky region beside the Euphrates, and remained there in hiding for -six weeks, until the barbarians had gone. The world was trembling in its -courses, but this made little impression on the Jacobite dignitaries; -they went on intriguing and quarrelling just as usual. Dionysius of -Melatia, who has been already mentioned, and John, surnamed Barmadeni, -the maphrián or primate of the eastward dioceses,[107] a man of high -repute as a scholar, were competitors for the patriarchate. By the laws -of that Church no valid election could take place without the presence -of the maphrián; but Dionysius procured his own election in September -1252 in defiance of this rule, and in a very thinly attended synod. The -youthful Barhebræus was sent into Mesopotamia to convey to John the -apologies of the synod, and to beg his concurrence. But John had -meantime gone to Aleppo, where, on 4th December of the same year, he got -himself chosen to the patriarchate,—an election which certainly has a -greater apparent claim to validity than the other. But the all-important -question was as to which patriarch the Moslem rulers would recognise. -There began accordingly a scandalous competition between the rivals (not -a rare occurrence in the Eastern Churches). On both sides the effort was -made to gain over princes and potentates, as well as individual bishops -and other ecclesiastics of influence, by money or fair words. Along with -his nephew, a monk, Barhebræus was sent into the mountains of Túr Abdín, -in northern Mesopotamia, which were mostly inhabited by Jacobites, to -collect funds in the monasteries and villages for gaining over to -Dionysius the local prince, to whom John had promised a sum of money for -recognition, but had as yet failed to pay it. The mission was -successful. It is well worth noticing, though not very edifying, to see -how coolly Barhebræus, certainly one of the most respectable persons of -his class, relates these transactions. It must be remembered that the -laity, from whom the money was drawn, were for the most part exceedingly -poor; bright prospects of a reward in heaven[108] were, to be sure, held -out to them by way of compensation, and all the proceedings were carried -on in the most approved Christian phraseology. The Eastern Churches -were, of course, unable to secure immunity from the caprice and violence -of the Moslem authorities without a skilful use of the mammon of -unrighteousness, but it is a very different matter when the faithful are -taxed that one of their own spiritual heads may be able to secure an -effectual triumph over another. Occurrences of the kind have not been -wholly unknown in the West, but the abuse attained far larger -proportions in the East. - -Dionysius now proceeded to Damascus, where he was honourably received by -the governor, Barhebræus acting as interpreter. In these negotiations, -however, Dionysius fell into a stupid blunder, exhibiting the letter of -a Mongol magnate which had been intended for his supporters in Melatia. -This caused great offence, for the Tartars were regarded as mortal -enemies by the Moslems. It was only with great trouble, and through the -intervention of Ibn Amíd (Elmacinus), the well-known Coptic author, that -Dionysius at last succeeded in obtaining his diploma of confirmation on -payment of a large bribe. - -Barhebræus was soon afterwards named by Dionysius to be bishop of -Aleppo; but on the installation there of a partisan of John’s, he -withdrew, along with his father, to the Barsaumá monastery, where his -patriarch was. John betook himself to the Armenian king of Sís, while -Dionysius received recognition almost everywhere. Barhebræus soon again -took up his abode in Aleppo. When the Mongols, who in the meantime had -taken Bagdad (January 1258), entered Syria he wished to go to meet them, -plainly with the object of securing mild treatment for the Christians. -The idea was not unreasonable, for their common antipathy to Islam -readily predisposed the Mongol chiefs in favour of the Christians, who, -moreover, sought only toleration, and did not fight for sovereignty like -the Moslems. Some of those wild Tartars had, moreover, been baptized, -for the Nestorians had successful missions among the Turkish tribes. -Dokuz Khatun herself, a wife of the sovereign Hulagu, who formerly had -been one of the wives of his father Tuli, and who in accordance with -Mongol custom had passed with the rest of the inheritance to the son, -was a Christian, and did much for the protection and advantage of her -co-religionists. But the attempt in this instance was unsuccessful. -Barhebræus was detained at Kalat-Nejm, one of the Euphrates ferries; and -Hulagu meanwhile coming to Aleppo, occupied the town, and inflicted on -Moslems and Christians alike all the horrors of a sack (January 1260). - -Dionysius compromised himself seriously. That he obtained letters of -confirmation from the Mongol sovereign (1259) was not amiss, especially -as the Seljuks and the Armenian Christian king had equally acknowledged -the Tartar as their overlord. But it was a scandal that he connived at -the robberies of the Christian subjects of the St. Barsaumá monastery, -who had broken loose from all restraint in this period of general -corruption and dissoluteness. And he finally lost the last shred of -reputation by procuring the assassination of a cousin who had been a -great trouble to him, and of his cousin’s brother, only a few days after -a reconciliation had taken place; even the _chronique scandaleuse_ of -the history of the Jacobites supplied no parallel to such conduct. To -escape the consequences of his deed the patriarch again went to Hulagu, -and after overcoming many obstacles was lucky enough to secure his -special protection, so that he was able to lord it more tyrannically -than ever. And now the monastery of St. Barsaumá witnessed an unheard-of -scene; the murderous patriarch was assassinated before the altar as he -was holding a night service (17th-18th February) by a monk, a deacon, -and a layman, nephew of one of the abbats. The assassins threw the -“disciple” of the patriarch, who had been his instrument in the murder -of his cousin, down the rock. - -Whether Barhebræus had before these occurrences openly broken with -Dionysius is not known; but one of his poems shows that latterly he was -no longer at one with him, and some verses upon his death indicate that -he regarded his assassination as a righteous judgment. - -A Mongolian commissioner, himself a Christian, made his appearance for -the punishment of the perpetrators of the deed. One of the abbats, who -tacitly, at least, had approved it, was cruelly chastised and driven -half-dead from the monastery. He was replaced by a brother of the priest -and physician Simeon, who had risen to great favour with Hulagu, had -grown very wealthy, and stood out as the main support of the Jacobites, -in return for which he exercised influence in extraordinary ways in -Church affairs. Some of the murderers and their accomplices were -executed, and others committed suicide in prison. - -By this shocking occurrence John became sole patriarch, and met with -universal recognition; but he remained in Cilicia. Barhebræus now stood -on good terms with him; and when he died in the spring of 1263, the -bishop of Aleppo wrote in his honour a long poem commemorating his many -excellences. - -Abbat Theodore now hastened to the court, or rather to the camp, of the -Mongolian sovereign to seek the patriarchate for himself. But Simeon the -physician declined to undertake his cause, and also persuaded -Barhebræus, who was also at that time at court, certainly not by mere -chance, to oppose his claims. Barhebræus then proceeded to Cilicia and -took part at Sís in the election of abbat Joshua, who, as patriarch, -assumed the name of Ignatius (6th January 1264). Forthwith they -proceeded to fill up also the office of maphrián, or primate of the -Jacobites of the East, which had been vacant since June 1258. The origin -of this dignity may be here explained. The Persian sovereigns had -gradually suffered the Christians of various denominations in their -empire to constitute themselves into distinct bodies, insisting, -however, that while the head of each was to be independent of every -external authority, he was to be in entire subjection to the -throne.[109] These heads bore the title of “Catholicus.” The Syrian -Monophysites did not receive a fixed constitution under a catholicus -until a comparatively late date (in the sixth century); they stood in -much closer connection with the Christians of the hostile empire of Rome -than the Nestorians did, and, on the other hand, were much less able to -compel recognition than the sometimes very warlike Monophysites of -insubordinate Armenia. The main seat of the Jacobites of the Persian -empire was the considerable town of Tagrít, on the middle course of the -Tigris; but nowhere in Persia were they nearly so numerous as the -Nestorians. The Jacobite catholicus bore also the title of maphrián -(mafriyáná), _i.e._ “the fructifier,” who spreads the Church by -instituting priests and bishops. After the Arabs had become masters of -all the countries in which Monophysite Syrians were found, the -separation of the provinces of the Jacobite “patriarch of Antioch” and -that of the maphrián was, strictly speaking, no longer necessary; but -the force of custom, and still more the interest which many of the -clergy had in not allowing so influential and remunerative a post as -that of maphrián to go down, were enough to maintain the old -arrangement. But many disputes arose as to the boundaries of the two -provinces, and the whole relation of maphrián to patriarch; on the -whole, however, it was agreed that the patriarch’s indeed was the higher -rank, but that the maphrián in his sphere was quite independent of -him; and further, that for the election of a patriarch the co-operation -of the maphrián was indispensable (unless that post also was vacant), -and that a maphrián could only be nominated with the sanction of the -patriarch. In the choice of a maphrián the wishes of the Eastern -dioceses (_i.e._ of the bishops and heads of monasteries there) had to -be respected; yet, as a rule, he was taken from the West. Now Barhebræus -had already been designated as maphrián by the late patriarch, and, -moreover, he seems to have been the ruling spirit in the electoral -synod; accordingly he was chosen “maphrián of Tagrít and the East” on -Sunday, 20th January 1264. The Armenian king with his suite and -officials, spiritual and secular, were present at his consecration on -the same day in the church of the Theotokos at Sís. Barhebræus preached -the sermon, which an interpreter translated into Armenian. The -Armenians, be it noted in passing, were of the same creed as the -Jacobites, but differed from them on many points of ritual, and perhaps -also in some subordinate matters of dogma. Armenians and Jacobites were -thus very ready to suspect one another of heresy, and at best there was -little love lost between the two parties.[110] After patriarch and -maphrián had received their diplomas of confirmation from the Mongol -sovereign (whose assent had doubtless been secured before the election) -they withdrew, the one to Asia Minor and the other to Mosul. - -The Jacobites of the East had long been without any proper government; -for the predecessor of Barhebræus, his old fellow-student at Tripoli, -had failed to establish his authority in the East, and soon withdrew -into Syria, and after his death the vacancy had continued for nearly six -years. The lands of the Tigris were terribly wasted. Although the -Mongols still were more favourable to the Christians than to the -Moslems, they were neither willing nor able to spare them in those -wholesale massacres which constantly occurred. Moreover, the position of -the Christians, which was one of greater friendliness with the Mongols, -and thus gave them a somewhat more self-reliant bearing, repeatedly -excited the jealousy and fanaticism of the Mohammedan population, which -was greatly superior in numbers and in strength; in the district of -Mosul, in particular, many bloody encounters took place. Matters were -better in Aderbiján (north-western Media), the favourite seat of the -Mongolian rulers. There, until the reaction set in, the Christians -suffered little molestation, and monasteries and churches arose in the -capital cities of Merághá and Tabríz. The Jacobites were here less -numerous than either Armenians or Nestorians. Barhebræus now laboured -indefatigably as maphrián for the strengthening of his Church. He made -many extensive journeys within his territory, took measures for the -erection of ecclesiastical edifices, and consecrated numerous priests -and bishops. He succeeded in maintaining good relations with the -Mongolian court without coming into too close contact with it. And with -all this he studied, wrote, and taught without intermission. - -At Mosul the maphrián was met in solemn procession by the officials of -the Mohammedan prince as well as by the Christians: the vassal of the -Mongols had good reason for treating in a friendly way a man of mark who -had just been the recipient of their favour. Still more solemn was the -reception of Barhebræus when, at Easter 1265, he came to Bagdad—still -an important place, notwithstanding its recent terrible sack. Such was -the consideration enjoyed by Barhebræus, that even the catholicus of the -Nestorians sent a deputation, including two of his own nephews, to -escort him into his presence. A harmony like this, between the -representatives of two creeds which had been separated by the hostility -of eight centuries, is well worth remarking. Many Nestorians took part -also in the service held by Barhebræus, at which was wrought the -customary miracle of a spontaneous overflow of the chrism at the moment -of consecration.[111] The catholicus, indeed, presently became jealous -of his colleague’s popularity, but no mischief followed, for he died a -fortnight after the festival (Saturday, 18th April 1265). After spending -the entire summer in Bagdad, and consecrating numerous clergy of various -grades, Barhebræus returned again to the district of Mosul, where his -proper see was. He usually lived in the great fortified monastery of St. -Matthew, which was for the maphrián something like what that of Barsaumá -was for the patriarch. - -The patriarch Ignatius, in the years immediately following, fell into a -violent dispute with the physician Simeon, already mentioned, who had -taken possession of the government of the monastery of Barsaumá. As he -had done this on the strength of orders issued by the Mongols, Ignatius -sought to obtain from these a decision in an opposite sense; and -although Barhebræus earnestly urged him to come to some amicable -settlement of the difficulty, and not to expose himself before “the -barbarian Huns,” he persevered in the line he had chosen. The maphrián -naturally took this very ill. When, accordingly, in 1268, in the course -of a journey westward to visit his relatives near Lake Van, he -encountered the patriarch on his way to the Mongol court to complain of -Simeon, he sought to avoid a meeting, and the patriarch obtained one at -last only with difficulty. Abaga, who had succeeded his father Hulagu in -the sovereignty of the Mongols in February 1265, actually promulgated a -decree in accordance with the wishes of Ignatius; but the influential -Simeon contrived that it should straightway be cancelled by another, and -Barhebræus, detained in Cilicia by a serious illness, saw Simeon return -in triumph with the decree in his hand. But the dispute was further -prolonged. The Government pronounced alternately for this party and for -that; neither reconciliation nor compromise proved permanent. At last, -in 1273, Barhebræus, who had been called in as arbiter, was successful -in composing the difference. On this occasion he found his native land -in poor case. Moslem troops from Syria had invaded the Mongol territory, -wasting it far and wide, and dragging many Christian women and children -into slavery. The lords of Egypt and the petty princes of Syria were at -that time at continual war with the Tartars, whom in the end they -succeeded in shaking off; but the struggles in the meantime had -completed the ruin of many districts. Additional insecurity was caused -by the presence of robber tribes, which now could do pretty much as they -pleased. Barhebræus, who had taken up temporary quarters in the -monastery of St. Sergius, was escorted thence to that of St. Barsaumá by -a body of fifty armed dependants. - -In Easter of 1277, Barhebræus was again in Bagdad, where some years -before a large new Jacobite church had been built in the neighbourhood -of the former palaces of the Caliphs, mainly at the expense of a rich -Christian official named Safíaddaula. At this period, when the -Christians for a short time were able to raise their heads under the -rule of the religiously indifferent, not to say stolid barbarians, -frequent instances are met with in which wealthy private individuals -devoted money to building churches. The smaller contributions of the -poorer members of the community—doubtless the main source of income for -the higher clergy—were forthcoming, we may be sure, in unusual -abundance during the term of a maphrián so respected as Barhebræus. He -was again received with great pomp by the Christians of Bagdad. The -catholicus of that time also, Denhá by name, sent a deputation to meet -him, and received him immediately afterwards with honour. Jacobites and -Nestorians, at such a juncture at least, felt themselves to be branches -of a common stem. - -In autumn of the same year Barhebræus came to Tagrít, which, although -nominally the see of the maphrián, had beheld no incumbent of that -office for sixty years. The Christian population of the place, to be -sure, had been sadly diminished; for immediately after the fall of -Bagdad the Mongols had put to death the Christians of Tagrít (whom they -had at first spared) in their usual wholesale manner, for having -concealed much property of the Moslems instead of giving it up to the -conquerors (Palm Sunday, 1258). Barhebræus remained here in his nominal -residence for two months. The following years he spent partly in the -neighbourhood of Mosul and partly in Aderbiján. - -It is characteristic of the time that, in 1281, the Nestorians, on the -death of their patriarch Denhá, chose as his successor a clergyman -deficient in ecclesiastical learning, whose recommendation was that he -belonged to a nationality of Central Asia which was also largely -represented at the Mongol court. This was Marcus, an Uigur, or Turk of -the farthest East, who had come from China on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, -but on account of the insecurity of the roads from war and robbers had -been unable to complete the last comparatively short portion of the -journey. As patriarch he bore the name Yavalláhá, and he distinguished -himself alike by his honesty and by his knowledge of the world. He -showed great friendliness to the Jacobites; but as he knew little of the -old dogmatic controversies, and even in the simplicity of his heart -sought relations with the pope, he is hardly entitled to so much credit -for liberality of spirit as Barhebræus is, who was well versed in the -dogmatic questions which divided the Christians of those countries, but, -in marked contrast to the old champions of his Church, sought to -minimise their importance. He expressly declared that the one thing -needful was not love to Nestorius or to Jacobus (Baradæus), but to -Christ, appealing to the words of the apostle: “Who is Paul? and who is -Apollos?” (1 Cor. iii. 5). Isolated instances of similar irenical -tendencies are met with elsewhere in the East during the crusading -period. - -Barhebræus, in the spring of 1282, wished to go to Tabríz, and, -accordingly, owing to the insecurity of the roads through the Kurdish -country, attached himself to the caravan of a Mongol princess. News now -coming of the death of Abaga, he proceeded to Alatag (also in -Aderbiján), where, according to the provisions of Jenghiz Khan’s -fundamental law, the new sovereign was to be chosen by the Mongolian -assembly. Here he paid homage to Abaga’s brother Ahmed, who ascended the -throne on 21st June. He obtained also a diploma of confirmation. Ahmed, -as his Arabic name testifies, had accepted Islam, and is reported to -have ruled his conduct expressly with a view to the caliphate; but he -was by no means fanatical, and he even renewed to the Christian -monasteries, churches, and priesthood their privilege of exemption from -taxation. And the pagan Argun, Abaga’s son, who overthrew Ahmed in July -1284 and caused him to be put to death, was again exceptionally gracious -to the Christians. The Mongols had already, indeed, begun by this time -to go over in troops to Islam, which was better suited to their -character than even the crudest type of Christianity; but Barhebræus did -not live long enough to see all the hopes which the Christians of the -East[112] had built upon these brutal barbarians completely falsified, -and Islam once more restored to undivided ascendancy in the wasted -lands. - -In the autumn of 1282, Barhebræus received in Tabríz a letter, in which -the patriarch told him of his serious illness, and besought him to come -and relieve him of the cares of his office; this was clearly intended to -convey the wish that Barhebræus should be his successor. Winter being at -hand, and the roads dangerous, the maphrián, however, did not comply -with this invitation. Ignatius died of dropsy on Tuesday, 17th November, -and the party of Simeon hastened to elect bishop Philoxenus to the -patriarchate (2nd February 1283). The election was held in the Barsaumá -monastery, and only three bishops, all belonging to depopulated dioceses -in the neighbourhood, took part in it. But confirmation was obtained -without delay from Alatag. Humble apologies were now tendered to the -maphrián for the uncanonical procedure, and he was entreated to give it -his after-concurrence, without which the election could not hope for the -approval of a majority of the bishops; but he turned the messengers -away. Even when Simeon the physician came in person, he continued -steadfast. It was not until the son of Simeon, a pupil of his own, with -whom he was on personally friendly terms, had a meeting with him (August -1284) that he condescended to accept the offered presents and to -sanction the appointment. We can well believe the assurance he then gave -that he was far from wishing to be himself made patriarch, the secure -and influential post he actually held being worth more to him than the -headship of the Jacobite Church in the West, which had been entirely -desolated by war; hard as the times were, he was better off than his -predecessors. But he had to maintain the maphrián’s dignity, and his -self-esteem also had been undoubtedly hurt, for he was well entitled to -consider himself the foremost of the Jacobite clergy. The meeting -referred to took place as Barhebræus was once again travelling in the -caravan of a princess from Tabríz to the district of Mosul. - -Near the village of Bartellé, not far from the monastery of St. Matthew, -he had built to the martyr “John the carpenter’s son” a new church, -which he caused to be decorated by an artist from Constantinople, one of -two painters whom the widow of Abaga, a natural daughter of the Greek -emperor Michael, had fetched from the imperial city to adorn the church -of her own denomination (the Greek “Orthodox”) in Tabríz. But the old -church had been searched in vain for the relics of the martyr. After -every one else had failed it was given to the maphrián, as he himself -tells us, to discover the marble sarcophagus, in consequence of a vision -for which he had prepared himself by prayer and fasting (23rd November -1284). How far self-deception entered into this, we can hardly say. -Barhebræus was a cool-headed person, but like all his contemporaries he -had sucked in belief in miracles and wonders with his mother’s milk; on -the other hand, we shall hardly be doing an injustice even to the best -representative of the Oriental clergy of that day if we deem him not -incapable of a little pious fraud. - -In 1285-86,[113] Barhebræus, as we learn from one of his verses, was led -by astrological calculations to expect his end; a presentiment which -proved true. His brother Barsaumá, who was constantly beside him, and -took charge of his building undertakings, sought to withdraw him as far -as possible from danger by inducing him to quit the neighbourhood of -Mosul, which was now yearly harassed by marauding bands from Syria, and -to return to Merághá. Here he continued to labour for a while; but on -the night of 29th-30th July 1286 he died after a short illness of three -days. He had previously expressed his regret for having left his proper -place from fear of the death that was inevitable. It may be supposed -that he had felt some warnings of weakness, although his brother -declares him to have been at the time in exceptionally good health. - -There were then in Merághá only four Jacobite priests to conduct the -funeral obsequies. But the Nestorian patriarch Yavalláhá, who happened -to be also in the place, enjoined a day of strict mourning on all those -in his obedience, and sent the bishops who were with him to the funeral. -The Armenian and even the Greek clergy also took part in it; there were -altogether about two hundred mourners, and for once the Christians -showed a united front in face of the Moslems to do honour to a person so -distinguished. With solemnities which lasted over nine hours, Barhebræus -was buried at the spot where he had been wont to pray and administer the -sacrament; but at a later date his body was removed to the monastery of -St. Matthew, where his grave is still shown. - -We do not need to make very great deductions from the high praise -lavished on the character of Barhebræus by Barsaumá, his brother and -successor. Had he not been amiable and humane, he would hardly have -stood in such pleasant relations with those of other Christian -communions. And yet he was no weakling, but a thoroughly forceful man, -not without ambition; and in point of character, with all his -imperfections, he certainly stood far above the large majority of the -higher clergy of the East. - -His great activity is attested by his ecclesiastical buildings, already -begun when he was bishop of Aleppo, and by his literary works. From his -twentieth year down to his last hour, his brother tells us, he studied -and wrote without intermission. Barsaumá’s list, which is not quite -exhaustive, enumerates thirty-one writings of Barhebræus, among which -are several works of some compass. They are mostly in Syriac, but some -in Arabic. Manuscripts of most of them can be found in European -libraries, and sometimes there are more copies than one—a sign that -they were much read. His books embrace almost all branches of the -knowledge of his day. It would indeed be idle to expect much original -thought or independent research in such a mediæval and Eastern scholar. -His principal object was to make accessible to the Syrians the -productions of Arabian and older science. Most of his encyclopædic and -separate scientific works are for the most part, accordingly, merely -intelligent compilations or excerpts from earlier treatises in Syriac or -Arabic. Some are simply translations; thus he rendered some works of the -famous Aristotelian Avicenna from Arabic into Syriac. Barhebræus wrote -on philosophy, medicine, astronomy and astrology, geography, history, -jurisprudence, grammar, and so on; among the subjects treated, the -secular sciences are on the whole more prominent than theology proper. -He even compiled two little books of anecdotes. He earned the respect of -learned Moslems by his writings, and no doubt also by his skill in oral -teaching and disputation. An odd proof of this is the foolish rumour -that Barhebræus on his deathbed had turned Moslem; the thought was the -expression of the wish to gain for Islam and eternal blessedness so -distinguished a scholar. - -Some works of Barhebræus are still of great value, particularly his -Sacred and Profane History, drawn from older Arabic, Syriac, and Persian -works, and especially from the Syriac Church History of Michael, his -fellow-townsman of Melatia, who was Jacobite patriarch from 1166 to -1199.[114] It is distinguished by an apt selection of materials, -contains much that is not to be found elsewhere, and is an important -authority for the author’s own period. In his very last days Barhebræus -wrote at Merághá, at the request of some Moslems, an Arabic edition of -the Profane History, which is shorter than the Syriac work, but contains -some new matter. Next in importance to the History is his larger Syriac -Grammar, in which he tries to combine the method not very happily -borrowed by the older Syrians from the Greek grammarians with the -Arabian system. Viewed in the light of modern philology the book shows -great defects, but it is far ahead of the works that preceded it, and -still very instructive. Further, his Scholia to the Bible, which are -more philological than theological, are of value (especially for the -history of the Syriac text); and so is his collection of Jacobite Canon -Law. - -Barhebræus wrote metrical pieces also. He has certainly none of the -gifts of the heaven-born poet. These compositions have neither fancy nor -passion. He writes them with his understanding, partly after the pattern -of older Syrians, partly on Arabian and Persian models. The didactic -wordiness of the Syrian poetry is often also apparent. But the skill and -elegance with which he handles the unpromising materials of the -ecclesiastical language is worthy of recognition, and he shows spirit -and taste, especially in the short epigrammatic poems. He is further -entitled to the credit of being almost entirely free from the verbal -conceits which were so greatly affected in the poetry of that time. -Generally speaking, he can fairly be put on a level with the average -Arabic poets of his age, and certainly above most of the Syriac. -Altogether he was one of the most eminent men of his Church and nation. - ------ - -[104] They derived the name from Jacobus Baradæus, who gave permanent -form to the Monophysite Church of Syria in the sixth century. - -[105] See below, p. 246. - -[106] I am not sure of the exact pronunciation either of Gubos or of -Lakabín. - -[107] See below, p. 244. - -[108] In a little Syriac treatise, which, gross forgery though it is, -seems to have been popular, God says: “To every believer who gives of -the earnings of his hand to the holy Church, I make it good in this -world, and repay him thirty, sixty, and a hundredfold in the world to -come, and write his name in the book of life;” and again: “Honour God’s -priests, who sacrifice the living lamb, so that ye may find mercy in the -world to come. He who despises them shall fall under my wrath, for my -priests are the salt of the earth.” The Jews, who contribute handsomely -to their synagogues, are cited as patterns for Christians. - -[109] The Christians of the Sásánian empire originally had bishops only, -without any single head. Even after they had placed themselves under the -catholicus of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, the Church of Persia proper, for -some time, continued to maintain its independence. The statement that -the patriarchal authority of Antioch had been delegated from the -earliest times to the bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon is, of course, a -mere fiction, resting upon the later conception of the unity of the -Church in its outward organisation. - -[110] The relations of the Jacobites with the Monophysite Copts were -better. - -[111] This miracle recalls that of the liquefaction of the blood of St. -Januarius at Naples, and no doubt admits of a similar natural -explanation. - -[112] Similar expectations were sometimes cherished in the West also. - -[113] The Syrian Julian year begins with 1st October. - -[114] A work hitherto known only by an abridged and interpolated -Armenian translation. The original has been recently discovered, but is -not yet accessible. - - - - - IX. - KING THEODORE OF ABYSSINIA.[115] - - -ABYSSINIA, that marvellous mountain land in which the advantages of the -tropical and temperate zones are united, was for centuries a single -monarchy. The only African country which retained its Christianity, it -had not escaped without grievous injury the many external assaults and -inward struggles through which it had passed; and the bond which held -together its different provinces, ruled by local princes, and in part -separated by well-marked physical features, was by no means strong. But, -with all this, it still was a powerful kingdom, governed by a race which -an alleged descent from Solomon, and still more a rule that had -continued without interruption from the thirteenth century, had invested -with a nimbus of sanctity. But shortly after the middle of the -eighteenth century the power of its sovereigns broke down. Petty princes -asserted independence, and sought to extend their own dominions; rude -soldiers grasped a royal authority, and there was a constant succession -of civil wars. The unspeakable atrocities connected with these contests -completed the ruin of the Abyssinian civilisation, which, it must not be -forgotten, had never stood very high. The prestige of the Solomonic -dynasty was so great that the actual rulers, some of them Mohammedans -and Gallas, maintained it in name; but its sovereigns, set up or -dethroned at the pleasure of the conqueror for the time being, had not -the faintest shadow of power. When Rüppell visited the capital Gondar in -1833, the reigning “king of the kings of Ethiopia” hardly had the -revenue of a tolerably well-to-do private citizen. The clergy, who were -extraordinarily numerous, were the only class who continued to flourish; -in the never-ending warfare a church might be destroyed or a sanctuary -desecrated here and there, but the old endowments were so rich, and the -holders so skilful in working upon the superstitions of the people, that -their interests never seriously suffered. They themselves were grossly -superstitious, and for the most part little superior to the laity in -culture. With some worthy exceptions the degenerate clergy have been, -and still are, along with a brutal soldiery, the worst curses of this -unhappy country, so richly gifted by nature. - -Towards the middle of the present century, Abyssinia was partitioned -into three main principalities. The north was firmly and strongly held -by the cunning Ubié, hereditary chief of the Alpine district of Semyén, -who had taken possession of Tigré, the seat of the oldest kingdom of -Abyssinia and of the most ancient Abyssinian civilisation. The largest -portion of the country was under Ras Ali, a Galla by race. Though a -Mohammedan by origin, he had received baptism; but he was regarded as a -lukewarm Christian,—not because his life was irregular, for the same -could be said of many good Christians, but because he tolerated Moslems: -there were even whispers that, dreadful to relate, he had more than once -eaten of the flesh of animals that Mohammedans had killed. He was -good-humoured and indolent, permitted the local chiefs to do what they -pleased, and was never able to bring some of the more powerful princes -to obedience. The chiefs of the unruly Wollo-Gallas, some of them -related to him, acknowledged his suzerainty on the tacit condition that -he should never trouble himself about anything they did. In the extreme -south was Shoa, completely independent, under a dynasty which had been -in power from the beginning of the eighteenth century, and had at last -assumed the royal title. Shoa, governed with considerable firmness, had -no share in the confusions of the rest of Abyssinia, from which it is -separated both by natural barriers and by wild Galla tribes. If, now, -these chief rulers had remained contented with the territory that each -had acquired, the division would have been to the positive advantage of -the country; for Abyssinia, with its Alpine ranges and deep erosion -valleys, which put a stop to all intercourse during the rainy season -(our summer), is not fitted by nature to be a single State with -effective administration from a single centre. But each ruler strove to -extend his own authority by violence, or fraud and perjury, at the -expense of his neighbour. It was only with difficulty that Ras Ali, the -lord of the central portion, resisted the encroachments of Ubié, and the -everlasting turbulence of great vassals and petty insurgents. - -In this condition of affairs a powerful upstart suddenly arose and -overthrew all the princes of Abyssinia. Few Europeans had so much as -heard Kasa’s name as long as he continued to be a mere governor or rebel -against his lord; and even to them it was a surprise when Kasa suddenly -restored the old monarchy as “Theodore, king of the kings of Ethiopia,” -and united the entire country under his sway. The kingdom seemed once -more to have a future before it; for the new ruler was a man of -exceptional endowments, a mighty warrior, and a friend of progress. This -anticipation was unfortunately not realised. Theodore had to carry on a -constant struggle for his authority, and his power had already been -restricted almost to his own camp when the conflict with the English -began. This conflict, through which his name first came to be really -known in Europe, reduced him to the alternatives of surrender or death; -nor did he hesitate in his choice, dying as a king and a hero by his own -hand,—a death which in the remembrance of posterity will ever place him -in a different category from that of the many other rulers of savage -peoples whom the British arms have subdued. - -Theodore was a barbarian, a frightful despot, and yet a great man. If -ever there was a tragedy, it is to be seen in the story of this child of -the wilderness, who was called to, and achieved, the highest position; -but after unceasing struggle was overthrown by error, passion, and -crime, more than by a foreign power. It will not be unprofitable to look -for a little at his life. For his earlier history we are so fortunate as -to possess, not merely the notices of various European travellers, but -also a consecutive narrative down to the year 1860, written in Amharic -(the chief dialect of modern Abyssinia) by Debtera Zenab, a cleric with -whom he had personal relations.[116] - -Kasa was born about the year 1820 in the land of Quara, in the extreme -west of Abyssinia; his mother-tongue was doubtless the non-Semitic Agau -there prevalent, and it is probable that his blood was mainly Agau. His -origin was not low, as has sometimes been asserted; his father, Hailu -(or Haila Maryam), was a great noble, and for some time ruled Quara, in -the capacity of governor, for his powerful brother Kenfu. Kasa’s mother, -however, seems to have been of humble condition. As the loosest kind of -polygamy prevails among the nobles of Abyssinia, it is impossible for -them to take very great care of all their offspring. But it is not -uncommon for the obscurer children of princely fathers by mothers of -lower rank to rise to distinction. Ubié also was the son of a peasant -girl. The youthful Kasa had been designed for a modest career; it was -intended that he should be trained for the Church in a monastery not far -from Gondar, the capital. But he had early experience of war and its -desolations. The governor for the time being had rebelled against his -master, Ras Imám (uncle and predecessor of Ras Ali), who invaded the -province in 1827. In the invasion Kasa’s monastery was destroyed, and -Imam’s Galla soldiers made eunuchs of its forty-eight pupils, Kasa alone -escaping. In this he must afterwards have recognised the hand of God, -who had designed him for another career than the clerical, and delivered -him from danger; for his faith in his “star” scarcely ever failed him to -the last. I very much doubt the assertion of many Europeans, that his -monkish education deeply influenced him. At an age of less than eight -years, the boy cannot have become a theological scholar. His literary -acquirements, measured even by Abyssinian standards, were never high. -The use of Biblical expressions which he affected is not necessarily to -be regarded in a man of his temperament as a result of direct teaching; -in words all Abyssinians are excellent Christians. - -Kasa now entered the household of his uncle Kenfu, who ruled an -extensive territory, and after his death, that of one of his sons. But -Kasa’s cousins soon came to open war with each other, and in this he -also took part. The cousin on whose side he was had the worst of it; -Kasa was made a prisoner, but released by the victor in consideration of -their youthful companionship. Misfortune upon misfortune now befell -Kasa. On one occasion, when he again was unlucky enough to be on the -losing side, he had to remain in hiding for a month, and this within the -territory that belonged to his own family; as a scion of a princely -house he bore the pretentious title of Ledj (“Youth,” _i.e._ “Junker” or -“Prince”), and if discovered he would hardly have been spared by the -enemy. In later prosperous days he conferred high honour and princely -rewards on the countrymen who had sheltered him in this strait. Kasa -served under a variety of captains great and small, and distinguished -himself by his boldness and skill in battle and in the chase. For -example, he once on horseback killed two elephants; but in doing so he -so roused the jealousy of his less fortunate chief that he found it -necessary to quit his service without delay. On such lines zeal and -patience might easily have raised him to high position; but he had a -mind to be a master, not a servant, and became the leader of a robber -band. In these parts, to be sure, it is difficult to draw the line -between a robber chief and a petty prince. For years Kasa conducted -plundering raids, great and small, in Western Abyssinia. His Abyssinian -biographer, a peaceable man, with great seriousness and visible -satisfaction, describes his “first triumph” as follows. Kasa had come to -a sworn agreement with seventy robbers that all booty was to be common -property. But on learning that they had secretly slaughtered for their -own use a cow which they had stolen, he with twelve others fell upon his -perjured “brethren,” put them to flight, and cruelly mutilated seven of -their number who fell into his hands. In this he was no doubt already -acting in his character as a God-appointed judge; breach of oath -demanded severe punishment. But it is too obvious how hardening must -have been the tendency of such a life upon the future sovereign. It may -be conjectured that he justified his robber life by the consideration -that his energies were mainly directed against Mohammedans and heathen. -The great trading caravans are chiefly in the service of Mohammedan -merchants; and the neighbours of Abyssinia are almost all Moslem tribes, -partly Arab, partly pure Africans. In these parts the two religions have -been at enmity for many centuries. No one dreams of establishing peace -between them; and Kasa could not doubt that he served God better the -more energetically he fought against the infidel. And he hated Islam all -his life with his whole soul. Enlightened as he was in many respects, -and profound as was the contempt he ultimately came to feel for the -Christian priests of his nation, he was constant in regarding himself as -an instrument of God for the humiliation or extirpation of Islam, and in -ever looking for the forgiveness of all his sins as the reward of his -merit as champion against the enemies of Christ. Yet in the course of -his freebooting life he was occasionally led to make alliance with -Moslems, especially in undertakings against heathen negroes, who from -time immemorial had been the objects of plundering expeditions and slave -hunts on the part of Christians and Mohammedans, great sovereigns and -petty princelings alike.[117] Of course, in dealing with heathen, no -more pity was shown than if they had been wild beasts, or rather less, -for the hunted blacks often had the audacity to defend themselves with -bravery. Active participation in operations of this kind was no school -of clemency or amiable qualities, but it served to train Kasa as a -general in prudence, promptitude, and solicitous care for his warriors. - -He and his companions were often in great straits, especially for want -of food; but he gradually acquired the position of a considerable prince -in his native land of Quara. Though the terror of his enemies and of -trading caravans, he even thus early gave attention to the cultivation -of the soil, and protected the husbandmen. He further extended his -influence by matrimonial alliances. His reputation steadily increased, -and the mother of Ras Ali, Menen, began to see that her best policy -would be to put a good face on a bad business and formally bestow upon -Kasa the governorship of Quara, which he already exercised in fact. This -energetic and immoral woman ruled Gondar and its neighbouring lands for -her son; in her old age (1844) she married a member of the old royal -family, whom she caused Ras Ali to proclaim as sovereign, herself -assuming the title of Itégé (“great queen” or “empress”). Soon -afterwards Menen even offered her granddaughter Tewabetch, daughter of -Ras Ali, to Kasa in marriage. Such unions in the case of Abyssinian -princes are of even less political consequence than they are in Europe; -nevertheless it was a great elevation for Kasa to be brought in this way -into such close connection with the most powerful family in the kingdom. -He accordingly dismissed all the wives he had already married—an -ordinary proceeding in Abyssinia, requiring no special formalities—and -espoused Tewabetch, who was still very young. The union was solemnised -in the face of the church,—which is seldom done in these parts,—and -Kasa remained faithful to his admirable consort as long as she lived,—a -thing unheard of in the case of an Abyssinian grandee. Even after her -death he kept her in tender remembrance; she was his good genius. But -the marriage had not the effect of making Kasa an obedient subject; in -the autumn of 1846 he became a declared rebel, and defeated army after -army. In one instance he even made a naval expedition, attacking an -island on Lake Tana, where a general opposed to him had taken refuge, -with five hundred light reed-rafts, the only craft known in Abyssinia; -each raft carried a musketeer, a spearman, and a slinger. One of Menen’s -generals had grossly insulted Kasa. All over the country the story went -that Kasa’s mother had in early life followed the humble calling of a -dealer in kousso, the well-known remedy for tape-worm, a very common -trouble in Abyssinia. The general in question had boastfully said before -Menen and her people: “Never fear; I shall bring you this son of the -kousso-seller with a string round his neck like an ichneumon.” But it -was his evil fortune to be defeated and taken; whereupon his conqueror -caused a large quantity of pounded kousso to be brought, and thus -addressed him: “My mother has unfortunately not sold any kousso to-day, -and so has no money to buy corn; please therefore accept by way of -refreshment the kousso that is left.” He then compelled the unfortunate -man to swallow a large quantity of the nasty stuff.[118] - -In June #847, Menen took the field in person, but was wounded and made -prisoner. As a ransom for his mother, Ras Ali handed over to Kasa her -whole territory, reserving his own suzerainty. Kasa, who now assumed the -title of Dejaz-match or Dejaz, borne by rulers of large provinces, and -by those in higher military commands (thus corresponding partly to our -“duke” and partly to our “general”), in this way became one of the most -powerful princes in the country. As such he followed alike his -inclination and his conscience in leading an expedition against the -“Turks”—that is, the Egyptians. He penetrated far into Senaar, but -learned, in the neighbourhood of Deberki, how powerless the bravest -Abyssinian warriors were against soldiers who had European weapons and -some elements of discipline. He was beaten, and compelled to retreat—a -humiliation he never forgot. His hatred against all Moslems, and -especially all Turks, became blind. As our ancestors once used to regard -the possession of the Holy Land by the infidel as a personal reproach to -themselves, so also did Kasa, along with many of his countrymen; but -what vexed him still more was the thought that the coasts bordering upon -Abyssinia, as well as so many other lands of Africa which he (in some -cases rightly and in others wrongly) regarded as the ancient property of -his own country, were in the hands of Turks or other Moslems. He laid -deeply to heart the lesson that European arms and European discipline -give an army overpowering superiority, and it was always to him a matter -of bitter regret that he could do so little to introduce real discipline -among his troops. - -A new rebellion of Kasa’s ended less fortunately than his previous ones. -He hoped to be a match for the numerous cavalry of his suzerain by the -use of a kind of mines, and of wooden cannons bound with iron rings—his -first attempt at gun-making, a pursuit that latterly became a passion -with him. But the enemy found out his secret, and he had to submit -himself without striking a blow. For two years he kept quiet; but in -1852 a quarrel again arose. Ras Ali stirred up against his son-in-law -the powerful Goshu of Gojam, who had often been a thorn in his own side. -Doubtless he hoped that the two troublesome vassals would wear out their -strength against one another. But on 27th November 1852, Kasa surprised -and defeated Goshu by one of those bold and rapid marches over difficult -country which were the special terror of his foes. Goshu himself, one of -the most distinguished warriors of Abyssinia, perished. The fame of the -victor rose to a high pitch. He made as if he desired peace with Ras -Ali, but the Austrian vice-consul Reiz, who was with him in January -1853, saw even then that the ambitious prince would soon be at blows, -not only with him, but also with Ubié. And so it fell out. In two bloody -battles the power of Ras Ali was utterly broken. From the battle of -Aishal (28th June 1853), Kasa’s biographer reckons the fall in Central -Abyssinia of the Galla power, that is to say, of the dynasty of the -Gallas, with their hordes of Mohammedan Galla cavalry. Ras Ali retired -to a remote corner of the territory of his tribesmen, the Yeju-Gallas, -where, it would seem, by the sufferance of his son-in-law, he continued -to live for some ten years, and at last died in utter obscurity. - -After this (26th May 1854) a stratagem placed Beru, the son of Goshu, -the bravest hero in all Abyssinia, in the hands of Kasa, who thus became -master of the whole south-west. Beru, deserted by his army, prostrated -himself before Kasa, with a stone on his neck, after the custom of the -country; but his conqueror seated him beside him, and asked, “What would -you have done to me, had I been your prisoner?” “I would not have -allowed you to come into my presence, but would have taken good care to -have you put to death without an audience,” was the answer; upon which -Kasa thanked God aloud for his victory. Beru remained in custody until -the death of his conqueror. - -Of the same expedition the following anecdote is told. One of his -servants boasted, after the fashion of Abyssinian warriors, “No one, O -Kasa, can look even thy servants in the face, not to speak of thyself.” -The prince happened to have in his hand at the moment one of the very -brittle glass vessels in use among the Abyssinians. This, by way of -confirmation of what the man had said, he dashed upon a wooden dish; the -glass remained unbroken, but the wood Fell into pieces. He now drew his -sword, and proudly said, “I, Christ’s servant, hold by Christ; who can -stand before my face?” He then offered prayer, and drank mead from the -glass. The story is no doubt an adorned version of something that really -happened; it is of interest to us as showing that people had already -begun to regard Kasa as invincible. - -In the same summer (1854) Kasa attacked Ubié, the most powerful of his -rivals, resorting not only to arms, but to cunning and diplomacy. By the -favour which he ostentatiously showed to the Roman Catholic bishop, an -Italian named De Jacobis, he contrived to rouse the fears of Abba -Selama, the spiritual head (Abuna) of the Abyssinian Church, that in the -end Kasa’s territory was to be withdrawn from him, and brought into -connection with the Roman Church; to prevent this the Abuna made a rapid -change of front, and went over from Ubié, his benefactor, to Kasa, -promising to crown him as sovereign. On this Kasa now expelled De -Jacobis[119] and all the other Catholic priests, as Ubié had previously -banished the Protestant missionaries. - -On 9th February 1855 a decisive battle was fought, in which Ubié was -made prisoner, and his whole dominions fell under the power of Kasa. -Almost immediately (11th February) Kasa had himself anointed and crowned -in the church of Deresgé Maryam, by Abuna Selama, under the name of -Theodore, as “king of the kings of Ethiopia.” The choice of the name, -which, confident of victory, he had announced to his soldiers before the -battle, was well considered. Throughout the country hopes had long been -cherished of the appearance of a Messianic ruler, Theodore, who should -restore the glories of the kingdom and subdue unbelievers, and this was -the character which Kasa now took on himself to represent; but, -curiously enough, he did not assume the proper imperial title of Hatsé -(or Haté, Até), leaving it to the old and feeble John, husband of Menen, -who survived Theodore, and was always treated by him with the greatest -respect, doubtless from some superstitious idea. The defect of Kasa’s -ancestry was made good by courtly genealogists, who soon supplied a -pedigree establishing the descent of his mother from Solomon (that of -his father was perhaps too well known), and thus making him to some -extent a legitimate sovereign in the eyes of the people. - -But he attached no value to the outward display of royalty. He dressed -like an ordinary officer, slept almost invariably in a military tent, -and went barefoot like all his subjects. At the same time, like some -other great warrior kings, he had a touch of the theatrical in his -character, which doubtless helped to enhance his reputation with the -Abyssinians. Thus, for example, he had a fancy for keeping tame lions. -There must have been something kinglike in the whole aspect of the man; -he was of the middle height, very dark even for an Abyssinian, with -aristocratic features, aquiline nose, and fiery black eyes; almost all -Europeans who came before him were much impressed by him at first sight. -Some of them also detected a trace of cunning in his face, and this was -no doubt correct. Of insinuating address in his friendly moods, he could -be terrible in the outbursts of his wrath. Possibly this wrath may -sometimes have been merely assumed, as in the case of Napoleon I. - -One of his first acts as king was to renew the old laws against the -slave trade and polygamy. But unfortunately his constant wars made it -impossible to give full effect to the former prohibition; and a real -reformation of the frightfully loose marriage relations which prevail in -this very “Christian” State could not be effected by edicts apart from a -movement of moral reformation. The law remained a dead letter, all the -more that he himself personally in after years violated it grossly. - -Theodore threw himself with all his might into the maintenance of -justice. All the oppressed, so far as was at all possible, betook -themselves directly to him. In Abyssinia the head of the State still -personally discharges the functions of judge. He sought to protect the -country folk against the excesses of the soldiers. His punishments were -frightfully severe, but at the same time often milder than the laws -prescribed. We would not excuse the excessive and shocking severity of -Theodore’s punishments, such as the chopping off of hands and feet, and -so on; but it is fair to remember that it is only modern humanitarianism -that has finally put a stop to similar atrocities among ourselves, and -that in Europe revolting corporal punishments were still sanctioned by -law in an age where they were much less in harmony with the prevailing -civilisation than in modern Abyssinia. It ought to be added, that he not -unfrequently pardoned vanquished foes. In his legal judgments he showed -good sense. Decisions of his are quoted which are much better entitled -to the epithet “Solomonic” than his genealogy is. - -Immediately after the subjugation of Ubié, Theodore marched against the -Wollo-Gallas, reduced them to apparent subjection at the very first -onset, and pushed farther to the south into the kingdom of Shoa, which, -as we learn from the missionary Krapf, feared no assailant from the -north, being covered (as it deemed) by the Wollos. Such an opinion would -have been justified in the case of any ordinary Abyssinian prince, but -not in that of Theodore. He was soon master of all Shoa, and, the native -king dying at the time, nominated a member of the same family, not as -king, but as governor. Thus within less than a year Theodore had added -to his old provinces all that remained of Abyssinia. - -But to conquer and to hold are not quite the same. Had Theodore been a -cool-headed and highly-educated European, he would from the first have -called a halt at the natural northern frontier of the Wollo country, the -valley of the Beshelo. Really to subjugate this people was a much -heavier task than he could have supposed. The Wollos have long been -Mohammedans, and are proud of their faith, although they know but little -of the doctrines of Islam, and have retained much that is of pagan -origin. They are divided against themselves in genuine African fashion; -tribe is at war with tribe, clan with clan, but they were all at one in -their love of independence and in hatred of the Christian conqueror. -All the Gallas (all, at least, who live in or near Abyssinia) are savage -and bloodthirsty, with all the instincts of the robber, not very -courageous in open fight, but dangerous in guerilla warfare. The Wollos -have the reputation also of being exceptionally treacherous. Their -country, somewhat less, perhaps, than the kingdom of Saxony, is broken -up by great mountain ranges rising close to the snow line, and by -numerous deep valleys, so as to make the reduction of a recalcitrant -population under a united rule an excessively difficult task. On the -other hand, it offers abundant cover for rebels and robbers; and any one -acquainted with the byways can easily incommode even considerable bodies -of troops. The Wollos are born horsemen, and gallop along the steepest -hillsides on their hardy ponies. Theodore carried on his war with them -year after year. He was never defeated by them, and, in fact, they were -afraid so much as to look him in the face.[120] His generals also were -for the most part successful against them. Great parts of the country, -and even prominent chiefs, were often subdued by him, but he never -became master of the whole. Sometimes with kindness, often with severity -rising to atrocious cruelty, he sought to bring them under his sway; but -the result was always the same, that in the end in Walloland he could -call nothing his own except garrisoned fortresses like Makdala.[121] - -Meanwhile arose, now in one province, now in another, various rebels, -some of them members of old princely families, sometimes bold soldiers -of fortune. None of them was at all a match for him. Wherever he made -his appearance the armies of the insurgents were scattered like dust. By -force or by artifice he succeeded in getting several of them into his -power, and among them one who, as it seemed, was the most formidable of -all—Negusié of Tigré (beginning of 1861), with whom France had already -entered into relations as “King of Abyssinia.” Others took refuge in -inaccessible deserts, or in steep rocky fastnesses, of which so many are -found in Abyssinia. Had he not been hampered by the Wollos, he would -doubtless have got the better of them all; but his war of extermination -against these savages crippled him completely. He found no exceptional -difficulty indeed in recruiting his armies, decimated though they were -by the sword, and still more by periodical pestilence; for Abyssinia has -no lack of men with a taste for war and plunder, and Theodore’s name -acted like a charm. The very size of his armies was his misfortune. He -could not feed them in any regular way. Though at the outset he strictly -repressed all plundering in friendly districts, he soon had to concede -everything to his hungry soldiers, and even to order the systematic -robbery of prosperous regions. In this way the veneration of his people -was turned into hatred; the poverty-stricken peasants went to swell the -ranks of the rebels, or, at least, robbed and murdered in secret. - -Theodore’s embarrassments were further increased by his relations with -the ecclesiastical authorities. At the head of the Abyssinian Church, a -branch of the Coptic (the whole civilisation of Abyssinia, so far as it -is Christian, is derived from the impure Coptic source), stands a -bishop, who must be, not a native, but a Copt, sent by the (Monophysite) -patriarch of Alexandria. This “Abuna,” in power and consideration, -stands almost on a level with the king, has much larger revenues, and is -reverenced by the masses as a god. Since November 1841 this position had -been occupied by Abba Selama, mentioned above, a man of about the same -age as Kasa-Theodore. Having as a child attended an English mission -school, many English and German Protestants cherished great hopes -regarding him; but other Europeans who happened to be in Abyssinia at -the time of his arrival there,—Ferret and Galinier (French), and -Mansfield Parkins (English),—who had no ecclesiastical preoccupations, -at once perceived him to be an insignificant, narrow-minded individual. -Nowhere, moreover, could a prelate, with any serious inclination to -reformation, have a more difficult position than in the wretched Church -of Abyssinia: to make any progress with the laity would be difficult; -with the priesthood, impossible. As Abba Selama at the outset had the -immeasurable advantage over the natives of a somewhat higher education -and a much greater knowledge of the world, he ought certainly to have -been able, in conjunction with such a man as Theodore, to improve many -things, had he shown intelligence and adaptability. But he cared for -nothing except his own spiritual independence. The king was very -amenable to good advice, and had also laid him under special obligations -by forcibly repressing a large party of the priests that for dogmatic -reasons was hostile to him; but instead of exercising a moderating -influence upon him, the prelate soon brought matters to a complete -breach. When the German missionary Krapf met the king in the heyday of -his victorious career, in the spring of 1855, he still appeared to be in -heart and soul at one with the Abuna; but any one who is acquainted with -the quarrels that subsequently arose can mark the root of them in the -jealous temper which the language of the bishop, reported by Krapf, even -then revealed. Soon afterwards a mutiny broke out in the army in Shoa, -which to all appearance had been stirred up by the Abuna and the second -spiritual authority in the kingdom, the supreme head of the monks. This -was repressed without leading to an open conflict with the clerics. But -soon a worse controversy arose. The king began to lay hands on the vast -revenues of the Church to meet the demands of his army,—a measure -certainly contrary to every usage of the country, and dictated only by -sheerest necessity. Further, he required the priests to uncover in his -presence (he being filled with the Spirit of God), just as they -uncovered in presence of the ark (or altar), which was the Seat of God. -In these controversies the king had to give way at first, but soon it -went hard with the clergy. The biographer, though as respectful in his -feeling towards the bishop as towards the king, accumulates all sorts of -details fitted to make plain the contempt and hatred which Theodore -gradually and increasingly came to feel towards the haughty head of the -Church and the entire clergy. Even the supreme head of that Church, the -patriarch of Alexandria, on one occasion when he visited Abyssinia, had -seriously compromised himself in the king’s eyes. Moreover, the Abuna -appears to have been far from exemplary in his private life. Theodore, -accordingly, in the course of time, broke loose from all clerical -restraints. In his later years he deliberately set fire to sacred -buildings, burned down the town of Gondar precisely because it was “the -city of the priests,” threw the Abuna into prison, and finally even, on -his own authority, issued to himself and his soldiers a dispensation -from fasting, perhaps the most important duty of Abyssinian -Christianity; and all this the priesthood had silently to endure. On the -other hand, of course, their hatred helped to alienate the people from -the king, and the Abuna in his prison maintained close relations with -the more important rebels. - -In the first years of his reign Theodore had two faithful counsellors in -Plowden, the British consul, and John Bell, who had come into the -country along with Plowden, had almost become an Abyssinian, and adhered -with touching fidelity to the master whose service he had joined. These -two had a great influence in stimulating his desire for the introduction -of European manners, or rather of the arts of Europe; when he compared -them and what he learned from them about Europe with his own -Abyssinians, the latter could not but fall greatly in his estimation, -and perhaps in the end he even came to value his own people too lightly, -and to judge them too severely. Plowden, unfortunately, was recalled by -his Government to the port of Massowa, and on his journey (March 1860) -fell into the hands of a rebel, a cousin of the king, receiving wounds -of which he soon afterwards died. Theodore at once set out against the -miscreant, who fell in the battle that followed, slain, it is said, by -the hand of Bell, who in his turn was killed while shielding the king -with his own person. Theodore terribly avenged his two friends, whose -loss was never repaired to him. Queen Tewabetch, to whom, as we have -seen, he clung with all his soul, had died previously on 18th August -1858; Flad tells us that he regarded her death as a divine judgment on -him for having shortly before caused the wife of an arch-rebel who had -fallen into his hands to be cruelly butchered. - -Continual conflicts left the king no leisure to carry out reforms, -however much his heart may have been set on them. Before everything else -the construction of roads, bridges, and viaducts was a necessity for the -country, and with road-making he did actually make a beginning. The -first section was completed in 1858, under the direction of Zander, a -German painter. When he complained that the necessary assistance was not -being given to him, the king caused the governor of the district to be -whipped and laid in irons, rewarding Zander richly. Theodore desired -nothing more ardently than the immigration of European artisans and -mechanics. With more of these and fewer missionaries, much disaster -would have been averted and much good done. - -To outward seeming Theodore was at the height of his power between 1861 -and 1863. It was only in these years that he actually wielded authority, -through his governor, over the whole of Tigré, the one province which -has tolerably easy communications with the coast. But his struggles with -the Wollos wasted his strength, and continually gave rebels renewed -opportunities to rise. From 1863 onwards, his difficulties increased day -by day. At the same time the king’s disposition steadily became -gloomier. From the first he had been capricious, subject to violent -outbursts of wrath, and in his passion capable of the most dreadful -actions. But now he experienced disappointment after disappointment. -Prince Menilek of Shoa escaped from Makdala in 1865, and again set up -the kingdom of his fathers; Theodore attempted to dethrone him once -more, but was compelled to retire from Shoa without accomplishing his -object. One province after another was lost, temporarily or permanently. -Even in the earlier years of his sovereignty many of his grandees in -whom he had reposed perfect confidence had left him and become rebels. -This made him ever more mistrustful, and increased his contempt for his -fellow-countrymen. Ultimately, on the slightest suspicion, or even out -of mere caprice, he would put in irons, for a longer or shorter time, -his most faithful servants, some of whom in the long-run proved their -fidelity by dying with him. In his youthful days as robber chief and -adventurer he had resembled David, who, secure of his future, had led a -freebooter life among the mountains of southern Judah (of course one -must remember that the African character is much ruder still than that -of ancient Israel); now, in one aspect at least, he often resembled Saul -when the evil spirit had come upon him. When Theodore sat gloomily -brooding, every one who knew him took care to avoid him; kindly -attendants sought to keep off visitors with the transparent pretence -that the king was asleep. - -It is no more true of Theodore than of any other extraordinary man, that -his whole character was suddenly transformed. All his faults showed -themselves at an early period, some of them in a very marked way; but in -late years his bad qualities became more and more prominent, and -overgrew his better nature. Terunesh, the proud daughter of the aged -Ubié, whom he married some five years after the death of the beloved -Tewabetch, was unable to hold his affections; and with the full -consciousness that he was doing wrong he abandoned himself to the usual -polygamy of the native princes. Like most of the Abyssinian grandees, he -had always been a heavy drinker; but in his last years, contrary to his -earlier practice, he often got drunk, and when in this condition gave -orders of the most bloody description, which he afterwards bitterly -repented. But this man, who sometimes in anger or drunkenness, sometimes -with the clear conscience of a ruler or judge sacrificing to the public -weal or to the cause of righteousness, butchered thousands of people, -and burned churches and cities to the ground—this very man played in -the most genial way with little children, in his expeditions was -scrupulously careful that the women and children, numbers of whom always -accompany an Abyssinian army, should come to no harm, and was ready to -assist personally the exhausted soldier who had fallen out of the ranks. - -It would serve no purpose to go into details of the embroilment with -England in which Theodore ultimately met his death. It was a singular -combination of unfortunate circumstances, misunderstandings, blunders, -and crimes. Consul Cameron, a man worthy of all respect, was not -acquainted with Abyssinia and Theodore as Plowden, his predecessor, had -been, neither does he seem to have been a _persona grata_ to the king. -In the letter of which he was the bearer (October 1862), Earl Russell -thanked Theodore courteously and coldly for his treatment of Plowden, -when the king felt entitled to expect a direct communication from the -sovereign as between equals. Theodore lost no time in expressing to -Cameron the hatred he felt against his hereditary enemies, the Turks. -But Cameron had instructions to enter into communication with the -Egyptian authorities, and this presently made him hateful to Theodore. -The king himself, the servant of Christ, had refused all friendly -agreement with the unbelieving Egyptians, although the Viceroy Saíd -Pasha had taken much pains in this direction, and it was -incomprehensible to him how Christian Europe could hold alliance with -Turks, or leave them in possession of lands formerly Christian. We smile -at his narrowness; but how long is it since similar views prevailed all -over Europe? And did not Russia in her last Eastern war succeed in -reviving in Europe, and especially in England, the antipathy of -Christians against the unchristian Turks, and in making it serve her own -policy of conquest? It was inexcusable that Theodore’s letter to the -Queen, delivered to the consul, received no answer; the neglect was felt -profoundly. Incautious oral, written, or printed utterances of -Europeans, communicated idly or in malice, further embittered him. He -was well aware that Europeans were his superiors in civilisation; but he -had a just sense of his personal dignity, and it stung him to the quick -to hear that he was spoken of as a savage. What irritated him above all -was to learn that his mother, on whom he rested his claim as a -legitimate sovereign, had been spoken of as a kousso-seller.[122] The -Jewish missionary Stern made himself particularly obnoxious by -utterances of this kind. Theodore had never conceded to the foreign -consuls the privilege of inviolability, which is quite unknown to the -Abyssinians. He claimed for himself a perfect right to treat -discourteous guests exactly as he would treat his own subjects. Thus in -1863 he put in irons the French consul Lejean who had offended him, and -afterwards expelled him. In like manner, in January 1864, he put consul -Cameron in irons. The other Europeans also, who were under his control, -were either imprisoned or kept under prison surveillance. These were for -the most part Germans, some of them missionaries, others of them -artisans, who had been sent into Abyssinia in the missionary interest, -but had been employed by Theodore in cannon-founding and other works not -of a particularly evangelistic character; there were, besides, a few -travellers and adventurers of various descriptions. Most of them seem to -have been worthy persons. - -Britain, of course, could not submit quietly to the imprisonment of her -consul. But the Government sought, in the first instance, very properly, -to win the king to a better temper, and sent Rassam, a born Oriental (of -Mosul), and a man of intelligence and address, with a letter from the -Queen to Theodore. The latter gave Rassam a very friendly reception -(March 1866), and promised to release the captives. But he could never -make up his mind to fulfil this promise. Recollections of real or -supposed insults continually came in the way. He had, moreover, the idea -that in Cameron and the missionaries he possessed valuable hostages -whose delivery might be made to depend on the arrival from England of -the artisans and implements he so earnestly desired. Personal -misunderstandings, and perhaps misrepresentations, did the rest; until, -finally, the gloomy despot, hemmed in on every side by manifold straits, -caused Rassam also and his suite to be sent to the rocky fastness of -Makdala, and there confined. The captivity, judged according to -Abyssinian ideas, was certainly of a mild description, and Theodore -always maintained friendly feelings towards Rassam, while regarding -Cameron, Stern, and some others as his enemies. He tacitly showed his -high respect for the Europeans by the immunity for life and limb which -he allowed them to enjoy, while he would mutilate or put to death his -own subjects on the slightest provocation. - -Rassam’s imprisonment compelled Britain to declare war. When the troops -landed on the Red Sea coast, not far from Massowa, in the end of 1867, -Theodore was already in the direst straits. But wherever he showed -himself with his army, he still continued to be undisputed lord; for no -one dared to meet him in the field. Had he in these circumstances simply -retired before the British troops, and withdrawn with his captives into -the hot fever-haunted wilderness of his native Quara, he would have -involved his assailants in endless difficulties. Fortunately, however, -he determined to choose Makdala—to Abyssinians impregnable—as the -place where to concentrate all his fighting power. The same stronghold, -more than 9000 feet above sea level, and nearly 4000 feet above the -river Beshelo, less than five miles off, in a direct line, was also, as -being the place where the prisoners were kept, the objective of the -British. Theodore’s last march was really a magnificent performance. For -the transit of the heavy ordnance, cast by his European workmen, with -which he proposed to defend Makdala, roads had first to be made, often -along dizzy precipices. Theodore personally superintended all the works, -and often personally took a share in them. In his heart what he hoped -for was a peaceful arrangement with the British, though in moments of -excitement he may sometimes have actually thought of their defeat and -annihilation as possible. He reached Makdala, which, including its -outworks, has accommodation for many thousands, only shortly before the -arrival of the British. He had gone into the net almost with his eyes -open. - -The arrangements for the English expedition, which was commanded by Sir -Robert Napier, were not at first particularly skilful; and the final -success was mainly due to Colonel Merewether, to the -never-to-be-forgotten Werner Munzinger, who had been appointed British -vice-consul, and, as intimately acquainted with the land and its people, -had charge of the negotiations with the native rulers, and, lastly, to -Colonel Phayre. To within a short distance of Makdala the route lay -through the territory of princes who were in rebellion against Theodore, -and indeed, to some extent, also at feud with each other. To secure free -passage everywhere, accordingly, it was never necessary to resort to -open force; diplomatic negotiation was enough. To conquer the physical -obstacles, once Abyssinia proper had been reached, was no very difficult -task for British troops with British resources. - -At Arogé, near Makdala, a portion of Theodore’s army fell upon the -British, and was, of course, scattered (10th April 1868); no Abyssinian -bravery could withstand Snider rifles, rockets, and artillery. The king -recognised that he could never again bring his troops to face such a -foe. Hope alternated with paroxysms of rage. He began to treat with -Napier, and at last released all the Europeans unconditionally. It is -possible that he may have done this because he had been informed that -Napier was prepared to accept a present from him, and so had virtually -conceded peace; but it is at least equally probable that he did not wish -the Europeans to be involved in his ruin. Shortly before this, at any -rate, he had made an attempt (prevented by his grandees) at suicide, -without previously giving orders that he should be avenged on his -prisoners. The intelligence he had received soon proved to have been -false; the British pressed forward, and his army deserted him. The proud -king could not yield to Napier’s demand that he should surrender; with a -few of his faithful followers he went to meet the foe, and after some of -those beside him had fallen, he shot himself with his own pistol (Easter -Monday, 14th April). - -The British soldiers showed little respect for the body, but their -commander afterwards caused it to be buried after the rites of the -Abyssinian Church. The conquerors liberated all the captives in -Makdala,—scions of ancient families, rebels, robbers, officials, and -officers in disgrace,—people for the most part of very questionable -antecedents. The young queen Terunesh, along with the boy Alem-ayehu, -Theodore’s only legitimate son, accompanied the British on their return. -She died of consumption before she could leave Abyssinia, the boy not -long afterwards in England. The army quitted the country as promptly as -might be, in view of the approach of the rainy season, which makes all -communication impossible. It is to be regretted that so little care was -taken to utilise the opportunity offered by the expedition for a more -exact scientific survey of the country.[123] - -Thus lies Theodore in the mountain fastness of the Wollo-Gallas. I do -not know whether these savages have desecrated the grave of their mortal -enemy, or whether, perhaps, their awe of him still keeps them at a -distance. Legend is certain ultimately to glorify the memory of Theodore -among the Christians of Abyssinia; songs will long be sung and stories -told of the mighty king who restored the kingdom, triumphed over the -infidel, and at last, worsted by the magical arts of strangers, -preferred death to surrender. - - - -The task of permanently uniting Abyssinia, in which Theodore failed, -proved equally impracticable to John, who came to the front, in the -first instance, as an ally of the British, and afterwards succeeded to -the sovereignty. By his fall (10th March 1889) in the unhappy war -against the “dervishes” or Moslem zealots of the Soudan, the path was -cleared for Menilek of Shoa, who enjoyed the support of Italy. The -establishment of the Italians on the Red Sea littoral, and their policy -there, which, though not free from many mistakes, has been on the whole -very intelligent and effective, according to all appearance, promises a -new era for Abyssinia. If Italy perseveres with firmness, prudence, and -moderation on the laborious path on which she has entered, and if the -policy represented by Count Antonelli and others is not frustrated by -party exigencies or excessive parsimony, she may derive great advantages -from her African enterprise. But Abyssinia will profit still more, -though there be an end to the proud dream of an independent kingdom of -all Abyssinia. - ------ - -[115] Originally published in _Deutsche Rundschau_, x. (1884) p. 406 -sqq. - -[116] The MS. was presented to the Royal Library in Berlin by the worthy -missionary Flad, along with a German abridgment. A portion of the -abridgment appears in his instructive work, entitled _Twelve Years in -Abyssinia_ (_Zwölf Jahre in Abessinien_). - -[117] The good-natured Menilek of Shoa (now king of all Abyssinia) has -undertaken many similar expeditions against neighbouring peoples on a -larger scale than the nefarious slave hunts of the Arabs, and not less -inhuman. - -[118] I repeat the story exactly as given in the Amharic biography. -D’Abbadie at the time heard a somewhat different version in Gondar -(_L’Abyssinie et le roi Théodore_, Paris 1868). D’Abbadie partly differs -also in his order of events from the Abyssinian writer whom I follow; -perhaps he may in some instances be right, but in others he has -indubitably been misled by inaccurate recollection or by false -information. - -[119] De Jacobis is highly spoken of by all unprejudiced witnesses. With -regard to all persons and things involving ecclesiastical interests, the -judgments of Protestant and Catholic missionaries alike, and their -partisans (D’Abbadie, for example), must be received with caution. It is -undeniable that Abyssinia offers a much less favourable field to -Protestant than to Catholic missions. Even the narrowest type of -Protestantism is something much too high for the Abyssinians, not to -speak of negroes. The desires that occasionally find expression on the -part of Russia for a union of the Abyssinian with the “Orthodox” Church -have small prospect of ever being fulfilled. - -[120] When the English, immediately after the death of Theodore, showed -his picture to the Wollo princess Mastiat, his bitter enemy, and asked -her whether it was like him, she replied, “How can I tell? Who has ever -seen him and lived?” - -[121] Not Magdala, as it is usually written in England and Germany. - -[122] See above, p. 265. - -[123] Of works upon the campaign that are not purely military, by far -the best, so far as I know, is that of Markham (_A History of the -Abyssinian Expedition_, London 1869). The writer is a keen observer, and -an impartial judge. - - - - - I N D E X. - - - ―•― - -Abaga, successor of Hulagu, 248 -Abbádán, town of, 157 -Abba Selama, 268, 273 -Abbásids, 83, 108, 116, 120 -Abdalláh, Mansúr’s uncle, 113, 116, 141 -Abdalláh, son of Moáwiya, 112 -Abdalláh, opponent of Yakúb the Coppersmith, 183 -Abderrahmán, founder of Omayyad dynasty in Spain, 143 -Abíwerd, battle near, 202 -Abú Bekr, 72 -Abú Duláma, favourite of Mansúr, 135 -Abul-Abbás. _See_ Motadid -Abul-Abbás. _See_ Saffáh -Abul-Alá al-Maarri, 96 -Abulfaraj. _See_ Barhebræus -Abú Lahab and Mohammed, 52 -Abú Moslem, 111, 114, 115, 117 -Abú Salama, 114 -Abú Sufyán, head of Omayyad family, 78 -Abyssinia, 257 -Abyssinian Church, 273 -Ahmed, Mongol sovereign, 250 -Ahrún, father of Barhebræus, 236 -Ahwáz, taken by the Zenj, 158, 161 -Aïsha, wife of Mohammed, 78 -Alí, son of Husain, 179 -Alí, son of Mohammed, leader of the Zenj, 146 -Alids, 108, 120, 121 -Amr, brother and successor of Yakúb, 195 -Amr, governor of Egypt, 81 -Arabian philology, 17 -Arabs, aristocratic feelings of, 12; - political adaptability, 11; - military talent, 14; - intellectual ability, 15; - poetry of, 18; - art, 19 -Armenians, relations of, with Jacobites, 245 -Ash‘arí, 92 -Attar’athé, sanctuary of, at Mabbog 214 - -Bábís, 101 -Babylonians, science of, 17 -Bagdad, 84; - taken by Hulagu, 99, 241; - building of, 129 -Baidáwí, his commentary on the Koran, 57 -Barhebræus, 236-256; - his works, 255 -Barsaumá, brother of Barhebræus, 253 -Basra, 125, 147, 155, 158 -Basshár, poet, 127 -Bell, John, 275 -Beru, son of Goshu, 267 -Búids, 88 - -Caaba, veneration of, 66; - carried from Mecca, 90 -Calendar, Moslem, 70 -Caliphate, 99 -Cameron, Consul, 278 -Catholicus, title explained, 244 -Commander of the Faithful, title assumed by Caliph Omar, 76 -Coppersmith, Yakúb the, 176 _et seq._ -Cufa, 111, 125, 150 - -D’Abbadie quoted, 265 -Damascus, capital of Omayyads, 81 -De Jacobis, Bishop, 268 -Dervishes, 97; - of the Soudan, 283 -Dionysius, Syrian Metropolitan, 238, 239 -Dirhem, Sístánese leader, 177, 178 -Dogmatic controversies in Islam, 90 -Druses, 89 - -Egypt, conquered, 90, 99; - sultans of, 99 -_Emír Almúminín_, 76 - -Fakirs, 97 -Fatimid Caliphs, 89 -Flad, German missionary, 260 -Freethinking in Islam, 95 - -Gallas, 271 -Genealogical table, of the Háshimids, 110; - of the Abbásids, 116; - of the Omayyads, 120; - of the Alids, 121; - of the Táhirids, 187; - of Yakúb’s dynasty, 205 -_Ghulám_, 188 -Gondar, 258 -Goshu of Gojam, 266 -Gypsies on lower Tigris, 152 - -Hákim, Fatimid Caliph, 89 -Hárún ar-Rashíd, 84 -Hasan, son of Alí, 81 -Háshimids, 110 -Háshimíya, 129 -Házim, Mansúr’s general, 119 -Heraclius, emperor, 60, 75 -Hierapolis, sanctuary at, 214 -Hulagu, grandson of Jenghiz Khan, 99, 242 -Humaima, 109, 111 -Husain, son of Alí, 82 - -Ibn Amíd, Coptic author, 241 -Ibn Hobaira, supporter of Omayyads, 114 -Ibn Khaldún, 99 -Ibn Mas‘úd, his codex of the Koran, 53 -Ibn Mokaffa, 141 -Ibráhím, the Abbásid, 111, 125-127 -Ignatius, Jacobite Patriarch, 243, 247 -_Imám_, 66 -Isá, Mansúr’s cousin, 124, 127, 140 -_Islám_, 62 -Ismáíl the Sámánid, 201 -Islam, and Christianity, 5; - rise of, 60; - ethics of, 64; - theology of, 61; - external observances, 65; - survivals of heathenism, 66; - circumcision, 68; - dietary laws, 68; - Church and State, 69; - alms, 68; - position of women, 70; - slavery, 71; - characteristics of, 71; - and the Oriental Christians, 85; - law of, 93; - worship of saints, 102; - vitality of, 104; - headship of (caliphate), 99; - tradition, weight of, 93; - freethinking in, 95 - -Jacobites (Monophysite Syrians), 236; - primate of, 244 -John, Monophysite bishop of “Asia,” Church history by, 225 -John Barmadeni, competitor for Jacobite Patriarchate, 239 -Juristical schools of Islam, 93-95 - -Kadarites, 91 -Karmatians, 89, 152 -Kasa, 259 -Kenfu, 260 -Kerbelá, 82 -Khalaf, son of Ahmed, 205 -Khálid, Barmecide, 133 -Khálid, the Sword of God, 73 -_Khalífa_, 76 -Kharijites, 80, 93, 119, 151 -_Khawárij_, 80 -Khazars, Mansúr’s relations with the, 138 -Kházim, Mansúr’s general, 142 -Khorásán, 109, 115, 118, 142, 179, 184 -Khujastání, 196 -Koran, 21-59; - rationale of its revelation, 22; - literary form, 25; - abrogated readings, 27; - contents, 28; - histories of prophets and saints in, 29; - style and artistic effect, 32, 35; - Medina and Mecca súras, 39; - three periods of, 40-46; - initial letters, 47; - redaction of Zaid, 49; - Othmán’s edition, 50; - codex of Obay, 53; - reading styles, 55; - commentators on, 56; - translations, 58 - -Ledj, Abyssinian title, 262 -Lúlú, his share in suppressing the Zenj, 172, 173 - -Maan, son of Záida, Omayyad general, 120 -Madínat es-Salám, official name of Bagdad, 129 -Mahdí, son of Mansúr, 123, 132 -Mahmúd of Ghazni, 206 -Makdala (Magdala), 272, 281 -_Mamlúk_, 188 -Mansúr, 107-145 -Maphrián, Jacobite dignitary, 244 -Márá, Syrian saint, 229-232 -Marcus. _See_ Yavalláhá -Maron, pillar-saint, 228 -Maronites, 220 -Maslama, the false prophet 49 -Mecca, pilgrimage to, 66; - plundered, 81; - sherífs of, 100 -Medina, 122, 124, 128 -_Meisir_, 69 -Menen, Abyssinian princess, 264 -Menilek of Shoa, 263, 277 -Merwán II., 112 -Moáwiya, 79, 81 -Mohammed, son of Abdalláh, the Alid, 120 -Mohammed, the Kurd, 162, 197 -Mohammed, the Táhirid, 180, 183 -Mohammed, son of Wásil, 182, 189 -Mohammed Ali of Egypt, 103 -Mokhtár, revolutionary leader, 149 -Mokhtára, town of, 156, 167 -Mongols, 99, 238, 242 -Morocco, sultans of, 101 -Moslem calendar, 70 -Motadid, Caliph, 164, 199 -Motamid, Caliph, 158, 170, 191 -Mowaffak, brother of Motamid, 158, 160, 174, 195 -Munzinger, Werner, 281 -Músá, the Turk, 161 -_Muslim_, 62 -Mutazila, 91 - -Negusié of Tigré, 272 -Neháwend, battle of, 75 -Nestorians, 219, 244, 249 -Níshábúr 184, 199, 200 -Nosairians, 89 - -Obaidalláh, founder of Fatimid dynasty, 89 -Obay, codex of, 53 -Obolla, 157 -Okba of Yemen, 143 -Omar, Caliph, 74 -Omar II., 82 -Omayyads, 78, 81, 120, 143 -Othmán, Caliph, 77 -Othmán’s edition of the Koran, 50 -Ottoman Turks, 99 - -Párs, 179; - conquest of, 189 -Paul, Syrian hermit, 229 -Persia, in conflict with Islam, 74; - invaded by Mongols, 99; - Shíite States in, 101; - conquered by Arabs, 109; - Eastern, or Irán, 176 -Philology, Arabian, 17 -Plowden, consul, 275 - -Quara, 260 - -Ráfi, his conflict with Amr, 199 -Ráfika, founded by Mansúr, 131 -Ras Ali of Abyssinia, 258 -Rassam, 280 -Ráwendí, the, 119 -Riyáh, governor of Medina, 122 -Rustem, Persian general, 75 - -Saffáh (Abul-Abbás), Caliph, 113-115 -Saffár. _See_ Yakúb the Coppersmith -St. Barsaumá, monastery of 236 -Saints, Moslem, 97, 102; - histories of, 29; - Syrian, 207 _et seq._ -_Salat_, 65 -Sámánids in Transoxania, 201 -Sámarrá, 158 -Sampádh, revolt against Mansúr, 118 -Sefid empire of Persia, 101 -Selím I., 99 -Seljuk Turks, 98 -Semites, characteristics of, 1-20; - religion, 5; - asceticism, 9; - political life, 11; - military talent, 14; - intellectual ability, 15; - poetry of, 18; - art of, 19 -Sergius, disciple of Simeon of Amid, 227-229 -Servile war in the East, 146-175 -Shammar, kingdom of the, 104 -_Shía_, 79 -Shíites, 79, 88, 101 -Shíráz, captured by Yakúb, 180 -Shoa, 259 -Simeon the physician, 243, 247 -Simeon of Amid, 226 -Simeon Stylites, 210-225 -Sístán, 176 -Súfis, mysticism of, 96 -Sulaimán, Zenj general, 147, 172 -_Sunna_, 61, 89 -Sunnites, 89, 101 -Susiana, 158, 161, 192 -Syrians, poetry of, 18 -Syrian saints, 207-235 - -Tabarí, 57, 175 -Tagrít, Barhebræus at, 249 -Táhir, grandson of Amr, 205 -Táhirids, governors of Khorásán, 177, 178, 187 -Tauk, defeat of, by Yakúb, 180 -Telnishé, 212; church at, 223 -Tewabetch, daughter of Ras Ali, 264, 276 -Theodora, Empress, and Márá, 230 -Theodore of Abyssinia, 257-284 -Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrrhus, 214, 224 -Theophilus and Mary, 233-235 -Tigré, 258 -Tradition, weight of, in Islam, 93 -_Transoxania_, 201 -Turks, acceptance of Islam by the, 98 - -Ubié, Abyssinian ruler, 268 - -Von Kremer, 133 - -Wahhabites, 5, 103 -Walíd II., Omayyad caliph, 108 -Wásit, 114, 162 -Wollos (Gallas), 258, 270 - -Yakúb the Coppersmith, 162, 167, 206 -Yakúb’s dynasty, 205 -Yavalláhá, Nestorian Patriarch, 250 -Yezíd, governor of Kairawán, 143 -Yezíd, son of Moáwiya, 82 - -Zaid, his redaction of the Koran, 49 -Zamakhsharí, his commentary on the Koran, 57 -Zaranka, 176 -Zenj, revolt of the, 149-174 -Zereng, 176 - - MORRISON AND GIBB, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER NOTES - -Misspelled words and printer errors have been corrected. Where multiple -spellings occur, majority use has been employed. - -Punctuation has been maintained except where obvious printer errors -occur. - -A cover was created for this eBook and is placed in the public domain. - -[The end of _Sketches from Eastern History_, by Theodor Nöldeke.] - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Sketches from Eastern History, by Theodor Nöldeke - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SKETCHES FROM EASTERN HISTORY *** - -***** This file should be named 54782-0.txt or 54782-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/7/8/54782/ - -Produced by Delphine Lettau, Cindy Beyer, and the online -Distributed Proofreaders Canada team at -http://www.pgdpcanada.net with images provided by The -Internet Archive. - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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