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diff --git a/old/55054-0.txt b/old/55054-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 3f6fb4f..0000000 --- a/old/55054-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8704 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Commerce and Navigation of the -Erythraean Sea, by Anonymous - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythraean Sea - Being a Translation of the Periplus Maris Erythraei and - Arrian's Account of the Voyage of Nearkhos - -Author: Anonymous - -Translator: John Watson McCrindle - -Release Date: July 5, 2017 [EBook #55054] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COMMERCE, NAVIGATION--ERYTHRAEAN SEA *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Les Galloway and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - THE - - COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION - - OF THE - - ERYTHRÆAN SEA; - - BEING A TRANSLATION - - OF THE - - PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI, - - BY AN ANONYMOUS WRITER, - - AND OF - - ARRIAN’S ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE OF NEARKHOS, - - FROM THE MOUTH OF THE INDUS TO THE HEAD OF THE - PERSIAN GULF. - - - WITH INTRODUCTIONS, COMMENTARY, NOTES, - AND INDEX. - - BY - - J. W. MCCRINDLE, M.A. EDIN., - PRINCIPAL OF THE GOVERNMENT COLLEGE, PATNA; - MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH; - FELLOW OF THE CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY. - - (_Reprinted, with additions, from the Indian Antiquary._) - - Calcutta: - THACKER, SPINK & Co. - - Bombay: - ED. SOC. PRESS. - - London: - TRÜBNER & Co. - - 1879. - - - - - BOMBAY: - PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY’S PRESS, BYCULLA. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -In the Preface to my former work, “Ancient India as described by -Megasthenês and Arrian,” I informed the reader that it was my intention -to publish from time to time translations of the Greek and Latin works -which relate to ancient India, until the series should be exhausted, -and the present volume is the second instalment towards the fulfilment -of that undertaking. It contains a translation of the _Periplûs_ -(_i. e. Circumnavigation_) _of the Erythræan Sea_, together with a -translation of the second part of the _Indika_ of Arrian describing -the celebrated voyage made by Nearkhos from the mouth of the Indus -to the head of the Persian Gulf. Arrian’s narrative, copied from the -Journal of the voyage written by Nearkhos himself, forms an admirable -supplement to the Periplûs, as it contains a minute description of a -part of the Erythræan Coast which is merely glanced at by the author of -that work. The translations have been prepared from the most approved -texts. The notes, in a few instances only, bear upon points of textual -criticism, their main object being to present in a concise form for -popular reading the most recent results of learned enquiry directed -to verify, correct, or otherwise illustrate the contents of the -narratives. - -The warm and unanimous approbation bestowed upon the first volume of -this series, both by the Press in this country and at home, has given -me great encouragement to proceed with the undertaking, and a third -volume is now in preparation, to contain the _Indika_ of Ktêsias and -the account of India given by Strabo in the 15th Book of his Geography. - - _Patna College, June 1879._ - - - - - ANONYMI [ARRIANI UT FERTUR] - - PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI. - - - TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT - - As given in the _Geographi Græci Minores_, edited by - C. Muller: Paris, 1855. - - - WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY. - - - - - PERIPLUS OF THE ERYTHRÆAN SEA. - - - - -INTRODUCTION.[1] - - -The _Periplûs of the Erythræan Sea_ is the title prefixed to a work -which contains the best account of the commerce carried on from the Red -Sea and the coast of Africa to the East Indies during the time that -Egypt was a province of the Roman empire. The +Erythræan Sea+ -was an appellation given in those days to the whole expanse of ocean -reaching from the coast of Africa to the utmost boundary of ancient -knowledge on the East—an appellation in all appearance deduced from the -entrance into it by the Straits of the Red Sea, styled +Erythra+ -by the Greeks, and not excluding the Gulf of Persia. - -The author was a Greek merchant, who in the first century of the -Christian era had, it would appear, settled at +Berenîkê+, a great -seaport situated in the southern extremity of Egypt, whence he made -commercial voyages which carried him to the seaports of Eastern Africa -as far as +Azania+, and to those of Arabia as far as +Kanê+, -whence, by taking advantage of the south-west monsoon, he crossed over -to the ports lying on the western shores of India. Having made careful -observations and inquiries regarding the navigation and commerce of -these countries, he committed to writing, for the benefit of other -merchants, the knowledge which he had thus acquired. Much cannot be -said in praise of the style in which he writes. It is marked by a rude -simplicity, which shows that he was not a man of literary culture, but -in fact a mere man of business, who in composing restricts himself -to a narrow round of set phrases, and is indifferent alike to grace, -freedom, or variety of expression. It shows further that he was a -Greek settled in Egypt, and that he must have belonged to an isolated -community of his countrymen, whose speech had become corrupt by much -intercourse with foreigners. It presents a very striking contrast to -the rhetorical diction which +Agatharkhidês+, a great master of -all the tricks of speech, employs in his description of the Erythræan. -For all shortcomings, however, in the style of the work, there is -ample compensation in the fulness, variety, accuracy, and utility of -the information which it conveys. Such indeed is its superiority on -these points that it must be reckoned as a most precious treasure: -for to it we are indebted far more than to any other work for most of -our knowledge of the remote shores of Eastern Africa, and the marts -of India, and the condition of ancient commerce in these parts of the -world. - -The name of the author is unknown. In the Heidelberg MS., which alone -has preserved the little work, and contains it after the _Periplûs_ of -Arrian, the title given is Αρῥιανου περιπλους της' Ερυθρας θαλασσης. -Trusting to the correctness of this title, Stuckius attributed the -work to +Arrian+ of Nikomedia, and Fabricius to another Arrian -who belonged to Alexandria. No one, however, who knows how ancient -books are usually treated can fail to see what the real fact here is, -viz. that since not only the _Periplûs Maris Erythræi_, but also the -_Anonymi Periplûs Ponti Euxini_ (whereof the latter part occurs in -the Heidelberg MS. before Arrian’s _Ponti Periplûs_) are attributed -to Arrian, and the different Arrians are not distinguished by any -indications afforded by the titles, there can be no doubt that the -well-known name of the Nikomedian writer was transferred to the books -placed in juxtaposition to his proper works, by the arbitrary judgment -of the librarians. In fact it very often happens that short works -written by different authors are all referred to one and the same -author, especially if they treat of the same subject and are published -conjointly in the same volume. But in the case of the work before us, -any one would have all the more readily ascribed it to Arrian who -had heard by report anything of the _Paraplûs_ of the Erythræan Sea -described in that author’s _Indika_. On this point there is the utmost -unanimity of opinion among writers. - -That the author, whatever may have been his name, lived in Egypt, is -manifest. Thus he says in § 29: “Several of the trees _with us_ in -Egypt weep gum,” and he joins the names of the Egyptian months with the -Roman, as may be seen by referring to §§ 6, 39, 49, and 56. The place -in which he was settled was probably Berenîkê, since it was from that -port he embarked on his voyages to Africa and Arabia, and since he -speaks of the one coast as on the right from Berenîkê, and the other -on the left. The whole tenor of the work proclaims that he must have -been a merchant. That the entire work is not a mere compilation from -the narratives or journals of other merchants and navigators, but -that the author had himself visited some of the seats of trade which -he describes, is in itself probable, and is indicated in § 20, where, -contrary to the custom of the ancient writers, he speaks in his own -person:—“In sailing south, therefore, _we_ stand off from the shore and -keep _our_ course down the middle of the gulf.” Compare with this what -is said in § 48: προς την εμποριαν την ἑμετεραν. - -As regards the age to which the writer belonged: it is first of all -evident that he wrote after the times of Augustus, since in § 23 -mention is made of the Roman Emperors. That he was older, however, -than +Ptolemy+ the Geographer, is proved by his geography, which -knows nothing of India beyond the Ganges except the traditional -account current from the days of Eratosthenês to those of Pliny, while -it is evident that Ptolemy possessed much more accurate information -regarding these parts. It confirms this view that while our author -calls the island of Ceylon +Palaisimoundou+, Ptolemy calls it by -the name subsequently given to it—+Salikê+. Again, from § 19, -it is evident that he wrote before the kingdom of the Nubathæans was -abolished by the Romans. Moreover Pliny (VI. xxvi. 101), in proceeding -to describe the navigation to the marts of India by the direct route -across the ocean with the wind called Hippalos, writes to this -effect:—“And for a long time this was the mode of navigation, until a -merchant discovered a compendious route whereby India was brought so -near that to trade thither became very lucrative. For, every year a -fleet is despatched, carrying on board companies of archers, since the -Indian seas are much infested by pirates. Nor will a description of -the whole voyage from Egypt tire the reader, since now for the first -time correct information regarding it has been made public.” Compare -with this the statement of the _Periplûs_ in § 57, and it will be -apparent that while this route to India had only just come into use -in the time of Pliny, it had been for some time in use in the days of -our author. Now, as +Pliny+ died in 79 A.D., and had -completed his work two years previously, it may be inferred that he had -written the 6th book of his _Natural History_ before our author wrote -his work. A still more definite indication of his date is furnished -in § 5, where +Zoskalês+ is mentioned as reigning in his times -over the Auxumitae. Now in a list of the early kings of Abyssinia the -name of +Za-Hakale+ occurs, who must have reigned from 77 to 89 -A.D. This +Za-Hakale+ is doubtless the +Zoskalês+ -of the _Periplûs_, and was the contemporary of the emperors Vespasian, -Titus, and Domitian. We conclude, therefore, that the _Periplûs_ -was written a little after the death of Pliny, between the years -A.D. 80-89. - -Opinions on this point, however, have varied considerably. Salmasius -thought that Pliny and our author wrote at the same time, though -their accounts of the same things are often contradictory. In -support of this view he adduces the statement of the _Periplûs_ -(§ 54), “+Muziris+, a place in India, is in the kingdom of -Kêprobotres,” when compared with the statement of Pliny (VI. xxvi. -104), “+Cœlobothras+ was reigning there when I committed -this to writing;” and argues that since +Kêprobotres+ and -+Cœlobothras+ are but different forms of the same name, the -two authors must have been contemporary. The inference is, however, -unwarrantable, since the name in question, like that of +Pandiôn+, -was a common appellation of the kings who ruled over that part of India. - -Dodwell, again, was of opinion that the _Periplûs_ was written after -the year A.D. 161, when Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus were -joint emperors. He bases, in the first place, his defence of this -view on the statement in § 26: “Not long before our own times the -Emperor (Καῖσαρ) destroyed the place,” viz. +Eudaimón-Arabia+, now -Aden. This emperor he supposes must have been Trajan, who, according -to Eutropius (VIII. 3), reduced Arabia to the form of a province. -Eutropius, however, meant by Arabia only that small part of it which -adjoins Syria. This Dodwell not only denies, but also asserts that -the conquest of Trajan embraced the whole of the Peninsula—a sweeping -inference, which he bases on a single passage in the _Periplûs_ (§ -16) where the south part of Arabia is called ἡ πρώτη Αραβία, “the -First Arabia.” From this expression he gathers that Trajan, after -his conquest of the country, had divided it into several provinces, -designated according to the order in which they were constituted. The -language of the _Periplûs_, however, forbids us to suppose that there -is here any reference to a Roman province. What the passage states is -that +Azania+ (in Africa) was by ancient right subject to the -kingdom τῆς πρώτης γινομένης (λεγομένης according to Dodwell) Ἀραβίας, -and was ruled by the despot of +Mapharitis+. - -Dodwell next defends the date he has fixed on by the passage in § 23, -where it is said that +Kharibaël+ sought by frequent gifts and -embassies to gain the friendship of the emperors (τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων). He -thinks that the time is here indicated when M. Aurelius and L. Verus -were reigning conjointly, A.D. 161-181. There is no need, -however, to put this construction on the words, which may without any -impropriety be taken to mean ‘_the emperors for the time being_,’ viz. -Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. - -Vincent adopted the opinion of Salmasius regarding the date of the -work, but thinks that the Kaîsar mentioned in § 26 was Claudius. “The -Romans,” he says, “from the time they first entered Arabia under Ælius -Gallus, had always maintained a footing on the coast of the Red Sea. -They had a garrison at +Leukê Kômê+, in Nabathaea, where they -collected the customs; and it is apparent that they extended their -power down the gulf and to the ports of the ocean in the reign of -Claudius, as the freedman of +Annius Plocamus+ was in the act of -collecting the tributes there when he was carried out to sea and over -to +Taprobanê+. If we add to this the discovery of Hippalus in -the same reign, we find a better reason for the destruction of Aden at -this time than at any other.” The assertion in this extract that the -garrison and custom-house at +Leukê Kômê+ belonged to the Romans -is not warranted by the language of the _Periplûs_, which in fact shows -that they belonged to +Malikhos+ the king of the Nabathæans. -Again, it is a mere conjecture that the voyage which the freedman of -Plocamus (who, according to Pliny, farmed the revenues of the Red Sea) -was making along the coast of Arabia, when he was carried away by the -monsoon to Taprobanê, was a voyage undertaken to collect the revenues -due to the Roman treasury. With regard to the word Καῖσαρ, which has -occasioned so much perplexity, it is most probably a corrupt reading in -a text notorious for its corruptness. The proper reading may perhaps be -ΕΛΙΣΑΡ. At any rate, had one of the emperors in reality destroyed Aden, -it is unlikely that their historians would have failed to mention such -an important fact. - -Schwanbeck, although he saw the weakness of the arguments with which -Salmasius and Vincent endeavoured to establish their position, -nevertheless thought that our author lived in the age of Pliny and -wrote a little before him, because those particulars regarding the -Indian navigation which Pliny says became known in his age agree, on -the whole, so well with the statement in the _Periplûs_ that they must -have been extracted therefrom. No doubt there are, he allows, some -discrepancies; but those, he thinks, may be ascribed to the haste or -negligence of the copyist. A careful examination, however, of parallel -passages in Pliny and the _Periplûs_ show this assertion to be -untenable. Vincent himself speaks with caution on this point:—“There -is,” he says, “no absolute proof that either copied from the other. But -those who are acquainted with Pliny’s methods of abbreviation would -much rather conclude, if one must be a copyist, that his title to this -office is the clearest.” - -From these preliminary points we pass on to consider the contents -of the work, and these may be conveniently reviewed under the three -heads Geography, Navigation, Commerce. In the commentary, which is to -accompany the translation, the Geography will be examined in detail. -Meanwhile we shall enumerate the voyages which are distinguishable in -the _Periplûs_,[2] and the articles of commerce which it specifies. - - -I. VOYAGES MENTIONED IN THE PERIPLUS. - -I. A voyage from _Berenîkê_, in the south of Egypt, down the western -coast of the Red Sea through the Straits, along the coast of Africa, -round Cape Guardafui, and then southward along the eastern coast of -Africa as far as Rhapta, a place about six degrees south of the equator. - -II. We are informed of two distinct courses confined to the Red Sea: -one from Myos Hormos, in the south of Egypt, across the northern end of -the sea to Leukê Kômê, on the opposite coast of Arabia, near the mouth -of the Elanitic Gulf, whence it was continued to Mouza, an Arabian -port lying not far westward from the Straits; the other from Berenîkê -directly down the gulf to this same port - -III. There is described next to this a voyage from the mouth of the -Straits along the southern coast of Arabia round the promontory now -called Ras-el-Had, whence it was continued along the eastern coast of -Arabia as far as Apologos (now Oboleh), an important emporium at the -head of the Persian Gulf, near the mouth of the river Euphrates. - -IV. Then follows a passage from the Straits to India by three different -routes: the first by adhering to the coasts of Arabia, Karmania, -Gedrosia, and Indo-Skythia, which terminated at +Barugaza+ -(Bharoch), a great emporium on the river +Nammadios+ (the -Narmadâ), at a distance of thirty miles from its mouth; the second from -+Kanê+, a port to the west of +Suagros+, a great projection -on the south coast of Arabia, now Cape Fartaque; and the third from -Cape Guardafui, on the African side—both across the ocean by the -monsoon to +Mouziris+ and +Nelkunda+, great commercial cities -on the coast of Malabar. - -V. After this we must allow a similar voyage performed by the Indians -to Arabia, or by the Arabians to India, previous to the performance of -it by the Greeks, because the Greeks as late as the reign of Philomêtôr -met this commerce in Sabæa. - -VI. We obtain an incidental knowledge of a voyage conducted from ports -on the east coast of Africa over to India by the monsoon long before -Hippalos introduced the knowledge of that wind to the Roman world. -This voyage was connected, no doubt, with the commerce of Arabia, -since the Arabians were the great traffickers of antiquity, and held -in subjection part of the sea-board of Eastern Africa. The Indian -commodities imported into Africa were rice, ghee, oil of sesamum, -sugar, cotton, muslins, and sashes. These commodities, the _Periplûs_ -informs us, were brought sometimes in vessels destined expressly for -the coast of Africa, while at others they were only part of the cargo, -out of vessels which were proceeding to another port. Thus we have two -methods of conducting this commerce perfectly direct; and another by -touching on this coast with a final destination to Arabia. This is the -reason that the Greeks found cinnamon and the produce of India on this -coast, when they first ventured to pass the Straits in order to seek a -cheaper market than Sabæa. - - -II. ARTICLES OF COMMERCE MENTIONED IN THE PERIPLUS. - -I. Animals:— - -1. Παρθένοι εὐειδεῖς πρὸς παλλακίαν—Handsome girls for the haram, -imported into Barugaza for the king (49).[3] - -2. Δούλικα κρείσσονα—Tall slaves, procured at Opônê, imported into -Egypt (14). - -3. Σώματα θηλυκὰ—Female slaves, procured from Arabia and India, -imported into the island of Dioskoridês (31). - -4. Σώματα—Slaves imported from Omana and Apologos into Barugaza (36), -and from Moundou and Malaô (8, 9). - -5. Ἱπποι—Horses imported into Kanê for the king, and into Mouza for the -despot (23, 24). - -6. Ἡμὶοναι νωτηγοὶ—Sumpter mules imported into Mouza for the despot -(24). - -II. Animal Products:— - -1. Βούτυρον—Butter, or the Indian preparation therefrom called _ghî_, a -product of Ariakê (41); exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets -beyond the Straits (14). The word, according to Pliny (xxviii. 9), is -of Skythian origin, though apparently connected with Βους, τυρος. The -reading is, however, suspected by Lassen, who would substitute Βοσμορον -or Βοσπορον, _a kind of grain_. - -2. Δέρματα Σηρικὰ—Chinese hides or furs. Exported from Barbarikon, a -mart on the Indus (39). Vincent suspected the reading δερματα, but -groundlessly, for Pliny mentions the Sêres sending their iron along -with vestments and hides (_vestibus pellibusque_), and among the -presents sent to Yudhishṭhira by the Śâka, Tushâra and Kaṅka skins are -enumerated.—_Mahâbh._ ii. 50, quoted by Lassen. - -3. Ἐλέφας—Ivory. Exported from Adouli (6), Aualitês (8), Ptolemaïs (3), -Mossulon (10), and the ports of Azania (16, 17). Also from Barugaza -(49), Mouziris and Nelkunda (56); a species of ivory called Βωσαρη is -produced in Desarênê (62). - -4. Ἔριον Σηρικὸν—Chinese cotton. Imported from the country of the -Thînai through Baktria to Barugaza, and by the Ganges to Bengal, and -thence to Dimurikê (64). By Εριον Vincent seems to understand silk in -the raw state. - -5. Κέρατα—Horns. Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and -Apologos (36). Müller suspects this reading, thinking it strange -that such an article as _horns_ should be mentioned between _wooden -beams_ and _logs_. He thinks, therefore, that Κέρατα is either used -in some technical sense, or that the reading Κορμῶν or Κορμίων should -be substituted—adding that Κορμοὺς ἐβένου, _planks of ebony_, are at -all events mentioned by Athênaios (p. 201_a_) where he is quoting -Kallixenos of Rhodes. - -6. Κοράλλιον—Coral. (Sans. _pravâla_, Hindi _mûngâ_.) Imported into -Kanê (28), Barbarikon on the Indus (39), Barugaza (49), and Naoura, -Tundis, Mouziris, and Nelkunda (56). - -7. Λάκκος χρωμάτινος—Coloured lac. Exported to Adouli from Ariakê -(6). The Sanskṛit word is _lâkshâ_, which is probably a later form -of _râkshâ_, connected, as Lassen thinks, with _râga_, from the root -_raṅj_, to dye. The vulgar form is _lâkkha_. Gum-lac is a substance -produced on the leaves and branches of certain trees by an insect, both -as a covering for its egg and food for its young. It yields a fine red -dye.[4] Salmasius thinks that by λάκκος χρωμάτινος must be understood -not lac itself, but vestments dyed therewith. - -8. Μαργαρίτης—Pearl. (Sans. _mukta_, Hindi, _motí_.) Exported in -considerable quantity and of superior quality from Mouziris and -Nelkunda (56). Cf. πινικον. - -9. Νημα Σῆρικόν—Silk thread. From the country of the Thînai: imported -into Barugaza and the marts of Dimurikê (64). Exported from Barugaza -(49), and also from Barbarikon on the Indus (39).” It is called μέταξα -by Procopius and all the later writers, as well as by the _Digest_, and -was known without either name to Pliny”—Vincent. - -10. Πινίκιος κόγχος—the Pearl-oyster. (Sans. _śukti_.) Fished for at -the entrance to the Persian Gulf (35). Pearl πίνικον inferior to the -Indian sort exported in great quantity from the marts of Apologos and -Omana (36). A pearl fishery (Πινικοῦ κολύμβησις) in the neighbourhood -of Kolkhoi, in the kingdom of Pandiôn, near the island of Epiodôros; -the produce transported to Argalou, in the interior of the country, -where muslin robes with pearl inwoven (μαργαρίτιδες σινδόνες) were -fabricated (59). The reading of the MS. is σινδόνες, ἐβαργαρείτιδες -λεγόμεναι, for which Salmasius proposed to read μαργαριτιδες. Müller -suggests instead αἱ Ἀργαρίτιδες, as if the muslin bore the name of the -place _Argarou_ or _Argulou_, where it was made. - -Pearl is also obtained in Taprobanê (61); is imported into the emporium -on the Ganges called Gangê (63). - -11. Πορφύρα—Purple. Of a common as well as of a superior quality, -imported from Egypt into Mouza (24) and Kanê (28), and from the marts -of Apologos and Omana into Barugaza (36). - -12. Ῥἱνόκερως—Rhinoceros (Sans. _khadgaḍ_)—the horn or the teeth, -and probably the skin. Exported from Adouli (16), and the marts of -Azania (7). Bruce found the hunting of the rhinoceros still a trade in -Abyssinia. - -13. Χελώνη—Tortoise (Sans. _kachchhapa_) or tortoise-shell. Exported -from Adouli (6) and Aualitês (7); a small quantity of the genuine and -land tortoise, and a white sort with a small shell, exported from -Ptolemaïs (3); small shells (Χελωνάρια) exported from Mossulon (10); a -superior sort in great quantity from Opônê (13); the mountain tortoise -from the island of Menouthias (15); a kind next in quality to the -Indian from the marts of Azania (16, 17); the genuine, land, white, -and mountain sort with shells of extraordinary size from the island of -Dioskoridês (30, 31); a good quantity from the island of Serapis (33); -the best kind in all the Erythræan—that of the Golden Khersonêsos (63), -sent to Mouziris and Nelkunda, whence it is exported along with that of -the islands off the coast of Dimurikê (probably the Laccadive islands) -(56); tortoise is also procured in Taprobanê (61). - - -III.—Plants and their products:— - -1. Αλόη—the aloe (Sans. _agaru_). Exported from Kanê (28). The sort -referred to is probably the bitter cathartic, not the aromatic sort -supposed by some to be the sandalwood. It grows abundantly in Sokotra, -and it was no doubt exported thence to Kanê. “It is remarkable,” says -Vincent, “that when the author of the _Periplûs_ arrives at Sokotra he -says nothing of the aloe, and mentions only Indian cinnabar as a gum -or resin distilling from a tree: but the confounding of cinnabar with -dragon’s-blood was a mistake of ancient date and a great absurdity” -(II. p. 689). - -2. Ἀρώματα—aromatics (ευωδια, θυμιαματα.) Exported from Aualitês (7), -Mossulon (10). Among the spices of Tabai (12) are enumerated ἀσύβη καί -ἄρωμα καί μάγλα, and similarly among the commodities of Opônê -κασσία καὶ ἄρωμα καὶ μότω; and in these passages perhaps a particular -kind of aromatic (cinnamon?) may by preëminence be called ἄρωμα. The -occurrence, however, in two instances of such a familiar word as ἄρωμα -between two outlandish words is suspicious, and this has led Müller -to conjecture that the proper reading may be ἀρηβὼ, which Salmasius, -citing Galen, notes to be a kind of cassia. - -3. Ασύβη—Asuphê, a kind of cassia. Exported from Tabai (12). “This -term,” says Vincent, “if not Oriental, is from the Greek ἀσύφηλος, -signifying _cheap_ or _ordinary_; but we do not find ἀσύφη used in this -manner by other authors: it may be an Alexandrian corruption of the -language, or it may be the abbreviation of a merchant in his invoice.” -(_Asafœtida_, Sans. _hingu_ or _bâhlika_, Mar. _hing_.) - -4. Βδελλα, (common form Βδελλιον). Bdella, Bdellium, produced on the -sea-coast of Gedrosia (37); exported from Barbarikon on the Indus -(39); brought from the interior of India to Barugaza (48) for foreign -export (49). Bdella is the gum of the _Balsamodendron Mukul_, a tree -growing in Sind, Kâṭhiâvâḍ, and the Dîsâ district.[5] It is used both -as an incense and as a cordial medicine. The bdellium of Scripture is a -crystal, and has nothing in common with the bdellium of the _Periplûs_ -but its transparency. Conf. Dioskorid. i. 80; Plin. xii. 9; Galen, -_Therapeut. ad Glauc._ II. p. 106; Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ vol. I. p. 290; -Vincent, vol. II. p. 690; Yule’s _Marco Polo_, vol. II. p. 387. The -etymology of the word is uncertain. Lassen suspects it to be Indian. - -5. Γίζειρ—Gizeir, a kind of cassia exported from Tabai (12). This sort -is noticed and described by Dioskoridês. - -6. Δόκος—Beams of wood. Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana -and Apologos (36). (? Blackwood.) - -7. Δούακα—Douaka, a kind of cassia. Exported from Malaô and Moundou (8, -9). It was probably that inferior species which in Dioskorid. i. 12, is -called δακαρ or δακαρ or δαρκα. - -8. Ἐβένιναι φάλαγγες—Logs of ebony (_Diospyros melanoxylon_.) Exported -from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and Apologos (36). - -9. Ελαιον—Oil (_tila_). Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6); ἔλαιον -σησαμινον, oil of sêsamê, a product of Ariakê (41). Exported from -Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to Moskha in Arabia (32).[6] - -10. Ἰνδικόν μέλαν—Indigo. (Sans. _nîlî_, Guj. _gulî_.) Exported from -Skythic Barbarikon (39). It appears pretty certain that the culture of -the indigo plant and the preparation of the drug have been practised -in India from a very remote epoch. It has been questioned, indeed, -whether the Indicum mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 6) was indigo, but, as it -would seem, without any good reason. He states that it was brought from -India, and that when diluted it produced an admirable mixture of blue -and purple colours. _Vide_ McCulloch’s _Commer. Dict._ s. v. _Indigo_. -Cf. Salmas, in _Exerc._ Plin. p. 181. The dye was introduced into Rome -only a little before Pliny’s time. - -11. Κάγκαμον—Kankamon. Exported from Malaô and Moundou (8, 10). -According to Dioskoridês i. 23, it is the exudation of a wood, like -myrrh, and used for fumigation. Cf. Plin. xii. 44. According to -Scaliger it was gum-lac used as a dye. It is the “dekamalli” gum of the -bazars. - -12. Κάρπασος—Karpasus (Sans. _kârpâsa'_; Heb. karpas,) _Gossypium -arboreum_, fine muslin—a product of Ariakê (41). “How this word found -its way into Italy, and became the Latin _carbasus_, fine linen, is -surprising, when it is not found in the Greek language. The Καρπασιον -λινον of Pausanias (_in Atticis_), of which the wick was formed for -the lamp of Pallas, is asbestos, so called from Karpasos, a city -of Crete—Salmas. Plin. _Exercit._ p. 178. Conf. Q. Curtius viii. -9:—‘Carbaso Indi corpora usque ad pedes velant, corumque rex lecticâ -margaritis circumpendentibus recumbit distinctis auro et purpurâ -carbasis quâ indutus est.’” Vincent II. 699. - -13. Κασσία or Κασία (Sans. _kuta_, Heb. _kiddah_ and _keziah_). -Exported from Tabai (12); a coarse kind exported from Malaô and Moundou -(8, 9); a vast quantity exported from Mossulon and Opônê (10, 13). - -“This spice,” says Vincent, “is mentioned frequently in the -_Periplûs_, and with various additions, intended to specify the -different sorts, properties, or appearances of the commodity. It is a -species of cinnamon, and manifestly the same as what we call cinnamon -at this day; but different from that of the Greeks and Romans, which -was not a bark, nor rolled up into pipes, like ours. Theirs was the -tender shoot of the same plant, and of much higher value.” “If our -cinnamon,” he adds, “is the ancient casia, our casia again is an -inferior sort of cinnamon.” Pliny (xii. 19) states that the cassia is -of a larger size than the cinnamon, and has a thin rind rather than a -bark, and that its value consists in being hollowed out. Dioskoridês -mentions cassia as a product of Arabia, but this is a mistake, Arabian -cassia having been an import from India. Herodotos (iii.) had made the -same mistake, saying that cassia grew in Arabia, but that cinnamon -was brought thither by birds from the country where Bacchus was born -(India). The cassia shrub is a sort of laurel. There are ten kinds of -cassia specified in the _Periplûs_.[7] Cf. Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ I. 279, -283; Salmas. Plin. _Exercit._ p. 1304; Galen, _de Antidotis_, bk. i. - -14. Κιννάβαρι Ἰνδικòν—Dragon’s-blood, _damu’l akhawein_ of the Arabs, -a gum distilled from _Pterocarpus Draco_, a leguminous tree[8] in the -island of Dioskoridês or Sokotra (30). Cinnabar, with which this was -confounded, is the red sulphuret of mercury. Pliny (lib. xxix. c. 8) -distinguishes it as ‘Indian cinnabar.’ Dragon’s-blood is one of the -concrete balsams, the produce of _Calamus Draco_, a species of rattan -palm of the Eastern Archipelago, [of _Pterocarpus Draco_, allied to the -Indian Kino tree or _Pt. marsupium_ of South India, and of _Dracæna -Draco_, a liliaceous tree of Madeira and the Canary Islands]. - -15. Κόστος (Sansk. _kushṭa_, Mar. _choka_, Guj. _kaṭha_ and _pushkara -mûla_,)—Kostus. Exported from Barbarikon, a mart on the Indus (39), and -from Barugaza, which procured it from Kâbul through Proklaïs, &c. This -was considered the best of aromatic roots, as nard or spikenard was the -best of aromatic plants. Pliny (xii. 25) describes this root as hot to -the taste and of consummate fragrance, noting that it was found at the -head of Patalênê, where the Indus bifurcates to form the Delta, and -that it was of two sorts, black and white, black being of an inferior -quality. Lassen states that two kinds are found in India—one in Multân, -and the other in Kâbul and Kâśmîr. “The Costus of the ancients is -still exported from Western India, as well as from Calcutta to China, -under the name of _Putchok_, to be burnt as an incense in Chinese -temples. Its identity has been ascertained in our own days by Drs. -Royle and Falconer as the root of a plant which they called _Aucklandia -Costus_.... Alexander Hamilton, at the beginning of last century, calls -it _ligna dulcis_ (sic), and speaks of it as an export from Sind, as -did the author of the _Periplûs_ 1600 years earlier.” Yule’s _Marco -Polo_, vol. II. p. 388. - -16. Κρόκος—Crocus, Saffron. (Sans. _kaśmîraja_, Guj. _kesir_, Pers. -_zafrân_.) Exported from Egypt to Mouza (24) and to Kanê (28). - -17. Κύπερος—Cyprus. Exported from Egypt to Mouza (24). It is an -aromatic rush used in medicine (Pliny xxi. 18). Herodotos (iv. 71) -describes it as an aromatic plant used by the Skythians for embalming. -Κύπερος is probably Ionic for Κύπειρος—Κύπειρος ἰνδικὸς of Dioskoridês, -and _Cypria herba indica_ of Pliny.—Perhaps Turmeric, _Curcuma longa_, -or Galingal possibly. - -18. Λέντια, (Lat. _lintea_)—Linen. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6). - -19. Λίβανος (Heb. _lebonah_, Arab. _luban_, Sans. -_śrîvâsa_)—Frankincense. Peratic or Libyan frankincense exported from -the Barbarine markets—Tabai (12), Mossulon (10), Malaô and Moundou, in -small quantities (8, 9); produced in great abundance and of the best -quality at Akannai (11); Arabian frankincense exported from Kanê (28). -A magazine for frankincense on the Sakhalitic Gulf near Cape Suagros -(30). Moskha, the port whence it was shipped for Kanê and India (32) -and Indo-Skythia (39). - -Regarding this important product Yule thus writes:—“The coast of -Hadhramaut is the true and ancient Χώρα λιβανοφόρος or λιβανωτοφόρος, -indicated or described under those names by Theophrastus, Ptolemy, -Pliny, Pseudo-Arrian, and other classical writers, _i.e._ the country -producing the fragrant gum-resin called by the Hebrews _Lebonah_, -by the Arabs _Luban_ and _Kundur_, by the Greeks _Libanos_, by the -Romans _Thus_, in mediæval Latin _Olibanum_ (probably the Arabic -_al-luban_, but popularly interpreted as _oleum Libani_), and in -English frankincense, _i.e_, I apprehend, ‘genuine incense’ or ‘incense -proper.’[9] It is still produced in this region and exported from it, -but the larger part of that which enters the markets of the world is -exported from the roadsteads of the opposite Sumâlî coast. Frankincense -when it first exudes is milky white; whence the name _white incense_ by -which Polo speaks of it, and the Arabic name _luban_ apparently refers -to milk. The elder Niebuhr, who travelled in Arabia, depreciated the -Libanos of Arabia, representing it as greatly inferior to that brought -from India, called Benzoin. He adds that the plant which produces it is -not native, but originally from Abyssinia.”—_Marco Polo_, vol. II. p. -443, &c. - -20. Λύκιον—Lycium. Exported from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), and -from Barugaza (49). Lycium is a thorny plant, so called from being -found in Lykia principally. Its juice was used for dying yellow, and a -liquor drawn from it was used as a medicine (Celsus v. 26, 30, and vi. -7). It was held in great esteem by the ancients. Pliny (xxiv. 77) says -that a superior kind of Lycium produced in India was made from a thorn -called also _Pyxacanthus_ (box-thorn) _Chironia_. It is known in India -as _Ruzot_, an extract of the _Berberis lycium_ and _B. aristata_, both -grown on the Himâlayas. Conf. the λύκιον ἰνδικὸν of Dioskor. i. 133. (? -Gamboge.) - -21. Μάγλα—Magla—a kind of cassia mentioned only in the _Periplûs_. -Exported from Tabai (12). - -22. Μάκειρ—Macer. Exported from Malaô and Moundou (8, 9). According -to Pliny, Dioskoridês, and others, it is an Indian bark—perhaps a -kind of cassia. The bark is red and the root large. The bark was used -as a medicine in dysenteries. Pliny xii. 8; Salmasius, 1302. (? The -_Karachâlâ_ of the bâzârs, _Kutajatvak_). - -23. Μάλαβαθρον (Sans. _tamâlapattra_, the leaf of the _Laurus Cassia_), -Malabathrum, Betel. Obtained by the Thînai from the Sesatai and -exported to India[10] (65); conveyed down the Ganges to Gangê near -its mouth (63); conveyed from the interior of India to Mouziris and -Nelkunda for export (56). That Malabathrum was not only a masticatory, -but also an unguent or perfume, may be inferred from Horace (_Odes_, -II. vii. 89):— - - ...“coronatus nitentes - Malabathro Syrio capillos”, - -and from Pliny (xii. 59): “Dat et Malabathrum Syria, arborum folio -convoluto, arido colore, ex quo exprimitur oleum ad unguenta: -fertiliore ejusdem Egypto: laudatius tamen ex India venit.” From -Ptolemy (VII. ii. 16) we learn that the best Malabathrum was produced -in Kirrhadia—that is, Rangpur. Dioskoridês speaks of it as a -masticatory, and was aware of the confusion caused by mistaking the -nard for the betel. - -21. Μέλι τὸ καλάμινον, τὸ λεγομενον σάκχαρ (Sans. _śarkarâ_, Prâkṛit -_sâkara_, Arab. _sukkar_, Latin _saccharum_)—Honey from canes, called -Sugar. Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Barbaria (14). The -first Western writer who mentions this article was Theophrastos, who -continued the labours of Aristotle in natural history. He called it a -sort of honey extracted from reeds. Strabo states, on the authority of -Nearkhos, that reeds in India yield honey without bees. Ælian (_Hist. -Anim._) speaks of a kind of honey pressed from reeds which grow among -the Prasii. Seneca (Epist. 84) speaks of sugar as a kind of honey -found in India on the leaves of reeds, which had either been dropped -on them from the sky as dew, or had exuded from the reeds themselves. -This was a prevalent error in ancient times, _e.g._ Dioskoridês says -that sugar is a sort of concreted honey found upon canes in India and -Arabia Felix, and Pliny that it is collected from canes like a gum. He -describes it as white and brittle between the teeth, of the size of a -hazel-nut at most, and used in medicine only. So also Lucan, alluding -to the Indians near the Ganges, says that they quaff sweet juices from -tender reeds. Sugar, however, as is well known, must be extracted by -art from the plant. It has been conjectured that the sugar described by -Pliny and Dioskoridês was sugar candy obtained from China. - -25. Μελίλωτον—Melilot, Honey-lotus. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza -(49). Melilot is the Egyptian or Nymphæa Lotus, or Lily of the Nile, -the stalk of which contained a sweet nutritive substance which was made -into bread. So Vincent; but Melilot is a kind of clover, so called -from the quantity of honey it contains. The nymphæa lotus, or what -was called the Lily of the Nile, is not a true lotus, and contains no -edible substance. - -26. Μοκρότον. Exported from Moundou (9) and Mossulon (10). It is a sort -of incense, mentioned only in the _Periplûs_. - -27. Μότω—Motô—a sort of cassia exported from Tabai and Opônê (13). - -28. Μύρον—Myrrh. (Sans. _bola_.) Exported from Egypt to Barugaza as a -present for the king (49). It is a gum or resin issuing from a thorn -found in Arabia Felix, Abyssinia, &c., _vide_ σμύρνη _inf._ - -29. Νάρδος (Sans. _nalada_, ‘kaskas,’ Heb. _nerd_) Nard, Spikenard.[11] -Gangetic spikenard brought down the Ganges to Gangê, near its mouth -(63), and forwarded thence to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Spikenard -produced in the regions of the Upper Indus and in Indo-Skythia -forwarded through Ozênê to Barugaza (48). Imported by the Egyptians -from Barugaza and Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (49, 39). - -The _Nardos_ is a plant called (from its root being shaped like an -ear of corn) νάρδου στάχυς, also ναρδόσταχυς, Latin _Spica nardi_, -whence ‘spikenard.’ It belongs to the species _Valeriana_. “No Oriental -aromatic,” says Vincent, “has caused greater disputes among the -critics or writers on natural history, and it is only within these -few years that we have arrived at the true knowledge of this curious -odour by means of the inquiries of Sir W. Jones and Dr. Roxburgh. -Pliny describes the nard with its _spica_, mentioning also that both -the leaves and the _spica_ are of high value, and that the odour is -the prime in all unguents; the price 100 denarii for a pound. But -he afterwards visibly confounds it with the Malabathrum or Betel, -as will appear from his usage of _Hadrosphærum_, _Mesosphærum_, and -_Microsphærum_, terms peculiar to the Betel”—II. 743-4. See Sir W. -Jones on the spikenard of the ancients in As. Res. vol. II. pp. 416 -_et seq._, and Roxburgh’s additional remarks on the spikenard of the -ancients, vol. IV. pp. 97 _et seq._, and botanical observations on the -spikenard, pp. 433. See also Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ vol. I. pp. 288 _et -seq._ - -30. Ναύπλιος—Nauplius. Exported in small quantity from the marts of -Azania (17). The signification of the word is obscure, and the reading -suspected. For ΝαΥΠλιος Müller suggests ΝαΡΓΙλιος, the Indian cocoanut, -which the Arabians call _Nargil_ (Sansk. _nârikêla_ or _nâlikêra_, Guj. -_nâliyêr_, Hindi _nâliyar_). It favours this suggestion that cocoanut -oil is a product of Zangibar, and that in four different passages of -Kosmas Indikopleustês nuts are called αργελλια, which is either a -corrupt reading for ναργελλια, or Kosmas may not have known the name -accurately enough. - -31. Ὀθόνιον—Muslin. Sêric muslin sent from the Thînai to Barugaza and -Dimurikê (64). Coarse cottons produced in great quantity in Ariakê, -carried down from Ozênê to Barugaza (48); large supplies sent thither -from Tagara also (51); Indian muslins exported from the markets of -Dimurikê to Egypt (56). Muslins of every description, Seric and dyed of -a mallow colour, exported from Barugaza to Egypt (49); Indian muslin -taken to the island of Dioskoridês (31); wide Indian muslins called -μοναχὴ, _monâkhê_, i. e. of the best and finest sort; and another -sort called σαγματογήνη, _sagmatogênê_, i. e. coarse cotton unfit -for spinning, and used for stuffing beds, cushions, &c., exported -from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to Arabia, whence -it was exported to Adouli (6). The meanings given to _monâkhê_ and -_sagmatogênê_ (for which other readings have been suggested) are -conjectural. Vincent defends the meaning assigned to _sagmatogênê_ by a -quotation from a passage in Strabo citing Nearkhos:—“Fine muslins are -made of cotton, but the Makedonians use cotton for flocks, and stuffing -of couches.” - -32. Ὀῖνος—Wine. Laodikean and Italian wine exported in small quantity -to Adouli (6); to Aualitês (7), Malaê (8), Mouza (24), Kanê (28), -Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39); the same sorts, together with Arabian -wine, to Barugaza (49); sent in small quantity to Mouziris and Nelkunda -(56); the region inland from Oraia bears the vine (37), which is found -also in the district of Mouza (24), whence wine is exported to the -marts of Azania, not for sale, but to gain the good will of the natives -(17). Wine is exported also from the marts of Apologos and Omana to -Barugaza (36). By Arabian wine may perhaps be meant palm or toddy wine, -a great article of commerce. - -33. Ὄμφακος Διοσπολιτικῆς χυλός—the juice of the sour grape of -Diospolis. Exported from Egypt to Aualitês (7). This, says Vincent, -was the dipse of the Orientals, and still used as a relish all over -the East. _Dipse_ is the rob of grapes in their unripe state, and a -pleasant acid.—II. 751. This juice is called by Dioskoridês (iv. 7) in -one word Ομφάκιον, and also (v. 12) Ὀῖνος Ὀμφακίτης. Cf. Plin. xii. 27. - -34. Ὄρυζα (Sansk. _vrîhi_)—Rice. Produced in Oraia and Ariakê (37, 41), -exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to the island -of Dioskoridês (31). - -35. Πέπερι (Sansk. _pippalî_,) long pepper—Pepper. Kottonarik pepper -exported in large quantities from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56); long -pepper from Barugaza (49). _Kottonara_ was the name of the district, -and _Kottonarikon_ the name of the pepper for which the district was -famous. Dr. Buchanan identifies Kottonara with Kadattanâḍu, a district -in the Calicut country celebrated for its pepper. Dr. Burnell, however, -identifies it with Kolatta-Nâḍu, the district about Tellicherry, which, -he says, is the pepper district. - -36. Πυρὸς—Wheat. Exported in small quantity from Egypt to Kanê (28), -some grown in the district around Mouza (24). - -37. Σάκχαρι—Sugar: see under Μελι. - -38. Σανδαράκη—Sandarakê (_chandrasa_ of the bazars); a resin from the -_Thuja articulata_ or _Callitris quadrivalvis_, a small coniferous -tree of North Africa; it is of a faint aromatic smell and is used as -incense. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49); conveyed to Mouziris and -Nelkunda (56).[12] - -Sandarakê also is a red pigment—red sulphuret of arsenic, as orpiment -is the yellow sulphuret. Cf. Plin. xxxv. 22, Hard. “Juba informs -us that sandarace and ochre are found in an island of the Red Sea, -Topazas, whence they are brought to us.” - -39. Σαντάλινα and σασάμινα ξύλα—Logs of Sandal and Sasame (_santalum -album_). Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and Apologos -(30). Σαντάλινα is a correction of the MS. reading σαγάλινα proposed -by Salmasius. Kosmas Indikopleustes calls sandalwood τζαδάνα. For -σασαμινα of the MS. Stuckius proposed σησάμινα—a futile, emendation, -since sesame is known only as a leguminous plant from which an oil -is expressed, and not as a tree. But possibly Red Saunders wood -(_Pterocarpus Santalinus_) may be meant. - -40. Σησάμινον ἔλαιον. See Ελαιον. - -41. Σινδόνες διαφορώταται αἱ Γαγγητικᾶι. The finest Bengal muslins -exported from the Ganges (63); other muslins in Taprobanê (61); -Μαργαριτιδες (?), made at Argalou and thence exported (59); muslins of -all sorts and mallow-tinted (μολοχιναι) sent from Ozênê to Barugaza -(48), exported thence to Arabia for the supply of the market at Adouli -(6). - -42. Σῖτος—Corn. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (7), Malaô (8); a little -to Mouza (24), and to Kanê (28), and to Muziris and Nelkunda for ships’ -stores (56); exported from Dimurikê and Ariakê into the Barbarine -markets (14), into Moskha (32) and the island of Dioskoridês (31); -exported also from Mouza to the ports of Azania for presents (17). - -43. Σμύρνη—Myrrh (vide μυρον). Exported from Malaô, Moundou, Mossulon -(8, 9, 10); from Aualitês a small quantity of the best quality (7); a -choice sort that trickles in drops, called _Abeirminaia_ ἐκλεκτὴ καὶ -στακτὴ ἁβειρμιναία), exported from Mouza (24). For Ἁβειρμιναία of the -MS. Müller suggests to read γαβειρμιναία, inclining to think that two -kinds of myrrh are indicated, the names of which have been erroneously -combined into one, viz. the Gabiræan and Minæan, which are mentioned by -Dioskoridês, Hippokratês, and Galen. There is a _Wadi Gabir_ in Oman. - -44. Στύραξ—Storax (Sans. _turuska_, _selarasa_ of the bazars),—one of -the balsams. Exported from Egypt to Kanê (28), Barbarikon on the Indus -(39), Barugaza (40). Storax is the produce of the tree _Liquidambar -orientale_, which grows in the south of Europe and the Levant.[13] -The purest kind is storax in grains. Another kind is called _styrax -calamita_, from being brought in masses wrapped up in the leaves of a -certain reed. Another kind, that sold in shops, is semi-fluid. - -45. Φοῖνιξ—the Palm or Dates. Exported from the marts of Apologos and -Omana to Barugaza (36, 37). - - -IV.—Metals and Metallic Articles:— - -1. Ἀργυρᾶ σκεύη, ἀργυρώματα—Vessels of silver. Exported from Egypt to -Mossulon (10), to Barbarikon on the Indus (39). Silver plate chased -or polished (τορνευτα or τετορνευμενα) sent as presents to the despot -of Mouza (24), to Kanê for the king (28). Costly (βαρυτιμα) plate -to Barugaza for the king (49). Plate made according to the Egyptian -fashion to Adouli for the king (6). - -2. Ἀρσενικὸν—Arsenic (_somal_). Exported from Egypt to Mouziris and -Nelkunda (56). - -3. Δηνάριον—Denary. Exported in small quantity from Egypt to Adouli -(6). Gold and silver denarii sent in small quantity to the marts of -Barbaria (8, 13); exchanges with advantage for native money at Barugaza -(49). - -The _denary_ was a Roman coin equal to about 8½_d._, and a little -inferior in value to the Greek drachma. - -4. Κάλτις—Kaltis. A gold coin (νομισμα) current in the district of -the Lower Ganges (63); Benfey thinks the word is connected with the -Sanskrit _kalita_, i.e. _numeratum_. - -5. Κασσίτερος (Sans. _baṅga_, _kathila_)—Tin. Exported from Egypt -to Aualitês (7), Malaô (8), Kanê (28), Barugaza (49), Mouziris and -Nelkunda (56). India produced this metal, but not in those parts to -which the Egyptian trade carried it. - -6. Μόλυβδος—Lead (Sansk. _nâga_, Guj. _sîsuṅ_). Exported from Egypt to -Barugaza, Muziris, and Nelkunda (49, 56). - -7. Ὀρείχαλκος—Orichalcum (Sans. _tripus_, Prak. _pîtala_)—Brass. Used -for ornaments and cut into small pieces by way of coin. Exported from -Egypt to Adouli (6). - -The word means ‘mountain copper.’ Ramusio calls it white copper from -which the gold and silver have not been well separated in extracting -it from the ore. Gold, it may be remarked, does not occur as an export -from any of the African marts, throughout the _Periplûs_. - -8. Σίδηρος, σιδηρύ σκεύη—Iron, iron utensils. Exported from Egypt to -Malaô, Moundou, Tabai, Opônê (8, 9, 12, 13). Iron spears, swords and -adzes exported to Adouli (6). Indian iron and sword-blades (στομωμα) -exported to Adouli from Arabia (Ariakê?). Spears (λόγχαι) manufactured -at Mouza, hatchets (πελύκια), swords (μάχαιραι), awls (ὀπέτια) exported -from Mouza to Azania (17). - -On the Indian sword see Ktêsias, p. 80, 4. The Arabian poets celebrate -swords made of Indian steel. Cf. Plin. xxxiv. 41:—“Ex omnibus autem -generibus palma Serico ferro est.” This iron, as has already been -stated, was sent to India along with skins and cloth. Cf. also Edrisi, -vol. I. p. 65, ed. Joubert. Indian iron is mentioned in the Pandects as -an article of commerce. - -9. Στίμμι—Stibium (Sans. _sauvîrânjana_, Prâk. _surmâ_). Exported from -Egypt to Barugaza (49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). - -Stibium is a sulphuret of antimony, a dark pigment, called _kohol_, -much used in the East for dyeing the eyelids. - -10. Χαλκὸς—Copper (Sans. _tâmra_) or Brass. Exported from Egypt to -Kanê (28), to Barugaza (49), Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels made -thereof (Χαλκουργήματα) sent to Mouza as presents to the despot (24). -Drinking-vessels (ποτηρια) exported to the marts of Barbaria (8, 13). -Big and round drinking-cups to Adouli (6). A few (μελίεφθα ὀλίγα) -to Malaô (8); μελίεφθα χαλκᾶ for cooking with, and being cut into -bracelets and anklets for women to Adouli (6). - -Regarding μελίεφθα Vincent says: “No usage of the word occurs -elsewhere; but metals were prepared with several materials to give -them colour, or to make them tractable, or malleable. Thus χολόβαφα in -Hesychius was brass prepared with ox’s gall to give it the colour of -gold, and used, like our tinsel ornaments or foil, for stage dresses -and decorations. Thus common brass was neither ductile nor malleable, -but the Cyprian brass was both. And thus perhaps brass, μελίεφθα was -formed with some preparation of honey.” Müller cannot accept this view. -“It is evident,” he says, “that the reference is to ductile copper -from which, as Pliny says, all impurity has been carefully removed by -smelting, so that pots, bracelets, and articles of that sort could be -fabricated from it. One might therefore think that the reading should -be περίεφθα or πυρίεφθα, but in such a case the writer would have said -περίεφθον χαλκόν. In vulgar speech μελίεφθα is used as a substantive -noun, and I am therefore almost persuaded that, just as molten copper, -ὁ χαλκὸς ὁ χυτὸς, _cuprum caldarium_, was called τρόχιος, from the -likeness in shape of its round masses to hoops, so _laminæ_ of ductile -copper (_plaques de cuivre_) might have been called μελίεφθα, because -shaped like thin honey-cakes, πεμματα μελίεφθα.” - -11. Χρυσὸς—Gold. Exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to -Barugaza (36). Gold plate—χρυσώματα—exported from Egypt to Mouza for -the despot (24), and to Adouli for the king (6). - - -V. Stones:— - - -1. Λιθία διαφανὴς—Gems (carbuncles?) found in Taprobanê (63); exported -in every variety from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). - -2. Αδάμας—Diamonds. (Sans. _vajra_, _pîraka_). Exported from Mouziris -and Nelkunda (56). - -3. Καλλεανὸς λίθος—Gold-stone, yellow crystal, chrysolith? Exported -from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39). - -It is not a settled point what stone is meant. Lassen says that the -Sanskrit word _kalyâṇa_ means _gold_, and would therefore identify it -with the chrysolith or gold-stone. If this view be correct, the reading -of the MS. need not be altered into καλλαῖνὸς, as Salmasius, whom -the editors of the _Periplûs_ generally follow, enjoins. In support -of the alteration Salmasius adduces Pliny, xxxvii. 56:—“Callais -sapphirum imitatur, candidior et litoroso mari similis. Callainas -vocant e turbido Callaino”, and other passages. Schwanbeck, however, -maintaining the correctness of the MS. reading, says that the Sanskrit -word _kalyâṇa_ generally signifies _money_, but in a more general -sense _anything beautiful_, and might therefore have been applied -to this gem. _Kalyâṇa_, he adds, would appear in Greek as καλλιανὸς -or καλλεανὸς rather than καλλαῖνὸς. In like manner _kalyâṇî_ of the -Indians appears in our author not as καλλάïνα, but, as it ought to be, -καλλίενα. - -4. Λύγδος—Alabaster. Exported from Mouza (24). Salmasius says that an -imitation of this alabaster was formed of Parian marble, but that the -best and original _lygdus_ was brought from Arabia, that is, Mouza, -as noted in the _Periplûs_. Cf. Pliny (xxxvi. 8):—“Lygdinos in Tauro -repertos ... antea ex Arabia tantum advehi solitos enndoris eximii.” - -5. Ὀνυχινὴ λίθια—Onyx (_akika_—agate). Sent in vast quantities -(πλειστη) from Ozênê and Paithana to Barugaza (48, 51), and thence -exported to Egypt (49). Regarding the onyx mines of Gujarât _vide_ -Ritter, vol. VI. p. 603. - -6. Μουρρίνη, sup. λιθια—Fluor-spath. Sent from Ozênê to Barugaza, and -exported to Egypt (49). Porcelain made at Diospolis (μουρῥίνη λιθία ἡ -γενομένη ἐν Διοσπόλει) exported from Egypt to Adouli (6). - -The reading of the MS. is μοῤῥίνης. By this is to be understood -_vitrum murrhinum_, a sort of china or porcelain made in imitation of -cups or vases of _murrha_, a precious fossil-stone resembling, if -not identical with, _fluor-spath_, such as is found in Derbyshire. -Vessels of this stone were exported from India, and also, as we learn -from Pliny, from Karmania, to the Roman market, where they fetched -extravagant prices.[14] The “cups baked in Parthian fires” (_pocula -Parthis focis cocta_) mentioned by Propertius (IV. v. 26) must be -referred to the former class. The whole subject is one which has much -exercised the pens of the learned. “Six hundred writers,” says Müller, -“emulously applying themselves to explain what had the best claim to -be considered the _murrha_ of the ancients, have advanced the most -conflicting opinions. Now it is pretty well settled that the murrhine -vases were made of that stone which is called in German _flusspath_ -(_spato-fluore_)”. He then refers to the following as the principal -authorities on the subject:—Pliny—xxxiii. 7 _et seq._; xxxiii. _proœm._ -Suetonius—_Oct._ c. 71; Seneca—_Epist._ 123; Martial—iv. 86; xiv. 43; -_Digest_—xxxiii. 10, 3; xxxiv. 2. 19; Rozière—_Mémoire sur les Vases -murrhins_, &c.; in _Description de l’Égypt_, vol. VI. pp. 277 _et -seq._: Corsi—_Delle Pietre antiche_, p. 106; Thiersch—_Ueber die Vasa -Murrhina der Alten, in Abhandl. d. Munchn. Akad._ 1835, vol. I. pp. -443-509; A learned Englishman in the _Classical Journal_ for 1810, -p. 472; Witzsch in Pauly’s _Real Encycl._ vol. V. p. 253. See also -Vincent, vol. II. pp. 723-7. - -7. Ὀψιανὸς λίθος—the Opsian or Obsidian stone, found in the Bay of -Hanfelah (5). Pliny says,—“The opsians or obsidians are also reckoned -as a sort of glass bearing the likeness of the stone which Obsius (or -Obsidius) found in Ethiopia, of a very black colour, sometimes even -translucent, hazier than ordinary glass to look through, and when used -for mirrors on the walls reflecting but shadows instead of distinct -images.” (Bk. xxxvi. 37). The only Obsius mentioned in history is a -M. Obsius who had been Prætor, a friend of Germanicus, referred to by -Tacitus (_Ann._ IV. 68, 71). He had perhaps been for a time prefect -of Egypt, and had coasted the shore of Ethiopia at the time when -Germanicus traversed Egypt till he came to the confines of Ethiopia. -Perhaps, however, the name of the substance is of Greek origin—ὀψιανὀς, -from its reflecting power. - -8. Σάπφειρος—the Sapphire. Exported from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia -(39). “The ancients distinguished two sorts of dark blue or purple, -one of which was spotted with gold. Pliny says it is never pellucid, -which seems to make it a different stone from what is now called -sapphire.”—Vincent (vol. II. p. 757), who adds in a note, “Dr. Burgess -has specimens of both sorts, the one with gold spots like lapis lazuli, -and not transparent.”[15] - -9. Ὑάκινθος—Hyacinth or Jacinth. Exported from Mouziris and Nelkunda -(56). According to Salmasius this is the Ruby. In Solinus xxx. it would -seem to be the Amethyst (Sansk. _pushkarâja_.) - -10. Ὑαλος ἀργὴ—Glass of a coarse kind. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza -(49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels of glass (ὑαλα σκευη) -exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39). Crystal of -many sorts (λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλεῖστα γενη) exported from Egypt to Adouli, -Aualitês, Mossulon (6, 7, 10); from Mouza to Azania (17). - -11. Χρυσόλιθος—Chrysolite. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in -Indo-Skythia (39), to Barugaza (43), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). -Some take this to be the topaz (Hind. _pîrojâ_). - - -VI. Wearing Apparel:— - -1. Ἱμάτια ἄγναφα—Cloths undressed. Manufactured in Egypt and thence -exported to Adouli (6). These were disposed of to the tribes of -Barbaria—the Troglodyte shepherds of Upper Egypt, Nubia and Ethiopia. - -2. Ἱμάτια βαρβαρικὰ σύμμικτα γεγναμμένα—Cloths for the Barbarine -markets, dressed and dyed of various colours. Exported to Malaô and -Aualitês (8, 7). - -3. Ἱματισμὸς Ἀραβικὸς—Cloth or coating for the Arabian markets. -Exported from Egypt (24). Different kinds are enumerated:—Χειριδωτὸς, -with sleeves reaching to the wrist; Ὁτε ἁπλοῦς καὶ ὁ κοινὸς, with -single texture and of the common sort; σκοτουλάτος, wrought with -figures, checkered; the word is a transliteration of the Latin -_scutulatus_, from _scutum_, the checks being lozenge-shaped, like a -shield: see Juvenal, Sat. ii. 79; διάχρυσος, shot with gold; πολυτελὴς, -a kind of great price sent to the despot of Mouza; Κοινὸς καὶ ἁπλοῦς -καὶ ὁ νόθος, cloth of a common sort, and cloth of simple texture, -and cloth in imitation of a better commodity, sent to Kanê (28); -Διάφορος ἁπλους, of superior quality and single texture, for the king -(28); Ἁπλοῦς, _of single texture_, in great quantity, and νόθος, in -inferior sort imitating a better, in small quantity, sent to Barbarikon -in Indo-Skythia (39), ἁπλοῦς καὶ νόθος παντοῖος, and for the king -ἁπλοῦς πολυτελης, sent to Barugaza (49); Ἱματισμὸς οὐ πολύς—cloth in -small quantity sent to Muziris and Nelkunda (56); ἐντόπιος, of native -manufacture, exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to Barugaza -(36). - -4. Αβόλλαι—Riding or watch cloaks. Exported from Egypt to Mouza (34), -to Kanê (28). This word is a transliteration of the Latin _Abolla_. -It is supposed, however, to be derived from Greek: ἀμβολλη, i. e. -ἀμφιβολὴ. It was a woollen cloak of close texture—often mentioned in -the Roman writers: _e.g._ Juven. _Sat._ iii. 115 and iv. 70; Sueton. -_Calig._ c. 35. Where the word occurs in sec. 6 the reading of the MS. -is ἅβολοι, which Müller has corrected to ἀβόλλαι, though Salmasius had -defended the original reading. - -5. Δικρόσσια (Lat. _Mantilia utrinque fimbriata_)—Cloths with a double -fringe. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6). This word occurs only in -the _Periplûs_. The simple Κροσσιον, however, is met with in Herodian, -_Epim._ p. 72. An adjective δίκροσσος is found in Pollux vii. 72. -“We cannot err much,” says Vincent, “in rendering the δικρόσσια of -the _Periplûs_ either _cloth fringed_, with Salmasius, or _striped_, -with Apollonius. Meursius says λεντία ἄκροσσα are _plain linens not -striped_.” - -6. Ζώναι πολύμιτοι πηχυαῖοι—Flowered or embroidered girdles, a cubit -broad. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49). Σκιωταὶ—girdles (_kâcha_) -shaded of different colours, exported to Mouza (24). This word occurs -only in the _Periplûs_. - -7. Καυνάκαὶ—Garments of frieze. Exported from Arabia to Adouli (6); a -pure sort—ἁπλοι—exported to the same mart from Egypt (6). In the latter -of these two passages the MS. reading is γαυνάκαὶ. Both forms are in -use: conf. Latin _gaunace_—Varro, _de L. L._ 4, 35. It means also _a -fur garment_ or _blanket_—_vestis stragula_. - -8. Λώδικες—Quilts or coverlids. Exported in small quantity from Egypt -to Mouza (24) and Kanê (28). - -9. Περιζώματα—Sashes, girdles, or aprons. Exported from Barugaza to -Adouli (6), and into Barbaria (14). - -10. Πολύμιτα—Stuffs in which several threads were taken for the woof -in order to weave flowers or other objects: Latin _polymita_ and -_plumatica_. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), to -Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). - -11. Σάγοι Ἀρσινοητικοὶ γεγναμμένοι καὶ βεβαμμένοι—Coarse cloaks made at -Arsinoê, dressed and dyed. Exported from Egypt to Barbaria (8, 13). - -12. Στολαὶ Ἀρσινοητικάι—Women’s robes made at Arsinoê. Exported from -Egypt to Adouli (6). - -13. Χιτῶνες—Tunics. Exported from Egypt to Malaô, Moundou, Mossulon (8, -9, 10). - - -VII. In addition to the above, works of art are mentioned. - -Ἀνδριάντες—Images, sent as presents to Kharibaël (48). Cf. Strabo (p. -714), who among the articles sent to Arabia enumerates τορευμα, γραφην, -πλασμα, pieces of sculpture, painting, statues. - -Μουσικἀ—Instruments of music, for presents to the king of Ariakê (49). - - - - - ANONYMI [ARRIANI UT FERTUR] PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI. - - -1. The first of the important roadsteads established on the Red Sea, -and the first also of the great trading marts upon its coast, is the -port of +Myos-hormos+ in Egypt. Beyond it at a distance of 1800 -stadia is +Berenikê+, which is to your right if you approach it by -sea. These roadsteads are both situate at the furthest end of Egypt, -and are bays of the Red Sea. - -_Commentary._ - - (1) +Myos Hormos.+—Its situation is determined by the cluster of - islands now called +Jifâtîn+ [lat. 27° 12´ N., long. 33° 55´ E.] - of which the three largest lie opposite an indenture of the coast of - Egypt on the curve of which its harbour was situated [near Ras Abu - Somer, a little north of Satâjah Island]. It was founded by Ptolemy - Philadelphos B. C. 274, who selected it as the principal - port of the Egyptian trade with India in preference to Arsinoê,[16] - N. N. E. of Suez, on account of the difficulty and tediousness of - the navigation down the Heroöpolite Gulf. The vessels bound for - Africa and the south of Arabia left its harbour about the time of - the autumnal equinox, when the North West wind which then prevailed - carried them quickly down the Gulf. Those bound for the Malabar - Coast or Ceylon left in July, and if they cleared the Red Sea before - the 1st of September, they had the monsoon to assist their passage - across the ocean. +Myos Hormos+ was distant from +Koptos+ - [lat. 26° N.], the station on the Nile through which it communicated - with Alexandria, a journey of seven or eight days along a road opened - through the desert by Philadelphos. The name +Myos Hormos+ is of - Greek origin, and may signify either the Harbour of the Mouse, or, - more probably, of the Mussel, since the pearl mussel abounded in its - neighbourhood. +Agatharkhidês+ calls it +Aphroditēs Hormos+, - and Pliny +Veneris Portus+. [Veneris Portus however was probably - at Sherm Sheikh, lat. 24° 36´ N. Off the coast is Wade Jemâl Island, - lat. 24° 39´ N., long. 35° 8´ E., called Iambe by Pliny, and perhaps - the Aphroditês Island of Ptolemy IV. v. 77.] Referring to this name - Vincent says: “Here if the reader will advert to Aphroditê, the Greek - title of Venus, as springing from the foam of the ocean, it will - immediately appear that the Greeks were translating here, for the - native term to this day is _Suffange-el-Bahri_, ‘sponge of the sea’; - and the vulgar error of the sponge being the foam of the sea, will - immediately account for Aphroditê.” - - The rival of Myos-Hormos was +Berenikê+, a city built by Ptolemy - Philadelphos, who so named it in honour of his mother, who was the - daughter of Ptolemy Lagos and Antigonê. It was in the same parallel - with Syênê and therefore not far from the Tropic [lat. 23° 55´ N.]. - It stood nearly at the bottom of _Foul Bay_ (ἐν βάθει τοῦ Ἀκαθάρτου - Κὀλπου), so called from the coast being foul with shoals and breakers, - and not from the impurity of its water, as its Latin name, _Sinus - Immundus_, would lead us to suppose. Its ruins are still perceptible - even to the arrangement of the streets, and in the centre is a small - Egyptian temple adorned with hieroglyphics and bas-reliefs of Greek - workmanship. Opposite to the town is a very fine natural harbour, the - entrance of which has been deep enough for small vessels, though the - bar is now impassable at low water. Its prosperity under the Ptolemies - and afterwards under the Romans was owing to its safe anchorage and - its being, like Myos-Hormos, the terminus of a great road from Koptos - along which the traffic of Alexandria with Ethiopia, Arabia, and India - passed to and fro. Its distance from +Koptos+ was 258 Roman miles - or 11 days’ journey. The distance between Myos-Hormos and Berenikê is - given in the _Periplûs_ at 225 miles, but this is considerably above - the mark. The difficulty of the navigation may probably have made the - distance seem greater than it was in reality. - -2. The country which adjoins them on the right below Berenîkê -is +Barbaria+. Here the sea-board is peopled by the -+Ikhthyophagoi+, who live in scattered huts built in the narrow -gorges of the hills, and further inland are the +Berbers+, and -beyond them the +Agriophagoi+ and +Moskhophagoi+, tribes -under regular government by kings. Beyond these again, and still -further inland towards the west [is situated the metropolis called -Meroê]. - - - (2) Adjoining +Berenikê+ was +Barbaria+ (ἡ Βαρβαρικὴ χώρα)—the - land about Ras Abû Fatima [lat. 22° 26´ N.—Ptol. IV. vii. 28]. The - reading of the MS. is ἡ Τισηβαρικὴ which Müller rejects because the - name nowhere occurs in any work, and because if +Barbaria+ is not - mentioned here, our author could not afterwards (Section 5) say ἡ ἄλλη - Βαρβαρία. The +Agriophagoi+ who lived in the interior are mentioned - by Pliny (vi. 35), who says that they lived principally on the flesh - of panthers and lions. Vincent writes as if instead of Αγριοφάγων the - reading should be Ακριδοφάγων locust-eaters, who are mentioned by - Agatharkhidês in his _De Mari Erythraeo_, Section 58. Another inland - tribe is mentioned in connection with them—the +Moskhophagoi+, who may - be identified with the +Rizophagoi+ or +Spermatophagoi+ of the same - writer, who were so named because they lived on roots of the tender - suckers and buds of trees, called in Greek μόσχοι. This being a term - applied also to the young of animals, Vincent was led to think that - this tribe fed on the brinde or flesh cut out of the living animal as - described by Bruce. - -3. Below the +Moskhophagoi+, near the sea, lies a little trading -town distant from Berenîkê about 4000 stadia, called +Ptolemaïs -Thêrôn+, from which, in the days of the Ptolemies, the hunters -employed by them used to go up into the interior to catch elephants. In -this mart is procured the true (or marine) tortoise-shell, and the land -kind also, which, however, is scarce, of a white colour, and smaller -size. A little ivory is also sometimes obtainable, resembling that of -+Adouli+. This place has no port, and is approachable only by -boats. - - - (3) To the south of the Moskhophagoi lies +Ptolemaïs Thêrôn+, - or, as it is called by Pliny, +Ptolemaïs Epitheras+. [On - Er-rih island, lat. 18° 9´ N., long 38° 27´ E., are the ruins of an - ancient town—probably Ptolemaïs Therôn—Müller however places Suche - here.—Ptol. I. viii. 1.; IV. vii. 7; VIII. xvi. 10]. It was originally - an Ethiopian village, but was extended and fortified by Ptolemy - Philadelphos, who made it the depôt of the elephant trade, for which - its situation on the skirts of the great Nubian forest, where these - animals abounded, rendered it peculiarly suitable. The Egyptians - before this had imported their elephants from Asia, but as the supply - was precarious, and the cost of importation very great, Philadelphos - made the most tempting offers to the Ethiopian elephant-hunters - (Elephantophagoi) to induce them to abstain from eating the animal, - or to reserve at least a portion of them for the royal stables. They - rejected however all his solicitations, declaring that even for all - Egypt they would not forego the luxury of their repast. The king - resolved thereupon to procure his supplies by employing hunters of his - own. - -4. Leaving Ptolemaïs Thêrôn we are conducted, at the distance of about -3000 stadia, to +Adouli+, a regular and established port of trade -situated on a deep bay the direction of which is due south. Facing -this, at a distance seaward of about 200 stadia from the inmost recess -of the bay, lies an island called +Oreinê+ (or ‘the mountainous’), -which runs on either side parallel with the mainland. Ships, that come -to trade with Adouli, now-a-days anchor here, to avoid being attacked -from the shore; for in former times when they used to anchor at the -very head of the bay, beside an island called +Diodôros+, which -was so close to land that the sea was fordable, the neighbouring -barbarians, taking advantage of this, would run across to attack the -ships at their moorings. At the distance of 20 stadia from the sea, -opposite +Oreinê+, is the village of Adouli, which is not of any -great size, and inland from this a three days’ journey is a city, -+Kolöê+, the first market where ivory can be procured. From Kolöê -it takes a journey of five days to reach the metropolis of the people -called the +Auxumitae+, whereto is brought, through the province -called +Kyêneion+, all the ivory obtained on the other side of -the Nile, before it is sent on to Adouli. The whole mass, I may say, -of the elephants and rhinoceroses which are killed _to supply the -trade_ frequent the uplands _of the interior_, though at rare times -they are seen near the coast, even in the neighbourhood of Adouli. -Besides the islands already mentioned, a cluster consisting of many -small ones lies out in the sea to the right of this port. They bear -the name of +Alalaiou+, and yield the tortoises with which the -+Ikhthyophagoi+ supply the market. - - - (4) Beyond +Ptolemaïs Thêrôn+ occurs +Adoulê+, at a - distance, according to the _Periplûs_, of 3000 stadia—a somewhat - excessive estimate. The place is called also +Adoulei+ and more - commonly Adoulis by ancient writers (Ptol. IV. vii. 8; VIII. xvi. 11). - It is represented by the modern Thulla or Zula [pronounced Azule,—lat. - 15° 12´-15° 15´ N., long. 39° 36´ E.].—To the West of this, according - to Lord Valentia and Mr. Salt, there are to be found the remains - of an ancient city. It was situated on the +Adoulikos Kolpos+ - (Ptol. I. xv. 11.; IV. vii. 8), now called Annesley Bay, the best - entrance into Abyssinia. It was erroneously placed by D’Anville at - Dokhnau or Harkiko, close to Musawwâ [lat. 15° 35´ N.] There is much - probability in the supposition that it was founded by a party of those - Egyptians who, as we learn from Herodotos (II. 30), to the number of - 240,000 fled from their country in the days of Psammêtikḥos (B. - C. 671-617) and went to as great a distance beyond Meroë, the - capital of Ethiopia, as Meroë is beyond Elephantinê. This is the - account which Pliny (VI. 3-4) gives of its foundation, adding that - it was the greatest emporium of the +Troglodytes+, and distant - from +Ptolemaïs+ a five days’ voyage, which by the ordinary - reckoning is 2,500 stadia. It was an emporium for rhinoceros’ hides, - ivory and tortoise-shell. It had not only a large sea-borne traffic, - but was also a caravan station for the traffic of the interior of - Africa. Under the Romans it was the haven of +Auxumê+ (Ptol. - IV. vii. 25,—written also Auxumis, Axumis), now Axum, the capital - of the kingdom of Tigre in Abyssinia. +Auxumê+ was the chief - centre of the trade with the interior of Africa in gold-dust, ivory, - leather, hides and aromatics. It was rising to great prosperity and - power about the time the _Periplûs_ was written, which is the earliest - work extant in which it is mentioned. It was probably founded by the - Egyptian exiles already referred to. Its remaining monuments are - perfectly Egyptian and not pastoral, Troglodytik, Greek, or Arabian in - their character. Its name at the same time retains traces of the term - +Asmak+, by which, as we learn from Herodotos, those exiles were - designated, and Heeren considers it to have been one of the numerous - priest-colonies which were sent out from Meroë. - - At Adouli was a celebrated monument, a throne of white marble - with a slab of basanite stone behind it, both covered with Greek - characters, which in the sixth century of our era were copied by - +Kosmas Indikopleustês+. The passage in Kosmos relating to this - begins thus: “+Adulê+ is a city of Ethiopia and the port of - communication with +Axiômis+, and the whole nation of which - that city is the capital. In this port we carry on our trade from - Alexandria and the Elanitik Gulf. The town itself is about a mile - from the shore, and as you enter it on the Western side which leads - from +Axiômis+, there is still remaining a chair or throne which - appertained to one of the Ptolemys who had subjected this country to - his authority.” The first portion of the inscription records that - Ptolemy Euergetês (247-222 B.C.) received from the Troglodyte - Arabs and Ethiopians certain elephants which his father, the second - king of the Makedonian dynasty, and himself had taken in hunting in - the region of ADULÊ and trained to war in their own kingdom. - The second portion of the inscription commemorates the conquests of an - anonymous Ethiopian king in Arabia and Ethiopia as far as the frontier - of Egypt. +Adouli+, it is known for certain, received its name - from a tribe so designated which formed a part of the +Danakil+ - shepherds who are still found in the neighbourhood of Annesley Bay, - in the island of Diset [lat. 15° 28´, long. 30° 45´, the Diodôros - perhaps of the _Periplûs_] opposite which is the town or station of - Masawâ (anc. Saba) [lat. 15° 37´ N., long. 39° 28´ E.], and also - in the archipelago of +Dhalak+, called in the _Periplûs_, the - islands of +Alalaiou+. The merchants of Egypt, we learn from the - work, first traded at Masawwâ but afterwards removed to Oreinê for - security. This is an islet in the south of the Bay of Masawwâ, lying - 20 miles from the coast; it is a rock as its name imports, and is of - considerable elevation. - - +Aduli+ being the best entrance into Abyssinia, came prominently - into notice during the late Abyssinian war. Beke thus speaks of it, - “In our recent visit to Abyssinia I saw quite enough to confirm the - opinion I have so long entertained, that when the ancient Greeks - founded Adule or Adulis at the mouth of the river Hadâs, now only a - river bed except during the rains, though a short way above there is - rain all the year round, they knew that they possessed one of the keys - of Abyssinia.” - -5. Below Adouli, about 800 stadia, occurs another very deep bay, -at the entrance of which on the right are vast accumulations of -sand, wherein is found deeply embedded the Opsian stone, which is -not obtainable anywhere else. The king of all this country, from -the +Moskhophagoi+ to the other end of +Barbaria+, is -+Zôskalês+, a man at once of penurious habits and of a grasping -disposition, but otherwise honourable in his dealings and instructed in -the Greek language. - - - (5) At a distance of about 100 miles beyond +Adouli+ the coast - is indented by another bay now known as +Hanfelah+ bay [near - Râs Hanfelah in lat. 14° 44´, long. 40° 49´ E.] about 100 miles from - Annesley Bay and opposite an island called Daramsas or Hanfelah. It - has wells of good water and a small lake of fresh water after the - rains; the coast is inhabited by the Dummoeta, a tribe of the Danakil. - This is the locality where, and where only, the Opsian or Obsidian - stone was to be found. Pliny calls it an unknown bay, because traders - making for the ports of Arabia passed it by without deviating from - their course to enter it. He was aware, as well as our author, that - it contained the Opsian stone, of which he gives an account, already - produced in the introduction. - -6. These articles which these places import are the following:— - -Ἱμάτια βαρβαρικα, ἄγναφα τὰ ἐν Ἀιγύπτω γινόμενα—Cloth undressed, of -Egyptian manufacture, for the Barbarian market. - -Στολὰι Ἀρσινοητικὰι—Robes manufactured at Arsinoê. - - Ἀβόλλαι νόθοι χρωμάτιναι—Cloaks, made of a poor cloth imitating a -better quality, and dyed. - -Λέντια—Linens. - -Δικρόσσια—Striped cloths and fringed. Mantles with a double fringe. - -Λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλείονα γένη καὶ ἄλλης μορρίνης, τῆς γινομένης έν -Διοσπόλει—Many sorts of glass or crystal, and of that other transparent -stone called Myrrhina, made at Diospolis. - -Ὀρείχαλκος—Yellow copper, for ornaments and cut into pieces to pass for -money. - -Μελίεφθα χαλκᾶ—Copper fused with honey: for culinary vessels and -cutting into bracelets and anklets worn by certain classes of women. - -Σίδηρος—Iron. Consumed in making spearheads for hunting the elephant -and other animals and in making weapons of war. - -Πελύκια—Hatchets. - -Σκέπαρνα—Adzes. - -Μάχαιραι—Swords. - -Ποτήρια χαλκᾶ στρογγύλα μεγάλα—Drinking vessels of brass, large and -round. - -Δηνάριον ὀλίγον—A small quantity of denarii: for the use of merchants -resident in the country. - -Οἶνος Λαοδικηνὸς καὶ Ἰταλικὸς οῦ πολῦς—Wine, Laodikean, _i.e._ Syrian, -from Laodike, (now Latakia) and Italian, but not much. - -Ἔλαιον οὐ πολύ—Oil, but not much. - -Ἀργυρώματα καὶ χρυσώματα τοπικῷ ῥυθμῷ κατεσκευασμέναι—Gold and silver -plate made according to the fashion of the country for the king. - -Ἀβόλλαι—Cloaks for riding or for the camp. - -Καυνάκαὶ ἁπλοῖ—Dresses simply made of skins with the hair or fur on. -These two articles of dress are not of much value. - -These articles are imported from the interior parts of Ariakê:— - -Σίδηρος Ἰνδικὸς—Indian iron. - -Στόμωμα—Sharp blades. - - Ὀθόνιον Ἰνδικὸν τὸ πλατύτερον, ἡ λεγομένη μοναχὴ.—Monakhê,[17] Indian -cotton cloth of great width. - -Σαγματογῆναι—Cotton for stuffing. - -Περιζώματα—Sashes or girdles. - -Καυνάκαὶ—Dresses of skin with the hair or fur on. - -Μολόχινα—Webs of cloth mallow-tinted. - -Σινδόνες ὀλίγαι—Fine muslins in small quantity. - -Λάκκος χρωμάτινος—Gum-lac: yielding Lake. - -The articles locally produced for export are ivory, tortoise-shell, and -rhinoceros. Most of the goods which supply the market arrive any time -from January to September—that is, from Tybi to Thôth. The best season, -however, for ships from Egypt to put in here is about the month of -September. - -7. From this bay the Arabian Gulf trends eastward, and at -+Aualitês+ is contracted to its narrowest. At a distance of -about 4000 stadia (_from Adouli_), if you still sail along the same -coast, you reach other marts of +Barbaria+, called the marts -beyond (_the Straits_), which occur in successive order, and which, -though harbourless, afford at certain seasons of the year good -and safe anchorage. The first district you come to is that called -+Aualitês+, where the passage across the strait to the opposite -point of Arabia is shortest. Here is a small port of trade, called, -like the district, +Aualitês+, which can be approached only by -little boats and rafts. The imports of this place are— - -Ὑαλὴ λίθια σύμμικτος—Flint glass of various sorts. - -Χυλός] Διοσπολιτικῆς ὄμφακος—Juice of the sour grape of Diospolis. - -Ἰμάτια βαρβαρικὰ σύμμικτα γεγναμμένα—Cloths of different kinds worn in -Barbaria dressed by the fuller. - -Σῖτος—Corn. - -Οἶνος—Wine. - -Κασσιτερος ὀλίγος—A little tin. - -The exports, which are sometimes conveyed on rafts across the straits -by the +Berbers+ themselves to +Okêlis+ and +Mouza+ on -the opposite coast, are— - -Ἀρώματα—Odoriferous gums. - -Ἐλέφας ὀλίγος—Ivory in small quantity. - -Χελώνη—Tortoise-shell. - -Σμύρνα ἐλαχίστη διαφέρουσα δὲ τῆς ἄλλης—Myrrh in very small quantity, -but of the finest sort. - -Μάκειρ—Macer. - -The barbarians forming the population of the place are _rude and_ -lawless men. - - -(6, 7) From this bay the coast of the gulf, according to our author, -has a more easterly direction to the Straits, the distance to which -from Adouli is stated at 4,000 stadia, an estimate much too liberal. -In all this extent of coast the _Periplûs_ mentions only the bay of -the Opsian-stones and conducts us at once from thence to Aualités at -the straits. Strabo however, and Juba, and Pliny, and Ptolemy mention -several places in this tract, such as +Arsinoë+, +Berenîkê+, -+Epideirês+, the Grove of Eumenês, the Chase of Puthangelos, the -Territory of the Elephantophagoi, &c. The straits are called by Ptolemy -+Deirê+ or +Dêrê+ (_i. e._ the neck), a word which from its -resemblance in sound to the Latin _Dirae_ has sometimes been explained -to mean “the terrible.” (I. xv. 11; IV. vii. 9; VIII. xvi. 12). “The -_Periplûs_,” Vincent remarks, “makes no mention of Deirê, but observes -that the point of contraction is close to +Abalitês+ or the -Abalitik mart; it is from this mart that the coast of Africa falling -down first to the South and curving afterwards towards the East is -styled the Bay of +Aualitês+ by Ptolemy, (IV. vii. 10, 20, 27, 30, -39,) but in the _Periplûs_ this name is confined to a bay immediately -beyond the straits which D’Anville has likewise inserted in his map, -but which I did not fully understand till I obtained Captain Cook’s -chart and found it perfectly consistent with the _Periplûs_.” It is the -gulf of Tejureh or Zeyla. - -The tract of country extending from the Straits to Cape Arômata -(now Guardafui) is called at the present day +Adel+. It is -described by Strabo (XVI. iv. 14), who copies his account of it from -Artemidoros. He mentions no emporium, nor any of the names which occur -in the _Periplûs_ except the haven of Daphnous. [Bandar Mariyah, lat. -11° 46´ N., long. 50° 38´ E.] He supplies however many particulars -regarding the region which are left unnoticed by our author as having -no reference to commerce—particulars, however, which prove that -these parts which were resorted to in the times of the Ptolemies for -elephant-hunting were much better known to the ancients than they -were till quite recently known to ourselves. Ptolemy gives nearly the -same series of names (IV. vii. 9, 10) as the _Periplûs_, but with some -discrepancies in the matter of their distances which he does not so -accurately state. His list is: +Dêre+, a city; +Abalitês+ -or Aualitês, a mart; +Malaô+, a mart; +Moundou+ or -+Mondou+, a mart; Mondou, an island; Mosulon, a cape and a mart; -+Kobê+, a mart; +Elephas+, a mountain; +Akkanai+ or -Akannai, a mart; +Arômata+, a cape and a mart. - -The mart of +Abalitês+ is represented by the modern +Zeyla+ -[lat. 11° 22´ N., long. 43° 29´ E., 79 miles from the straits.] On -the N. shore of the gulf are Abalit and Tejureh. Abalit is 43 miles -from the straits, and Tejureh 27 miles from Abalit. This is the -+Zouileh+ of Ebn Haukal and the +Zalegh+ of Idrisi. According -to the _Periplûs_ it was near the straits, but Ptolemy has fixed it -more correctly at the distance from them of 50 or 60 miles. - -8. Beyond Aualitês there is another mart, superior to it, called -+Malaô+, at a distance by sea of 800 stadia. The anchorage is -an open road, sheltered, however, by a cape protruding eastward. The -people are of a more peaceable disposition than their neighbours. The -imports are such as have been already specified, with the addition of— - -Πλείονες χιτῶνες—Tunics in great quantity. - -Σάγοι Ἀρσινοητικοι γεγναμμένοι καὶ βεβαμμένοι—Coarse cloaks (or -blankets) manufactured at Arsinoê, prepared by the fuller and dyed. - -Μελίεφθα ὀλίγα—A few utensils made of copper fused with honey. - -Σίδερος—Iron. - -Δηνάριον οὐ πολὺ χρυσοῦντε καὶ ἀργυροῦν—Specie,—gold and silver, but -not much. - -The exports from this locality are— - -Σμύρνα—Myrrh. - -Λίβανος ὁ περατικος ὀλίγὸς—Frankincense _which we call peratic_, _i.e._ -from beyond the straits, a little only. - -Κασσία σκληροτέρα—Cinnamon of a hard grain. - -Δούακα—Douaka (_an inferior kind of cinnamon_). - -Κάγκαμον—The gum (_for fumigation_) _kangkamon_. ‘Dekamalli,’ gum. - -Μάκειρ—The spice _macer_, which is carried to Arabia. - -Σώματα σπανίως—Slaves, a few. - - - (8) +Malaô+ as a mart was much superior to Abalitês, from which - our author estimates its distance to be 800 stadia, though it is in - reality greater. From the description he gives of its situation it - must be identified with Berbereh [lat. 10° 25´ N., long. 45° 1´ E.] - now the most considerable mart on this part of the coast. Vincent - erroneously places it between Zeyla and the straits. - -9. Distant from +Malaô+ two days’ sail is the trading port of -+Moundou+, where ships find a safer anchorage by mooring at an -island which lies very close to shore. The exports and imports are -similar to those of the preceding marts, with the addition of the -fragrant gum called _Mokrotou_, a peculiar product of the place. The -native traders here are uncivilized in their manners. - - - (9) The next mart after Malaô is +Moundou+, which, as we learn - from Ptolemy, was also the name of an adjacent island—that which is - now called Meyet or Burnt-island [lat. 11° 12´ N., long. 47° 17´ E., - 10 miles east of Bandar Jedid]. - -10. After +Moundou+, if you sail eastward as before for two or -three days, there comes next +Mosullon+, where it is difficult to -anchor. It imports the same sorts of commodities as have been already -mentioned, and also utensils of silver and others of iron but not so -many, and glass-ware. It exports a vast amount of cinnamon (whence -it is a port requiring ships of heavy burden) and other fragrant and -aromatic products, besides tortoise-shell, but in no great quantity, -and the incense called _mokrotou_ inferior to that of Moundou, and -frankincense brought from parts further distant, and ivory and myrrh -though in small quantity. - - - (10) At a distance beyond it of two or three days’ sail occurs - +Mosulon+, which is the name both of a mart and of a promontory. - It is mentioned by Pliny (VI. 34), who says: “Further on is the bay - of +Abalitês+, the island of +Diodôrus+ and other islands - which are desert. On the mainland, which has also deserts, occur a - town +Gaza+ [Bandar Gazim, long. 49° 13´ E.], the promontory and - port of +Mosylon+, whence cinnamon is exported. Sesostris led - his army to this point and no further. Some writers place one town - of Ethiopia beyond it, Baricaza, which lies on the coast. According - to Juba the Atlantic Sea begins at the promontory of Mossylon.” Juba - evidently confounded this promontory with Cape Arômata, and Ptolemy, - perhaps in consequence, makes its projection more considerable than - it is. D’Anville and Gosselin thought +Mossulon+ was situated - near the promontory Mete, where is a river, called the Soal, which - they supposed preserved traces of the name of Mossulon. This - position however cannot be reconciled with the distances given in - the _Periplûs_, which would lead us to look for it where Guesele is - placed in the latest description given of this coast. Vincent on very - inadequate grounds would identify it with Barbara or Berbera. [Müller - places it at Bandar Barthe and Ras Antarah, long. 49° 35´ E.] - -11. After leaving +Mosullon+, and sailing past a place called -+Neiloptolemaios+, and past +Tapatêgê+ and the Little -Laurel-grove, you are conducted in two days to Capo +Elephant+. -Here is a stream called +Elephant+ River, and the Great -Laurel-grove called +Akannai+, where, and where only, is produced -the _peratic_ frankincense. The supply is most abundant, and it is of -the very finest quality. - - - (11) After Mosulon occurs Cape Elephant, at some distance - beyond +Neiloptolemaios+, +Tapatêgê+, and the Little - Laurel-grove. At the Cape is a river and the Great Laurel-grove - called +Akannai+. Strabo in his account of this coast mentions a - Neilospotamia which however can hardly be referred to this particular - locality which pertains to the region through which the Khori or San - Pedro flows, of which Idrisi (I. 45) thus writes: “At two journeys’ - distance from Markah in the desert is a river which is subject to - risings like the Nile and on the banks of which they sow dhorra.” - Regarding Cape Elephant Vincent says, “it is formed by a mountain - conspicuous in the Portuguese charts under the name of Mount Felix - or Felles from the native term Jibel Fîl, literally, Mount Elephant. - The cape [Ras Filik, 800 ft. high, lat. 11° 57´ N., long. 50° 37´ E.] - is formed by the land jutting up to the North from the direction of - the coast which is nearly East and West, and from its northernmost - point the land falls off again South-East to Râs 'Asir—Cape Guardafui, - the Arômata of the ancients. We learn from Captain Saris, an English - navigator, that there is a river at Jibel Fîl. In the year 1611 he - stood into a bay or harbour there which he represents as having a safe - entrance for three ships abreast: he adds also that several sorts of - gums very sweet in burning were still purchased by the Indian ships - from Cambay which touched here for that purpose in their passage to - Mocha.” The passage in the _Periplûs_ where these places are mentioned - is very corrupt. Vincent, who regards the greater +Daphnôn+ - (Laurel-grove) as a river called +Akannai+, says, “Neither place - or distance is assigned to any of these names, but we may well allot - the rivers Daphnôn and Elephant to the synonymous town and cape; and - these may be represented by the modern Mete and Santa Pedro.” [Müller - places Elephas at Ras el Fîl, long. 50° 37´ E., and Akannai at Ulûlah - Bandar, long. 50° 56´ E., but they may be represented by Ras Ahileh, - where a river enters through a lagoon in 11° 46´, and Bonah, a town - with wells of good water in lat. 11° 58´ N., long. 50° 51´ E.] - -12. After this, the coast now inclining to the south, succeeds the mart -of +Arômata+, and a bluff headland running out eastward which -forms the termination of the Barbarine coast. The roadstead is an open -one, and at certain seasons dangerous, as the place lies exposed to the -north wind. A coming storm gives warning of its approach by a peculiar -prognostic, for the sea turns turbid at the bottom and changes its -colour. When this occurs, all hasten for refuge to the great promontory -called +Tabai+, which affords a secure shelter. The imports into -this mart are such as have been already mentioned; while its products -are cinnamon, gizeir (_a finer sort of cinnamon_), asuphê (_an ordinary -sort_), fragrant gums, magla, motô (_an inferior cinnamon_), and -frankincense. - - - (12) We come now to the great projection Cape Arômata, which is - a continuation of Mount Elephant. It is called in Arabic +Jerd - Hafûn+ or Ras Asir; in Idrisi, +Carfouna+, whence the name by - which it is generally known. [The South point 11° 40´ is Râs Shenarif - or Jerd Hafûn; the N. point 11° 51´ is Râs 'Asir.] It formed the limit - of the knowledge of this coast in the time of Strabo, by whom it is - called +Notou Keras+ or South Horn. It is described as a very - high bluff point and as perpendicular as if it were scarped. [Jerd - Hafûn is 2500 feet high.] The current comes round it out of the gulf - with such violence that it is not to be stemmed without a brisk wind, - and during the South-West Monsoon, the moment you are past the Cape to - the North there is a stark calm with insufferable heat. The current - below Jerd Hafûn is noticed by the _Periplûs_ as setting to the South, - and is there perhaps equally subject to the change of the monsoon. - With this account of the coast from the straits to the great Cape may - be compared that which has been given by Strabo, XVI. iv. 14: - - “From +Deirê+ the next country is that which bears - aromatic plants. The first produces myrrh and belongs to the - +Ichthyophagi+ and +Creophagi+. It bears also the - persea, peach or Egyptian almond, and the Egyptian fig. Beyond is - +Licha+, a hunting ground for elephants. There are also in many - places standing pools of rainwater. When these are dried up, the - elephants with their trunks and tusks dig holes and find water. On - this coast there are two very large lakes extending as far as the - promontory Pytholaus. One of them contains salt water and is called - a sea; the other fresh water and is the haunt of hippopotami and - crocodiles. On the margin grows the papyrus. The ibis is seen in - the neighbourhood of this place. Next is the country which produces - frankincense; it has a promontory and a temple with a grove of - poplars. In the inland parts is a tract along the banks of a river - bearing the name of +Isis+, and another that of +Nilus+, - both of which produce myrrh and frankincense. Also a lagoon filled - with water from the mountains. Next the watch-post of the Lion and the - port of +Pythangelus+. The next tract bears the false cassia. - There are many tracts in succession on the sides of rivers on which - frankincense grows, and rivers extending to the cinnamon country. - The river which bounds this tract produces rushes (φλους) in great - abundance. Then follows another river and the port of +Daphnus+, - and a valley called +Apollo+’s which bears besides frankincense, - myrrh and cinnamon. The latter is more abundant in places far in - the interior. Next is the mountain +Elephas+, a mountain - projecting into the sea and a creek; then follows the large harbour - of +Psygmus+, a watering place called that of +Kunocephali+ - and the last promontory of this coast +Notu-ceras+ (or the - Southern Horn). After doubling this cape towards the south we have - no more descriptions of harbours or places because nothing is known - of the sea-coast beyond this point.” [Bohn’s _Transl._] According to - Gosselin, the Southern Horn corresponds with the Southern Cape of - Bandel-caus, where commences the desert coast of Ajan, the ancient - +Azania+. - - According to the _Periplûs_ Cape +Arômata+ marked the termination - of +Barbaria+ and the beginning of +Azania+. Ptolemy however - distinguishes them differently, defining the former as the interior - and the latter as the sea-board of the region to which these names - were applied. - - The description of the Eastern Coast of Africa which now follows is - carried, as has been already noticed, as far as +Rhapta+, a place - about 6 degrees South of the Equator, but which Vincent places much - farther South, identifying it with Kilwa. - - The places named on this line of coast are: a promontory called - +Tabai+, a Khersonesos; +Opônê+, a mart; the Little - and the Great +Apokopa+; the Little and the Great Coast; - the +Dromoi+ or courses of +Azania+ (first that of - +Serapiôn+, then that of +Nikôn+); a number of rivers; - a succession of anchorages, seven in number; the +Paralaoi+ - islands; a strait or canal; the island of +Menouthias+; and - then +Rhapta+, beyond which, as the author conceived, the ocean - curved round Africa until it met and amalgamated with the Hesperian or - Western Ocean. - -13. If, on sailing from +Tabai+, you follow the coast of the -peninsula _formed by the promontory_, you are carried by the force of a -strong current to another mart 400 stadia distant, called +Opônê+, -which imports the commodities already mentioned, but produces most -abundantly cinnamon, spice, _motô_, slaves of a very superior sort, -chiefly for the Egyptian market, and tortoise-shell of small size but -in large quantity and of the finest quality known. - - (13) Tabai, to which the inhabitants of the Great Cape fled for - refuge on the approach of a storm, cannot, as Vincent and others have - supposed, be Cape Orfui, for it lay at too great a distance for the - purpose. The projection is meant which the Arabs call Banna. [Or, - Tabai may be identified with Râs Shenarif, lat. 11° 40´ N.] Tabai, - Müller suggests, may be a corruption for Tabannai. - - “From the foreign term Banna,” he says, “certain Greeks in the manner - of their countrymen invented +Panos+ or +Panôn+ or Panô or - Panôna Kômê. Thus in Ptolemy (I. 17 and IV. 7) after Arômata follows - +Panôn Kômê+, which Mannert has identified with Benna. [Khor - Banneh is a salt lake, with a village, inside Râs Ali Beshgêl, lat. - 11° 9´ N., long. 51° 9´ E.] Stephen of Byzantium may be compared, - who speaks of +Panos+ as a village on the Red Sea which is also - called +Panôn+.” The conjecture, therefore, of Letronnius that - +Panôn Kômê+ derived its name from the large apes found there, - called +Pânes+, falls to the ground. +Opônê+ was situated on - the Southern shores of what the _Periplûs_ calls a Khersonese, which - can only be the projection now called +Ras Hafûn+ or Cape D’Orfui - (lat. 10° 25´ N.). Ptolemy (I. 17) gives the distance of +Opônê+ - from +Panôn Kômê+ at a 6 days’ journey, from which according - to the _Periplûs_ it was only 400 stadia distant. That the text of - Ptolemy is here corrupt cannot be doubted, for in his tables the - distance between the two places is not far from that which is given - in the _Periplûs_. Probably, as Müller conjectures, he wrote ὁδόν - ἡμέρας (a day’s journey) which was converted into ὁδόν ἡμερ. ϛ´ (a - six-days’ journey). - -14. Ships set sail from Egypt for all these ports beyond the straits -about the month of July—that is, Epiphi. The same markets are -also regularly supplied with the products of places far beyond -them—+Ariakê+ and +Barugaza+. These products are— - -Σῖτος—Corn. - -Ὀρυζα[18]—Rice. - -Βούτυρον—Butter, i. e. _ghî_. - -Ἔλαιον σησάμινον—Oil of sesamum. - -Ὀθόνιον ἥ τε μοναχὴ καὶ ἡ σαγματογήνη—Fine cotton called _Monakhê_, and -a coarse kind for stuffing called _Sagmatogene_. - - Περιζώματα—Sashes or girdles. - -Μέλι τὸ καλάμινον τὸ λεγόμενον σάκχαρι.—The honey of a reed, called -_sugar_. - -Some traders undertake voyages for this commerce expressly, while -others, as they sail along the coast _we are describing_, exchange -their cargoes for such others as they can procure. There is no king who -reigns paramount over all this region, but each separate seat of trade -is ruled by an independent despot of its own. - - - (14) At this harbour is introduced the mention of the voyage which was - annually made between the coast of India and Africa in days previous - to the appearance of the Greeks on the Indian Ocean, which has already - been referred to. - -15. After +Opônê+, the coast now trending more to the south, you -come first to what are called the little and the great +Apokopa+ -(or Bluffs) of +Azania+, where there are no harbours, but only -roads in which ships can conveniently anchor. The navigation of this -coast, the direction of which is now to the south-west, occupies six -days. Then follow the Little Coast and the Great Coast, occupying other -six days, when in due order succeed the +Dromoi+ (or Courses) of -+Azania+, the one going by the name of +Sarapiôn+, and the -other by that of +Nikôn+. Proceeding thence, you pass the mouths -of numerous rivers, and a succession of other roadsteads lying apart -one from another a day’s distance either by sea or by land. There are -seven of them altogether, and they reach on to the +Puralaoi+ -islands and the _narrow strait_ called the Canal, beyond which, where -the coast changes its direction from south-west slightly more to -south, you are conducted by a voyage of two days and two nights to -+Menouthias+, an island stretching towards sunset, and distant -from the mainland about 300 stadia. It is low-lying and woody, has -rivers, and a vast variety of birds, and yields the mountain tortoise, -but it has no wild beasts at all, except only crocodiles, which, -however, are quite harmless. The boats are here made of planks sewn -together attached to a keel formed of a single log of wood, and these -are used for fishing and for catching turtle. This is also caught -in another mode, peculiar to the island, by lowering wicker-baskets -instead of nets, and fixing them against the mouths of the cavernous -rocks which lie out in the sea confronting the beach. - - - (15) After leaving +Opônê+ the coast first runs due south, then - bends to the south-west, and here begins the coast which is called the - Little and the Great +Apokopa+ or Bluffs of +Azania+, the - voyage along which occupies six days. This rocky coast, as we learn - from recent explorations, begins at +Râs Mabber+ [about lat. 9° - 25´ N.], which is between 70 and 80 miles distant from Ras Hafûn and - extends only to +Râs-ul-Kheil+ [about lat. 7° 45´ N.], which is - distant from Râs Mabber about 140 miles or a voyage of three or four - days only. The length of this rocky coast (called +Hazine+ by the - Arabs) is therefore much exaggerated in the _Periplûs_. From this - error we may infer that our author, who was a very careful observer, - had not personally visited this coast. Ptolemy, in opposition to - Marînos as well as the _Periplûs_, recognizes but one +Apokopa+, - which he speaks of as a bay. Müller concludes an elaborate note - regarding the +Apokopa+ by the following quotation from the work - of Owen, who made the exploration already referred to, “It is strange - that the descriptive term +Hazine+ should have produced the names - +Ajan+, +Azan+ and +Azania+ in many maps and charts, as - the country never had any other appellation than +Barra Somâli+ - or the land of the +Somâli+, a people who have never yet been - collected under one government, and whose limits of subjection are - only within bow-shot of individual chiefs. The coast of Africa from - the Red Sea to the river Juba is inhabited by the tribe called - +Somâli+. They are a mild people of pastoral habits and confined - entirely to the coast; the whole of the interior being occupied by an - untameable tribe of savages called +Galla+.” - - The coast which follows the +Apokopa+, called the Little and - the Great +Aigialos+ or Coast, is so desolate that, as Vincent - remarks, not a name occurs on it, neither is there an anchorage - noticed, nor the least trace of commerce to be found. Yet it is of - great extent—a six days’ voyage according to the _Periplûs_, but, - according to Ptolemy, who is here more correct, a voyage of eight - days, for, as we have seen, the _Periplûs_ has unduly extended the - +Apokopa+ to the South. - - Next follow the +Dromoi+ or Courses of +Azania+, the first - called that of +Serapiôn+ and the other that of +Nikôn+. - Ptolemy interposes a bay between the Great Coast and the port of - +Serapiôn+, on which he states there was an emporium called - +Essina+—a day’s sail distant from that port. Essina, it would - therefore appear, must have been somewhere near where +Makdashû+ - [Magadoxo, lat. 2° 3´ N.] was built by the Arabs somewhere in the - eighth century A.D. The station called that of +Nikôn+ - in the _Periplûs_ appears in Ptolemy as the mart of +Tonikê+. - These names are not, as some have supposed, of Greek origin, but - distortions of the native appellations of the places into names - familiar to Greek ears. That the Greeks had founded any settlements - here is altogether improbable. At the time when the _Periplûs_ was - written all the trade of these parts was in the hands of the Arabs - of +Mouza+. The port of +Serapiôn+ may be placed at a - promontory which occurs in 1° 40´ of N. lat. From this, +Tonikê+, - according to the tables of Ptolemy, was distant 45´, and its position - must therefore have agreed with that of +Torre+ or Torra of our - modern maps. - - Next occurs a succession of rivers and roadsteads, seven in number, - which being passed we are conducted to the +Puralaän+ Islands, - and what is called a canal or channel (διώρυξ). These islands are - not mentioned elsewhere. They can readily be identified with the two - called +Manda+ and +Lamou+, which are situate at the mouths - of large rivers, and are separated from the mainland and from each - other by a narrow channel. Vincent would assign a Greek origin to the - name of these islands. “With a very slight alteration,” he says, “of - the reading, the Puralian Islands (Πῦρ ἁλιον, _marine fire_,) are the - islands of the Fiery Ocean, and nothing seems more consonant to reason - than for a Greek to apply the name of the Fiery Ocean to a spot which - was the centre of the Torrid Zone and subject to the perpendicular - rays of an equinoctial sun.” [The Juba islands run along the coast - from Juba to about Lat. 1° 50´ S., and Manda bay and island is in Lat. - 2° 12´ S.] - - Beyond these islands occurs, after a voyage of two days and two - nights, the island of +Menouthias+ or +Menouthesias+, which - it has been found difficult to identify with any certainty. “It is,” - says Vincent, “the _Eitenediommenouthesias_ of the _Periplûs_, a term - egregiously strange and corrupted, but out of which the commentators - unanimously collect Menoothias, whatever may be the fate of the - remaining syllables. That this Menoothias,” he continues, “must have - been one of the Zangibar islands is indubitable; for the distance - from the coast of all three, Pemba, Zangibar, and Momfia, affords - a character which is indelible; a character applicable to no other - island from Guardafui to Madagascar.” He then identifies it with the - island of Zangibar, lat. 6° 5´ S., in preference to Pemba, 5° 6´ S., - which lay too far out of the course, and in preference to Momfia, 7° - 50´ S. (though more doubtfully), because of its being by no means - conspicuous, whereas Zangibar was so prominent and obvious above - the other two, that it might well attract the particular attention - of navigators, and its distance from the mainland is at the same - time so nearly in accordance with that given in the _Periplûs_ as to - counterbalance all other objections. A writer in Smith’s _Classical - Geography_, who seems to have overlooked the indications of the - distances both of Ptolemy and the _Periplûs_, assigns it a position - much further to the north than is reconcilable with these distances. - He places it about a degree south from the mouth of the River Juba or - Govind, just where an opening in the coral-reefs is now found. “The - coasting voyage,” he says, “steering S. W., reached the island on - the east side—a proof that it was close to the main.... It is true - the navigator says it was 300 stadia from the mainland; but as there - is no reason to suppose that he surveyed the island, this distance - must be taken to signify the estimated width of the northern inlet - separating the island from the main, and this estimate is probably - much exaggerated. The mode of fishing with baskets is still practised - in the Juba islands and along this coast. The formation of the coast - of E. Africa in these latitudes—where the hills or downs upon the - coast are all formed of a coral conglomerate comprising fragments of - madrepore, shell and sand, renders it likely that the island which was - close to the main 16 or 17 centuries ago, should now be united to it. - Granting this theory of gradual transformation of the coast-line, the - +Menouthias+ of the _Periplûs_ may be supposed to have stood in - what is now the rich garden-land of +Shamba+, where the rivers - carrying down mud to mingle with the marine deposit of coral drift - covered the choked-up estuary with a rich soil.” - - The island is said in the _Periplûs_ to extend towards the West, but - this does not hold good either in the case of Zangibar or any other - island in this part of the coast. Indeed there is no one of them in - which at the present day all the characteristics of +Menouthias+ - are found combined. +Momfia+, for instance, which resembles it - somewhat in name, and which, as modern travellers tell us, is almost - entirely occupied with birds and covered with their dung, does not - possess any streams of water. These are found in Zangibar. The author - may perhaps have confusedly blended together the accounts he had - received from his Arab informants. - -16. At the distance of a two days’ sail from this island lies the last -of the marts of +Azania+, called +Rhapta+, a name which it -derives from the sewn boats just mentioned. Ivory is procured here in -the greatest abundance, and also turtle. The indigenous inhabitants -are men of huge stature, who live _apart from each other_, every man -ruling like a lord his own domain. The whole territory is governed by -the despot of +Mopharitis+, because the sovereignty over it, by -some right of old standing, is vested in the kingdom of what is called -the First Arabia. The merchants of +Mouza+ farm its revenues from -the king, and employ in trading with it a great many ships of heavy -burden, on board of which they have Arabian commanders and factors who -are intimately acquainted with the natives and have contracted marriage -with them, and know their language and the navigation of the coast. - - - (16) We arrive next and finally at +Rhapta+, the last emporium - on the coast known to the author. Ptolemy mentions not only a city - of this name, but also a river and a promontory. The name is Greek - (from ῥάπτειν, _to sew_), and was applied to the place because the - vessels there in use were raised from bottoms consisting of single - trunks of trees by the addition of planks which were sewn together - with the fibres of the cocoa. “It is a singular fact,” as Vincent - remarks, “that this peculiarity should be one of the first objects - which attracted the attention of the Portuguese upon their reaching - this coast. They saw them first at Mozambique, where they were called - _Almeidas_, but the principal notice of them in most of their writers - is generally stated at Kilwa, the very spot which we have supposed to - receive its name from vessels of the same construction.” Vincent has - been led from this coincidence to identify Rhapta with Kilwa [lat. 8° - 50´ S.]. Müller however would place it not so far south, but somewhere - in the Bay of Zangibar. The promontory of +Rhaptum+, he judges - from the indications of the _Periplûs_ to be the projection which - closes the bay in which lies the island of Zangibar, and which is - now known as +Moinanokalû+ or Point Pouna, lat. 7° S. The parts - beyond this were unknown, and the southern coast of Africa, it was - accordingly thought by the ancient geographers, began here. Another - cape however is mentioned by Ptolemy remoter than Rhaptum and called - +Prasum+ (that is the Green Cape) which may perhaps be Cape - Delgado, which is noted for its luxuriant vegetation. The same author - calls the people of +Rhapta+, the +Rhapsioi Aithiopes+. - They are described in the _Periplûs_ as men of lofty stature, and - this is still a characteristic of the Africans of this coast. The - +Rhapsii+ were, in the days of our author, subject to the people - of +Mouza+ in Arabia just as their descendants are at the - present day subject to the Sultan of Maskat. Their commerce moreover - still maintains its ancient characteristics. It is the African who - still builds and mans the ships while the Arab is the navigator and - supercargo. The ivory is still of inferior quality, and the turtle is - still captured at certain parts of the coast. - -17. The articles imported into these marts are principally javelins -manufactured at Mouza, hatchets, knives, awls, and crown glass of -various sorts, to which must be added corn and wine in no small -quantity landed at particular ports, not for sale, but to entertain -and thereby conciliate the barbarians. The articles which these places -export are ivory, in great abundance but of inferior quality to that -obtained at Adouli, rhinoceros, and tortoise-shell of fine quality, -second only to the Indian, and a little _nauplius_. - -18. These marts, we may say, are about the last on the coast of -+Azania+—the coast, that is, which is on your right as you sail -_south_ from +Berenîkê+. For beyond these parts an ocean, hitherto -unexplored, curves round towards sunset, and, stretching along the -southern extremities of Ethiopia, Libya, and Africa, amalgamates with -the Western Sea. - -19. To the left, again, of +Berenikê+, if you sail eastward from -+Myos-Hormos+ across the adjacent gulf for two days, or perhaps -three, you arrive at a place having a port and a fortress which is -called +Leukê Kômê+, and forming the point of communication with -Petra, the residence of +Malikhas+, the king of the Nabatæans. -It ranks as an emporium of trade, since small vessels come to it -laden with merchandize from Arabia; and hence an officer is deputed -to collect the duties which are levied on imports at the rate of -twenty-five per cent. of their value, and also a centurion who commands -the garrison by which the place is protected. - - -(18, 19) Our author having thus described the African coast as -far southward as it was known on its Eastern side, reverts to -+Berenikê+ and enters at once on a narrative of the second -voyage—that which was made thence across the Northern head of the -gulf and along the coast of Arabia to the emporium of +Mouza+ -near the Straits. The course is first northward, and the parts about -+Berenikê+ as you bear away lie therefore now on your left hand. -Having touched at +Myos Hormos+ the course on leaving it is shaped -eastward across the gulf by the promontory +Pharan+, and +Leukê -Kômê+[19] is reached after three or four days’ sailing. This was -a port in the kingdom of the Nabathæans (the Nebaioth of Scripture), -situated perhaps near the mouth of the Elanitic Gulf or eastern arm of -the Red Sea, now called the Gulf of Akabah. Much difference of opinion -has prevailed as to its exact position, since the encroachment of the -land upon the sea has much altered the line of coast here. Mannert -identified it with the modern +Yenbo+ [lat. 24° 5´ N., long. 38° -3´ E., the port of Medina], Gosselin with +Mowilah+ [lat. 27° 38´ -N., long. 35° 28´ E.,] Vincent with +Eynounah+ [lat. 28° 3´ N., -long. 35° 13´ E.—the +Onne+ of Ptolemy], Reichhard with +Istabel -Antai+, and Rüppel with +Wejh+ [lat. 26° 13´ N., long. 36° 27´ -E]. Müller prefers the opinion held by Bochart, D’Anville, Quatremêre, -Noel des Vergers, and Ritter, who agree in placing it at the port -called +Hauara+ [lat. 24° 59´ N., long. 37° 16´ E.] mentioned -by Idrisi (I. p. 332), who describes it as a village inhabited -by merchants carrying on a considerable trade in earthen vases -manufactured at a clay-pit in their neighbourhood. Near it lies the -island of +Hassani+ [lat. 24° 59´ N., long. 37° 3´ E.], which, as -Wellsted reports, is conspicuous from its _white_ appearance. +Leukê -Kômê+ is mentioned by various ancient authors, as for instance -Strabo, who, in a passage wherein he recounts the misfortunes which -befel the expedition which Aelius led into Nabathaea, speaks of the -place as a large mart to which and from which the camel traders travel -with ease and in safety from +Petra+ and back to +Petra+ -with so large a body of men and camels as to differ in no respect from -an army. - -The merchandize thus conveyed from +Leukê Kômê+ to +Petra+ -was passed on to +Rhinokoloura+ in Palestine near Egypt, and -thence to other nations, but in his own time the greater part was -transported by the Nile to +Alexandria+. It was brought down from -India and Arabia to +Myos Hormos+, whence it was first conveyed on -camels to +Koptos+ and thence by the Nile to +Alexandria+. -The Nabathaean king, at the time when our author visited +Leukê -Kômê+, was, as he tells us, +Malikhas+, a name which means -‘king.’ Two Petraean sovereigns so called are mentioned by Josêphos, -of whom the latter was contemporary with Herod. The Malikhas of the -_Periplûs_ is however not mentioned in any other work. The Nabathaean -kingdom was subverted in the time of Trajan, A.D. 105, us we learn from -Dio Cassius (cap. lxviii. 14), and from Eutropius (viii. 2, 9), and -from Ammianus Marcellinus (xiv. 8). - -20. Beyond this mart, and quite contiguous to it, is the realm of -Arabia, which stretches to a great distance along the coast of the Red -Sea. It is inhabited by various tribes, some speaking the same language -with a certain degree of uniformity, and others a language totally -different. Here also, _as on the opposite continent_, the sea-board is -occupied by +Ikhthyophagoi+, who live in dispersed huts; while -the men of the interior live either in villages, or where pasture -can be found, and are an evil race of men, speaking two different -languages. If a vessel is driven from her course upon this shore she -is plundered, and if wrecked the crew on escaping to land are reduced -to slavery. For this reason they are treated as enemies and captured -by the chiefs and kings of Arabia. They are called +Kanraîtai+. -Altogether, therefore, the navigation of this part of the Arabian coast -is very dangerous: for, _apart from the barbarity of its people_, it -has neither harbours nor good roadsteads, and it is foul with breakers, -and girdled with rocks which render it inaccessible. For this reason -when sailing south we stand off from a shore in every way so dreadful, -and keep our course down the middle of the gulf, straining our utmost -to reach _the more civilized part_ of Arabia, which begins at Burnt -Island. From this onward the people are under a regular government, -and, as their country is pastoral, they keep herds of cattle and camels. - - - (20) At no great distance from +Leukê Kômê+ the Nabathaean realm - terminates and Arabia begins. The coast is here described as most - dismal, and as in every way dangerous to navigation. The inhabitants - at the same time are barbarians, destitute of all humanity, who - scruple not to attack and plunder wrecked ships and to make slaves of - their crews if they escaped to land. The mariner therefore, shunned - these inhospitable shores, and standing well out to sea, sailed down - the middle of the gulf. The tribe here spoken of was that perhaps - which is represented by the +Hutemi+ of the present day, and the - coast belonged to the part of Arabia now called +Hejid+. - - A more civilized region begins at an island called Burnt island, which - answers to the modern Zebâyir [about lat. 15° 5´ N., long. 42° 12´ - E.], an island which was till recently volcanic. - -21. Beyond this tract, and on the shore of a bay which occurs at the -termination of the left (or east) side of the gulf, is +Mouza+, -an established and notable mart of trade, at a distance south from -Berenikê of not more than 12,000 stadia. The whole place is full of -Arabian shipmasters and common sailors, and is absorbed in the pursuits -of commerce, for with ships of its own fitting out, it trades with -the marts beyond the Straits on the opposite coast, and also with -+Barugaza+. - - - (21) Beyond this is the great emporium called +Mouza+, [lat. 13° - 43´ N., long. 43° 5´ 14´´ E.] situated in a bay near the termination - of the Gulf, and at a distance from +Berenikê+ of 12,000 - stadia. Here the population consists almost entirely of merchants - and mariners, and the place is in the highest degree commercial. The - commodities of the country are rich and numerous (though this is - denied by Pliny), and there is a great traffic in Indian articles - brought from +Barugaza+ (Bharoch). This port, once the most - celebrated and most frequented in Yemen, is now the village Musa about - twenty-five miles north from Mokhâ, which has replaced it as a port, - the foundation of which dates back no more than 400 years ago. “Twenty - miles inland from Mokhâ,” says Vincent, “Niebuhr discovered a Musa - still existing, which he with great probability supposes to be the - ancient mart now carried inland to this distance by the recession of - the coast.” [He must have confounded it with +Jebel Musa+, due - east of Mokhâ, at the commencement of the mountain country.] It is a - mere village badly built. Its water is good, and is said to be drunk - by the wealthier inhabitants of Mokhâ. Bochart identified +Mouza+ - with the +Mesha+ mentioned by Moses. - -22. Above this a three days’ journey off lies the city of +Sauê+, -in the district called +Mopharitis+. It is the residence of -+Kholaibos+, the despot of that country. - - - (22) The _Periplûs_ notices two cities that lay inland from - +Mouza+—the 1st +Sauê+, the +Savê+ of Pliny (VI. - xxvi., 104), and also of Ptolemy (VI. vii., p. 411), who places - it at a distance of 500 stadia S. E. of Mouza. The position and - distance direct us to the city of +Taaes+, which lies near a - mountain called Saber. +Sauê+ belonged to a district called - +Mapharitis+ or +Mophareitês+, a name which appears to - survive in the modern +Mharras+, which designates a mountain - lying N. E. from +Taaes+. It was ruled by +Kholaibos+ - (Arabicé—Khaleb), whom our author calls a tyrant, and who was - therefore probably a Sheikh who had revolted from his lawful chief, - and established himself as an independent ruler. - -23. A journey of nine days more conducts us to +Saphar+, the -metropolis of +Kharibaêl+, the rightful sovereign of two -contiguous tribes, the +Homerites+ and the +Sabaïtai+, and, -by means of frequent embassies and presents, the friend of the Emperors. - - - (23) The other city was +Saphar+, the metropolis of the - +Homerîtai+, _i.e._ the +Himaryi+—the Arabs of Yemen, whose - power was widely extended, not only in Yemen but in distant countries - both to the East and West. Saphar is called +Sapphar+ by Ptolemy - (VI. vii.), who places it in 14° N. lat. Philostorgios calls it - +Tapharon+, and Stephen of Byzantium +Tarphara+. It is now - +Dhafar+ or Dsoffar or Zaphar. In Edrisi (I. p. 148) it appears - as +Dhofar+, and he thus writes of it:—“It is the capital of - the district Jahsseb. It was formerly one of the greatest and most - famous of cities. The kings of Yemen made it their residence, and - there was to be seen the palace of Zeidan. These structures are now in - ruins, and the population has been much decreased, nevertheless the - inhabitants have preserved some remnants of their ancient riches.” - The ruins of the city and palace still exist in the neighbourhood of - +Jerim+, which Niebuhr places in 14° 30´ N. lat. The distance - from +Sauê+ to +Saphar+ in the _Periplûs_ is a nine - days’ journey. Niebuhr accomplished it however in six. Perhaps, - as Müller suggests, the nine days’ journey is from +Mouza+ - to +Saphar+. The sovereign of Saphar is called by our author - +Kharibaêl+, a name which is not found among the Himyaritic - kings known from other sources. In Ptolemy the region is called - +Elisarôn+, from a king bearing that name. - -24. The mart of +Mouza+ has no harbour, but its sea is smooth, -and the anchorage good, owing to the sandy nature of the bottom. The -commodities which it imports are— - -Πορφύρα, διάφορος καὶ χυδαία—Purple cloth, fine and ordinary. - -Ἱματισμίς Ἀραβικὸς χειριδωτὸς, ὅτε ἁπλοῦς καὶ ὁ κοινὸς καὶ σκοτουλάτος -καὶ διάχρυσος—Garments made up in the Arabian fashion, some plain and -common, and others wrought in needlework and inwoven with gold. - -Κρόκος—Saffron. - -Κύπερος—The aromatic rush Kyperos. (Turmeric?) - -Ὀθόνιον—Muslins. - -Ἀβόλλαι—Cloaks. - - Λώδικες οὐ πολλαὶ, ἁπλοῖ τε καὶ ἐντόπιοι—Quilts, in small quantity, -some plain, others adapted to the fashion of the country. - -Ζῶναι σκιωταὶ—Sashes of various shades of colour. - -Μύρον μέτριον—Perfumes, a moderate quantity. - -Χρῆμα ἱκανὸν—Specie as much as is required. - -Οἶνος—Wine. - -Σῖτος οὐ πολύς—Corn, but not much. - -The country produces a little wheat and a great abundance of wine. Both -the king and the despot above mentioned receive presents consisting of -horses, pack-saddle mules, gold plate, silver plate embossed, robes of -great value, and utensils of brass. +Mouza+ exports its own local -products—myrrh of the finest quality that has oozed in drops from the -trees, both the Gabiræan and Minœan kinds; white marble (or alabaster), -in addition to commodities brought from the other side of the Gulf, -all such as were enumerated at +Adouli+. The most favourable -season for making a voyage to Mouza is the month of September,—that is -Thôth,—but there is nothing to prevent it being made earlier. - - - (24) Adjacent to the Homeritai, and subject to them when the - _Periplûs_ was written, were the Sabæans, so famous in antiquity for - their wealth, luxury and magnificence. Their country, the +Sheba+ - of Scripture, was noted as the land of frankincense. Their power - at one time extended far and wide, but in the days of our author - they were subject to the Homerites ruled over by Kharibaêl, who was - assiduous in courting the friendship of Rome. - -25. If on proceeding from +Mouza+ you sail by the coast for about -a distance of 300 stadia, there occurs, where the Arabian mainland -and the opposite coast of +Barbaria+ at +Aualitês+ now -approach each other, a channel of no great length which contracts the -sea and encloses it within narrow bounds. This is 60 stadia wide, and -in crossing it you come midway upon the island of +Diodôros+, -to which it is owing that the passage of the straits is in its -neighbourhood exposed to violent winds which blow down from the -adjacent mountains. There is situate upon the shore of the straits an -Arabian village subject to the same ruler (as Mouza), +Okêlis+ by -name, which is not so much a mart of commerce as a place for anchorage -and supplying water, and where those who are bound for the interior -first land and halt to refresh themselves. - - - (25) At a distance of 300 stadia beyond +Mouza+ we reach the - straits where the shores of Arabia and Africa advance so near to - each other that the passage between them has only, according to the - _Periplûs_, a width of 60 stadia, or 7½ miles. In the midst of the - passage lies the island of +Diodôros+ (now Perim), which is about - 4½ miles long by 2 broad, and rises 230 feet above the level of the - sea. The straits, according to Moresby, are 14½ geographical miles - wide at the entrance between Bab-el-Mandab Cape (near which is Perim) - and the opposite point or volcanic peak called +Jibel Sijan+. The - larger of the two entrances is 11 miles wide, and the other only 1½. - Strabo, Agathêmeros, and Pliny all agree with the _Periplûs_ in giving - 60 stadia as the breadth of the straits. The first passage of those - dreaded straits was regarded as a great achievement, and was naturally - ascribed to Sesostris as the voyage though the straits of Kalpê was - ascribed to Heraklês. - - Situated on the shores of the straits was a place called - +Okêlis+. This was not a mart of commerce, but merely a bay with - good anchorage and well supplied with water. It is identical with - the modern Ghalla or Cella, which has a bay immediately within the - straits. Strabo following Artemidoros notes here a promontory called - +Akila+. Pliny (VI. xxxii. 157) mentions an emporium of the same - name “ex quo in Indiam navigatur.” In xxvi., 104 of the same Book - he says: “Indos petentibus utilissimum est ab +Oceli+ egredi.” - Ptolemy mentions a +Pseudokêlis+, which he places at the distance - of half a degree from the emporium of +Okêlis+. - -26. Beyond +Okêlis+, the sea again widening out towards the east, -and gradually expanding into the open main, there lies, at about the -distance of 1,200 stadia, +Eudaimôn Arabia+, a maritime village -subject to that kingdom of which Kharibaêl is sovereign—a place with -good anchorage, and supplied with sweeter and better water than that -of Okêlis, and standing at the entrance of a bay where the land begins -to retire inwards. It was called Eudaimôn (‘rich and prosperous’), -because in bygone days, when the merchants from India did not proceed -to Egypt, and those from Egypt did not venture to cross over to the -marts further east, but both came only as far as this city, it formed -the common centre of their commerce, as Alexandria receives the wares -which pass to and fro between Egypt and the ports of the Mediterranean. -Now, however, it lies in ruins, the Emperor having destroyed it not -long before our own times. - - - (26) At a distance beyond +Okêlis+ of 1,200 stadia is the - port of +Eudaimôn Arabia+, which beyond doubt corresponds to - +'Âden+, [lat. 12° 45´ N., long. 45° 21´ E.] now so well-known - as the great packet station between Suez and India. The opinion - held by some that Aden is the Eden mentioned by the Prophet Ezekiel - (xxvii. 23) is opposed by Ritter and Winer. It is not mentioned by - Pliny, though it has been erroneously held that the +Attanae+, - which he mentions in the following passage, was Aden. “Homnae et - Attanae (v. 1. Athanae) quæ nunc oppida maxima celebrari a Persico - mari negotiatores dicunt.” (vi. 32.) Ptolemy, who calls it simply - +Arabia+, speaks of it as an emporium, and places after it at the - distance of a degree and a half +Melan Horos+, or Black Hill, - 17 miles from the coast, which is in long. 46° 59´ E. The place, - as the _Periplûs_ informs us, received the name of +Eudaimôn+ - from the great prosperity and wealth which it derived from being - the great entrepôt of the trade between India and Egypt. It was in - decay when that work was written, but even in the time of Ptolemy - had begun to show symptoms of returning prosperity, and in the time - of Constantine it was known as the ‘Roman Emporium,’ and had almost - regained its former consequence, as is gathered from a passage in - the works of the ecclesiastical historian Philostorgios. It is thus - spoken of by Edrisi (I. p. 51): “+'Âden+ is a small town, but - renowned for its seaport whence ships depart that are destined for - Sind, India, and China.” In the middle ages it became again the centre - of the trade between India and the Red Sea, and thus regained that - wonderful prosperity which in the outset had given it its name. In - this flourishing condition it was found by Marco Polo, whose account - of its wealth, power and influence is, as Vincent remarks, almost as - magnificent as that which Agatharkhidês attributed to the Sabæans in - the time of the Ptolemies, when the trade was carried on in the same - manner. Agatharkhidês does not however mention the place by name, but - it was probably the city which he describes without naming it as lying - on the White Sea without the straits, whence, he says, the Sabæans - sent out colonies or factories into India, and where the fleets from - Persis, Karmania and the Indus arrived. The name of +Aden+ is - supposed to be a corruption from +Eudaimôn+. - -27. To +Eudaimôn Arabia+ at once succeeds a great length of coast -and a bay extending 2,000 stadia or more, inhabited by nomadic tribes -and Ikhthyophagoi settled in villages. On doubling a cape which -projects from it you come to another trading seaport, +Kanê+, -which is subject to +Eleazos+, king of the incense country. -Two barren islands lie opposite to it, 120 stadia off—one called -+Orneôn+, and the other +Troullas+. At some distance inland -from +Kanê+ is +Sabbatha+, the principal city of the -district, where the king resides. At +Kanê+ is collected all the -incense that is produced in the country, this being conveyed to it -partly on camels, and partly _by sea_ on floats supported on inflated -skins, a local invention, and also in boats. +Kanê+ carries on -trade with ports across the ocean—+Barugaza+, +Skythia+, and -+Omana+, and the adjacent coast of +Persis+. - - - (27) The coast beyond Aden is possessed partly by wandering tribes, - and partly by tribes settled in villages which subsist on fish. - Here occurs a bay—that now called Ghubhet-al-Kamar, which extends - upwards of 2,000 stadia, and ends in a promontory—that now called - Râs-al-Asîdah or Bâ-l-hâf [lat. 13° 58´ N., long 48° 9´ S.—a cape - with a hill near the fishing village of Gillah]. Beyond this lies - another great mart called +Kanê+. It is mentioned by Pliny, and - also by Ptolemy, who assigns it a position in agreement with the - indications given in the _Periplûs_. It has been identified with - the port now called Hisn Ghorâb [lat. 14° 0´ N. long. 48° 19´ E.]. - Not far from this is an island called Halanî, which answers to the - +Troullas+ of our author. Further south is another island, which - is called by the natives of the adjacent coast +Sikkah+, but - by sailors Jibûs. This is covered with the dung of birds which in - countless multitudes have always frequented it, and may be therefore - identified with the +Orneôn+ of the _Periplûs_. +Kanê+ was - subject to Eleazos, the king of the Frankincense Country, who resided - at +Sabbatha+, or as it is called by Pliny (VI. xxxii. 155) - +Sabota+, the capital of the Atramitae or Adramitae, a tribe - of Sabæans from whom the division of Arabia now known as Hadhramaut - takes its name. The position of this city cannot be determined with - certainty. Wellsted, who proceeded into the interior from the coast - near Hisn Ghorab through Wadi Meifah, came after a day’s journey and a - half to a place called Nakb-el-Hajar, situated in a highly cultivated - district, where he found ruins of an ancient city of the Himyarites - crowning an eminence that rose gently with a double summit from the - fertile plain. The city appeared to have been built in the most solid - style of architecture, and to have been protected by a very lofty - wall formed of square blocks of black marble, while the inscriptions - plainly betokened that it was an old seat of the Himyarites. A - close similarity could be traced between its ruins and those of - +Kanê+, to which there was an easy communication by the valley - of +Meifah+. This place, however, can hardly be regarded as - +Sabbatha+ without setting aside the distances given by Ptolemy, - and Wellsted moreover learned from the natives that other ruins of a - city of not less size were to be met with near a village called Esan, - which could be reached by a three days’ journey.—(See Haines, _Mem. of - the S. Coast of Arab._) - -28. From Egypt it imports, like Mouza, corn and a little wheat, cloths -for the Arabian market, both of the common sort and the plain, and -large quantities of a sort that is adulterated; also copper, tin, -coral, styrax, and all the other articles enumerated at Mouza. Besides -these there are brought also, principally for the king, wrought silver -plate, and specie as well as horses and carved images, and plain -cloth of a superior quality. Its exports are its indigenous products, -frankincense and aloes, and such commodities as it shares in common -with other marts on the same coast. Ships sail for this port at the -same season of the year as those bound for Mouza, but earlier. - - - (28) With regard to the staple product of this region—frankincense, - the _Periplûs_ informs us that it was brought for exportation to - +Kanê+. It was however in the first place, if we may credit - Pliny, conveyed to the Metropolis. He says (xv. 32) that when gathered - it was carried into +Sabota+ on camels which could enter the city - only by one particular gate, and that to take it by any other route - was a crime punished by death. The priests, he adds, take a tithe for - a deity named +Sabis+, and that until this impost is paid, the - article cannot be sold. - - Some writers would identify +Sabbatha+ with +Mariabo+ - (Marab), but on insufficient grounds. It has also been conjectured - that the name may be a lengthened form of +Saba+ (Sheba), a - common appellation for cities in Arabia Felix. [Müller places Sabbatha - at Sawa, lat. 16° 13´ N., long. 48° 9´ E.] - -29. As you proceed from +Kanê+ the land retires more and more, -and there succeeds another very deep and far-stretching gulf, -+Sakhalitês+ by name, and also the frankincense country, which is -mountainous and difficult of access, having a dense air loaded with -vapours [and] the frankincense exhaled from the trees. These trees, -which are not of any great size or height, yield their incense in the -form of a concretion on the bark, just as several of our trees in Egypt -exude gum. The incense is collected by the hand of the king’s slaves, -and malefactors condemned to this service as a punishment. The country -is unhealthy in the extreme:—pestilential even to those who sail along -the coast, and mortal to the poor wretches who gather the incense, who -also suffer from lack of food, which readily cuts them off. - - - (29) The next place mentioned by our author after +Kanê+ is a - Bay called +Sakhalîtes+, which terminates at +Suagros+, - a promontory which looks eastward, and is the greatest cape in the - whole world. There was much difference of opinion among the ancient - geographers regarding the position of this Bay, and consequently - regarding that of Cape +Suagros+. - -30. Now at this gulf is a promontory, the greatest in the world, -looking towards the east, and called +Suagros+, at which is a -fortress which protects the country, and a harbour, and a magazine -to which the frankincense which is collected is brought. Out in -the open sea, facing this promontory, and lying between it and the -promontory of +Arômata+, which projects from the opposite coast, -though nearer to +Suagros+, is the island going by the name of -+Dioskoridês+, which is of great extent, but desert and very -moist, having rivers and crocodiles and a great many vipers, and -lizards of enormous size, of which the flesh serves for food, while the -grease is melted down and used as a substitute for oil. This island -does not, however, produce either the grape or corn. The population, -which is but scanty, inhabits the north side of the island—that part -of it which looks towards the mainland (_of Arabia_). It consists -of an intermixture of foreigners, Arabs, Indians, and even Greeks, -who resort hither for the purposes of commerce. The island produces -the tortoise,—the genuine, the land, and the white sort: the latter -very abundant, and distinguished for the largeness of its shell; -also the mountain sort which is of extraordinary size and has a very -thick shell, whereof the underpart cannot be used, being too hard to -cut, while the serviceable part is made into moneyboxes, tablets, -escritoires, and ornamental articles of that description. It yields -also the vegetable dye (κιννάβαρι) called Indicum (or Dragon’s-blood), -which is gathered as it distils from trees. - - - (30) Some would identify the latter with Ras-el-Had, and others on - account of the similarity of the name with Cape +Saugra+ or - +Saukirah+ [lat. 18° 8´ N., long. 56° 35´ E.], where Ptolemy - places a city +Suagros+ at a distance of 6 degrees from - +Kanê+, But +Suagros+ is undoubtedly Ras Fartak [lat. 15° - 39´ N., long 52° 15´ E.], which is at a distance of 4 degrees from - +Hisn Ghorab+, or +Kanê+, and which, rising to the height of - 2,500 feet on a coast which is all low-lying, is a very conspicuous - object, said to be discernible from a distance of 60 miles out at - sea. Eighteen miles west from this promontory is a village called - Saghar, a name which might probably have suggested to the Greeks that - of +Suagros+. Consistent with this identification is the passage - of Pliny (VI. 32) where he speaks of the island +Dioscoridis+ - (Sokotra) as distant from +Suagros+, which he calls the utmost - projection of the coast, 2,240 stadia or 280 miles, which is only - about 30 miles in excess of the real distance, 2,000 stadia. - - With regard to the position of the Bay of Sakhalitês, Ptolemy, - followed by Marcianus, places it to the East of Suagros. Marinos on - the other hand, like the _Periplûs_, places it to the west of it. - Muller agrees with Fresnel in regarding +Sakhlê+, mentioned by - Ptolemy (VI. vii. 41) as 1½ degree East of Makalleh [lat. 14° 31´ N., - long 49° 7´ W.] as the same with Shehr—which is now the name of all - that mountainous region extending from the seaport of Makalleh to the - bay in which lie the islands of Kurya Murya. He therefore takes this - to be in the Regio Sakhalîtês, and rejects the opinion of Ptolemy as - inconsistent with this determination. With regard to Shehr or Shehar - [lat. 14° 38´ N., long. 49° 22´ E.] Yule (_M. Polo_, II. vol. p. 440, - note) says: “Shihr or Shehr still exists on the Arabian Coast as a - town and district about 330 miles east of Aden.” The name Shehr in - some of the oriental geographies includes the whole Coast up to Oman. - The hills of the Shehr and Dhafâr districts were the great source of - produce of the Arabian frankincense. - - The island of +Dioskoridês+ (now Sokotra) is placed by - the _Periplûs_ nearer to Cape +Suagros+ than to Cape - +Arômata+—although its distance from the former is nearly double - the distance from the latter. The name, though in appearance a Greek - one, is in reality of Sanskrit origin; from _Dvîpa Sukhâdâra_, i.e. - _insula fortunata_, ‘Island abode of Bliss.’ The accuracy of the - statements made regarding it in the _Periplûs_ is fully confirmed by - the accounts given of it by subsequent writers. Kosmas, who wrote in - the 6th century, says that the inhabitants spoke Greek, and that he - met with people from it who were on their way to Ethiopia, and that - they spoke Greek. “The ecclesiastical historian Nikephoros Kallistos,” - says Yule, “seems to allude to the people of Sokotra when he says - that among the nations visited by the Missionary Theophilus in the - time of Constantius, were ‘the Assyrians on the verge of the outer - Ocean, towards the East ... whom Alexander the Great, after driving - them from Syria, sent thither to settle, and to this day they keep - their mother tongue, though all of the blackest, through the power of - the sun’s rays.’ The Arab voyagers of the 9th century say that the - island was colonized with Greeks by Alexander the Great, in order to - promote the culture of the Sokotrine aloes; when the other Greeks - adopted Christianity these did likewise, and they had continued to - retain their profession of it. The colonizing by Alexander is probably - a fable, but invented to account for facts.” (_Marco Polo_ II. 401.) - The aloe, it may be noted, is not mentioned in the _Periplûs_ as one - of the products of the island. The islanders, though at one time - Christians, are now Muhammadans, and subject as of yore to Arabia. The - people of the interior are still of distinct race with curly hair, - Indian complexion, and regular features. The coast people are mongrels - of Arab and mixed descent. Probably in old times civilization and - Greek may have been confined to the littoral foreigners. Marco Polo - notes that so far back as the 10th century it was one of the stations - frequented by the Indian corsairs called +Bawârij+, belonging to - Kachh and Gujarat. - -31. The island is subject to the king of the frankincense country, in -the same way as +Azania+ is subject to Kharibaël and the despot -of +Mopharitis+. It used to be visited by some (_merchants_) from -Mouza, and others on the homeward voyage from Limurikê and Barugaza -would occasionally touch at it, importing rice, corn, Indian cotton -and female-slaves, who, being rare, always commanded a ready market. -In exchange for these commodities they would receive as fresh cargo -great quantities of tortoise-shell. The revenues of the island are at -the present day farmed out by its sovereigns, who, however, maintain a -garrison in it for the protection of their interests. - -32. Immediately after +Suagros+ follows a gulf deeply indenting -the mainland of +Omana+, and having a width of 600 stadia. Beyond -it are high mountains, rocky and precipitous, and inhabited by men who -live in caves. The range extends onward for 500 stadia, and beyond -where it terminates lies an important harbour called +Moskha+, the -appointed port to which the _Sakhalitik_ frankincense is forwarded. It -is regularly frequented by a number of ships from Kanê; and such ships -as come from Limurikê and Barugaza too late in the season put into -harbour here for the winter, where they dispose of their muslins, corn, -and oil to the king’s officers, receiving in exchange frankincense, -which lies in piles throughout the whole of +Sakhalitis+ without -a guard to protect it, as if the locality were indebted to some divine -power for its security. Indeed, it is impossible to procure a cargo, -either publicly or by connivance, without the king’s permission. Should -one take furtively on board were it but a single grain, his vessel can -by no possibility escape from harbour. - - - (32) Returning to the mainland the narrative conducts us next to - +Moskha+, a seaport trading with +Kanê+, and a wintering - place for vessels arriving late in the season from Malabar and the - Gulf of Khambât. The distance of this place from Suagros is set down - at upwards of 1,100 stadia, 600 of which represent the breadth of a - bay which begins at the Cape, and is called +Omana Al-Kamar+. - The occurrence of the two names Omana and Moskha in such close - connexion led D’Anville to suppose that +Moskha+ is identical - with +Maskat+, the capital of +Oman+, the country lying - at the south-east extremity of Arabia, and hence that Ras-el-Ḥad, - beyond which Maskat lies, must be Cape Suagros. This supposition is, - however, untenable, since the identification of Moskha with the modern - +Ausera+ is complete. For, in the first place, the Bay of Seger, - which begins at Cape Fartak, is of exactly the same measurement - across to Cape Thurbot Ali as the Bay of +Omana+, and again the - distance from Cape Thurbot Ali [lat. 16° 38´ N., long. 53° 3´ E.] - to Ras-al-Sair, the +Ausara+ of Ptolemy, corresponds almost as - exactly to the distance assigned by our author from the same Cape to - +Moskha+. Moreover Pliny (XII. 35) notices that one particular - kind of incense bore the name of _Ausaritis_, and, as the _Periplûs_ - states that +Moskha+ was the great emporium of the incense trade, - the identification is satisfactory. - - There was another Moskha on this coast which was also a port. It lay - to the west of Suagros, and has been identified with +Koshîn+ - [lat. 15° 21´ N. long. 51° 39´ E.]. Our author, though correct in his - description of the coast, may perhaps have erred in his nomenclature; - and this is the more likely to have happened as it scarcely admits - of doubt that he had no personal knowledge of South Arabia beyond - +Kanê+ and Cape +Suagros+. Besides no other author speaks - of an Omana so far to westward as the position assigned to the Bay of - that name. The tract immediately beyond +Moskha+ or Ausera is - low and fertile, and is called +Dofar+ or +Zhafâr+, after - a famous city now destroyed, but whose ruins are still to be traced - between Al-hâfâh and Addahariz. “This Dhafâr,” says Yule (_Marco Polo_ - II. p. 442 note) “or the bold fountain above it, is supposed to be the - +Sephar+ of _Genesis_ X. 30.” It is certain that the Himyarites - had spread their dominion as far eastward as this place. Marco Polo - thus describes Dhafâr:—“It stands upon the sea, and has a very good - haven, so that there is a great traffic of shipping between this and - India; and the merchants take hence great numbers of Arab horses to - that market, making great profits thereby.... Much white incense is - produced here, and I will tell you how it grows. The trees are like - small fir-trees; these are notched with a knife in several places, and - from these notches the incense is exuded. Sometimes, also, it flows - from the tree without any notch, this is by reason of the great heat - of the sun there.” Müller would identify +Moskha+ with Zhafâr, - and accounts for the discrepancy of designation by supposing that our - author had confounded the name +Maskat+, which was the great seat - of the traffic in frankincense with the name of the greatest city - in the district which actually produced it. A similar confusion he - thinks transferred the name of Oman to the same part of the country. - The climate of the incense country is described as being extremely - unhealthy, but its unhealthiness seems to have been designedly - exaggerated. - -33. From the port of +Moskha+ onward to +Asikh+, a distance -of about 1,500 stadia, runs a range of hills pretty close to the -shore, and at its termination there are seven islands bearing the -name of +Zenobios+, beyond which again we come to another -barbarous district not subject to any power in Arabia, but to Persia. -If when sailing by this coast you stand well out to sea so as to -keep a direct course, then at about a distance from the island of -+Zenobios+ of 2,000 stadia you arrive at another island, called -that of +Sarapis+, lying off shore, say, 120 stadia. It is about -200 stadia broad and 600 long, possessing three villages inhabited by a -_savage_ tribe of +Ikhthyophagoi+, who speak the Arabic language, -and whose clothing consists of a girdle made from the leaves of the -cocoa-palm. The island produces in great plenty tortoise of excellent -quality, and the merchants of +Kanê+ accordingly fit out little -boats and cargo-ships to trade with it. - - - (33) Beyond +Moskha+ the coast is mountainous as far as - +Asikh+ and the islands of Zenobios—a distance excessively - estimated at 1,500 stadia. The mountains referred to are 5,000 feet - in height, and are those now called Subaha. +Asikh+ is readily - to be identified with the +Hâsek+ of Arabian geographers. Edrisi - (I. p. 54) says: “Thence (from Marbat) to the town of Hâsek is a four - days’ journey and a two days’ sail. Before +Hâsek+ are the two - islands of +Khartan+ and +Martan+. Above +Hâsek+ is - a high mountain named +Sous+, which commands the sea. It is an - inconsiderable town but populous.” This place is now in ruins, but has - left its name to the promontory on which it stood [Râs Hâsek, lat. 17° - 23´ N. long. 55° 20´ E. opposite the island of Hasiki]. The islands - of +Zenobios+ are mentioned by Ptolemy as seven in number, and - are those called by Edrisi +Khartan+ and +Martan+, now known - as the +Kuriyân Muriyân+ islands. The inhabitants belonged to an - Arab tribe which was spread from Hâsek to Râs-el-Ḥad, and was called - +Beit+ or +Beni Jenabi+, whence the Greek name. M. Polo in - the 31st chapter of his travels “discourseth of the two islands called - Male and Female,” the position of which he vaguely indicates by saying - that “when you leave the kingdom of +Kesmacoran+ (Mekran) which - is on the mainland, you go by sea some 500 miles towards the south, - and then you find the 2 islands Male and Female lying about 30 miles - distant from one another.” (See also _Marco Polo_, vol. II. p. 396 - note.) - - Beyond +Asikh+ is a district inhabited by barbarians, and subject - not to Arabia but to Persis. Then succeeds at a distance of 200 stadia - beyond the islands of +Zenobios+ the island of +Sarapis+, - (the Ogyris of Pliny) now called Masira [lat. 20° 10´ to 20° 42´ N., - long. 58° 37´ to 58° 59´ E.] opposite that part of the coast where - Oman now begins. The _Periplûs_ exaggerates both its breadth and its - distance from the continent. It was still inhabited by a tribe of - fish-eaters in the time of Ebn Batuta, by whom it was visited. - - On proceeding from +Sarapis+ the adjacent coast bends round, and - the direction of the voyage changes to north. The great cape which - forms the south-eastern extremity of Arabia called +Ras-el-Had+ - [lat. 22° 33´ N. long. 59° 48´ E.] is here indicated, but without - being named; Ptolemy calls it +Korodamon+ (VI. vii. 11.) - -34. If sailing onward you wind round with the adjacent coast to the -north, then as you approach the entrance of the Persian Gulf you -fall in with a group of islands which lie in a range along the coast -for 2,000 stadia, and are called the islands of +Kalaiou+. The -inhabitants of the adjacent coast are cruel and treacherous, and see -imperfectly in the daytime. - - - (34) Beyond it, and near the entrance to the Persian Gulf, occurs, - according to the _Periplûs_, a group of many islands, which lie in a - range along the coast over a space of 2,000 stadia, and are called the - islands of +Kalaiou+. Here our author is obviously in error, for - there are but three groups of islands on this coast, which are not by - any means near the entrance of the Gulf. They lie beyond Maskat [lat. - 23° 38´ N. long. 58° 36´ E.] and extend for a considerable distance - along the Batinah coast. The central group is that of the Deymâniyeh - islands (probably the Damnia of Pliny) which are seven in number, - and lie nearly opposite Birkeh [lat 23° 42´ N. long. 57° 55´ E.]. - The error, as Müller suggests, may be accounted for by supposing - that the tract of country called El Baṭinah was mistaken for islands. - This tract, which is very low and extremely fertile, stretches from - Birkeh [lat. 23° 42´ N. long. 57° 55´ E.] onward to Jibba, where high - mountains approach the very shore, and run on in an unbroken chain - to the mouth of the Persian Gulf. The islands are not mentioned by - any other author, for the +Calacou insulae+ of Pliny (VI. xxxii. - 150) must, to avoid utter confusion, be referred to the coast of the - Arabian Gulf. There is a place called +El Kilat+, the Akilla of - Pliny [lat. 22° 40´ N. long. 59° 24´ E.]—but whether this is connected - with the +Kalaiou+ islands of the _Periplûs_ is uncertain [Conf. - _Ind. Ant._ vol. IV. p. 48. El Kilhat, south of Maskat and close to - Ṣûr, was once a great port.] - -35. Near the last headland of the islands of +Kalaiou+ is the -mountain called +Kalon+ (Pulcher),[20] to which succeeds, at no -great distance, the mouth of the Persian Gulf, where there are very -many pearl fisheries. On the left of the entrance, towering to a vast -height, are the mountains which bear the name of +Asaboi+, and -directly opposite on the right you see another mountain high and round, -called the hill of +Semiramis+. The strait which separates them -has a width of 600 stadia, and through this opening the Persian Gulf -pours its vast expanse of waters far up into the interior. At the very -head of this gulf there is a regular mart of commerce, called the city -of +Apologos+, situate near +Pasinou-Kharax+ and the river -Euphrates. - - - (35) Before the mouth of the Persian Gulf is reached occurs a height - called +Kalon+ (Fair Mount) at the last head of the islands of - Papias—τῶν Παπίου νήσων. This reading has been altered by Fabricius - and Schwanbeck to των Καλαιου νησων. The Fair Mount, according to - Vincent, would answer sufficiently to Cape Fillam, if that be high - land, and not far from Fillam are the straits. The great cape which - Arabia protrudes at these straits towards Karmania is now called Ras - Mussendom. It was seen from the opposite coast by the expedition under - Nearkhos, to whom it appeared to be a day’s sail distant. The height - on that coast is called Semiramis, and also Strongylê from its round - shape. Mussendom, the ‘Asabôn akron’ of Ptolemy, Vincent says, “is a - sort of Lizard Point to the Gulf; for all the Arabian ships take their - departure from it with some ceremonies of superstition, imploring - a blessing on their voyage, and setting afloat a toy like a vessel - rigged and decorated, which if it is dashed to pieces by the rocks - is to be accepted by the ocean as an offering for the escape of the - vessel.” [The straits between the island of Mussendom and the mainland - are called El Bab, and this is the origin of the name of the Papiæ - islands.—Miles’ _Jour. R. A. Soc._ N. S. vol. x. p. 168.] - - The actual width of the straits is 40 miles. Pliny gives it at 50, and - the _Periplûs_ at 75. Cape Mussendom is represented in the _Periplûs_ - as in Ptolemy by the Mountains of the Asabi which are described as - tremendous heights, black, grim, and abrupt. They are named from the - tribe of +Beni Asab+. - - We enter now the Gulf itself, and here the _Periplûs_ mentions only - two particulars: the famous Pearl Fisheries which begin at the straits - and extend to Bahrein, and the situation of a regular trading mart - called +Apologos+, which lies at the very head of the Gulf on the - Euphrates, and in the vicinity of +Spasinou Kharax+. This place - does not appear to be referred to in any other classical work, but it - is frequently mentioned by Arabian writers under the name of Oboleh - or Obolegh. As an emporium it took the place of +Terêdôn+ or - +Diridôtis+, just as +Basra+ (below which it was situated) - under the second Khaliphate took the place of +Oboleh+ itself. - According to Vincent, Oboleh, or a village that represents it, still - exists between Basra and the Euphrates. The canal also is called - the canal of Oboleh. +Kharax Pasinou+ was situated where the - +Karûn+ (the +Eulæus+ of the ancients) flows into the - +Pasitigris+, and is represented by the modern trading town - +Muhammarah+. It was founded by Alexander the Great, and after - its destruction, was rebuilt by Antiokhos Epiphanes, who changed its - name from Alexandreia to Antiokheia. It was afterwards occupied by an - Arab Chief called Pasines, or rather +Spasines+, who gave it the - name by which it is best known. Pliny states that the original town - was only 10 miles from the sea, but that in his time the existing - place was so much as 120 miles from it. It was the birth-place of two - eminent geographers—Dionysius Periegetes and Isidôros. - -36. If you coast along the mouth of the gulf you are conducted by a -six days’ voyage to another seat of trade belonging to Persia, called -+Omana+.[21] Barugaza maintains a regular commercial intercourse -with both these Persian ports, despatching thither large vessels -freighted with copper, sandalwood, beams for rafters, horn, and logs of -sasamina and ebony. Omana imports also frankincense from Kanê, while -it exports to Arabia a particular species of vessels called _madara_, -which have their planks sewn together. But both from +Apologos+ -and +Omana+ there are exported to Barugaza and to Arabia great -quantities of pearl, of mean quality however compared with the Indian -sort, together with purple, cloth for the natives, wine, dates in great -quantity, and gold and slaves. - - (36) After this cursory glance at the great gulf, our author returns - to the straits, and at once conducts us to the Eastern shores of the - æErythræan, where occurs another emporium belonging to Persis, at a - distance from the straits of 6 courses or 3,000 stadia. This is Omana. - It is mentioned by Pliny (VI. xxxii. 149) who makes it belong to - Arabia, and accuses preceding writers for placing it in Karmania. - - The name of +Omana+ has been corrupted in the MSS. of Ptolemy - into Nommana, Nombana, +Kommana+, Kombana, but Marcian has - preserved the correct spelling. From Omana as from Apologos great - quantities of pearl of an inferior sort were exported to Arabia and - Barugaza. No part however of the produce of India is mentioned as - among its exports, although it was the centre of commerce between that - country and Arabia. - - 37. After leaving the district of +Omana+ the country of the - +Parsidai+ succeeds, which belongs to another government, and - the bay which bears the name of +Terabdoi+, from the midst of - which a cape projects. Here also is a river large enough to permit the - entrance of ships, with a small mart at its mouth called +Oraia+. - Behind it in the interior, at the distance of a seven days’ journey - from the coast, is the city where the king resides, called Rhambakia. - This district, in addition to corn, produces wine, rice, and dates, - though in the tract near the sea, only the fragrant gum called - bdellium. - - - (37) The district which succeeds Omana belongs to the +Parsidai+, - a tribe in Gedrosia next neighbours to the +Arbitae+ on the - East. They are mentioned by Ptolemy (VI. xx., p. 439) and by Arrian - (_Indika_ xxvi.) who calls them +Pasirees+, and notes that they - had a small town called +Pasira+, distant about 60 stadia from - the sea, and a harbour with good anchorage called +Bagisara+. The - Promontory of the _Periplûs_ is also noted and described as projecting - far into the sea, and being high and precipitous. It is the Cape - now called +Arabah+ or +Urmarah+. The Bay into which it - projects is called +Terabdôn+, a name which is found only in our - author. Vincent erroneously identifies this with the +Paragôn+ - of Ptolemy. It is no doubt the Bay which extends from Cape Guadel to - Cape Monze. The river which enters this Bay, at the mouth of which - stood the small mart called +Oraia+, was probably that which - is now called the Akbor. The royal city which lay inland from the - sea a seven days’ journey was perhaps, as Mannert has conjectured, - +Rambakia+, mentioned by Arrian (_Anab._ vi. 21) as the capital - of the +Oreitai+ or +Horitai+. - -38. After this region, where the coast is already deeply indented by -gulfs caused by the land advancing with a vast curve from the east, -succeeds the seaboard of Skythia, a region which extends to northward. -It is very low and flat, and contains the mouths of the +Sinthos+ -(Indus), the largest of all the rivers which fall into the Erythræan -Sea, and which, indeed, pours into it such a vast body of water that -while you are yet far off from the land at its mouth you find the sea -turned of a white colour by its waters. - -The sign by which voyagers before sighting land know that it is near -is their meeting with serpents floating on the water; but higher up -and on the coasts of Persia the first sign of land is seeing them of -a different kind, called _graai_. [Sansk. _graha_—an alligator.] The -river has seven mouths, all shallow, marshy and unfit for navigation -except only the middle stream, on which is +Barbarikon+, a trading -seaport. Before this town lies a small islet, and behind it in the -interior is +Minnagar+, the metropolis of Skythia, which is -governed, however, by Parthian princes, who are perpetually at strife -among themselves, expelling each the other. - - - (38) We now approach the mouths of the Indus which our author - calls the +Sinthos+, transliterating the native name of - it—+Sindhu+. In his time the wide tract which was watered by this - river in the lower part of its course was called +Indoskythia+. - It derived its name from the Skythian tribes (the +Śâka+ of - Sansk.) who after the overthrow of the Graeco-Baktrian empire - gradually passed southward to the coast, where they established - themselves about the year 120 B. C., occupying all the region - between the Indus and the Narmadâ. They are called by Dionysios - Periegetes +Notioi Skythai+, the Southern Skythians. Our author - mentions two cities which belonged to them—+Barbarikon+ and - +Minnagar+; the former of which was an emporium situated near the - sea on the middle and only navigable branch of the Indus. Ptolemy has - a +Barbarei+ in the Delta, but the position he assigns to it, - does not correspond with that of +Barbarikon+. +Minnagar+ - was the Skythian metropolis. It lay inland, on or near the banks of - the Indus. - -39. Ships accordingly anchor near +Barbarikê+, but all their -cargoes are conveyed by the river up to the king, who resides in the -metropolis. - -The articles imported into this emporium are—Ἱματισμὸς ἁπλους -ἱκανὸς—Clothing, plain and in considerable quantity. - -Ἱματισμὸς νόθος οὐ πολὺς—Clothing, mixed, not much. - -Πολύμιτα—Flowered cottons. - -Χρυσόλιθον—Yellow-stone, topazes. - -Κοράλλιον—Coral. - -Στύραξ—Storax. - -Λίβανος—Frankincense (_Lôbân_). - -Ὑαλά σκεύη—Glass vessels. - -Αργυρώματα—Silver plate. - -Χρῆμα—Specie. - -Οἰνος οὐ πολύς—Wine, but not much. - -The exports are:— - -Κόστος—Costus, a spice. - -Βδέλλα—Bdellium, a gum. - -Λύκιον—A yellow dye (_Ruzot_). - -Νάρδος—Spikenard. - -Λίθος καλλαïνος—Emeralds or green-stones. - -Σάπφειρος—Sapphires. - -Σηρικὰ δέρματα—Furs from China. - -Ὀθόνιον—Cottons. - -Νῆμα Σηρικὸν—Silk thread. - -Ἰνδικὸν μέλαν—Indigo. - -Ships destined for this port put out to sea when the Indian monsoon -prevails—that is, about the month of July or Epiphi. The voyage at this -season is attended with danger, but being shorter is more expeditious. - - - (39) Ships did not go up to it but remained at +Barbarikon+, - their cargoes being conveyed up the river in small boats. In Ptolemy - (VII. i. 61) the form of the name is +Binagara+, which is less - correct since the word is composed of _Min_, the Indian name for the - Skythians, and _nagar_, a city. Ritter considers that +Ṭhaṭha+ - is its modern representative, since it is called +Saminagar+ by - the Jâḍejâ Rajputs who, though settled in Kachh, derive their origin - from that city. To this view it is objected that Ṭhaṭha is not near - the position which Ptolemy assigns to his +Binagara+. Mannert - places it at +Bakkar+, D’Anville at +Mansura+, and Vincent - at +Menhabery+ mentioned by Edrisi (I. p. 164) as distant two - stations or 60 miles from +Dabil+, which again was three stations - or 90 miles from the mouth of the Indus, that is it lay at the head - of the Delta. Our author informs us that in his time +Minagar+ - was ruled by Parthian princes. The Parthians (the Parada of Sanskrit - writers) must therefore have subverted a Skythian dynasty which - must have been that which (as Benfey has shown) was founded by - +Yeukaotschin+ between the years 30 and 20 B.C., or - about 30 years only after the famous Indian Æra called _Śâkâbda_ - (the year of the Śâka) being that in which Vikramâditya expelled the - Skythians from Indian soil. The statement of the _Periplûs_ that - Parthian rulers succeeded the Skythian is confirmed by Parthian coins - found everywhere in this part of the country. These sovereigns must - have been of consequence, or the trade of their country very lucrative - to the merchant as appears by the presents necessary to ensure his - protection—plate, musical instruments, handsome girls for the Harem, - the best wine, plain cloth of high price, and the finest perfumes. - The profits of the trade must therefore have been great, but if - Pliny’s account be true, that every pound laid out in India produced a - hundred at Rome, greater exactions than these might easily have been - supported. - -40. After the river +Sinthos+ is passed we reach another gulf, -which cannot be easily seen. It has two divisions,—the Great and -the Little by name,—both shoal with violent and continuous eddies -extending far out from the shore, so that before ever land is in sight -ships are often grounded on the shoals, or being caught within the -eddies are lost. Over this gulf hangs a promontory which, curving from -+Eirinon+ first to the east, then to the south, and finally to the -west, encompasses the gulf called +Barakê+, in the bosom of which -lie seven islands. Should a vessel approach the entrance of this gulf, -the only chance of escape for those on board is at once to alter their -course and stand out to sea, for it is all over with them if they are -once fairly within the womb of +Barakê+, which surges with vast -and mighty billows, and where the sea, tossing in violent commotion, -forms eddies and impetuous whirlpools in every direction. The bottom -varies, presenting in places sudden shoals, in others being scabrous -with jagged rocks, so that when an anchor grounds its cable is either -at once cut through, or soon broken by friction at the bottom. The sign -by which voyagers know they are approaching this bay is their seeing -serpents floating about on the water, of extraordinary size and of a -black colour, for those met with lower down and in the neighbourhood of -Barugaza are of less size, and in colour green and golden. - - - (40) The first place mentioned after the Indus is the Gulf of - +Eirinon+, a name of which traces remain in the modern - appellation the +Raṇ+ of Kachh. This is no longer covered with - water except during the monsoon, when it is flooded by sea water or - by rains and inundated rivers. At other seasons it is not even a - marsh, for its bed is hard, dry and sandy; a mere saline waste almost - entirely devoid of herbage, and frequented but by one quadruped—the - wild ass. Burnes conjectured that its desiccation resulted from an - upheaval of the earth caused by one of those earthquakes which are so - common in that part of India. The +Raṇ+ is connected with the - Gulf of Kachh, which our author calls the Gulf of +Barakê+. - His account of it is far from clear. Perhaps, as Müller suggests, he - comprehended under +Eirinon+ the interior portion of the Gulf - of Kachh, limiting the Gulf of +Barakê+ to the exterior portion - or entrance to it. This gulf is called that of Kanthi by Ptolemy, - who mentions +Barakê+ only as an island, [and the south coast - of Kachh is still known by the name of Kantha]. The islands of the - _Periplûs_ extend westward from the neighbourhood of +Navanagar+ - to the very entrance of the Gulf. - -41. To the gulf of +Barakê+ succeeds that of +Barugaza+ and -the mainland of +Ariakê+, a district which forms the frontier of -the kingdom of +Mombaros+ and of all India. The interior part of -it which borders on +Skythia+ is called +Aberia+, and its -sea-board +Surastrênê+. It is a region which produces abundantly -corn and rice and the oil of sesamum, butter, muslins and the coarser -fabrics which are manufactured from Indian cotton. It has also numerous -herds of cattle. The natives are men of large stature and coloured -black. The metropolis of the district is +Minnagar+, from which -cotton cloth is exported in great quantity to +Barugaza+. In this -part of the country there are preserved even to this very day memorials -of the expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and -large wells. The extent of this coast, reckoned from +Barbarikon+ -to the promontory called +Papikê+, near +Astakapra+, which is -opposite +Barugaza+, is 3,000 stadia. - - - (41) To +Barakê+ succeeds the Gulf of +Barugaza+ (Gulf of - +Khambhât+) and the sea-board of the region called +Ariakê+. - The reading of the MS. here ἡ πρἡὸς Ἀραβικῆς χώρας is considered - corrupt. Müller substitutes ἡ ἤπειρος τῆς Ἀριακῆς χώρας, though - Mannert and others prefer Λαρικῆς χώρας, relying on Ptolemy, who - places +Ariakê+ to the south of +Larikê+, and says that - +Larikê+ comprehends the peninsula (of Gujarât) Barugaza and the - parts adjacent. As +Ariakê+ was however previously mentioned in - the _Periplûs_ (sec. 14) in connexion with Barugaza, and is afterwards - mentioned (sec. 54) as trading with Muziris, it must no doubt have - been mentioned by the author in its proper place, which is here. - [Bhagvanlâl Indraji Pandit has shewn reasons however for correcting - the readings into Αβαρατικη, the Prakrit form of +Aparântikâ+, an - old name of the western sea board of India.—_Ind. Ant._ vol. VII., pp. - 259, 263.] Regarding the name +Larikê+, Yule has the following - note (_Travels of M. Polo_ vol. II., p. 353):—“+Lâr-Deśa+, - the country of Lar,” properly Lât-deśa, was an early name for the - territory of Gujrat and the northern Konkan, embracing Saimur (the - modern Chaul as I believe) Thaṇa, and Bharoch. It appears in Ptolemy - in the form +Larikê+. The sea to the west of that coast was in - the early Muhammadan times called the sea of Lâr, and the language - spoken on its shores is called by +Mas’udi+, +Lâri+. - Abulfeda’s authority, Ibn Said, speaks of Lâr and Gujarât as identical. - - +Ariakê+ (Aparântikâ), our author informs us, was the beginning - or frontier of India. That part of the interior of Ariakê which - bordered on Skythia was called +Aberia+ or Abiria (in the MS. - erroneously Ibêria). The corresponding Indian word is +Abhira+, - which designated the district near the mouths of the river. Having - been even in very early times a great seat of commerce, some (as - Lassen) have been led to think from a certain similarity of the - names that this was the +Ophir+ of scripture, a view opposed - by Ritter. Abiria is mentioned by Ptolemy, who took it to be not a - part of India but of Indoskythia. The sea-board of Ariakê was called - +Surastrênê+, and is mentioned by Ptolemy, who says (VII. i. - 55) it was the region about the mouths of the Indus and the Gulf of - Kanthi. It answers to the Sanskrit +Surâshṭra+. Its capital was - Minnagar,—a city which, as its name shows, had once belonged to the - Min or Skythians. It was different of course from the Minnagar already - mentioned as the capital of Indo-Skythia. It was situated to the south - of +Ozênê+ (Ujjayinî, or Ujjain), and on the road which led from - that city to the River Narmadâ, probably near where Indôr now stands. - It must have been the capital only for a short time, as Ptolemy - informs us (II. i. 63) that +Ozênê+ was in his time the capital - of +Tiashanes+ [probably the Chashṭana of Coins and the Cave - Temple inscriptions]. From both places a great variety of merchandise - was sent down the Narmadâ to Barugaza. - - The next place our author mentions is a promontory called - +Papikê+ projecting into the Gulf of Khambât from that part of - the peninsula of Gujarât which lies opposite to the Barugaza coast. - Its distance from Barbarikon on the middle mouth of the Indus is - correctly given at 3,000 stadia. This promontory is said to be near - +Astakapra+, a place which is mentioned also by Ptolemy, and - which (_Ind. Ant._ vol. V. p. 314) has been identified by Colonel Yule - with +Hastakavapra+ (now +Hâthab+ near Bhaunagar), a name - which occurs in a copper-plate grant of Dhruvasena I of Valabhi. With - regard to the Greek form of this name Dr. Bühler thinks it is not - derived immediately from the Sanskrit, but from an intermediate old - Prakrit word Hastakampra, which had been formed by the contraction of - the syllables _ava_ to _â_, and the insertion of a nasal, according - to the habits of the Gujarâtîs. The loss of the initial, he adds, may - be explained by the difficulty which Gujarâtîs have now and probably - had 1,600 years ago in pronouncing the spirans in its proper place. - The modern name Hâthab or Hâthap may be a corruption of the shorter - Sanskrit form Hastavapra. - -42. After Papikê there is another gulf, exposed to the violence of the -waves and running up to the north. Near its mouth is an island called -+Baiônês+, and at its very head it receives a vast river called -the +Mais+. Those bound for +Barugaza+ sail up this gulf -(which has a breadth of about 300 stadia), leaving the island on the -left till it is scarcely visible in the horizon, when they shape their -course east for the mouth of the river that leads to Barugaza. This is -called the +Namnadios+. - - - (42) Beyond +Papikê+, we are next informed, there is another - gulf running northward into the interior of the country. This is not - really another Gulf but only the northern portion of the Gulf of - Khambât, which the _Periplûs_ calls the Gulf of Barugaza. It receives - a great river, the +Mais+, which is easily identified with the - +Mahi+, and contains an island called +Baiônês+ [the modern - Peram], which you leave on the left hand as you cross over from - Astakapra to Barugaza. - - We are now conducted to +Barugaza+, the greatest seat of commerce - in Western India, situated on a river called in the MS. of the - _Periplûs_ the +Lamnaios+, which is no doubt an erroneous reading - for +Namados+, or Namnados or Namnadios. This river is the - +Narmadâ+. It is called by Ptolemy the Namades. - -43. The passage into the gulf of +Barugaza+ is narrow and difficult -of access to those approaching it from the sea, for they are carried -either to the right or to the left, the left being the better passage -of the two. On the right, at the very entrance of the gulf, lies a -narrow stripe of shoal, rough and beset with rocks. It is called -+Herônê+, and lies opposite the village of +Kammôni+. On the -left side right against this is the promontory of +Papikê+, which -lies in front of +Astakapra+, where it is difficult to anchor, -from the strength of the current and because the cables are cut through -by the sharp rocks at the bottom. But even if the passage into the gulf -is secured the mouth of the Barugaza river is not easy to hit, since -the coast is low and there are no certain marks to be seen until you -are close upon them. Neither, if it is discovered, is it easy to enter, -from the presence of shoals at the mouth of the river. - - - (43) +Barugaza+ (Bharoch) which was 30 miles distant from its - mouth, was both difficult and dangerous of access; for the entrance - to the Gulf itself was, on the right, beset with a perilous stripe - (_tainia_) of rocky shoal called +Herônê+, and on the left, - (which was the safer course,) the violent currents which swept round - the promontory of Papikê rendered it unsafe to approach the shore or - to cast anchor. The shoal of Herônê was opposite a village on the - mainland called +Kammôni+, the Kamanê of Ptolemy (VII. i.), who - however places it to the north of the river’s mouth. Again, it was not - only difficult to hit the mouth of the river, but its navigation was - endangered by sandbanks and the violence of the tides, especially the - high tide called the ‘Bore,’ of which our author gives a description - so particular and so vivid as suffices to show that he was describing - what he had seen with his own eyes, and seen moreover for the first - time. With regard to the name +Barugaza+ the following passage, - which I quote from Dr. Wilson’s _Indian Castes_ (vol. II. p. 113) - will elucidate its etymology:—“The +Bhârgavas+ derive their - designation from +Bhargava+, the adjective form of +Bhṛigu+, - the name of one of the ancient Ṛishis. Their chief habitat is the - district of Bharoch, which must have got its name from a colony of - the school of Bhṛigu having been early established in this Kshêtra, - probably granted to them by some conqueror of the district. In - the name +Barugaza+ given to it by Ptolemy, we have a Greek - corruption of Bhṛigukshêtra (the territory of Bhṛigu) or Bhṛigukachha - (the tongueland of Bhṛigu).” Speaking of the Bhârgavas Dr. Drummond, - in his _Grammatical Illustrations_, says:—“These Brâhmans are indeed - poor and ignorant. Many of them, and other illiterate Gujarâtîs, - would, in attempting to articulate Bhṛigushêtra, lose the half in - coalesence, and call it Bargacha, whence the Greeks, having no _Ch_, - wrote it Barugaza.” - -44. For this reason native fishermen appointed by Government are -stationed with well-manned long boats called _trappaga_ and -_kotumba_ at the entrance of the river, whence they go out as far as -+Surastrênê+ to meet ships, and pilot them up to Barugaza. At the -head of the gulf the pilot, immediately on taking charge of a ship, -with the help of his own boat’s crew, shifts her head to keep her -clear of the shoals, and tows her from one fixed station to another, -moving with the beginning of the tide, and dropping anchor at certain -roadsteads and basins when it ebbs. These basins occur at points where -the river is deeper than usual, all the way up to +Barugaza+, -which is 300 stadia distant from the mouth of the river if you sail up -the stream to reach it. - -45. India has everywhere a great abundance of rivers, and her seas ebb -and flow with tides of extraordinary strength, which increase with -the moon, both when new and when full, and for three days after each, -but fall off in the intermediate space. About +Barugaza+ they are -more violent than elsewhere; so that all of a sudden you see the depths -laid bare, and portions of the land turned into sea, and the sea, where -ships were sailing but just before, turned without warning into dry -land. The rivers, again, on the access of flood tide rushing into their -channels with the whole body of the sea, are driven upwards against -their natural course for a great number of miles with a force that is -irresistible. - -46. This is the reason why ships frequenting this emporium are exposed, -both in coming and going, to great risk, if handled by those who are -unacquainted with the navigation of the gulf or visit it for the -first time, since the impetuosity of the tide when it becomes full, -having nothing to stem or slacken it, is such that anchors cannot -hold against it. Large vessels, moreover, if caught in it are driven -athwart from their course by the rapidity of the current till they are -stranded on shoals and wrecked, while the smaller craft are capsized, -and many that have taken refuge in the side channels, being left dry -by the receding tide, turn over on one side, and, if not set erect -on props, are filled upon the return of the tide with the very first -head of the flood, and sunk. But at new moons, especially when they -occur in conjunction with a night tide, the flood sets in with such -extraordinary violence that on its beginning to advance, even though -the sea be calm, its roar is heard by those living near the river’s -mouth, sounding like the tumult of battle heard far off, and soon after -the sea with its hissing waves bursts over the bare shoals. - -47. Inland from +Barugaza+ the country is inhabited by numerous -races—the +Aratrioi+, and the +Arakhosioi+, and the -+Gandaraioi+, and the people of +Proklaïs+, in which is -+Boukephalos Alexandreia+. Beyond these are the +Baktrianoi+, -a most warlike race, governed by their own independent sovereign. -It was from these parts Alexander issued to invade India when he -marched as far as the Ganges, without, however, attacking Limurikê and -the southern parts of the country. Hence up to the present day old -_drachmai_ bearing the Greek inscriptions of +Apollodotos+ and -+Menander+ are current in Barugaza. - - - (47) The account of the ‘bore’ is followed by an enumeration of the - countries around and beyond Barugaza with which it had commercial - relations. Inland are the +Aratrioi+, +Arakhosioi+, - +Gandarioi+ and the people of +Proklaïs+, a province wherein - is Boukephalos Alexandreia, beyond which is the Baktrian nation. It - has been thought by some that by the +Aratrioi+ are meant the - Arii, by others that they were the +Arâstrâs+ of Sanskrit called - Aratti in the Prakrit, so that the +Aratrioi+ of the _Periplûs_ - hold an intermediate place between the Sanskrit and Prakrit form - of the name. Müller however says “if you want a people known to - the Greeks and Romans as familiarly as the well-known names of the - Arakhosii, Gandarii, Peukelitae, you may conjecture that the proper - reading is ΔΡΑΝΓΩΝ instead of ΑΡΑΤΡΙΩΝ.” It is an error of course on - the part of our author when he places +Boukephalos+ (a city built - by Alexander on the banks of the Hydaspês, where he defeated Pôros), - in the neighbourhood of Proklaïs, that is Pekhely in the neighbourhood - of Peshawar. He makes a still more surprising error when he states - that Alexander penetrated to the Ganges. - -48. In the same region eastward is a city called +Ozênê+, formerly -the capital wherein the king resided. From it there is brought down -to Barugaza every commodity for the supply of the country and for -export to our own markets—onyx-stones, porcelain, fine muslins, -mallow-coloured muslins, and no small quantity of ordinary cottons. At -the same time there is brought down to it from the upper country by -way of +Proklaïs+, for transmission to the coast, Kattybourine, -Patropapigic, and Kabalitic spikenard, and another kind which reaches -it by way of the adjacent province of Skythia; also kostus and bdellium. - - - (48) The next place mentioned in the enumeration is +Ozênê+ - (Ujjain), which, receiving nard through Proklaïs from the distant - regions where it was produced, passed it on to the coast for export - to the Western World. This aromatic was a product of three districts, - whence its varieties were called respectively the _Kattybourine_, the - _Patropapigic_ and the _Kabolitic_. What places were indicated by the - first two names cannot be ascertained, but the last points undoubtedly - to the region round Kâbul, since its inhabitants are called by Ptolemy - +Kabolitai+, and Edrisi uses the term _Myrobalanos Kabolinos_ - for the ‘myrobolans of Kâbul.’ Nard, as Edrisi also observes, has its - proper soil in Thibet. - -49. The imports of +Barugaza+ are— - -Οἶνος προηγουμένος Ἰταλικὸς—Wine, principally Italian. - -Καὶ Λαοδικηνὸς καὶ Ἀραβικὸς—Laodikean wine and Arabian. - -Χαλκος καὶ κασσίτερος καὶ μόλυβδος—Brass or Copper and Tin and Lead. - -Κοράλλιον καὶ χρυσόλιθον—Coral and Gold-stone or Yellow-stone. - -Ἱματισμὸς ἁπλοῦς καὶ νόθος πανταῖος—Cloth, plain and mixed, of all -sorts. - -Πολύμιται ζῶναι πηχυαῖαι—Variegated sashes half a yard wide. - -Στύραξ—Storax. - -Μελίλωτον—Sweet clover, melilot. - -Ὕαλος ἀργὴ—White glass. - -Σανδαράκη—Gum Sandarach. - -Στίμμι—(Stibium) Tincture for the eyes,—_Sûrmâ_. - -Δηνάριον χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργυροῦν—Gold and Silver specie, yielding a profit -when exchanged for native money. - -Μύρον οὐ βαρύτιμον ὀυδὲ πολὺ—Perfumes or unguents, neither costly nor -in great quantity. - -In those times, moreover, there were imported, _as presents_ to the -king, costly silver vases, instruments of music, handsome young women -for concubinage, superior wine, apparel, plain but costly, and the -choicest unguents. The exports from this part of the country are— - -Νὺρδος, κόστος, βδέλλα, ἐλέφας—Spikenard, costus, bdellium, ivory. - -Ὀνυχίνη λιθία καὶ μουρρίνη—Onyx-stones and porcelain. - -Λύκιον—_Ruzot_, Box-thorn. - -Ὀθόνιον παντοῖον—Cottons of all sorts. - -Σηρικὸν—Silk. - -Μολόχινον—Mallow-coloured cottons. - -Νῆμα—_Silk_ thread. - -Πέτερι μακρὸν—Long pepper and other articles supplied from the -neighbouring ports. - -The proper season to set sail for Barugaza from Egypt is the month of -July, or Epiphi. - -50. From +Barugaza+ the coast immediately adjoining stretches from -the north directly to the south, and the country is therefore called -+Dakhinabadês+, because Dakhan in the language of the natives -signifies _south_. Of this country that part which lies inland towards -the east comprises a great space of desert country, and large mountains -abounding with all kinds of wild animals, leopards, tigers, elephants, -huge snakes, hyenas, and baboons of many different sorts, and is -inhabited right across to the Ganges by many and extremely populous -nations. - - - (50) +Barugaza+ had at the same time commercial - relations with the Dekhan also. This part of India our - author calls +Dakhinabadês+, transliterating the word - +Dakshinâpatha+—(the Dakshinâ, or the South Country). “Here,” - says Vincent, “the author of the _Periplûs_ gives the true direction - of this western coast of the Peninsula, and states in direct terms its - tendency to the South, while Ptolemy stretches out the whole angle - to a straight line, and places the Gulf of Cambay almost in the same - latitude as Cape Comorin.” - -51. Among the marts in this South Country there are two of more -particular importance—+Paithana+, which lies south from -Barugaza, a distance of twenty days, and +Tagara+, ten days east -of Paithana, the greatest city in the country. Their commodities -are carried down on wagons to Barugaza along roads of extreme -difficulty,—that is, from +Paithana+ a great quantity of -onyx-stone, and from +Tagara+ ordinary cottons in abundance, many -sorts of muslins, mallow-coloured cottons, and other articles of local -production brought into it from the parts along the coast. The length -of the entire voyage as far as +Limurikê+ is 700 stadia, and to -reach +Aigialos+ you must sail very many stadia further. - - - (51) In the interior of the Dekhan, the _Periplûs_ places two great - seats of commerce, +Paithana+, 20 days’ journey to the south of - Barugaza, and +Tagara+, 10 days’ journey eastward from Paithana. - Paithana, which appears in Ptolemy as Baithana, may be identified - with +Paithana+. +Tagara+ is more puzzling. Wilford, - Vincent, Mannert, Ritter and others identify it with +Dêvagiri+ - or Deogarh, near Elurâ, about 8 miles from Aurangâbâd. The name of a - place called Tagarapura occurs in a copper grant of land which was - found in the island of Salsette. There is however nothing to show - that this was a name of Dêvagiri. Besides, if Paithana be correctly - identified, Tagara cannot be Dêvagiri unless the distances and - directions are very erroneously given in the _Periplûs_. This is - not improbable, and Tagara may therefore be +Junnar+ (_i.e._ - Jûna-nagar = _the old city_), which from its position must always have - been an emporium, and its Buddha caves belong to about B.C. - 100 to A.D. 150 (see _Archæolog. Surv. of West. India_, vol. - III., and Elphinstone’s _History of India_, p. 223). - - Our author introduces us next to another division of India, that - called +Limurikê+, which begins, as he informs us, at a distance - of 7,000 stadia (or nearly 900 miles) beyond Barugaza. This estimate - is wide of the mark, being in fact about the distance between - Barugaza and the southern or remote extremity of Limurikê. In the - Indian segment of the Roman maps called from their discoverer, the - _Peutinger Tables_, the portion of India to which this name is applied - is called +Damirike+. We can scarcely err, says Dr. Caldwell - (_Dravid. Gram._ Intr. page 14), in identifying this name with the - Tami[l:] country. If so, the earliest appearance of the name Tami[l:] - in any foreign documents will be found also to be most perfectly - in accordance with the native Tami[l:] mode of spelling the name. - +Damirike+ evidently means _Damirike_.... In another place in the - same map a district is called +Scytia Dymirice+; and it appears - to have been this word which by a mistake of Δ for Λ Ptolemy - wrote Λυμιρικὴ. The D retains its place however in the Cosmography - of the anonymous geographer of Ravenna, who repeatedly mentions - +Dimirica+ as one of the three divisions of India and the one - furthest to the East. He shows also that the Tami[l:] country must - have been meant by the name by mentioning +Modura+ as one of the - cities it contained. - -52. The local marts which occur in order _along the coast_ after -+Barugaza+ are +Akabarou+, +Souppara+, +Kalliena+, -a city which was raised to the rank of a regular mart in the times -of the elder +Saraganes+, but after +Sandanes+ became its -master its trade was put under the severest restrictions; for if Greek -vessels, even by accident, enter its ports, a guard is put on board and -they are taken to Barugaza. - - - (52) Reverting to +Barugaza+ our author next enumerates the - less important emporia having merely a local trade which intervenes - between it and +Dimurikê+. Those are first +Akabarou+, - +Souppara+, and +Kalliena+—followed by +Semulla+, - +Mandagora+, +Palaipatmai+, +Meligeizara+, - +Buzantion+, +Toperon+, and +Turanosboas+,—beyond which - occurs a succession of islands, some of which give shelter to pirates, - and of which the last is called +Leukê+ or White Island. The - actual distance from Barugaza to Naoura, the first port of Dimurikê, - is 4,500 stadia. - - To take these emporia in detail. +Akabarou+ cannot be identified. - The reading is probably corrupt. Between the mouths of the Namados - and those of the Goaris, Ptolemy interposes Nousaripa, Poulipoula, - Ariakê Sadinôn, and Soupara. +Nausaripa+ is +Nausari+, about - 18 miles to the south of Surat, and +Soupara+ is +Sûpârâ+ - near Vasâï. Benfey, who takes it to be the name of a region and not - of a city, regards it as the +Ophir+ of the Bible—called in the - Septuagint Σωφηρά. +Sôphir+, it may be added, is the Coptic name - for India. +Kalliena+ is now +Kalyâna+ near Bombay [which - must have been an important place at an early date. It is named in - the Kaṇhêri Bauddha Cave Inscriptions]. It is mentioned by Kosmas (p. - 337), who states that it produced copper and sesamum and other kinds - of logs, and cloth for wearing apparel. The name +Sandanes+, - that of the Prince who sent Greek ships which happened to put into - its port under guard to Barugaza, is thought by Benfey to be a - territorial title which indicated that he ruled over +Ariakê+ - of the Sandineis. [But the older “Saraganes” probably indicates one - of the great Śâtakarṇi or Ândhrabhṛitya dynasty.] Ptolemy does not - mention Kalliena, though he supplies the name of a place omitted in - the _Periplûs_, namely +Dounga+ (VII. i. 6) near the mouth of the - river +Bênda+. - -53. After +Kalliena+ other local marts occur—+Semulla+, -+Mandagora+, +Palaipatmai+, +Melizeigara+, -+Buzantion+, +Toparon+, and +Turannosboas+. You come -next to the islands called +Sêsekreienai+ and the island of the -+Aigidioi+ and that of the +Kaineitai+, near what is called -the +Khersonêsos+, places in which are pirates, and after this -the island +Leukê+ (or ‘the White’). Then follow +Naoura+ -and +Tundis+, the first marts of +Limurikê+, and after these -+Mouziris+ and +Nelkunda+, the seats of Government. - - - (53) +Semulla+ (in Ptolemy +Timoula+ and +Simulla+) - is identified by Yule with +Chênval+ or Chaul, a seaport 23 - miles south of Bombay; [but Bhagvanlâl Indraji suggests Chimûla - in Trombay island at the head of the Bombay harbour; and this is - curiously supported by one of the Kanhêri inscriptions in which - +Chemûla+ is mentioned, apparently as a large city, like - Supârâ and Kalyâna, in the neighbourhood]. After Simulla Ptolemy - mentions +Hippokoura+ [possibly, as suggested by the same, a - partial translation of +Ghoḍabandar+ on the Choḍa nadi in the - Ṭhaṅa strait] and +Baltipatna+ as places still in Ariakê, but - +Mandagara Buzanteion+, +Khersonêsos+, +Armagara+, - the mouths of the river +Nanagouna+, and an emporium called - +Nitra+, as belonging to the Pirate Coast which extended to - Dimurikê, of which +Tundis+, he says, is the first city. Ptolemy - therefore agrees with our author in assigning the Pirate Coast to the - tract of country between Bombay and Goa. This coast continued to be - infested with pirates till so late a period as the year 1765, when - they were finally exterminated by the British arms. +Mandagara+ - and +Palaipatma+ may have corresponded pretty nearly in situation - with the towns of Rájapur and Bankut. Yule places them respectively - at Bankut and Debal. +Melizeigara+ (Milizêguris or Milizigêris - of Ptolemy, VII. i. 95), Vincent identifies with Jaygaḍh or Sidê - Jaygaḍh. The same place appears in Pliny as +Sigerus+ (VI. xxvi. - 100). Buzantium may be referred to about Vijayadrug or Esvantgadh, - +Toparon+ may be a corrupt reading for +Togaron+, and may - perhaps therefore be Devagaḍh which lies a little beyond Vijayndrug. - +Turannosboas+ is not mentioned elsewhere, but it may have been, - us Yule suggests, the Bandâ or Tirakal river. Müller placed it at - Acharê. The first island on this part of the coast is Sindhudrug - near Mâlwan, to which succeeds a group called the Burnt Islands, - among which the Vingorla rocks are conspicuous. These are no doubt - the +Heptanêsia+ of Ptolemy (VII. i. 95), and probably the - +Sêsikrienai+ of the _Periplûs_. The island Aigidion called that - of the Aigidii may be placed at Goa, [but Yule suggests Angediva south - of Sadaśivagaḍh, in lat. 14° 45´ N., which is better]. Kaineiton may - be the island of St. George. - - We come next to +Naoura+ in Dimurikê. This is now +Honâvar+, - written otherwise Onore, situated on the estuary of a broad river, - the +Śarâvatî+, on which are the falls of Gêrsappa, one of - the most magnificent and stupendous cataracts in the world. If the - +Nitra+ of Ptolemy (VII. i. 7) and the +Nitria+ of Pliny be - the same as +Naoura+, then these authors extend the pirate coast - a little further south than the _Periplûs_ does. But if they do not, - and therefore agree in their views as to where Dimurikê begins, the - +Nitra+ may be placed, Müller thinks, at Mirjan or Komta, which - is not far north from Honâvar. [Yule places it at Mangalur.] Müller - regards the first supposition however as the more probable, and quotes - at length a passage from Pliny (VI. xxvi. 104) referring thereto, - which must have been excerpted from some _Periplûs_ like our author’s, - but not from it as some have thought. “To those bound for India it is - most convenient to depart from Okêlis. They sail thence with the wind - Hipalus in 40 days to the first emporium of India, Muziris, which is - not a desirable place to arrive at on account of pirates infesting the - neighbourhood, who hold a place called +Nitrias+, while it is not - well supplied with merchandize. Besides, the station for ships is at - a great distance from the shore, and cargoes have both to be landed - and to be shipped by means of little boats. There reigned there when I - wrote this +Caelobothras+. Another port belonging to the nation - is more convenient, +Neacyndon+, which is called +Becare+ - (_sic. codd._, Barace, Harduin and Sillig). There reigned Pandiôn in - an inland town far distant from the emporium called +Modura+. - The region, however, from which they convey pepper to Becare in boats - formed from single logs is +Cottonara+.” - -54. To the kingdom under the sway of +Kêprobotres[22] Tundis+ is -subject, a village of great note situate near the sea. +Mouziris+, -which pertains to the same realm, is a city at the height of -prosperity, frequented as it is by ships from +Ariakê+ and Greek -ships _from Egypt_. It lies near a river at a distance from Tundis of -500 stadia, whether this is measured from river to river or by the -length of the sea voyage, and it is 20 stadia distant from the mouth -of its own river. The distance of +Nelkunda+ from +Mouziris+ -also nearly 500 stadia, whether measured from river to river or -by the sea voyage, but it belongs to a different kingdom, that of -+Pandiôn+. It likewise is situate near a river and at about a -distance from the sea of 120 stadia. - - - (54) With regard to the names in this extract which occur also in - the _Periplûs_ the following passages quoted from Dr. Caldwell’s - _Dravidian Grammar_ will throw much light. He says (Introd. p. - 97):—“+Muziris+ appears to be the +Muyiri+ of Muyiri-kotta. - Tyndis is +Tuṇḍi+, and the Kynda, of Nelkynda, or as Ptolemy - has it, Melkynda, _i. e._ probably Western kingdom, seems to be - +Kannettri+, the southern boundary of Kêrala proper. One MS. of - Pliny writes the second part of this word not _Cyndon_ but _Canidon_. - The first of these places was identified by Dr. Gundert, for the - remaining two we are indebted to Dr. Burnell. - - “Cottonara, Pliny; Kottonarike, _Periplûs_, the district where - the best pepper was produced. It is singular that this district - was not mentioned by Ptolemy. +Cottonara+ was evidently the - name of the district. κοττοναρικον the name of the pepper for - which the district was famous. Dr. Buchanan identifies Cottonara - with +Kaḍatta-naḍu+, the name of a district in the Calicut - country celebrated for its pepper. Dr. Burnell identifies it with - +Koļatta-nâḍu+, the district about Tellicherry which he says - is the pepper district. _Kadatta_ in Malayâlam means ‘transport, - conveyance,’ +Nâdû+, Tam.—Mal., means a district.” - - “The prince called Kêrobothros by Ptolemy (VII. i. 86) is called - Kêprobotros by the author of the _Periplûs_. The insertion of π is - clearly an error, but more likely to be the error of a copyist than - that of the author, who himself had visited the territories of the - prince in question. He is called Caelobothras in Pliny’s text, but - one of the MSS. gives it more correctly as Celobotras. The name in - Sanskrit, and in full is ‘Keralaputra,’ but both _kêra_ and _kêla_ are - Dravidian abbreviations of _kêralâ_. They are Malayâļam however, not - Tamil abbreviations, and the district over which Keralaputra ruled - is that in which the Malayâļam language is now spoken” (p. 95). From - Ptolemy we learn that the capital of this prince was +Karoura+, - which has been “identified with +Karûr+, an important town in the - Koimbatur district originally included in the Chêra kingdom. Karûr - means the black town.... Ptolemy’s word +Karoura+ represents - the Tami[l:] name of the place with perfect accuracy.” Nelkunda, our - author informs us, was not subject to this prince but to another - called +Pandiôn+. This name, says Dr. Caldwell, “is of Sanskrit - origin, and +Pandæ+, the form which Pliny, after Megasthenês, - gives in his list of the Indian nations, comes very near the Sanskrit. - The more recent local information of Pliny himself, as well as the - notices of Ptolemy and the _Periplûs_, supply us with the Dravidian - form of the word. The Tami[l:] sign of the masc. sing. is _an_, and - Tami[l:] inserts _i_ euphonically after _ṇḍ_, consequently Pandiôn, - and still better the plural form of the word +Pandiones+, - faithfully represents the Tami[l:] masc. sing. +Pâṇḍiyan+.” In - another passage the same scholar says: “The Sanskrit Pâṇḍya is written - in Tamil Pâṇḍiya, but the more completely tamilized form +Pâṇḍi+ - is still more commonly used all over southern India. I derive Pâṇḍi, - as native scholars always derive the word, from the Sanskrit Pâṇḍu, - the name of the father of the Pâṇḍava brothers.” The capital of this - prince, as Pliny has stated, was +Modura+, which is the Sanskrit - Maṭhurâ pronounced in the Tami[l:] manner. The corresponding city in - Northern India, Maṭhurâ, is written by the Greeks +Methora+. - - +Nelkunda+ is mentioned by various authors under varying forms of - the name. As has been already stated, it is Melkunda in Ptolemy, who - places it in the country of the Aii. In the _Peutingerian Table_ it is - Nincylda, and in the Geographer of Ravenna, Nilcinna. At the mouth of - the river on which it stands was its shipping port +Bakare+ or - Becare, according to Müller now represented by +Markari+ (lat. - 12° N.) Yule conjectures that it must have been between Kanetti and - Kolum in Travancore. Regarding the trade of this place we may quote a - remark from Vincent. “We find,” he says, “that throughout the whole - which the _Periplûs_ mentions of India we have a catalogue of the - exports and imports only at the two ports of Barugaza and Nelcynda, - and there seems to be a distinction fixed between the articles - appropriate to each. Fine muslins and ordinary cottons are the - principal commodities of the first; tortoise shell, precious stones, - silk, and above all pepper, seem to have been procurable only at the - latter. This pepper is said to be brought to this port from Cottonara, - famous to this hour for producing the best pepper in the world except - that of Sumatra. The pre-eminence of these two ports will account - for the little that is said of the others by the author, and why he - has left us so few characters by which we may distinguish one from - another.” - - Our author on concluding his account of Nelkunda interrupts his - narrative to relate the incidents of the important discovery of the - monsoon made by that Columbus of antiquity Hippalus. This account, - Vincent remarks, naturally excites a curiosity in the mind to enquire - how it should happen that the monsoon should have been noticed by - Nearkhos, and that from the time of his voyage for 300 years no one - should have attempted a direct course till Hippalus ventured to - commit himself to the ocean. He is of opinion that there was a direct - passage by the monsoons both in going to and coming from India in use - among the Arabians before the Greeks adopted it, and that Hippalus - frequenting these seas as a pilot or merchant, had met with Indian or - Arabian traders who made their voyages in a more compendious manner - than the Greeks, and that he collected information from them which he - had both the prudence and courage to adopt, just as Columbus, while - owing much to his own nautical experience and fortitude was still - under obligations to the Portuguese, who had been resolving the great - problems in the art of navigation for almost a century previous to his - expedition. - -55. At the very mouth of this river lies another village, +Bakare+, -to which the ships despatched from Nelkunda come down _empty_ and -ride at anchor off shore while taking in cargo: for the river, it may -be noted, has sunken reefs and shallows which make its navigation -difficult. The sign by which those who come hither by sea know they are -nearing land is their meeting with snakes, which are here of a black -colour, not so long as those already mentioned, like serpents about the -head, and with eyes the colour of blood. - - - (55) +Nelkunda+ appears to have been the limit of our author’s - voyage along the coast of India, for in the sequel of his narrative - he defines but vaguely the situation of the places which he notices, - while his details are scanty, and sometimes grossly inaccurate. Thus - he makes the Malabar Coast extend southwards beyond Cape Comorin as - far at least as Kolkhoi (near Tutikorin) on the Coromandel coast, and - like many ancient writers, represents Ceylon as stretching westward - almost as far as Africa. - -56. The ships which frequent these ports are of a large size, on account -of the great amount and bulkiness of the pepper and betel of which -their lading consists. The imports here are principally— - -Χρήματα πλεῖ στα—Great quantities of specie. - -Χρυσόλιθα—(Topaz?) Gold-stone, Chrysolite. - -Ἰματισμὸς ἁπλοὸς οὐ πολὺς—A small assortment of plain cloth. - -Πολύμιτα—Flowered robes. - -Στίμμι, κοράλλιον—Stibium, a pigment for the eyes, coral. - -ὕαλος ἀργὴ χαλκὸς—White glass, copper or brass. - -Κασσίτερος, μόλυβδος—Tin, lead. - -Οἵνος οὐ πολύς, ὡσεὶ δὲ τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἐν Βαρυγάζοις—Wine but not much, -but about as much as at Barugaza. - -Σανδαράκη—Sandarach (_Sindûrâ_). - -Ἀρσενικὸν—Arsenic (Orpiment), yellow sulphuret of arsenic. - -Σῖτος ὅσος ἀρκέ σει τοῖς περὶ το ναυκλήριον, διὰ τὸ μὴ τοὺς ἐμπόρους -αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι—Corn, only for the use of the ship’s company, as the -merchants do not sell it. - -The following commodities are brought to it for export:— - -Πέπερι μονογενῶς ἐν ἐνὶ τόπω τούτων τῶν ἐμπορίων γεννώμενον πολύ τῇ -λεγομενῇ Κοττοναρικη—Pepper in great quantity, produced in only one of -these marts, and called the pepper of Kottonara. - -Μαργαρίτης ίκανὸς καὶ διάφορος—Pearls in great quantity and of superior -quality. - -Ἐλέφας—Ivory. - -Ὀθόνια Σηρικὰ—Fine silks. - -Νάρδος ἡ Γαγγητικὴ—Spikenard from the Ganges. - -Μαλάβαθρον—Betel—all brought from countries further east. - -Λιθία διαφανὴς παντοία—Transparent or precious stones of all -sorts. - -Αδάμας—Diamonds. - -Ὑάκινθος—Jacinths. - -Χελώνη ἥτε Χρυσονησιωτικὴ καὶ ἡ περὶ τὰς νήσους θηρευομένη τὰς -προκειμένας αὐτῆς τῆς Λιμυρικῆς—Tortoise-shell from the Golden Island, -and another sort which is taken in the islands which lie off the coast -of Limurikê. - -The proper season to set sail from Egypt for this part of India is -about the month of July—that is, Epiphi. - -57. The whole round of the voyage from +Kanê+ and +Eudaimôn -Arabia+, which we have just described, used to be performed in -small vessels which kept close to shore and followed its windings, but -+Hippalos+ was the pilot who first, by observing the bearings -of the ports and the configuration of the sea, discovered the direct -course across the ocean; whence as, at the season when our own Etesians -are blowing, a periodical wind from the ocean likewise blows in the -Indian Sea, this wind, which is the south-west, is, it seems, called in -these seas Hippalos [after the name of the pilot who first discovered -the _passage by means of it_]. From the time of this discovery to the -present day, merchants who sail for India either from +Kanê+, or, -as others do, from +Arômata+, if Limurikê be their destination, -must often change their tack, but if they are bound for +Barugaza+ -and +Skythia+, they are not retarded for more than three days, -after which, committing themselves to the monsoon which blows right in -the direction of their course, they stand far out to sea, leaving all -the gulfs we have mentioned in the distance. - -58. After +Bakare+ occurs the mountain called Pyrrhos (or the -Red) towards the south, near another district of the country called -+Paralia+ (where the pearl-fisheries are which belong to king -Pandiôn), and a city of the name of +Kolkhoi+. In this tract the -first place met with is called +Balita+, which has a good harbour -and a village on its shore. Next to this is another place called -+Komar+, where is the cape of the same name and a haven. Those who -wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come -hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done -by women; since it is related that the goddess (_Kumârî_) once on a -time resided at the place and bathed. From +Komarei+ (towards the -south) the country extends as far as +Kolkhoi+, where the fishing -for pearls is carried on. Condemned criminals are employed in this -service. King Pandiôn is the owner of the fishery. To +Kolkhoi+ -succeeds another coast lying along a gulf having a district in the -interior bearing the name of +Argalou+. In this single place are -obtained the pearls collected near the island of +Epiodôros+. From -it are exported the muslins called _ebargareitides_. - - - (58) The first place mentioned after +Bakare+ is +Pyrrhos+, - or the Red Mountain, which extends along a district called - +Paralia+. “There are,” says Dr. Caldwell (Introd. p. 99), “three - Paralias mentioned by the Greeks, two by Ptolemy ... one by the author - of the _Periplûs_. The Paralia mentioned by the latter corresponded - to Ptolemy’s country of the Ἄïοι, and that of the Καρεοι, that is, - to South Travancore and South Tinnevelly. It commenced at the Red - Cliffs south of Quilon, and included not only Cape Comorin but also - Κόλχοι, where the pearl fishing was carried on, which belonged to King - Pandiôn. Dr. Burnell identifies Paralia with Parali, which he states - is an old name for Travancore, but I am not quite able to adopt this - view.” “Paralia,” he adds afterwards, “may possibly have corresponded - in meaning, if not in sound, to some native word meaning coast,—viz., - Karei.” On this coast is a place called +Balita+, which is - perhaps the +Bammala+ of Ptolemy (VII. i. 9), which Mannert - identifies with Manpalli, a little north of Anjenga. - - - [Transcriber’s Note: There is no Paragraph 59] - - -60. Among the marts and anchorages along this shore to which -merchants from Limurikê and the north resort, the most conspicuous -are +Kamara+ and +Podoukê+ and +Sôpatma+, which occur -in the order in which we have named them. In these marts are found -those native vessels for coasting voyages which trade as far as -Limurikê, and another kind called _sangara_, mode by fastening together -large vessels formed each of a single timber, and also others called -_kolandiophônta_, which are of great bulk and employed for voyages -to +Khrusê+ and the +Ganges+. These marts import all the -commodities which reach Limurikê for commercial purposes, absorbing -likewise nearly every species of goods brought from Egypt, and most -descriptions of all the goods exported from Limurikê and disposed of on -this coast _of India_. - - - (60) We now reach the great promontory called in the _Periplûs_ - +Komar+ and +Komarei+, Cape Kumârî. “It has derived its - name,” says Caldwell, “from the Sans. _Kumârî_, a virgin, one of the - names of the goddess Durgâ, the presiding divinity of the place, - but the shape which this word has taken is, especially in _komar_, - distinctively Tamilian.” In ordinary Tamil _Kumârî_ becomes _Kumări_; - and in the vulgar dialect of the people residing in the neighbourhood - of the Cape a virgin is neither Kumârî nor Kumări but Kŭmăr pronounced - Kŏmar. It is remarkable that this vulgar corruption of the Sanskrit - is identical with the name given to the place by the author of the - _Periplûs_.... The monthly bathing in honor of the goddess Durgâ is - still continued at Cape Comorin, but is not practised to the same - extent as in ancient times.... Through the continued encroachments of - the sea, the harbour the Greek mariners found at Cape Comorin and the - fort (if φρουριον is the correct reading for βριάριον of the MS.) have - completely disappeared; but a fresh water well remains in the centre - of a rock, a little way out at sea. Regarding +Kolkhoi+, the - next place mentioned after Komari, the same authority as we have seen - places it (_Ind. Ant._ vol. VI. p. 80) near Tuticorin. It is mentioned - by Ptolemy and in the _Peutinger Tables_, where it is called ‘Colcis - Indorum’. The Gulf of Manaar was called by the Greeks the Colchic - Gulf. The Tami[l:] name of the place Kolkei is almost identical with - the Greek. “The place,” according to Caldwell, “is now about three - miles inland, but there are abundant traces of its having once stood - on the coast, and I have found the tradition that it was once the seat - of the pearl fishery, still surviving amongst its inhabitants.” After - the sea had retired from Κόλχοι ... a new emporium arose on the coast. - This was +Kâyal+, the Cael of Marco Polo. Kâyal in turn became - in time too far from the sea ... and Tuticorin (+Tûttrukuḍi+) - was raised instead by the Portuguese from the position of a - fishing village to that of the most important port on the southern - Coromandel coast. The identification of Kolkoi with Kolkei is one - of much importance. Being perfectly certain it helps forward other - identifications. _Kol._ in Tami[l:] means ‘to slay.’ _Kei_ is ‘hand.’ - It was the first capital of Pandiôn. - - The coast beyond +Kolkhoi+, which has an inland district - belonging to it called +Argalou+, is indented by a gulf called by - Ptolemy the Argarik—now Palk Bay. Ptolemy mentions also a promontory - called +Kôru+ and beyond it a city called +Argeirou+ and - an emporium called +Salour+. This Kôru of Ptolemy, Caldwell - thinks, represents the +Kôlis+ of the geographers who preceded - him, and the +Koṭi+ of Tami[l:], and identifies it with “the - island promontory of +Râmeśvaram+, the point of land from which - there was always the nearest access from Southern India to Ceylon.” An - island occurs in these parts, called that of +Epiodôros+, noted - for its pearl fishery, on which account Ritter would identify it with - the island of Manaar, which Ptolemy, as Mannert thinks, speaks of as - Νάνιγηρίς (VII. i. 95). Müller thinks, however, it may be compared - with Ptolemy’s +Kôru+, and so be Râmeśvaram. - - This coast has commercial intercourse not only with the Malabar - ports, but also with the Ganges and the Golden Khersonese. For the - trade with the former a species of canoes was used called _Sangara_. - The Maļayâlam name of these, Caldwell says, is _Changâdam_, in Tuļa - _Jangâla_, compare Sanskrit _Samghâdam_ a raft (_Ind. Ant._ vol. I. - p. 309). The large vessels employed for the Eastern trade were called - _Kolandiophonta_, a name which Caldwell confesses his inability to - explain. - - Three cities and ports are named in the order of their occurrence - which were of great commercial importance, +Kamara+, - +Podoukê+, and +Sôpatma+. +Kamara+ may perhaps be, - as Müller thinks, the emporium which Ptolemy calls +Khabêris+, - situated at the mouth of the River +Khabêros+ (now, the Kavery), - perhaps, as Dr. Burnell suggests, the modern Kaveripattam. (_Ind. - Ant._ vol. VII. p. 40). +Podoukê+ appears in Ptolemy as Podoukê. - It is +Puduchchêri+, _i. e._ ‘new town,’ now well known as - Pondicherry; so Bohlen, Ritter, and Benfey. [Yule and Lassen place it - at Pulikât]. +Sôpatma+ is not mentioned in Ptolemy, nor can it - now be traced. In Sanskrit it transliterates into _Su-patna_, _i. e._, - fair town. - -61. Near the region which succeeds, where the course of the voyage now -bends to the east, there lies out in the open sea stretching towards -the west the island now called +Palaisimoundou+, but by the -ancients +Taprobanê+. To cross over to the northern side of it -takes a day. In the south part it gradually stretches towards the west -till it nearly reaches the opposite coast of +Azania+. It produces -pearl, precious (_transparent_) stones, muslins, and tortoise-shell. - - - (61) The next place noticed is the Island of Ceylon, which is - designated +Palaisimoundou+, with the remark that its former - name was +Taprobanê+. This is the Greek transliteration of - Tâmraparnî, the name given by a band of colonists from Magadha to the - place where they first landed in Ceylon, and which was afterwards - extended to the whole island. It is singular, Dr. Caldwell remarks, - that this is also the name of the principal river in Tinnevelly on the - opposite coast of India, and he infers that the colony referred to - might previously have formed a settlement in Tinnevelly at the mouth - of the Tâmraparṇi river—perhaps at Kolkei, the earliest residence of - the Pâṇḍya kings. The passage in the _Periplûs_ which refers to the - island is very corrupt. - -62.(_Returning to the coast_,) not far from the three marts we have -mentioned lies +Masalia+, the seaboard of a country extending -far inland. Here immense quantities of fine muslins are manufactured. -From +Masalia+ the course of the voyage lies eastward across a -neighbouring bay to +Dêsarênê+, which has the breed of elephants -called Bôsarê. Leaving +Dêsarênê+ the course is northerly, passing -a variety of barbarous tribes, among which are the +Kirrhadai+, -savages whose noses are flattened to the face, and another tribe, that -of the +Bargusoi+, as well as the +Hîppioprosôpoi+ _or_ -+Makroprosôpoi+ (the horse faced or long faced men), who are -reported to be cannibals. - - - (62) Recurring to the mainland, the narrative notices a district - called +Masalia+, where great quantities of cotton were - manufactured. This is the +Maïsôlia+ of Ptolemy, the region in - which he places the mouths of a river the +Maisôlos+, which - Benfey identifies with the Godâvarî, in opposition to others who - would make it the Krishnâ, which is perhaps Ptolemy’s +Tuna+. - The name Maisôlia is taken from the Sanskrit Mausala, preserved in - Machhlipatana, now Masulipatam. Beyond this, after an intervening gulf - running eastward is crossed, another district occurs, +Desarênê+, - noted for its elephants. This is not mentioned by Ptolemy, but a - river with a similar name, the +Dôsarôn+, is found in his - enumeration of the rivers which occur between the Maisôlos and the - Ganges. As it is the last in the list it may probably be, as Lassen - supposes, the Brâhmini. Our author however places Desarênê at a much - greater distance from the Ganges, for he peoples the intermediate - space with a variety of tribes which Ptolemy relegates to the East of - the river. The first of these tribes is that of the +Kirrâdai+ - (Sanskrit, Kirâtas), whose features are of the Mongolian type. Next - are the +Bargusoi+, not mentioned by Ptolemy, but perhaps to be - identified with the cannibal race he speaks of, the +Barousai+ - thought by Yule to be possibly the inhabitants of the Nikobar islands, - and lastly the tribe of the long or horse-faced men who were also - cannibals. - -63. After passing these the course turns again to the east, and if you -sail with the ocean to your right and the coast far to your left, you -reach the Ganges and the extremity of the continent towards the east -_called_ +Khrusê+ (the Golden Khersonese). The river of this -region called the +Ganges+ is the largest in India; it has an -_annual_ increase and decrease like the Nile, and there is on it a mart -called after it, Gangê, through which passes _a considerable traffic_ -consisting of betel, the Gangetic spikenard, pearl, and the finest of -all muslins—those called the Gangetic. In this locality also there is -said to be a gold mine and a gold coin called _Kaltis_. Near this river -there is an island of the ocean called +Khrusê+ (or the Golden), -which lies directly under the rising sun and at the extremity of the -world towards the east. It produces the finest tortoise-shell that is -found throughout the whole of the Erythræan Sea. - - - (63) When this coast of savages and monsters is left behind, the - course lies eastward, and leads to the Ganges, which is the greatest - river of India, and adjoins the extremity of the Eastern continent - called +Khrusê+, or the Golden. Near the river, or, according - to Ptolemy, on the third of its mouths stands a great emporium of - trade called +Gangê+, exporting _Malabathrum_ and cottons and - other commodities. Its exact position there are not sufficient data - to determine. Khrusê is not only the name of the last part of the - continent, but also of an island lying out in the ocean to eastward, - not far from the Ganges. It is the last part of the world which is - said to be inhabited. The situation of Khrusê is differently defined - by different ancient authors. It was not known to the Alexandrine - geographers. Pliny seems to have preserved the most ancient report - circulated regarding it. He says (VI. xxiii. 80): “Beyond the mouth - of the Indus are +Chryse+ and +Argyre+ abounding in metals - as I believe, for I can hardly credit what some have related that - the soil consists of gold and silver.” Mela (III. 7) assigns to it - a very different position, asserting it to be near +Tabis+, - the last spur of the range of Taurus. He therefore places it where - Eratosthenês places +Thînai+, to the north of the Ganges on the - confines of the Indian and Skythian oceans. Ptolemy, in whose time the - Transgangetic world was better known, refers it to the peninsula of - Malacca, the Golden Khersonese. - -64. Beyond this region, immediately under the north, where the sea -terminates outwards, there lies somewhere in +Thîna+ a very great -city,—not on the coast, but in the interior of the country, called -+Thîna+,—from which silk, whether in the raw state or spun into -thread - -and woven into cloth, is brought by land to Barugaza through Baktria, -or by the Ganges to Limurikê. To penetrate into +Thîna+ is not -an easy undertaking, and but few _merchants_ come from it, and that -rarely. Its situation is under the Lesser Bear, and it is said to be -conterminous with the remotest end of Pontos, and that part of the -Kaspian Sea which adjoins the Maiôtic Lake, along with which it issues -by _one and_ the same mouth into the ocean. - - - (64) The last place which the _Periplûs_ mentions is Thînai, an - inland city of the +Thînai+ or +Sinai+, having a large - commerce in silk and woollen stuffs. The ancient writers are not at - all agreed as to its position. Colonel Yule thinks it was probably - the city described by Marco Polo under the name of +Kenjan-fu+ - (that is Singan-fu or Chauggan,) the most celebrated city in Chinese - history, and the capital of several of the most potent dynasties. It - was the metropolis of Shi Hwengti of the T’Sin dynasty, properly the - first emperor, and whose conquests almost intersected those of his - contemporary Ptolemy Euergetês—(vide Yule’s _Travels of Marco Polo_, - vol. II. p. 21). - -65. On the confines, however, of +Thînai+ an annual fair is held, -attended by a race of men of squat figure, with their face very broad, -but mild in disposition, called the +Sesatai+, who in appearance -resemble wild animals. They come with their wives and children to this -fair, bringing heavy loads of goods wrapped up in mats resembling -in outward appearance the early leaves of the vine. Their place of -assembly is where their own territory borders with that of Thînai; and -here, squatted on the mats on which they exhibit their wares, they -feast for several days, after which they return to their homes in the -interior. On observing their retreat the people of Thînai, repairing to -the spot, collect the mats on which they had been sitting, and taking -out the fibres, which are called _petroi_, from the reeds, they put -the leaves two and two together, and roll them up into slender balls, -through which they pass the fibres extracted from the reeds. Three -kinds of Malabathrum are thus made—that of the large ball, that of the -middle, and that of the small, according to the size of the leaf of -which the balls are formed. Hence there are three kinds of Malabathrum, -which after being made up are forwarded to India by the manufacturers. - -66. All the regions beyond this are unexplored, being difficult of -access by reason of the extreme rigour of the climate and the severe -frosts, or perhaps because such is the will of the divine power. - - - - - THE - - VOYAGE OF NEARKHOS, - - FROM THE INDUS TO THE HEAD OF THE - PERSIAN GULF, - - AS DESCRIBED IN THE SECOND PART OF - THE INDIKA OF ARRIAN, - - (FROM CHAPTER XVIII. TO THE END.) - - TRANSLATED FROM MÜLLER’S EDITION - (As given in the _Geographi Græci Minores_: Paris, 1855). - - WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. - - - - - THE VOYAGE OF NEARKHOS. - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -The coasting voyage from the mouth of the Indus to the head of -the Persian Gulf, designed by Alexander the Great, and executed -by Nearkhos, may be regarded as the most important achievement of -the ancients in navigation. It opened up, as Vincent remarks, a -communication between Europe and the most distant countries of Asia, -and, at a later period, was the source and origin of the Portuguese -discoveries, and consequently the primary cause, however remote, of the -British establishments in India. A Journal of this voyage was written -by Nearkhos himself, which, though not extant in its original form, -has been preserved for us by Arrian, who embodied its contents in his -little work on India,[23] which he wrote as a sequel to his history of -the expedition of Alexander. - -Nearkhos as a writer must be acknowledged to be most scrupulously -honest and exact,—for the result of explorations made in modern times -along the shores which he passed in the course of his voyage shows -that his description of them is accurate even in the most minute -particulars. His veracity was nevertheless oppugned in ancient times by -Strabo, who unjustly stigmatises the whole class of the Greek writers -upon India as mendacious. “Generally speaking,” he says (II. i. 9), -“the men who have written upon Indian affairs were a set of liars. -Deimakhos holds the first place in the list, Megasthenês comes next, -while Onêsikritos and Nearkhos, with others of the same class, stammer -out a few words of truth.” (παραψελλίζοντες). Strabo, however, in -spite of this censure did not hesitate to use Nearkhos as one of his -chief authorities for his description of India, and is indebted to him -for many facts relating to that country, which, however extraordinary -they might appear to his contemporaries, have been all confirmed by -subsequent observation. It is therefore fairly open to doubt whether -Strabo was altogether sincere in his ill opinion, seeing it had but -little, if any, influence on his practice. We know at all events that -he was too much inclined to undervalue any writer who retailed fables, -without discriminating whether the writer set them down as facts, or -merely as stories, which he had gathered from hearsay. - -In modern times, the charge of mendacity has been repeated by Hardouin -and Huet. There are, however, no more than two passages of the Journal -which can be adduced to support this imputation. The first is that -in which the excessive breadth of 200 stadia is given to the Indus, -and the second that in which it is asserted that at Malana (situated -in 25° 17´ of N. latitude) the shadows at noon were observed to -fall southward, and this in the month of November. With regard to -the first charge, it may be supposed that the breadth assigned to -the Indus was probably that which it was observed to have when in a -state of inundation, and with regard to the second, it may be met by -the supposition, which is quite admissible, that Arrian may have -misapprehended in some measure the import of the statement as made -by Nearkhos. The passage will be afterwards examined,[24] but in the -meantime we may say, with Vincent, that if the difficulty it presents -admits of no satisfactory solution, the misstatement ought not, as -standing alone, to be insisted upon to the invalidation of the whole -work. - -But another charge besides that of mendacity has been preferred -against the Journal. Dodwell has denied its authenticity. His attack -is based on the following passage in Pliny (VI. 23):—Onesciriti et -Nearchi navigatio nec nomina habet mansionum nec spatia. _The Journal -of Onesicritus and Nearchus has neither the names of the anchorages -nor the measure of the distances._ From this Dodwell argues that, -as the account of the voyage in Arrian contains both the names and -the distances, it could not have been a transcript of the Journal of -Nearkhos, which according to Pliny gave neither names nor distances. -Now, in the first place, it may well be asked, why the authority of -Pliny, who is by no means always a careful writer, should be set so -high as to override all other testimony, for instance, that of Arrian -himself, who expressly states in the outset of his narrative that he -intended to give the account of the voyage which had been written by -Nearkhos. In the second place, the passage in question is probably -corrupt, or if not, it is in direct conflict with the passage which -immediately follows it, and contains Pliny’s own summary of the voyage -in which little else is given than the names of the anchorages and the -distances. Dodwell was aware of the inconsistency of the two passages, -and endeavoured to explain it away. In this he entirely fails, and -there can therefore be no reasonable doubt, that in Arrian’s work we -have a record of the voyage as authentic as it is veracious. - -Of that record we proceed to give a brief abstract, adding a few -particulars gathered from other sources. - -The fleet with which Nearkhos accomplished the voyage consisted of -war-galleys and transports which had been partly built and partly -collected on the banks of the river Hydaspes (now the Jhelam), where -Alexander had supplied them with crews by selecting from his troops -such men as had a knowledge of seamanship. The fleet thus manned sailed -slowly down the Hydaspes, the Akesinês, and the Indus, its movements -being regulated by those of the army, which, in marching down towards -the sea, was engaged in reducing the warlike tribes settled along the -banks of these rivers. This downward voyage occupied, according to -Strabo, ten months, but it probably did not occupy more than nine. The -fleet having at length reached the apex of the Delta formed by the -Indus remained in that neighbourhood for some time at a place called -Pattala, which has generally been identified with Ṭhaṭha—a town near to -where the western arm of the Indus bifurcates,—but which Cunningham and -others would prefer to identify with Nirankol or Haidarâbâd.[25] From -Pattala Alexander sailed down the western stream of the river, where -some of his ships were damaged and others destroyed by encountering -the Bore, a phenomenon as alarming as it was new to the Greeks.[26] -He returned to Pattala, and thence made an excursion down the Eastern -stream, which he found less difficult to navigate. On again returning -to Pattala he removed his fleet down to a station on the Western -branch of the river (at an island called Killouta),[27] which was -at no great distance from the sea. He then set out on his return to -Persia, leaving instructions with Nearkhos to start on the voyage as -soon as the calming of the monsoon should render navigation safe. It -was the king’s intention to march near to the coast, and to collect at -convenient stations supplies for the victualling of the fleet, but he -found that such a route was impracticable, and he was obliged to lead -his army through the inland provinces which lay between India and his -destination, Sûsa.[28] He left Leonnatos, however, behind him in the -country of the Oreitai, with instructions to render every assistance in -his power to the expedition under Nearkhos when it should reach that -part of the coast. - -Nearkhos remained in the harbour at Killouta for about a month after -Alexander had departed, and then sailed during a temporary lull in the -monsoon, as he was apprehensive of being attacked by the natives who -had been but imperfectly subjugated, and whose spirit was hostile.[29] -The date on which he set sail is fixed by Vincent as the 1st of October -in the year B.C. 326. He proceeded slowly down the river, and -anchored first at a place called Stoura, which was only 100 stadia -distant from the station they had quitted. Here the fleet remained for -two days, when it proceeded to an anchorage only 30 stadia farther -down the stream at a place called Kaumana.[30] Thence it proceeded to -Koreatis (v. 1. Koreëstis)—where it again anchored. When once more -under weigh its progress was soon arrested by a dangerous rock or bar -which obstructed the mouth of the river.[31] After some delay this -difficulty was overcome, and the fleet was conducted in safety into the -open main, and onward to an island called Krôkala (150 stadia distant -from the bar), where it remained at anchor throughout the day following -its arrival. On leaving this island Nearkhos had Mount Eiros (now -Manora) on his right hand, and a low flat island on his left; and this, -as Cunningham remarks, is a very accurate description of the entrance -to Karâchi harbour. The fleet was conducted into this harbour, now so -well known as the great emporium of the trade of the Indus, and here, -as the monsoon was still blowing with great violence, it remained for -four and twenty days. The harbour was so commodious and secure that -Nearkhos designated it the Port of Alexander. It was well sheltered by -an island lying close to its mouth, called by Arrian, Bibakta, but by -Pliny, Bibaga, and by Philostratos, Biblos. - -The expedition took its departure from this station on the 3rd of -November. It suffered both from stress of weather and from shortness -of provisions until it reached Kôkala on the coast of the Oreitai, -where it took on board the supplies which had been collected for its -use by the exertions of Leonnatos. Here it remained for about 10 -days, and by the time of its departure the monsoon had settled in its -favour, so that the courses daily accomplished were now of much greater -length than formerly. The shores, however, of the Ikhthyophagoi, -which succeeded to those of the Oreitai, were so miserably barren and -inhospitable that provisions were scarcely procurable, and Nearkhos -was apprehensive lest the men, famished and despairing, should desert -the ships. Their sufferings were not relieved till they approached the -straits, which open into the Persian Gulf. When within the straits, -they entered the mouth of the river Anamis (now the Minâb or Ibrahim -river), and having landed, formed a dockyard and a camp upon its banks. -This place lay in Harmozeia, a most fertile and beautiful district -belonging to Karmania. Nearkhos, having here learned that Alexander -was not more than a 5 days’ journey from the sea, proceeded into the -interior to meet him, and report the safety of the expedition. During -his absence the ships were repaired and provisioned, and therefore -soon after his return to the camp he gave orders for the resumption of -the voyage. The time spent at Harmozeia was one and twenty days. The -fleet again under weigh coasted the islands lying at the mouth of the -gulf, and then having shaped its course towards the mainland, passed -the western shores of Karmania and those of Persis, till it arrived -at the mouth of the Sitakos (now the Kara-Agach), where it was again -repaired and supplied with provisions, remaining for the same number -of days as at the Anamis. One of the next stations at which it touched -was Mesembria, which appears to have been situated in the neighbourhood -of the modern Bushire. The coast of Persis was difficult to navigate -on account of intricate and oozy channels, and of shoals and breakers -which frequently extended far out to sea. The coast which succeeded, -that of Sousis (from which Persis is separated by the river Arosis or -Oroatis, now the Tâb) was equally difficult and dangerous to navigate, -and therefore the fleet no longer crept along the shore, but stood -out more into the open sea. At the head of the gulf Sousis bends to -westward, and here are the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates, which -appear in those days to have entered the sea by separate channels. It -was the intention of Nearkhos to have sailed up the former river, but -he passed its mouth unawares, and continued sailing westward till he -reached Diridôtis (or Terêdon), an emporium in Babylonia, situated on -the Pallacopas branch of the Euphrates. From Diridôtis he retraced -his course, and entering the mouth of the Tigris sailed up its stream -till he reached the lower end of a great lake (not now existing), -through which its current flowed. At the upper end of this lake was -a village called Aginis, said to have been 500 stadia distant from -Sousa. Nearkhos did not, as has been erroneously supposed by some, sail -up the lake to Aginis, but entered the mouth of a river which flows -into its south-eastern extremity, called the Pasitigris or Eulæus, -the Ulai of the Prophet Daniel, now the Karûn. The fleet proceeded -up this river, and came to a final anchor in its stream immediately -below a bridge, which continued the highway from Persia to Sousa. This -bridge, according to Ritter and Rawlinson, crossed the Pasitigris at -a point near the modern village of Ahwaz. Here the fleet and the army -were happily reunited. Alexander on his arrival embraced Nearkhos with -cordial warmth, and rewarded appropriately the splendid services which -he had rendered by bringing the expedition safely through so many -hardships and perils to its destination. The date on which the fleet -anchored at the bridge is fixed by Vincent for the 24th of February -B. C. 325, so that the whole voyage was performed in 146 days, -or somewhat less than 5 months. - -The following tables show the names, positions, &c., of the different -places which occurred on the route taken by the expedition:— - - -I. - -From the Station on the Indus to the Port of Alexander (Karâchi -Harbour). - - -------------------------+------------------+-------+--------+-------- - | |Distance| | - | | in | | - Ancient name. | Modern name. |Stadia.| Lat. N.|Long. E. - | | [32] | | - -------------------------+------------------+-------+--------+-------- - 1. Station at Killouta. | Near Lari-Bandar | -- | 24° 30´| 67° 28´ - 2. Stoura | -- | 100 | | - 3. Kaumana | Khau | 30 | | - 4. Koreatis | | 20 | | - 5. Herma |_Bar in the | | | - | Indus._ | - 6. Krôkala | -- | 120 | | - 7. _Mount Eiros_ | Manora. | | | - 8. _Is. unnamed._ | | | | - 9. The Port of Alexander.| Karâchi | -- | 24° 53´| 66° 57´ - -------------------------+------------------+-------+--------+-------- - - -II. - -Coast of the Arabies (Sindh). - - Length of the Coast from the Indus to the Arabis R. 1000 Stadia. - Actual length in miles English 80 - Time taken in its navigation 38 Days. - - --------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------- - | Modern | Distance | | - Ancient Name. | name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E. - | | Stadia. | | - --------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------- - 1. Port of Alexander| Karâchi | -- | 24° 53´ | 66° 57´ - 2. _Bibakta_ | | | | - 3. Domai Is. | | 60 | 24° 48´ | 66° 50´ - 4. Saranga | | 300 | 24° 44´ | 66° 34´ - 5. Sakala | | | 24° 52´ | 66° 33´ - 6. Morontobara | | 300 | 25° 13´ | 66° 40´ - 7. _Is. unnamed_ | | | | - 8. Arabis R. | Purâli R. | 120 | 25° 28´ | 66° 35´ - --------------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------- - - -III. - - Length of the coast (Arrian) 1600 Stadia. - Do. do. (Strabo) 1800 --” - Actual length in miles English 100 - Time taken in its navigation 18 Days. - - ---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+--------- - | | Distance | | - Ancient Name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E. - | | Stadia. | | - ---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+--------- - 1. Pagala | -- | 200 | 25° 30´ | 66° 15´ - 2. Kabana | -- | 400 | 25° 28´ | 65° 46´ - 3. Kôkala | NearRâs-Katchari | 200 | 25° 21´ | 65° 36´ - 4. Tomêros R. |Maklow or Hingul R.| 500 | 25° 16´ | 65° 15´ - 5. Malana | Râs Malan | 300 | 25° 18´ | 65° 7´ - ---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+--------- - - -IV. - -Coast of the Ikhthyophagoi (Mekran or Beluchistan). - - Length of the coast (Arrian) 10,000 Stadia. - Do. do. (Strabo) 7,000 “ - Actual length in miles English 480 - Time taken in its navigation 20 Days. - - - ----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+---------- - | | Distance | | - Ancient Name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E. - | | Stadia. | | - ----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+---------- - 1. Bagisara | On Arabah or | 600 | 25° 12´ | 64° 31´ - | Hormara Bay | | | - 2. _Pasira_ | | | | - 3. Cape unnamed | Râs Arabah | | 25° 7´ | 64° 29´ - 4. Kolta | | 200 | 25° 8´ | 64° 27´ - 5. Kalama | Kalami R. | 600 | 25° 21´ | 63° 59´ - 6. _Karbine Is._ | Asthola or | | | - | Sânga-dîp | | | - 7. Kissa in _Karbis_ | -- | 200 | 25° 22´ | 63° 37´ - 8. Cape unnamed | C. Passence | | 25° 15´ | 63° 30´ - 9. Mosarna | Near do. | | | - 10. Balômon | -- | 750 | | - 11. Barna | -- | 400 | 25° 12´ | 63° 10´ - 12. Dendrobosa |Daram or Duram | 200 | 25° 11´ | 62° 45´ - 13. Kôphas |Râs Koppa | 400 | 25° 11´ | 62° 29´ - 14. Kuiza |Near Râs Ghunse| 800 | 25° 10´ | 61° 56´ - 15. Town unnamed |On Gwattar Bay | 500 | | - 16. Cape called Bagia | | | 25° 7´ | 61° 28´ - 17. Talmena |On Chaubar Bay | 1000 | 25° 24´ | 60° 40´ - 18. Kanasis | | 400 | 25° 24 | 60° 12´ - 19. Anchorage unnamed.| | | | - 20. Kanate | Kungoun | 850 | 25° 25´ | 59° 15´ - 21. Taœi or Troisi | Near Sudich | 800 | 25° 30´ | 58° 42´ - | River | | | - 22. Bagasira | Girishk | 300 | 25° 38´ | 58° 27´ - 23. Anchorage unnamed | -- | 1100 | | - ----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+---------- - - -V. - - Coast of Karmania (Moghistan and Laristan). - Length of the coast (Arrian and Strabo) 3,700 Stadia. - Actual length in miles English 296 - Time taken in its navigation 19 Days. - - --------------------------+------------------+--------+-------+------- - | |Distance| | - Ancient name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. | Long. - | |Stadia. | N. | E. - --------------------------+------------------+------+---------+------- - 1. Anchorage unnamed | | | | - 2. Badis |Near Cape Bombarak| | 25° 47´ |57° 48´ - 3. Anchorage unnamed | -- | 800 | | - 4. _Cape Maketa in Arabia_| Cape Musendom | | | - 5. Neoptana | Nr. Karun | 700 | 26° 57´ |57° 1´ - 6. Anamis R. | Mînâb R. | 100 | 27° 11´ |57° 6´ - 7. _Organa Is._ | _Ormus or Djerun_| | | - 8. Orakta Is. 2 anchorages| Kishm | 300 | | - 9. _Island dist. from it |_Angar or Hanjam_ | | | - 40 stadia._ | | | | - 10. Island 300 stadia | Tombo | 400 | 26° 20´ |55° 20´ - from mainland. | | | | - 11. _Pylora Is._ | _Polior Is._ | | 26° 20´ |54° 35´ - 12. Sisidone | Mogos? | | | - 13. Tarsia | C. Djard | 300 | 26° 20´ |54° 21´ - 14. Kataia Is. | Kenn | 300 | 26° 32´ |54° - - -VI. - -Coast of Persis (Farsistan). - - Length of Coast 4,400 Stadia. - Actual length in miles English 382 - Time taken in its navigation 31 Days. - - ----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+-------- - Ancient name. | Modern | Distance | | - | name. | in | Lat. N. |Long. E. - | | Stadia. | | - ----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+-------- - 1. Ila and Kaikander Is. |Inderabia | 400 | 26° 38´ | 53° 35´ - | Island | | | - 2. Island with Pearl Fishery| | | | - 3. Another anchorage here | -- | 40 | | - 4. Mount Okhos | -- | | 26° 59´ | 53° 20´ - 5. Apostana | -- | 450 | 27° 1´ | 52° 55´ - 6. Bay unnamed |On it is | 400 | 27° 24´ | 52° 25´ - | Nabend | | | - 7. Gôgana at mouth of | Konkan | 600 | 27° 48´ | 52° - Areôn R. | | | | - 8. Sitakos | Kara-Agach| | | - | R. | 800 | | - 9. Hieratis | ... | 750 | 28° 52´ | 50° 45´ - 10. Heratemis | | | | - R. near it. | | | | - 11. Podagron, R. | | | | - 12. Mesambria | Near | ... | 29° | 50° 45´ - | Bushire.| | | - 13. Taökê on | Taaug | 200 | 29° 14´ | 50° 30´ - Granis, R. | | | | - 14. Rhogonis, R. | ... | 200 | 29° 27´ | 50° 29´ - 15. Brizana, R. | ... | 400 | 29° 57´ | 50° 15´ - 16. Arosis or | River Tâb.| ... | 30° 4´ | 49° 30´ - Oroatis, R. | | | | - -----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+-------- - - -VII. - -Coast of Sousis (Khuzistan.) - - Length of the Coast 2000 Stadia. - Time taken in its navigation 3 Days. - - ----------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------- - | Modern | Distance | | - Ancient name. | name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E. - | | Stadia. | | - ----------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------- - 1. Kataderbis R.| ... | 500 | 30° 16´ | 49° - | | | | - 2. Margastana Is.| | | | - | | | | - 3. Anchorage | ... | 600 | | - unnamed. | | | | - | | | | - 4. Diridôtis, | Near Jebel| 900 | 30° 12´ | 47° 35´ - the end of the| Sanâm. | | | - sea voyage. | | | | - ----------------+-----------+----------+---------+-------- - - - - -TRANSLATION. - - -XVIII. When the fleet formed for Alexander upon the banks of the -Hydaspes was now ready, he provided crews for the vessels by collecting -all the Phœnikians and all the Kyprians and Egyptians who had followed -him in his Eastern campaigns, and from these he selected such as -were skilled in seamanship to manage the vessels and work the oars. -He had besides in his army not a few islanders familiar with that -kind of work, and also natives both of Ionia and of the Hellespont. -The following officers he appointed as Commanders of the different -galleys[33]:— - -Makedonians. - - Citizens of Pella. - - 1. Hephaistiôn, son of Amyntor. - 2. Leonnatos, son of Anteas. - 3. Lysimakhos, son of Agathoklês. - 4. Asklepiodôros, son of Timander. - 5. Arkhôn, son of Kleinias. - 6. Demonikos, son of Athenaios. - 7. Arkhias, son of Anaxidotos. - 8. Ophellas, son of Seilênos. - 9. Timanthês, son of Pantiadês. - - Of Amphipolis. - - 10. Nearkhos, son of Androtîmos, who wrote a narrative of the voyage. - 11. Laomedôn, son of Larikhos. - 12. Androsthenês, son of Kallistratos. - - Of Oresis. - - 13. Krateros, son of Alexander. - 14. Perdikkas, son of Orontes. - - Of Eördaia. - - 15. Ptolemaios, son of Lagos. - 16. Aristonous, son of Peisaios. - - Of Pydna. - - 17. Metrôn, son of Epikharmos. - 18. Nikarkhidês, son of Simos. - - Of Stymphaia. - - 19. Attalos, son of Andromenês. - - Of Mieza. - - 20. Peukestas, son of Alexander. - - Of Alkomenai. - - 21. Peithôn, son of Krateuas. - - Of Aigai. - - 22. Leonnatos, son of Antipater. - - Of Alôros. - - 23. Pantoukhos, son of Nikolaös. - - Of Beroia. - - 24. Mylleas, son of Zôilos. - - All these were Makedonians. - - Greeks,—of Larisa: - - 25. Mêdios, son of Oxynthemis. - - Of Kardia. - - 26. Eumenês, son of Hierônymos. - - Of Kôs. - - 27. Kritoboulos, son of Plato. - - Of Magnêsia. - - 28. Thoas, son of Mênodôros. - 29. Maiander, son of Mandrogenês. - - Of Teos. - - 30. Andrôn, son of Kabêlas. - - Of Soloi in Cyprus. - - 31. Nikokleês, son of Pasikratês. - - Of Salamis in Cyprus. - - 32. Nithaphôn, son of Pnutagoras. - - A Persian was also appointed as a Trierarch. - - 33. Bagoas, son of Pharnoukhês. - -The Pilot and Master of Alexander’s own ship was Onêsikritos of -Astypalaia, and the Secretary-General of the fleet Euagoras, the son -of Eukleôn, a Corinthian. Nearkhos, the son of Androtîmos, a Kretan -by birth, but a citizen of Amphipolis on the Strymôn was appointed as -Admiral of the expedition. - -When these dispositions had been all completed, Alexander sacrificed to -his ancestral gods, and to such as had been indicated by the oracle; -also to Poseidôn and Amphitritê and the Nêreids, and to Okeanos -himself, and to the River Hydaspês, from which he was setting forth on -his enterprise; and to the Akesinês into which the Hydaspês pours its -stream, and to the Indus which receives both these rivers. He further -celebrated the occasion by holding contests in music and gymnastics, -and by distributing to the whole army, rank by rank, the sacrificial -victims. - -XIX. When all the preparations for the voyage had been made, Alexander -ordered Krateros, with a force of horse and foot, to go to one side of -the Hydaspês; while Hephaistiôn commanding a still larger force, which -included 200 elephants, should march in a parallel line on the other -side. Alexander himself had under his immediate command the body of -foot guards called the Hypaspists, and all the archers, and what was -called the companion-cavalry,—a force consisting in all of 8,000 men. -The troops under Krateros and Hephaistiôn marching in advance of the -fleet had received instructions where they were to wait its arrival. -Philip, whom he had appointed satrap of this region, was despatched to -the banks of the Akesinês with another large division, for by this time -he had a following of 120,000 soldiers,[34] including those whom he had -himself led up from the sea-coast, as well as the recruits enlisted by -the agents whom he had deputed to collect an army, when he admitted -to his ranks barbarous tribes of all countries in whatever way they -might be armed. Then weighing anchor, he sailed down the Hydaspês to -its point of junction with the Akesinês. The ships numbered altogether -1800, including the long narrow war galleys, the round-shaped roomy -merchantmen, and the transports for carrying horses and provisions -to feed the army. But how the fleet sailed down the rivers, and what -tribes Alexander conquered in the course of the voyage, and how he -was in danger among the Malli,[35] and how he was wounded in their -country, and how Peukestas and Leonnatos covered him with their shields -when he fell,—all these incidents have been already related in my -other work, that which is written in the Attic dialect.[36] My present -object is to give an account of the coasting voyage which Nearkhos -accomplished with the fleet when starting from the mouths of the Indus -he sailed through the great ocean as far as the Persian Gulf, called by -some the Red Sea. - -XX. Nearkhos himself has supplied a narrative of this voyage, which -runs to this effect. Alexander, he informs us, had set his heart on -navigating the whole circuit of the sea which extends from India -to Persia, but the length of the voyage made him hesitate, and the -possibility of the destruction of his fleet, should it be cast on some -desert coast either quite harbourless or too barren to furnish adequate -supplies; in which case a great stain tarnishing the splendour of his -former actions would obliterate all his good fortune. His ambition, -however, to be always doing something new and astonishing prevailed -over all his scruples. Then arose a difficulty as to what commander -he should choose, having genius sufficient for working out his plans, -and a difficulty also with regard to the men on ship-board how he -could overcome their fear, that in being despatched on such a service -they were recklessly sent into open peril. Nearkhos here tells us that -Alexander consulted him on the choice of a commander, and that when the -king had mentioned one man after another, rejecting all, some because -they were not inclined to expose themselves for his sake to danger, -others because they were of a timid temper, others because their only -thought was how to get home, making this and that objection to each -in turn, Nearkhos then proffered his own services in these terms: “I, -then, O king, engage to command the expedition, and, under the divine -protection, will conduct the fleet and the people on board safe into -Persia, if the sea be that way navigable, and the undertaking within -the power of man to perform.” Alexander made a pretence of refusing the -offer, saying that he could not think of exposing any friend of his -to the distresses and hazard of such a voyage, but Nearkhos, so far -from withdrawing his proposal, only persisted the more in pressing its -acceptance upon him. Alexander, it need not be said, warmly appreciated -the promptitude to serve him shown by Nearkhos, and appointed him to be -commander-in-chief of the expedition. When this became known, it had a -great effect in calming the minds of the troops ordered on this service -and on the minds of the sailors, since they felt assured that Alexander -would never have sent forth Nearkhos into palpable danger unless their -lives were to be preserved. At the same time the splendour with which -the ships were equipped, and the enthusiasm of the officers vying with -each other who should collect the best men, and have his complement -most effective, inspired even those who had long hung back with nerve -for the work, and a good hope that success would crown the undertaking. -It added to the cheerfulness pervading the army that Alexander himself -sailed out from both the mouths of the Indus into the open main when -he sacrificed victims to Poseidôn and all the other sea-deities, and -presented gifts of great magnificence to the sea; and so the men -trusting to the immeasurable good fortune which had hitherto attended -all the projects of Alexander, believed there was nothing he might not -dare—nothing but would to him be feasible. - -XXI. When the Etesian winds,[37] which continue all the hot season -blowing landward from the sea, making navigation on that coast -impracticable, had subsided, then the expedition started on the voyage -in the year when Kephisidôros was Archon at Athens, on the 20th day of -the month Boëdromion according to the Athenian Kalendar, but as the -Makedonians and Asiatics reckon * * in the 11th year of the reign of -Alexander.[38] Nearkhos, before putting to sea sacrifices to Zeus the -Preserver, and celebrates, as Alexander had done, gymnastic games. Then -clearing out of harbour they end the first day’s voyage by anchoring -in the Indus at a creek called Stoura, where they remain for two days. -The distance of this place from the station they had just left was 100 -stadia. On the third day they resumed the voyage, but proceeded no -further than 30 stadia, coming to an anchor at another creek, where the -water was now salt, for the sea when filled with the tide ran up the -creek, and its waters even when the tide receded commingled with the -river. The name of this place was Kaumana. The next day’s course, which -was of 20 stadia only, brought them to Koreatis, where they once more -anchored in the river. When again under weigh their progress was soon -interrupted, for a bar was visible which there obstructed the mouth of -the Indus; and the waves were heard breaking with furious roar upon its -strand which was wild and rugged. Observing, however, that the bar at -a particular part was soft, they made a cutting through this, 5 stadia -long, _at low water_, and on the return of the flood-tide carried the -ships through by the passage thus formed into the open sea.[39] Then -following the winding of the coast they ran a course of 120 stadia, and -reach Krôkala,[40] a sandy island where they anchored and remained all -next day. The country adjoining was inhabited by an Indian race called -the Arabies, whom I have mentioned in my longer work, where it is -stated that they derive their name from the River Arabis, which flows -through their country to the sea, and parts them from the Oreitai.[41] -Weighing from Krôkala they had on their right hand a mountain which -the natives called Eiros, and on their left a flat island almost level -with the sea, and so near the mainland to which it runs parallel that -the intervening channel is extremely narrow. Having quite cleared -this passage they come to anchor in a well-sheltered harbour, which -Nearkhos, finding large and commodious, designated Alexander’s Haven. -This harbour is protected by an island lying about 2 stadia off from -its entrance. It is called Bibakta, and all the country round about -Sangada.[42] The existence of the harbour is due altogether to the -island which opposes a barrier to the violence of the sea. Here heavy -gales blew from seaward for many days without intermission, and -Nearkhos fearing lest the barbarians might, some of them, combine to -attack and plunder the camp, fortified his position with an enclosure -of stones. Here they were obliged to remain for 24 days. The soldiers, -we learn from Nearkhos, caught mussels and oysters, and what is called -the razor-fish, these being all of an extraordinary size as compared -with the sorts found in our own sea.[43] He adds that they had no water -to drink but what was brackish. - -XXII. As soon as the monsoon ceased they put again to sea, and having -run fully 60 stadia came to anchor at a sandy beach under shelter of -a desert island that lay near, called Domai.[44] On the shore itself -there was no water, but 20 stadia inland it was procured of good -quality. The following day they proceeded 300 stadia to Saranga, where -they did not arrive till night. They anchored close to the shore, and -found water at a distance of about 8 stadia from it. Weighing from -Saranga they reach Sakala, a desert place, and anchored. On leaving -it they passed two rocks so close to each other that the oar-blades -of the galleys grazed both, and after a course of 300 stadia they -came to anchor at Morontobara.[45] The harbour here was deep and -capacious, and well sheltered all round, and its waters quite tranquil, -but the entrance into it was narrow. In the native language it was -called Women’s Haven, because a woman had been the first sovereign -of the place. They thought it a great achievement to have passed -those two rocks in safety, for when they were passing them the sea -was boisterous and running high. They did not remain in Morontobara, -but sailed the day after their arrival, when they had on their left -hand an island which sheltered them from the sea, and which lay so -near to the mainland that the intervening channel looked as if it -had been artificially formed. Its length from one end to the other -was 70 stadia.[46] The shore was woody and the island throughout -over-grown with trees of every description. They were not able to get -fairly through this passage till towards daybreak, for the sea was -not only rough, but also shoal, the tide being at ebb. They sailed on -continuously, and after a course of 120 stadia anchored at the mouth of -the river Arabis, where there was a spacious and very fine haven.[47] -The water here was not fit for drinking, for the sea ran up the mouths -of the Arabis. Having gone, however, about 40 stadia up the river, -they found a pool from which, having drawn water, they returned to the -fleet. Near the harbour is an island high and bare, but the sea around -it supplied oysters and fish of various kinds.[48] As far as this, the -country was possessed by the Arabies, the last Indian people living in -this direction; and the parts beyond were occupied by the Oreitai.[49] - -XXIII. On weighing from the mouths of the Arabia, they coasted the -shores of the Oreitai, and after running 200 stadia reached Pagala,[50] -where there was a surf but nevertheless good anchorage. The crew were -obliged to remain on board, a party, however, being sent on shore to -procure water. They sailed next morning at sunrise, and after a course -of about 430 stadia, reached Kabana[51] in the evening, where they -anchored at some distance from the shore, which was a desert; the -violence of the surf by which the vessels were much tossed preventing -them from landing. While running the last course the fleet had been -caught in a heavy gale blowing from seaward, when two galleys and -a transport foundered. All the men, however, saved themselves by -swimming, as the vessels at the time of the disaster were sailing -close to the shore. They weighed from Kabana about midnight, and -having proceeded 200 stadia arrived at Kôkala, where the vessels _could -not be drawn on shore_, but rode at anchor out at sea. As the men, -however, had suffered severely by confinement on board,[52] and were -very much in want of rest, Nearkhos allowed them to go on shore, where -he formed a camp, fortifying it in the usual manner for protection -against the barbarians. In this part of the country Leonnatos, who -had been commissioned by Alexander to reduce the Oreitai and settle -their affairs, defeated that people and their allies in a great -battle, wherein all the leaders and 6,000 men were slain, the loss of -Leonnatos, being only 15 of his horse, besides a few foot-soldiers, and -_one man of note_ Apollophanês, the satrap of the Gedrosians.[53] A -full account, however, of those transactions is given in my other work, -where it is stated that for this service Leonnatos had a golden crown -placed upon his head by Alexander in presence of the Makedonian army. -Agreeably to orders given by Alexander, corn had been here collected -for the victualling of the vessels, and stores sufficient to last for -10 days were put on board. Here also such ships as had been damaged -during the voyage were repaired, while all the mariners that Nearkhos -considered deficient in fortitude for the enterprise, he consigned to -Leonnatos to be taken on by land, but at the same time he made good his -complement of men by taking in exchange others more efficient from the -troops under Leonnatos. - -XXIV. From this place they bore away with a fresh breeze, and having -made good a course of 500 stadia anchored near a winter torrent called -the Tomêros, which at its mouth expanded into an estuary.[54] The -natives lived on the marshy ground near the shore in cabins close -and suffocating. Great was their astonishment when they descried the -fleet approaching, but _they were not without courage_, and collecting -in arms on the shore, drew up in line to attack the strangers when -landing. They carried thick spears about 6 cubits long, not headed -with iron, but what was as good, hardened at the point by fire. Their -number was about 600, and when Nearkhos saw that they stood their -ground prepared to fight, he ordered his vessels to advance, and then -to anchor just within bowshot of the shore, for he had noticed that the -thick spears of the barbarians were adapted only for close fight, and -were by no means formidable as missiles. He then issued his directions: -those men that were lightest equipped, and the most active and best -at swimming were to swim to shore at a given signal: when any one -had swum so far that he could stand in the water he was to wait for -his next neighbour, and not advance against the barbarians until a -file could be formed of three men deep: that done, they were to rush -forward shouting the war-cry. The men selected for this service at -once plunged into the sea, and swimming rapidly touched ground, still -keeping due order, when forming in file, they rushed to the charge, -shouting the war-cry, which was repeated from the ships, whence all -the while arrows and missiles from engines were launched against the -enemy. Then the barbarians terrified by the glittering arms and the -rapidity of the landing, and wounded by the arrows and other missiles, -against which they had no protection, being all but entirely naked, -fled at once without making any attempt at resistance. Some perished in -the ensuing flight, others were taken prisoners, and some escaped to -the mountains. Those they captured had shaggy hair, not only on their -head but all over their body; their nails resembled the claws of wild -beasts, and were used, it would seem, instead of iron for dividing fish -and splitting the softer kinds of wood. Things of a hard consistency -they cut with sharp stones, for iron they had none. As clothing they -wore the skins of wild beasts, and occasionally also the thick skins of -the large sorts of fish.[55] - -XXV. After this action they draw the ships on shore and repair all -that had been damaged. On the 6th day they weighed again, and after a -course of 300 stadia reached a place called Malana, the last on the -coast, of the Oreitai.[56] In the interior these people dress like -the Indians, and use similar weapons, but differ from them in their -language and their customs. The length of the coast of the Arabies, -measured from the place whence the expedition had sailed, was about -1,000 stadia, and the extent of the coast of the Oreitai 1,600 stadia. -Nearkhos mentions that as they sailed along the Indian coast (for -the people beyond this are not Indians), their shadows did not fall -in the usual direction, for when they stood out a good way to the -southward, their shadows appeared to turn and fall southward.[57] Those -constellations, moreover, which they had been accustomed to see high -in the heavens, were either not visible at all, or were seen just on -the verge of the horizon, while the Polar constellations which had -formerly been always visible now set and soon afterwards rose again. In -this Nearkhos appears to me to assert nothing improbable, for at Syênê -in Egypt they show a well in which, when the sun is at the Tropic, -there is no shadow at noon. In Meroë also objects project no shadow at -that particular time. Hence it is probable that the shadow is subject -to the same law in India which lies to the south, and more especially -in the Indian ocean, which extends still further to the southward. - -XXVI. Next to the Oreitai lies Gedrosia,[58] an inland province -through which Alexander led his army, but this with difficulty, for -the region was so desolate that the troops in the whole course of the -expedition never suffered such direful extremities as on this march. -But all the particulars relating to this I have set down in my larger -work (VI. 22-27). The seaboard below the Gedrosians is occupied by a -people culled the Ikhthyophagi, and along this country the fleet now -pursued its way. Weighing from Malana about the second watch they -ran a course of 600 stadia, and reached Bagisara. Here they found a -commodious harbour, and at a distance of 60 stadia from the sea a small -town called Pasira, whence the people of the neighbourhood were called -Pasirees.[59] Weighing early next morning they had to double a headland -which projected far out into the sea, and was high and precipitous. -Here having dug wells, and got only a small supply of bad water, they -rode at anchor that day because a high surf prevented the vessels -approaching the shore. They left this place next day, and sailed till -they reached Kolta after a course of 200 stadia.[60] Weighing thence -at daybreak they reached Kalama, after a course of 600 stadia, and -there anchored.[61] Near the beach was a village around which grew a -few palm-trees, the dates on which were still green. There was here an -island called Karbinê, distant from the shore about 100 stadia.[62] -The villagers by way of showing their hospitality brought presents -of sheep and fish to Nearkhos, who says that the mutton had a fishy -taste like the flesh of sea birds for the sheep fed on fish, there -being no grass in the place. Next day they proceeded 200 stadia, and -anchored off a shore near which lay a village called Kissa, 30 stadia -inland.[63] That coast was however called Karbis. There they found -little boats such as might belong to miserably poor fishermen, but -the men themselves they saw nothing of, for they had fled when they -observed the ships dropping anchor. No corn was here procurable, but -a few goats had been left, which were seized and put on board, for in -the fleet provisions now ran short. On weighing they doubled a steep -promontory, which projected about 150 stadia into the sea, and then put -into a well-sheltered haven called Mosarna, where they anchored. Here -the natives were fishermen, and here they obtained water.[64] - -XXVII. From this place they took on board, Nearkhos says, as pilot of -the fleet, a Gedrosian called Hydrakês, who undertook to conduct them -as far as Karmania.[65] Thenceforth until they reached the Persian -Gulf, the voyage was more practicable, and the names of the stations -more familiar. Departing from Mosarna at night, they sailed 750 stadia, -and reached the coast of Balômon. They touched next at Barna, which -was 400 stadia distant.[66] Here grew many palm trees, and here was -a garden wherein were myrtles and flowers from which the men wove -chaplets for their hair.[67] They saw now for the first time cultivated -trees, and met with natives in a condition above that of mere savages. -Leaving this they followed the winding of the coast, and arrived at -Dendrobosa, where they anchor in the open sea.[68] They weighed from -this about midnight, and after a course of about 400 stadia gained -the haven of Kôphas.[69] The inhabitants were fishermen possessed of -small and wretched boats, which they did not manage with oars fastened -to a row-lock according to the Grecian manner, but with paddles which -they thrust on this side, and on that into the water, like diggers -using a spade. They found at this haven plenty of good water. Weighing -about the first watch they ran 800 stadia, and put into Kyiza, where -was a desert shore with a high surf breaking upon it.[70] They were -accordingly obliged to let the ships ride at anchor and take their meal -on board. Leaving this they ran a course of 500 stadia, and came to -a small town built on an eminence not far from the shore. On turning -his eyes in that direction Nearkhos noticed that the land had some -appearance of being cultivated, and thereupon addressing Arkhias (who -was the son of Anaxidotos of Pella, and sailed in the Commander’s -galley, being a Makedonian of distinction) pointed out to him that -they must take possession of the place, as the inhabitants would not -willingly supply the army with food. It could not however be taken by -assault, a tedious siege would be necessary, and they were already -short of provisions. But the country was one that produced corn as the -thick stubble which they saw covering the fields near the shore clearly -proved. This proposal being approved of by all, he ordered Arkhias to -make a feint of preparing the fleet, all but one ship to sail, while he -himself, pretending to be left behind with that ship, approached the -town as if merely to view it. - -XXVIII. When he approached the walls the inhabitants came out to meet -him, bringing a present of tunny-fish broiled in pans (the first -instance of cookery among the Ikhthyophagi, although these were -the very last of them), accompanied with small cakes and dates. He -accepted their offering with the proper acknowledgments, but said he -wished to see their town, which he was accordingly allowed to enter. -No sooner was he within the gates than he ordered two of his archers -to seize the portal by which they had entered, while he himself with -two attendants and his interpreter mounting the wall hard by, made the -preconcerted signal, on seeing which the troops under Arkhias were to -perform the service assigned to them. The Makedonians, on seeing the -signal, immediately ran their ships towards land, and without loss of -time jumped into the sea. The barbarians, alarmed at these proceedings, -flew to arms. Upon this Nearkhos ordered his interpreter to proclaim -that if they wished their city to be preserved from pillage they must -supply his army with provisions. They replied that they had none, and -proceeded to attack the wall, but were repulsed by the archers with -Nearkhos, who assailed them with arrows from the summit of the wall. -Accordingly, when they saw that their city was taken, and on the point -of being pillaged, they at once begged Nearkhos to take whatever corn -they had, and to depart without destroying the place. Nearkhos upon -this orders Arkhias to possess himself of the gates and the ramparts -adjoining, and sends at the same time officers to see what stores were -available, and whether these would be all honestly given up. The stores -were produced, consisting of a kind of meal made from fish roasted, -and a little wheat and barley, for the chief diet of these people was -fish with bread added as a relish. The troops having appropriated these -supplies returned to the fleet, which then hauled off to a cape _in the -neighbourhood_ called Bagia, which the natives regarded as sacred to -the sun.[71] - -XXIX. They weighed from this cape about midnight, and having made good -a course of 1,000 stadia, put into Talmena, where they found a harbour -with good anchorage.[72] They sailed thence to Kanasis, a deserted -town 400 stadia distant, where they find a well ready-dug and wild -palm-trees.[73] These they cut down, using the tender heads to support -life since provisions had again run scarce. They sailed all day and -all night suffering great distress from hunger, and then came to an -anchor off a desolate coast. Nearkhos fearing lest the men, if they -landed, would in despair desert the fleet, ordered the ships to be -moved to a distance from shore. Weighing from this they ran a course of -850 stadia, and came to anchor at Kanate, a place with an open beach -and some water-courses.[74] Weighing again, and making 800 stadia, -they reach Taoi, where they drop anchor.[75] The place contained some -small and wretched villages, which were deserted by the inhabitants -upon the approach of the fleet. Here the men found a little food and -dates of the palm-tree, beside seven camels left by the villagers which -were killed for food. Weighing thence about daybreak they ran a course -of 300 stadia, and came to anchor at Dagasira, where the people were -nomadic.[76] Weighing again they sailed all night and all day without -intermission, and having thus accomplished a course of 1,100 stadia, -left behind them the nation of the Ikhthyophagi, on whose shores they -had suffered such severe privations. They could not approach the -beach on account of the heavy surf, but rode at anchor out at sea. In -navigating the Ikhthyophagi coast the distance traversed was not much -short of 10,000 stadia. The people, as their name imports, live upon -fish. Few of them, however, are fishermen, and what fish they obtain -they owe mostly to the tide at whose reflux they catch them with nets -made for this purpose. These nets are generally about 2 stadia long, -and are composed of the bark (or fibres) of the palm, which they twine -into cord in the same way as the fibres of flax are twined. When the -sea recedes, hardly any fish are found among the dry sands, but they -abound in the depressions of the surface where the water still remains. -The fish are for the most part small, though some are caught of a -considerable size, these being taken in the nets. The more delicate -kinds they eat raw as soon as they are taken out of the water. The -large and coarser kinds they dry in the sun, and when properly dried -grind into a sort of meal from which they make bread. This meal is -sometimes also used to bake cakes with. The cattle as well as their -masters fare on dried fish, for the country has no pastures, and hardly -even a blade of grass. In most parts crabs, oysters and mussels add to -the means of subsistence. Natural salt is found in the country, * * * -from these they make oil.[77] Certain of their communities inhabit -deserts where not a tree grows, and where there are not even wild -fruits. Fish is their sole means of subsistence. In some few places, -however, they sow with grain some patches of land, and eat the produce -as a viand of luxury along with the fish which forms the staple of -their diet. The better class of the population in building their houses -use, instead of wood, the bones of whales stranded on the coast, the -broadest bones being employed in the framework of the doors. Poor -people, and these are the great majority, construct their dwellings -with the backbones of fish.[78] - -XXX. Whales of enormous size frequent the outer ocean, besides other -fish larger than those found in the Mediterranean. Nearkhos relates -that when they were bearing away from Kyiza, the sea early in the -morning was observed to be blown up into the air as if by the force of -a whirlwind. The men greatly alarmed enquired of the pilots the nature -and cause of this phenomenon, and were informed that it proceeded from -the blowing of the whales as they sported in the sea. This report did -not quiet their alarm, and through astonishment they let the oars -drop from their hands. Nearkhos, however, recalled them to duty, and -encouraged them by his presence, ordering the prows of those vessels -that were near him to be turned as in a sea-fight towards the creatures -as they approached, while the rowers were just then to shout as -loud as they could the _alala_, and swell the noise by dashing the -water rapidly with the oars. The men thus encouraged on seeing the -preconcerted signal advanced to action. Then, as they approached the -monsters, they shouted the _alala_ as loud as they could bawl, sounded -the trumpets, and dashed the water noisily with the oars. Thereupon -the whales, which were seen ahead, plunged down terror-struck into the -depths, and soon after rose astern, when they vigorously continued -their blowing. The men by loud acclamations expressed their joy at this -unexpected deliverance, the credit of which they gave to Nearkhos, who -had shown such admirable fortitude and judgment. - -We learn further, that on many parts of the coast whales are -occasionally stranded, being left in shallow water at ebb-tide, and -thus prevented from escaping back to sea, and that they are sometimes -also cast ashore by violent storms. Thus perishing, their flesh rots -away, and gradually drops off till the bones are left bare. These are -used by the natives in the construction of their huts, the larger ribs -making suitable bearing beams, and the smaller serving for rafters. The -jaw-bones make arches for the door-ways, for whales are sometimes five -and twenty _orguiæ_ (fathoms) in length.[79] - -XXXI. When they were sailing along the Ikhthyophagi coast, they were -told about an island which was said to be about 100 stadia distant -from the mainland, and uninhabited. Its name was Nosala, and it was -according to the local tradition sacred to the sun. No one willingly -visited this island, and if any one was carried to it unawares, he was -never more seen. Nearkhos states that a transport of his fleet, manned -with an Egyptian crew, disappeared not far from this island, and that -the pilots accounted for their disappearance by saying that they must -have landed on the island in ignorance of the danger which they would -thereby incur. Nearkhos, however, sent a galley of 30 oars to sail -round the island, instructing the men not to land, but to approach as -near as they could to the shore, and hail the men, shouting out the -name of the captain or any other name they had not forgotten. No one -answered to the call, and Nearkhos says that he then sailed in person -to the island, and compelled his company much against their will to go -on shore. He too landed, and showed that the story about the island -was nothing but an empty fable. Concerning this same island he heard -also another story, which ran to this effect: it had been at one time -the residence of one of the Nereids, whose name, he says, he could not -learn. It was her wont to have intercourse with any man who visited -the island, changing him thereafter into a fish, and casting him into -the sea. The sun, however, being displeased with the Nereid, ordered -her to remove from the island. She agreed to do this, and seek a home -elsewhere, but stipulated that she should be cured of her malady. To -this condition the sun assented, and then the Nereid, taking pity upon -the men whom she had transformed into fish, restored them to their -human shape. These men were the progenitors of the Ikhthyophagi, the -line of succession remaining unbroken down to the time of Alexander. -Now, for my part I have no praise to bestow on Nearkhos for expending -so much time and ingenuity on the not very difficult task of proving -the falsehood of these stories, for, to take up antiquated fables -merely with a view to prove their falsehood, I can only regard as a -contemptible piece of folly.[80] - -XXXII. To the Ikhthyophagi succeed the Gadrôsii, who occupy a most -wretched tract of country full of sandy deserts, in penetrating which -Alexander and his army were reduced to the greatest extremities, of -which an account is to be found in my other work. But this is an inland -region, and therefore when the expedition left the Ikhthyophagi, its -course lay along Karmania.[81] Here, when they first drew towards -shore, they could not effect a landing, but had to remain all night -on board anchored in the deep, because a violent surf spread along the -shore and far out to sea. Thereafter the direction of their course -changed, and they sailed no longer towards sunset, but turned the heads -of the vessels more to the north-west. Karmania is better wooded and -produces better fruit than the country either of the Ikhthyophagi or -the Oreitai. It is also more grassy, and better supplied with water. -They anchor next at Badis, an inhabited place in Karmania, where grew -cultivated trees of many different kinds, with the exception of the -olive, and where also the soil favoured the growth of the vine and of -corn.[82] Weighing thence they ran 800 stadia, and came to an anchor -off a barren coast, whence they descried a headland projecting far out -into the sea, its nearest extremity being to appearance about a day’s -sail distant. Persons acquainted with those regions asserted that this -cape belonged to Arabia, and was called Maketa, whence cinnamon and -other products were exported to the Assyrians.[83] And from this coast -where the fleet was now anchored, and from the headland which they saw -projecting into the sea right opposite, the gulf in my opinion (which -is also that of Nearkhos) extends up into the interior, and is probably -the Red Sea. When this headland was now in view Onesikritos, _the chief -pilot_, proposed that they should proceed to explore it, and by so -shaping their course, escape the distressing passage up the gulf; but -Nearkhos opposed this proposal. Onesikritos, he said, must be wanting -in ordinary judgment if he did not know with what design Alexander had -sent the fleet on this voyage. He certainly had not sent it, because -there were no proper means of conducting the whole army safely by land, -but his express purpose was to obtain a knowledge of the coasts they -might pass on their voyage, together with the harbours and islets, and -to have the bays that might occur explored, and to ascertain whether -there were towns bordering on the ocean, and whether the countries, -were habitable or desert. They ought not therefore to lose sight of -this object, seeing that they were now near the end of their toils, and -especially that they were no longer in want of the necessary supplies -for prosecuting the voyage. He feared, moreover, since the headland -stretched towards the south, lest they should find the country there a -parched desert destitute of water and insufferably hot. This argument -prevailed, and it appears to me that by this counsel Nearkhos saved the -expedition, for all accounts represent this cape and the parts adjacent -as an arid waste where water cannot possibly be procured. - -XXXIII. On resuming the voyage they sailed close to land, and after -making about 700 stadia anchored on another shore called Neoptana.[84] -From this they weighed next day at dawn, and after a course of 100 -stadia anchored at the mouth of the river Anamis[85] in a country -called Harmozeia.[86] Here at last they found a hospitable region, -one which was rich in every production except only the olive. Here -accordingly they landed, and enjoyed a welcome respite from their -many toils—heightening their pleasure by calling to remembrance what -miseries they had suffered at sea and in the Ikhthyophagi country, -where the shores were so sterile, and the natives so brute-like, and -where they had been reduced to the last extremities of want. Here, -also, some of them in scattered parties, leaving the encampment on -the shore, wandered inland searching for one thing and another that -might supply their several requirements. While thus engaged, they fell -in with a man who wore a Greek mantle, and was otherwise attired as -a Greek and spoke the Greek language. Those who first discovered him -declared that tears started to their eyes, so strange did it appear, -after all they had suffered, to see once more a countryman of their -own, and to hear the accents of their native tongue. They asked him -whence he came, and who he was. He replied that he had straggled from -the army of Alexander, and that the army led by Alexander in person -was not far off. On hearing this they hurry the man with shouts of -tumultuous joy to the presence of Nearkhos, to whom he repeated all -that he had already said, assuring him that the army and the king were -not more than a 5 days’ march distant from the sea. The Governor of -the province, he added, was on the spot, and he would present him to -Nearkhos, and he presented him accordingly. Nearkhos consulted this -person regarding the route he should take in order to reach the king, -and then they all went off, and made their way to the ships. Early -next morning the ships by orders of Nearkhos were drawn on shore, -partly for repair of the damages which some of them had suffered on the -voyage, and partly because he had resolved to leave here the greater -part of his army. Having this in view, he fortified the roadstead with -a double palisade, and also with an earthen rampart and a deep ditch -extending from the banks of the river to the dockyard where the ships -were lying. - -XXXIV. While Nearkhos was thus occupied, the Governor being aware that -Alexander was in great anxiety about the fate of this expedition, -concluded that he would receive some great advantage from Alexander -should he be the first to apprize him of the safety of the fleet and of -the approaching visit of Nearkhos. Accordingly he hastened to Alexander -by the shortest route, and announced that Nearkhos was coming from the -fleet to visit him. Alexander, though he could scarcely believe the -report, nevertheless received the tidings with all the joy that might -have been expected. - -Day after day, however, passed without confirmation of the fact, till -Alexander, on comparing the distance from the sea with the date on -which the report had reached him, at last gave up all belief in its -truth, the more especially as several of the parties which he had -successively despatched to find Nearkhos and escort him to the camp, -had returned without him, after going a short distance, and meeting no -one, while others who had prosecuted the search further, and failed to -find Nearkhos and his company were still absent. He therefore ordered -the Governor into confinement for having brought delusive intelligence -and rendered his vexation more acute by the disappointment of his -hopes, and indeed his looks and perturbation of mind plainly indicated -that he was pierced to the heart with a great grief. Meanwhile, -however, one of the parties that had been despatched in search of -Nearkhos, and his escort being furnished with horses and waggons for -their accommodation, fell in on the way with Nearkhos and Arkhias, who -were followed by five or six attendants. At first sight they recognized -neither the admiral himself nor Arkhias, so much changed was their -appearance, their hair long and neglected, their persons filthy, -encrusted all over with brine and shrivelled, their complexion sallow -from want of sleep and other severe privations. On their asking where -Alexander was, they were told the name of the place. Arkhias then, -perceiving who they were, said to Nearkhos—“It strikes me, Nearkhos, -these men are traversing the desert by the route we pursue, for no -other reason than because they have been sent to our relief. True, they -did not know us, but that is not at all surprising, for our appearance -is so wretched that we are past all recognition. Let us tell them who -we are, and ask them why they are travelling this way.” Nearkhos, -thinking he spoke with reason, asked the men whither they were bound. -They replied that they were searching for Nearkhos and the fleet. -“Well! I am Nearkhos,” said the admiral, “and this man here is Arkhias. -Take us under your conduct, and we will report to Alexander the whole -history of the expedition.” - -XXXV. They were accordingly accommodated in the waggons, and conducted -to the camp. Some of the horsemen, however, wishing to be the first to -impart the news, hastened forward, and told Alexander that Nearkhos -himself, and Arkhias with him, and five attendants, would soon arrive, -but to enquiries about the rest of the people in the expedition they -had no information to give. Alexander, concluding from this that all -the expedition had perished except this small band, which had been -unaccountably saved, did not so much feel pleasure for the preservation -of Nearkhos and Arkhias as distress for the loss of his whole fleet. -During this conversation Nearkhos and Arkhias arrived. It was not -without difficulty Alexander after a close scrutiny recognized who the -hirsute, ill-clad men who stood before him were, and being confirmed -by their miserable appearance in his belief that the expedition had -perished, he was still more overcome with grief. At length he held out -his hand to Nearkhos, and leading him apart from his attendants and his -guards he burst into tears, and wept for a long time. Having, after a -good while, recovered some composure, “Nearkhos!” he says, “since you -and Arkhias have been restored to me alive, I can bear more patiently -the calamity of losing all my fleet; but tell me now, in what manner -did the vessels and my people perish.” “O my king!” replied Nearkhos, -“the ships are safe and the people also, and we are here to give you -an account of their preservation.” Tears now fell much faster from his -eyes than before, but they were tears of joy for the salvation of his -fleet which he had given up for lost. “And where are now my ships,” he -then enquired. “They are drawn upon shore,” replied Nearkhos, “on the -beach of the river Anamis for repairs.” Upon this Alexander, swearing -by Zeus of the Greeks and Ammon of the Libyans, declared that he felt -happier at receiving these tidings than in being the conqueror of all -Asia, for, had the expedition been lost, the blow to his peace of mind -would have been a counterpoise to all the success he had achieved. - -XXXVI. But the Governor whom Alexander had put into confinement for -bringing intelligence that appeared to be false, seeing Nearkhos in -the camp, sunk on his knees before him, and said: “I am the man who -brought to Alexander the news of your safe arrival. You see how I am -situated.” Nearkhos interceded with Alexander on his behalf, and he was -then liberated. Alexander next proceeded to offer a solemn sacrifice in -gratitude for the preservation of his fleet unto Zeus the Preserver, -and Heraklês, and Apollo the Averter of Destruction, and unto Poseidôn, -and every other deity of ocean. He celebrated likewise a contest in -gymnastics and music, and exhibited a splendid procession wherein a -foremost place was assigned to Nearkhos. Chaplets were wreathed for his -head, and flowers were showered upon him by the admiring multitude. -At the end of these proceedings the king said to Nearkhos, “I do not -wish you, Nearkhos, either to risk your life or expose yourself again -to the hardships of sea-voyaging, and I shall therefore send some -other officer to conduct the expedition onward to Sousa.” But Nearkhos -answered, and said: “It is my duty, O king! as it is also my desire, -in all things to obey you, but if your object is to gratify me in some -way, do not take the command from me until I complete the voyage by -bringing the ships in safety to Sousa. I have been trusted to execute -that part of the undertaking in which all its difficulty and danger -lay; transfer not, then, to another the remaining part, which hardly -requires an effort, and that, too, just at the time when the glory of -final success is ready to be won.” Alexander scarcely allowed him to -conclude his request, which he granted with grateful acknowledgment of -his services.[87] Then he sent him down again to the coast with only a -small escort, believing that the country through which he would pass -was friendly. He was not permitted however to pursue his way to the -coast without opposition, for the barbarians, resenting the action -of Alexander in deposing their satrap, and gathered in full force -and seized all the strongholds of Karmania before Tlepolemos, the -newly appointed Governor, had yet succeeded in fully establishing his -authority.[88] It happened therefore that several times in the course -of a day Nearkhos encountered bands of the insurgents with whom he had -to do battle. He therefore hurried forward without lingering by the -way, and reached the coast in safety, though not without severe toil -and difficulty. On arriving he sacrificed to Zeus the Preserver, and -celebrated gymnastic games. - -XXXVII. These pious rites having been duly performed, they again put -to sea, and, after passing a desolate and rocky island, arrived at -another island, where they anchored. This was one of considerable size -and inhabited, and 300 stadia distant from Harmozeia, the harbour -which they had last left. The desert island was called Organa, and -that where they anchored Oarakta.[89] It produced vines, palm-trees, -and corn. Its length is 800 stadia. Mazênês, the chief of this island, -accompanied them all the way to Sousa, having volunteered to act as -pilot of the fleet. The natives of the island professed to point out -the tomb of the very first sovereign of the country, whose name they -said was Erythrês, after whom the sea in that part of the world was -called the Erythræan.[90] Weighing thence their course lay along the -island, and they anchored on its shores at a place whence another -island was visible at a distance of about 40 stadia. They learned that -it was sacred to Poseidon, and inaccessible.[91] Next morning, as they -were putting out to sea, the ebb-tide caught them with such violence -that three of the galleys were stranded on the beach, and the rest of -the fleet escaped with difficulty from the surf into deep water. The -stranded vessels were however floated off at the return of the tide, -and the day after rejoined the fleet. They anchored at another island -distant from the mainland somewhere about 300 stadia, after running -a course of 400 stadia. Towards daybreak they resumed the voyage, -passing a desert island which lay on their left, called Pylora, and -anchored at Sisidone, a small town which could supply nothing but water -and fish.[92] Here again the natives were fish eaters, for the soil -was utterly sterile. Having taken water on board, they weighed again, -and having run 300 stadia, anchored at Tarsia, the extremity of a -cape which projects far into the sea. The next place of anchorage was -Kataia, a desert island, and very flat.[93] It was said to be sacred to -Hermês and Aphroditê. The length of this course was 300 stadia. To this -island sheep and goats are annually sent by the people of the adjoining -continent who consecrate them to Hermês and Aphroditê. These animals -were to be seen running about in a wild state, the effect of time and -the barren soil. - -XXXVIII. Karmania extends as far as this island, but the parts beyond -appertain to Persia. The extent of the Karmanian coast was 3,700 -stadia.[94] The people of this province live like the Persians, on -whom they border, and they have similar weapons and a similar military -system. When the fleet left the sacred island, its course lay along -the coast of Persis, and it first drew to land at a place called Ila, -where there is a harbour under cover of a small and desert island -called Kaikander.[95] The distance run was 400 stadia. Towards daybreak -they came to another island which was inhabited, and anchored thereon. -Nearkhos notices that there is here a fishery for pearl as there is in -the Indian Sea.[96] Having sailed along the shores of the promontory in -which this island terminates, a distance of about 40 stadia, they came -to an anchor upon its shores. The next anchorage was in the vicinity -of a lofty hill called Okhos, where the harbour was well sheltered -and the inhabitants were fishermen.[97] Weighing thence they ran a -course of 400 stadia, which brought them to Apostana, where they -anchored. At this station they saw a great many boats, and learned that -at a distance of 60 stadia from the shore there was a village. From -Apostana they weighed at night, and proceeded 400 stadia to a bay, on -the borders of which many villages were to be seen. Here the fleet -anchored under the projection of a cape which rose to a considerable -height.[98] Palm-trees and other fruit-bearing trees similar to those -of Greece, adorned the country round. On weighing thence they sailed in -a line with the coast, and after a course of somewhere about 600 stadia -reached Gôgana, which was an inhabited place, where they anchored at -the mouth of a winter torrent called the Areôn. It was difficult to -anchor, for the approach to the mouth of the river was by a narrow -channel, since the ebbing of the tide had left shoals which lay all -round in a circle.[99] Weighing thence they gained, after running as -many as 800 stadia, the mouth of another river called the Sitakos, -where also it was troublesome to anchor. Indeed all along the coast -of Persis the fleet had to be navigated through shoals and breakers -and oozy channels. At the Sitakos they took on board a large supply -of provisions, which under orders from the king had been collected -expressly for the fleet. They remained at this station one-and-twenty -days in all, occupied in repairing and kareening the ships, which had -been drawn on shore for the purpose.[100] - -XXXIX. Weighing thence they came to an inhabited district with a town -called Hieratis, after accomplishing a distance of 750 stadia. They -anchored in a canal which drew its waters from a river and emptied into -the sea, and was called Heratemis.[101] Weighing next morning about -sunrise, and sailing by the shore, they reached a winter torrent called -the Padargos, where the whole place was a peninsula, wherein were many -gardens and all kinds of trees that bear fruit. The name of the place -was Mesambria.[102] Weighing from Mesambria and running a course of -about 200 stadia, they reach Taôkê on the river Granis, and there -anchor. Inland from this lay a royal city of the Persians, distant from -the mouths of the river about 200 stadia.[103] We learn from Nearkhos -that on their way to Taôkê a stranded whale had been observed from -the fleet, and that a party of the men having rowed alongside of it, -measured it and brought back word that it had a length of 50 cubits. -Its skin, they added, was clad with scales to a depth of about a -cubit, and thickly clustered over with parasitic mussels, barnacles, -and seaweed. The monster, it was also noticed, was attended by a great -number of dolphins, larger than are ever seen in the Mediterranean. -Weighing from Taôkê they proceeded to Rhogonis, a winter torrent, where -they anchored in a safe harbour.[104] The course thither was one of -200 stadia. Weighing thence, and running 400 stadia, they arrived at -another winter torrent, called Brizana, where they land and form an -encampment. They had here difficulty in anchoring because of shoals and -breakers and reefs that showed their heads above the sea. They could -therefore enter the roads only when the tide was full; when it receded, -the ships were left high and dry.[105] They weighed with the next flood -tide, and came to anchor at the mouth of a river called the Arosis, the -greatest, according to Nearkhos, of all the rivers that in the course -of his voyage fell into the outer ocean.[106] - -XL. The Arosis marks the limit of the possessions of the Persians, and -divides them from the Susians. Above the Susians occurs an independent -race called the Uxians, whom I have described in my other work (_Anab._ -VII. 15, 3) as robbers. The length of the Persian coast is 4,400 -stadia. Persis, according to general report, has three different -climates,[107] for that part of it which lies along the Erythræan sea, -is sandy and barren from the violence of the heat, while the part -which succeeds enjoys a delightful temperature, for there the mountains -stretch towards the pole and the North wind, and the region is clothed -with verdure and has well-watered meadows, and bears in profusion the -vine and every fruit else but the olive, while it blooms with gardens -and pleasure parks of all kinds, and is permeated with crystal streams -and abounds with lakes, and lake and stream alike are the haunts of -every variety of water-fowl, and it is also a good country for horses -and other yoke cattle, being rich in pasture, while it is throughout -well-wooded and well-stocked with game. The part, however, which lies -still further to the North is said to be bleak and cold, and covered -with snow, so that, as Nearkhos tells us, certain ambassadors from the -Euxine Sea, after a very brief journey, met Alexander marching forward -to Persis, whereat Alexander being greatly surprised, they explained -to him how very inconsiderable the distance was.[108] 1 have already -stated that the immediate neighbours to the Susians are the Uxians, -just as the Mardians, a race of robbers, are next neighbours to the -Persians, and the Kossaeans to the Medes. All these tribes Alexander -subdued, attacking them in the winter time when their country was, as -they imagined, inaccessible. He then founded cities to reclaim them -from their wandering life, and encouraged them to till their lands -and devote themselves to agriculture. At the same time he appointed -magistrates armed with the terrors of the law to prevent them having -recourse to violence in the settlement of their quarrels. On weighing -from the Arosis the expedition coasted the shores of the Susians. The -remainder of the voyage, Nearkhos says, he cannot describe with the -same precision; he can but give the names of the stations and the -length of the courses, for the coast was full of shoals and beset with -breakers which spread far out to sea, and made the approach to land -dangerous. The navigation thereafter was of course almost entirely -restricted to the open sea. In mentioning their departure from the -mouth of the river where they had encamped on the borders of Persis, he -states that they took there on board a five days’ supply of water, as -the pilots had brought to their notice that none could be procured on -the way. - -XLI. A course of 500 stadia having been accomplished, their -next anchorage was in an estuary, which swarmed with fish, -called Kataderbis, at the entrance of which lay an island called -Margastana.[109], They weighed at daybreak, the ships sailing out in -single file through shoals. The direction of the shoal was indicated -by stakes fixed both on the right and the left side, just as posts -are erected as signals of danger in the passage between the island of -Leukadia and Akarnania to prevent vessels grounding on the shoals. -The shoals of Leukadia, however, are of firm sand, and it is thus -easy to float off vessels should they happen to strand, but in this -passage there is a deep mud on both sides of such tenacity that if -vessels once touched the bottom, they could not by any appliances -be got off; for, if they thrust poles into the mud to propel the -vessels, these found no resistance or support, and the people who got -overboard to ease them off into navigable water found no footing, but -sunk in the mud higher than the waist. The fleet proceeded 600 stadia, -having such difficulties of navigation to contend with, and then came -to an anchor, each crew remaining in their own vessel, and taking -their repast on board. From this anchorage they weighed in the night, -sailing on in deep water till about the close of the ensuing day, when, -after completing a course of 900 stadia, they dropped anchor at the -mouth of the Euphrates near a town in Babylonia called Diridôtis—the -emporium of the sea-borne trade in frankincense and all the other -fragrant productions of Arabia.[110] The distance from the mouth of the -Euphrates up stream to Babylon is, according to Nearkhos, 3,300 stadia. - -XLII. Here intelligence having been received that Alexander was -marching towards Sousa, they retraced their course from Diridôtis so as -to join him by sailing up the Pasitigris. They had now Sousis on their -left hand, and were coasting the shores of a lake into which the Tigris -empties itself, a river, which flowing from Armenia past Nineveh, a -city once of yore great and flourishing, encloses between itself and -the Euphrates the tract of country which from its position between the -two rivers is called Mesopotamia. It is a distance of 600 stadia from -the entrance into the lake up to the river’s mouth at Aginis, a village -in the province of Sousis, distant from the city of Sousa 500 stadia. -The length of the voyage along the coast of the Sousians to the mouth -of the Pasitigris was 2,000 stadia.[111] Weighing from the mouth of -this river they sailed up its stream through a fertile and populous -country, and having proceeded 150 stadia dropped anchor, awaiting the -return of certain messengers whom Nearkhos had sent off to ascertain -where the king was. Nearkhos then presented sacrifices to the gods -their preservers, and celebrated games, and full of gladness were the -hearts of all that had taken part in the expedition. The messengers -having returned with tidings that Alexander was approaching, the fleet -resumed its voyage up the river, and anchored near the bridge by which -Alexander intended to lead his army to Sousa. In that same place the -troops were reunited, when sacrifices wore offered by Alexander for -the preservation of his ships and his men, and games were celebrated. -Nearkhos, whenever he was seen among the troops, was decorated by them -with garlands and pelted with flowers. There also both Nearkhos and -Leonnatos were crowned by Alexander with golden diadems—Nearkhos for -the safety of the expedition by sea, and Leonnatos for the victory -which he had gained over the +Oreitai+ and the neighbouring -barbarians. It was thus that the expedition which had begun its voyage -from the mouths of the Indus was brought in safety to Alexander. - -XLIII. Now[112] the parts which lie to the right of the -+Erythræan[113] Sea+ beyond the realms of Babylonia belong -principally to +Arabia+, which extends in one direction as far -as the sea that washes the shores of +Phœnikia+ and +Syrian -Palestine+, while towards sunset it borders on the Egyptians in -the direction of the +Mediterranean Sea+. Egypt is penetrated -by a gulf which extends up from the great ocean, and as this ocean -is connected with the +Erythræan Sea+, this fact proves that a -voyage could be made all the way from +Babylon+ to +Egypt+ by -means of this gulf. But, owing to the heat and utter sterility of the -coast, no one has ever made this voyage, except, it may be, some chance -navigator. For the troops belonging to the army of +Kambysês+, -which escaped from +Egypt+, and reached +Sousa+ in safety, -and the troops sent by +Ptolemy+, the son of Lagos, to +Seleukos -Nikatôr+ to +Babylon+, traversed the Arabian isthmus in eight -days altogether.[114] It was a waterless and sterile region, and they -had to cross it mounted on swift camels carrying water, travelling -only by night, the heat by day being so fierce that they could not -expose themselves in the open air. So far are the parts lying beyond -this region, which we have spoken of as an isthmus extending from -the +Arabian Gulf+ to the +Erythræan Sea+ from being -inhabited, that even the parts which run up further to the north are -a desert of sand. Moreover, men setting forth from the +Arabian -Gulf+ in +Egypt+, after having sailed round the greater part of -+Arabia+ to reach the sea which washes the shores of +Persis+ -and +Sousa+, have returned, after sailing as far along the -coast of Arabia as the water they had on board lasted them, and no -further. The exploring party again which +Alexander+ sent from -+Babylon+ with instructions to sail as far as they could along the -right-hand coast of the +Erythræan Sea+, with a view to examine -the regions lying in that direction, discovered some islands lying -in their route, and touched also at certain points of the mainland -of +Arabia+. But as for that cape which Nearkhos states to have -been seen by the expedition projecting into the sea right opposite to -+Karmania+, there is no one who has been able to double it and -gain the other side. But if the place could possibly be passed, either -by sea or by land, it seems to me that Alexander, being so inquisitive -and enterprising, would have proved that it could be passed in both -these ways. But again +Hanno+ the +Libyan+, setting out -from +Carthage+, sailed out into the ocean beyond the Pillars of -+Hercules+, having +Libya+ on his left hand, and the time -until his course was shaped towards the rising sun was five-and-thirty -days; but when he steered southward he encountered many difficulties -from the want of water, from the scorching heat, and from streams of -fire that fell into the sea. +Kyrênê+, no doubt, which is situated -in a somewhat barren part of +Libya+, is verdant, possessed of a -genial climate, and well watered, has groves and meadows, and yields -abundantly all kinds of useful animals and vegetable products. But -this is only the case up to the limits of the area within which the -fennel-plant can grow, while beyond this area the interior of Kyrênê is -but a desert of sand. - -So ends my narrative relating to +Alexander+, the son of Philip -the Makedonian. - - - - -INDEX. - -CHIEFLY GEOGRAPHICAL. - -_Abbreviations._—B. Bay, C. Cape, G. Gulf, Is. Island or Islands, M. -Mountain, R. River. - -Common names are printed in Italics. Many proper names which in the -usual orthography begin with C, will be found under K. - - - A Page - - Abalitês, 51, 54, 55, 57 - - Aberia or Abiria, 113 - - Abhira, 114 - - _Abolla_, 38 - - Abu-Fatima C., 43 - - Abu-Shahr, _see_ Bushire. - - Acharê, 129 - - Adel, 53 - - Aden, _see_ Eudaimôn-Arabia. - - Adouli, 12-39 _passim_, 45-49 - - Adramitae, 87 - - Agbor R., 177 n. - - Aginis, 161, 220, 221 n. - - Agriophagoi, 43 - - Agrisa, _see_ Agrispolis. - - Agrispolis, 194 n. - - Abile C., 59 - - Ahwaz, 161 - - Aigialos, 126 - - Aigidioi, 130 - - Aii, 134, 139 - - Akabah G., 74 - - Akabarou, 127 - - Akannai, 21, 54, 58, 59 - - Akesinês R. (Chenâb R.), 150, 170, 171 - - Alabagium C., _see_ Alambator. - - _Alabaster_, 34 - - Alalaiou Is., 48, 49 - - Alambator C., 191 n. - - Alexander, Port of, _see_ Karâchi. - - Alexander the Great, _passim_. - - Alexandria, 76 - - _Aloes_, 15, 93, 94 - - Anamis R., 159 n., 202 n., 207 - - Ananis R., _see_ Anamis R. - - Andanis R., _see_ Anamis R. - - Angediva Is., 130 - - Anger Is., 210 n. - - Annesley B., 45, 48, 49 - - Antarah C., 68 - - Antigonê, 41 - - Aparântikâ, 113 - - Apokopa, 62, 65, 66, 67 - - Apollodotos, 121 - - Apollophanês, 182 n. - - Apologos, 10-38 _passim_., 103, 104 - - Apostana, 212 n., 213 - - Arabah C. & B., 106, 187 - - Arabii, 177 n. - - Arakhosioi, 121, 186, 208 n. - - Arâstrâs or Aratti, 121 - - Aratrioi, 120 - - Arbitae, 106 - - Areôn R., 213 n. - - Argalou, 14, 29, 140 - - Argaric G., 142 - - Argeirou, 142 - - Argyre Is., 147 - - Ariakê, 13-39 _passim_., 52, 64, 112, 114 - - Ariakê Sadinôn, 127 - - Arii, 121, 186 - - Arkhias, 169, 191, 192 - - Armagara, 129 - - Aroatis R., _see_ Arosis R. - - Arômata C., 59, 62, 91, 138 - - Arômata (a mart), 59 - - Arosapes R., 183 n. - - Arosis R., 160, 216 n., 218 - - _Arsenic_, 30 - - Arsinoê (Suez), 39, 40 - - Arsinoê (in Barbaria), 50 - - Arusaces R., _see_ Arosapes R. - - Asaboi M., 102, 103 - - Asîdah C., 86 - - Asikh, 98 - - Asir C., 58-60 - - Asmak, 46 - - Astakapra, 115, 117 - - Astola or Ashtola Is., 188 n. - - Atramitae, _see_ Adramitae. - - Attanae, 84, 85 - - Aualités, 12-37 _passim_., 50, 53, 83 - - Aurangâbâd, 125 - - Ausera, 95 - - Auxumê, 46 - - Axum, _see_ Auxumê. - - Axumitae, 5, 48 - - Azania (Ajan), 1-144 _passim_. - - Azania, Courses of, 62, 66, 67 - - - B - - Bab-el Mandab Straits, 83 - - Babylon, 219, 221 n., 222 - - Badera or Bodera, _see_ Barna. - - Badis, 181, 200 - - Baghwar Dasti R., 193 n. - - Bagia C., 193 - - Bagisara, 106, 187 - - Bagradas R., 212 n., 213 n., 215 n. - - Bahar R., 179 n. - - Bahrein Is., 103 - - Baiônês Is., 116 - - Bakare, 131, 134 - - Bakkar, 109 - - Baktria, 12, 148 - - Baktrianoi, 121 - - Ba-l-hâf C., 87 - - Balita, 140 - - Balômon, 190 - - Baltipatna, 129 - - Bammala, 140 - - Bandâ R., 129 - - Bandar Barthe, 58 - - Bandel-caus C., 62 - - Bankut, 129 - - Banna, 63 - - Barakê G., 111, 112 - - Barbara, _see_ Berbera. - - Barbarei, 108 - - Barbaria, 42, 43, 62 - - Barbarikon, 12-38 _passim_, 108, 115 - - Bargusoi, 145 - - Baricaza, 57 - - Barna, 190 - - Barousai, 145 - - Barugaza, 10, 39 _passim_, 64, 78, 88, 96, 116-120 - - Barugaza G., 112, 117 - - Basra, 103 - - Batinah, 100, 101 - - _Bdellium_, 16 - - Becare, 131, 134 - - Bênda R., 128 - - Berbera, 58 - - Berenîkê, 1, 3, 9, 41, 42, 74, 75, 78 - - Berenîkê (in Barbaria), 50 - - Betel, 23, 25 - - Bharoch, _see_ Barugaza. - - Bhaunagar, 115 - - Bhusâl R., _see_ Tomêros R. - - Bibakta Is., 159, 177 - - Biblos Is., _see_ Bibakta Is. - - Binagara, _see_ Minnagar. - - Birkeh, 100 - - Bombarak C., 200 - - Bonah, 59 - - Bore (of rivers), 119, 120, 157 - - Boshavir R., _see_ Kisht. - - Boukephalos Alexandreia, 121 - - _Brass_, 31 - - Brisoana R., 214 n., 215 n. - - Brizana R., 216 n. - - Brokt Is., 202 n. - - Bubian Is., 219 - - Bunah Is., 218 - - Bunth R., 194 n. - - Burnt Island, 78 - - Busheab Is., 212 n. - - _Butter_, 12 - - Buzantion, 127, 129 - - - C - - Cael, 141 - - Caelobothras, 6, 131 - - Calaeou Insulae, 101 - - Calcutta, 20 - - _Cannibals_, 146 - - Canary Is., 20 - - Carfouna, 57 - - Carthage, 223 - - Ceylon, _see_ Taprobanê. - - Chaubar B., 193 n. - - Chauggan, 148 - - Chaul, 113, 128 - - Chênval, 128 - - Chewabad, _see_ Churber. - - Chimûla, 128 n. - - China, 188 n. - - Choaspes R., 220 n. - - Choda R., 129 - - Chryse Is., 147 - - _Chrysolite_, 37 - - Churber B., 190 n. - - _Cinnabar_, 15, 19, 94 - - _Cinnamon_, 18, 19 - - Coast Little and Great, 66 - - Colcis Indorum, 141 - - Comorin C., 125, 137, 139 - - _Copper_, 32 - - Cottonara, 131 - - - D - - Dabil, 110 - - Dagasira, 194 - - Dahra Ahbân, 212 n. - - Dakhan, 124 - - Dakhinabadês, 124 - - Dakshinâpatha, 124 - - Damirike, 126 - - Damnia Is., 160 - - Daphnôn, 59 - - Daphnous, 53, 61 - - Debal, 129 - - Deirê or Dêrê, 51, 54, 60 - - Deimakhos, 154 - - Delgado C., 73 - - Dendrobosa, 190 - - Ḍeri Is., 218 n. - - Desarênê, 12, 145 - - Dêvagiri or Deogarh, 125 - - Deymâniyeh Is., 100 - - Dhafur or Dofar, 80, 81, 97 - - _Diamonds_, 33 - - Dimurikê, 12-29 _passim_. 94, 96, 121, 126 - - Djerun Is., _see_ Ormus Is., - - Diodôros, Is., 47, 48 - - Diodôrus Is., _Perim_, 57, 82, 83 - - Dioskoridês Is., 15, 26, 27, 29, 91-93 - - Diospolis, 27, 34, 50, 53 - - Dîsâ, 16 - - Diset Is., _see_ Diodôros Is. - - Domai Is., 178 n. - - Dorak R., 218 n. - - Dôsarôn R., 145 - - _Drachmai_, 121, 122 - - _Dragon’s-Blood_, 94 - - Drangiani, 186 - - - E - - Eden, 84 - - Eirinon G., 111 - - Eiros M., 158, 177, 178 n. - - Elanitic Gulf, 9, 47, 74 - - El Bab Straits, 102 - - Eleazos, 87 - - Elephant C., 58 - - Elephant M., 54, 58, 61 - - Elephant R., 59 - - Elephantinê, 45 - - Elephantophagoi, 44, 51 - - Elisarôn, 81 - - El Kilhat, 101 - - Elurâ, 125 - - Epideirês, 57 - - Epiodôros, 14, 140, 142 - - _Epiphi_ (July), 64, 110, 124, 138 - - Er-rib Is., 44 - - Erythræan Sea—its extent, 1, 209 n., 222 n., - why so called, 209 n. - - Erythrês, 202 n., 209 - - Esan, 88 - - Essina, 67 - - Esvautgadh, 129 - - _Etesian Winds_, 138, 174 n. - - Eudaimôn-Arabia (Aden), 6, 84-86, 138 - - Eulæus R., 103, 220 n., 161 - - Eumenês, Grove of, 57 - - Euphrates R., 10, 219, 220 - - Eynounah, 75 - - - - - F - - Fartak C., 10, 91, 95 - - Felix or Felles M., _see_ Elephant M. - - Filik C., 58 - - Fillam C., 101 - - _Fluor-spath_, 34, 35 - - Foul Bay, 42 - - _Frankincense_, 21, 90, 97 - - Fuggem C., 194 n. - - - G - - Galla, 66 - - Gandarioi, 121 - - Gangê, 14, 23, 25, 146 - - Ganges R., 146 - - Gaza (Bandar Gazim), 57 - - Gedrosia, 10, 16, 186, 199 - - Gêrsappa, Falls of, 130 - - Ghalla or Cella, 84 - - Ghâra R., 176 n. - - Ghodabandar, 129 - - Ghubet-al-Kamar, 86 - - Ghunse C., 191 - - Girishk, 194 n. - - _Glass_, 36, 37 - - Goa, 129 - - Goaris R., 127 - - Godâvarî R., 144 - - Godem C., 194 n. - - Gôgana, 213 n. - - _Gold_, 33 - - _Gold-stone_, 33, 122 - - Govind R., _see_ Juba R. - - _Graai_ (_Alligators_), 108 - - Granis R., 215 n. - - Guadel C., 106, 191 - - Guardafui C., 9, 10, 58 - - Guesele, 57 - - Gujarât, 34, 113, 114 - - Gwattar B., 193 n. - - - H - - Hadâs R., 48 - - Hadhramaut, 21, 87 - - Hafûn C., 64, 65 - - Haidarâbâd, 156 - - Halanî Is., 87 - - Hanfelah B., 35, 49 - - Hanjam Is., _see_ Angar Is. - - Hanno, 223 - - Harkânâ, 181 n. - - Harmozeia, 159, 202 n. - - Hâsek, 98, 99 - - Hassani Is., 75 - - Hastakavapra, _see_ Astakapra. - - Hâthab, _see_ Astakapra. - - Hauara, 75 - - Haur, 177 n. - - Hazine (Ajan), 65, 66 - - Hejid, 77 - - Heroöpolite Gulf, 40 - - Heptanêsia, 130 - - Heratemis, 214 - - Hercules, Pillars of, 223 - - Herônê, 117 - - Hieratis, 214 - - Himaryi, 80 - - Hingal R., _see_ Tomêros R. - - Hippalos, 5, 7, 10, 131, 135, 138 - - Hîppioprosôpoi, 146 - - Hippokoura, 128 - - Hisn Ghorab, 87, 88, 91 - - Homerites, 80, 81 - - Homnae, 84, 104 - - Honâvar or Onore, 130 - - Horitai, _see_ Oreitai. - - Hormara B., _see_ Arabah B. - - Hutemi, 77 - - Hwen-Thsang, 181 n. - - _Hyacinth_, 36 - - Hydaspês R., 156, 168, 171 - - Hydrakês, 189 - - Hydriaces R., 193 - - Hydriakus, 189 n. - - _Hyenas_, 124 - - - I - - Iambe, 41 - - _Ibis_, 61 - - Ikhthyophagi _passim_. - - Ikhthyophagi of Mekran described, 195 - - Ila, 212 - - Inderabia Is., 212 n. - - _Indigo_, 17 - - Indo-Skythia, 10, 25, 107 - - Indôr, 114 - - Indus R., 107 and _passim_. - - _Iron_, 31 - - Isis R., 61 - - Istabel Antai, 75 - - - J - - _Jacinth_, 36 - - Jahsseb, 80 - - Jask C., 189, 199 n. - - Jaygaḍh, 129 - - Jebel Sanâm M., 219 n. - - Jerd Hafûn, 60 - - Jerim, 80 - - Jibba, 101 - - Jibûs Is., 87 - - Jifâtin Is., 40 - - Juba R., 66, 68, 70 - - Junnar, 125 - - - K - - Kabana, 181 - - Kabolitai, 123 - - Kâbul, 20, 123 - - Kachh, Gulf of, 111 - - Kaḍattanâḍu, 28, 132 - - Kaes or Keesh Is., 211 n. - - Kaikander Is., 212 n. - - Kaineitai, 130 - - Kakee R., _see_ Sitakos R. - - Kalaiou Is., 100, 101 - - Kalama, 187 - - Kalami R., 180 n., 188 n., 189 - - Kalat C., 194 n. - - Kalliena, 127 - - Kalon M., 101, 102 - - Kalpê, Straits of, 83 - - Kaltis, 147 - - Kalyâṇa, 127 - - Kalybi, _see_ Karbine. - - Kamara, 141, 143 - - Kammôni, 117 - - Kanasis, 194 - - Kanate, 194 - - Kanê, 1-39 _passim_, 86, 88, 138 - - Kannettri, 131, 134 - - Kanraîtai, 77 - - Kanthatis, 200 - - Kara-Agach R., 160, 214 n. - - Karâchi, 158, 176 n. - - Karbinê, 188 n., 199 n. - - Karbis, 189 - - Karmana, _see_ Kirman. - - Karmania, 10, 35, 86, 199 n. - - Karoura, 133 - - _Karpasos_, 18 - - Karpella C., 200 - - Karûn R., 103 - - Karun, 202 n. - - Karûn R., 220 - - Kâśmîr, 20 - - Kaspian Sea, 148 - - Kassia, 18, 19 - - Kataderbis, 218 n. - - Kataia Is., 211 n., 212 n. - - Kâṭhiâvâḍ, 16 - - Kaumana, 158 - - Kaveripattam, 143 - - Kavery R., 143 - - Kâyal C., 141 - - Kenjan-fu, 148 - - Kenn Is., _see_ Kataia. - - Kêprobotres, 6, 132 - - Kêrala, 131 - - Keralaputra, 132 - - Kerazi C., 200 - - Keroot, _see_ Kerazi C. - - Keshin, 90 - - Kesmacoran (Mekran), 99 - - Khabêris, 143 - - Khabêros R., 143 - - Khambhât G., 95, 112, 116 - - Kharibaël, 7, 39, 80, 82 - - Khartan Is., 90 - - Kheil C., 65 - - Khersonêsos, the Golden., 15, 143, 146 - - Khersonêsos, in India, 129, 130 - - Khori R., 58 - - Kholaibos, 79 - - Khrusê Is., 146 - - Kilwa (Quiloa), 62, 72 - - Killouta Is., 157 - - Kirrhadia, 23, 145 - - Kirkê, 199 - - Kirman, 199 n. - - Kissa, 189 - - Kishm Is., 202 n. - - Kisht R., 215 n. - - Kobê, 54 - - Koiamba, 180 n., 181 n. - - Kôkala, 159, 182 - - _Kolandiophonta_, 142, 143 - - Kolatta-nâḍu, 132 - - Kôlis, 142 - - Kolkei, 144 - - Kolkhoi, 14, 138, 141 - - Kolöê, 48 - - Kolta, 187 n. - - Kolum, 134 - - Komar C., 139 - - Kommana, 194 n. - - Komta, 130 - - Konkan or Kanoun, 213 n. - - Kôphas, 189 n., 191 - - Koppa C., _see_ Kôphas. - - Koptos, 41, 42, 76 - - Koreatis, 158, 175 - - Korodamon C., 100 - - Korû C., 142 - - Kossaeans, 217 - - _Kostus_, 20 - - Koṭi, 142 - - Kottonara, 28, 132 - - Creophagoi, 60 - - Krishnâ R., 144 - - Krôkala Is., 158, 176 - - Kumârî (Durga), 140, 141 - - Kungoun, 194 n. - - Kunokephali, 61 - - Kurmut R., 180 n. - - Kurya Murya Is., 92, 99 - - Kyêneion, 48 - - Kyiza, 191, 193 n., 196 - - Kysa, _see_ Kissa. - - Kyros, 213 n. - - Kyrênê, 223, 229 - - - L - - _Lac_, 13 - - Lamnaios R. (Narmadâ R.), 116 - - Lamou Is., 68 - - Laccadive Is., 15 - - Lar-Desa, _see_ Larikê. - - Larikê, 113 - - Laristan, 199 n. - - Laurel Grove, the Little, 58 - - Laurel Grove, the Great, 59 - - Las, 177 n. - - _Lead_, 31 - - Leukê (White) Is., 127, 130 - - Leukê Kômê, 7-9, 74, 76 - - Licha, 60 - - Limyrikê, _see_ Dimyrikê. - - _Lycium_, 22 - - Lykia, 22 - - - M - - Mabber C., 65 - - _Macer_, 22 - - _Madara_, 105 - - Madeira Is., 20 - - Mahi R., _see_ Mais R. - - Maiôtic Lake, 148 - - Mais R., 116 - - Maisôlos R., 144 - - Makalleh, 91 - - Makdashû (Magadoxo), 67 - - Maklow R., _see_ Tomêros R. - - Makroprosôpoi, 140 - - Malabar, 10, 95, 137, 143 - - _Malabathrum_ (_Betel_), 22, 149 - - Malacca, 147 - - Malana, 154, 185, 187 - - Malaô, 17-39 _passim_, 54, 55 - - Malava, 171 n. - - Maleus M., 185 n. - - Malikhos, 8 - - Malin C., 185 - - Malli, 171 - - Manaar G., 141, 142 - - Mand R., _see_ Sitakos. - - Manda Is., 68 - - Mandagora, 127, 129 - - Mangalur, 130 - - Manora, 158, 178 - - Manpalli, 140 - - Mansura, 109 - - Mapharitis, 7 - - Mardians, 217 - - Margastana Is., 218 - - Mariabo, 189 - - Markah, 158 - - Markari, 134 - - Martan Is., 98 - - Masalia, 144, 145 - - Masawwâ, 45, 48 - - Masira, 99 - - Maskat, 73, 95, 97, 100 - - Maṭhurâ, 133 - - Mazênês, 209 - - Medina, 75 - - Megasthenês, 154, 208 - - Mekran, 186 - - Meligeizara, 127, 129 - - _Melilot_, 24 - - Menander, 121 - - Menhabery, 109 - - Menouthias Is., 15, 62, 69-71 - - Mensureh R., 218 - - Meroê, 45, 46, 186 - - Mesembria, 160, 215 n., 216 n. - - Mesha, 79 - - Mesopotamia, 220 - - Mete C., 57, 59 - - Methora, 134 - - Mharras, _see_ Mopharitis. - - Minâb R., 159, 202 n. - - Minnagar, 108-110, 114 - - Mirjan, 130 - - Modura, 127, 131, 133 - - Moghostan, 199 n. - - Moinanokalû C., 72 - - Mokhâ, 78 - - Mombaros, 113 - - Momfia Is., 69, 71 - - Monedes, 186 n. - - Monze C., 106, 178 n. - - Mopharitis, 72, 74, 79 - - Moran C., _see_ Malin C. - - Morontobara, 178 n., 180 n. - - Mosarna, 189 - - Moskha, 17, 21, 29, 95, 96 - - Moskhophagoi, 43, 49 - - Mossylon, 12-39, _passim_. 54 - - Moundou, 17-39, _passim_. 54, 57 - - Mouza, 9, 38, _passim_. 54-82, _passim_. - - Mouziris, 6-39 _passim_. 131 - - Mowilah, 75 - - Muâri C., 178 n. - - Muhammarah, 103 - - Muhani R., 193 n. - - Multân, 20, 171 n. - - Murghâb, 213 n. - - _Muslin_, 26 - - Mussendom or Mesandum C., 102, 200 n., 212 n. - - Muyiri, 131 - - Myos Hormos, 9, 40-42, 74, 75 - - _Myrrh_, 24, 25, 29 - - - N - - Nabathaea, 7, 74, 75 - - Nabend C., 199 - - Nabend or Naban R., 212 n., 213 n. - - Nakb-el-Hajar, 88 - - Namades R., _see_ Narmadâ R. - - Nammadios R., _see_ Narmadâ R. - - Nanagouna R., 129 - - Naoura, 13, 127, 130 - - _Nard_, 25, 122 - - Narmadâ (Nerbada) R., 10, 107, 114, 117, 127 - - Nausari, 127 - - Nausaripa, 127 - - Neacyndon, 131 - - Nebaioth, _see_ Nabathaea. - - Neiloptolemaios, 58 - - Neilospotamia, 58 - - Nelkynda, 10-39 _passim_. 131-135 - - Neoptana, 202 - - Nepâl, 23 n. - - Nereid, story of a, 198 - - Nikobar Is., 145 - - Nikôn, 62, 66 - - Nineveh, 220 - - Nirankol, 156 - - Nitra or Nitria, 129-131 - - Nosala Is., 188 n., 198, 199 n. - - Notou Keras (South Horn) C., 60, 61 - - - O - - Oarakta Is., 202 n., 209 - - Oboleh (Obolegh), 10, 103 - - Ogyris Is., 99, 202 n. - - Okêlis, 54, 83, 84, 131 - - Okhos M., 212, 213 n. - - Omana (Oman), 12-38 _passim_. 88, 92, 95, 98, 104, 105 - - Omana, 194 n. - - Onne, 75 - - Onore, 130 - - _Onyx_, 34 - - Ophir, 114, 127 - - Opônê, 15-31 _passim_. 62-64 - - Opsian or Obsidian Stone, 35, 36, 49 - - Oraia, 27, 106 - - Oreinê Is., 46-48 - - Oreitai, 107, 177, 181 n. - - Orfui C., 63 - - Organa Is., 202 n., 209 - - Ormus, Straits of, 200 - - Ormus Is., 202 n., 209 n. - - Orneôn Is., 87 - - Oroatis R., 160 - - Ozênê (Ujjain), 25, 26, 29, 34, 114, 122 - - - P - - Pab M., 178 n. - - Padargos R., 214 - - Pagala, 181 - - Paithana, 34, 125 - - Palaipatmai, 127, 129 - - Palaisimoundou (Ceylon), 4, 143 - - Palk Bay, 142 - - Pallacopas R., 160, 219 n. - - Pandæ, 133 - - Pandiôn, 6, 131, 133, 135, 139 - - Panôn Kômê, 63, 64 - - Papias Is., 101, 102 - - Papikê C., 115, 117 - - _Papyrus_, 61 - - Parada, _see_ Parthians. - - Paragôn B., 106 - - Paralaoi Is., 62 - - Paralia, 139 - - Parsidai, 105 - - Parthians, 110 - - Pasargada, 213 n. - - Pasinou Kharax, _see_ Spasinou Kharax. - - Pasira, 106, 187 - - Pasirees, 106, 187 - - Pasitigris R., 103, 161, 220 - - Passence C., 188 n., 189 - - Pattala, 156 - - _Pearl Fisheries_, 102, 103, 141, 178, 212 - - Pegada, _see_ Pagala. - - Pekhely, 121 - - Pemba Is., 69 - - _Pepper_, 27, 28, 132 - - Peram Is., 116 - - Perim Is., 82 - - Persian Gulf, aspect of, 209 n. - - Persis, Climates of, 216, 217 - - Persis, Coast of, 86, 88, 212 - - Peshawar, 121 - - Petra, 75, 76 - - Phagiaura, 180 n. - - Pharan C., 74 - - Phœnikia, 222 - - Pirate Coast, 129 - - _Pirates_, 95, 130, 131, 177, 188 - - Piti R., 176 n. - - Plocamus, 7, 8 - - Podoukê, 141, 143 - - Polior Is., 211 n. - - Polymita, 39 - - Pondicherry, 143 - - Pontos, 148 - - _Porcelain_, _see_ _Fluor-spath_. - - Poulipoula, 127 - - Pouna C., 72 - - Prasii, 24 - - Prasum C., 73 - - Proklaïs, 20, 121, 122 - - Psammêtikḥos, 45 - - Pseudokêlis, 184 - - Psygmus, 61 - - Ptolemaïs Thêrôn, 12, 15, 13, 45 - - Ptolemy Euergetês, 47 - - Ptolemy Lagos, 41 - - Ptolemy Philadelphos, 40, 41, 44 - - Puduchchêri, 143 - - Pulikât, 143 - - Purâli R., 177 n. - - Puthangelos, Chase of, 51 - - Pythangelus, 61 - - Pylora Is., 211 n. - - Puralaoi Is., 68 - - Pytholaus, 61 - - - R - - Râjapur, 129 - - Rambakia, 106 - - Râmeśvaram C., 142 - - Ran, _see_ Eirinon. - - Ras-al-Sair C., 96 - - Ras-el-Had C., 10, 90, 95, 99, 100 - - Regh, 215 n. - - Rhapsioi, 73 - - Rhapta, 9, 62, 71 - - Rhaptum C., 72, 73 - - Rhapua, 187 n. - - _Rhinoceros_, 14 - - Rhinokoloura, 76 - - Rhizana, 180 n. - - Rhogonis R., 215 n. - - _Rice_, 27, 64 - - Rizophagoi, 43 - - Rumrah R., _see_ Kurmut R. - - Rangpur, 23 - - - S - - Sabæa, 10, 11 - - Sabæans, 81, 86 - - Sabaïtai, 80 - - - Sabbatha, 87-89 - - Saber M., 79 - - Sabota, _see_ Sabbatha. - - Saghar, 91 - - Saimur, 113 - - Śâka, 107 - - Śâkâbda, 110 - - Sakala, 178 - - Sakhalitis Regio, 97 - - Sakhalîtes G., 90 - - Sakhlê, 91 - - Salama C., _see_ Mussendom C. - - Salikê (Ceylon), 4 - - Salour, 142 - - Salsette Is., 125 - - _Sandalwood_, 28 - - Sandanes, 128 - - _Sandarakê_, 28 - - Sangada, 177 n. - - Sangadip Is., 188 n. - - Sangara, 142, 143 - - San Pedro R., 58, 59 - - Sauê, 79, 80 - - Saugra C., 90 - - Saphar, 80 - - _Sapphire_, 36 - - Saraganes, 127, 128 - - Saranga, 178 - - Śarâvatî R., 130 - - Sawa, 89 - - Schevar, 212 n. - - Seger M., 95 - - Semiramis M., 102, 103 - - Semulla, 127, 128, 129 - - Sephar, 97 - - Serapiôn, 62, 67 - - Serapis Is., 15, 99 - - Sesatai, 23, 148 - - Sêsekreienai Is., 129, 130 - - Sesostris, 83 - - _Shadows_, 85 n. - - Shat-el-Arab R., 220 n. - - Shamba, 70 - - Sheba, 82, 89 - - Shehr, 93 - - Shenarif C., 60 - - Shi-Hwengti, 148 - - Shiraz, 213 n. - - Sibyrtios, 208 - - Sigerus, 129 - - Sijan M., 83 - - Sikkah Is., 87 - - Simulla, 128 - - Sinai (Chinese), 148 - - Sindhu, _see_ Sinthos. - - Sindhudrug, 129 - - Sinthos (Indus R.), 107 - - Sisidone, 211 n. - - Sitakos R., 160, 214 n. - - Sitioganas R., _see_ Sitakos R. - - Skythia, 88, 107, 122, 138 - - Soal R., 57 - - Sohar, 104 - - Sokotra Is., _see_ Dioskoridês Is. - - Somâli, 66 - - Sonmiyâni, 177 n., 179 n., 180 n. - - Sôpatma, 141, 143 - - Sôphir, 127 - - Soupara, 127 - - Sous M., 98 - - Sousa, 220, _passim_. - - Sousis, Coast of, 218 - - Spasinou Kharax, 103, 104 - - Spermatophagoi, 43 - - _Spikenard_, _see_ _Nard_. - - _Stadium, length of_, 162 n. - - St. George Is., 130 - - Stibium, 32 - - _Storax_, 30 - - Stoura, 158, 175 - - Strongylê M., 102 - - Suari, 106 n. - - Subaha M., 98 - - Suche, 44 - - Sudich R., 194 n. - - _Sugar_, 11, 23, 65 - - Sumatra Is., 134 - - Supârâ, 127 - - Surat, 127, 209 n. - - Suagros C., 10, 21, 90, 91, 95 - - Surastrênê, 113, 114 - - - T - - Taaes, 79 - - Tâb R., 160, 216 n. - - Tabai, 16-31 _passim_. 62 - - Tabis M., 147 - - Tagara, 26, 125, 126 - - Talmena, 193 - - Tamil, 126, 127 - - Taôkê, 215 n. - - Tapatêgê, 58 - - Tapharon, _see_ Sapphar. - - Taprobanê, 7-33 _passim_., 143, 144 - - Tarphara, _see_ Sapphar. - - Tarsia, 211 - - Tejureh G., 52, 55 - - Tellicherry, 132 - - Terabdôn B., 106 - - Terêdôn, _see_ Diridôtis. - - Thaṇa, 113 - - Tḥaṭha, 109, 156 - - Thibet, 124 - - Thîna (China), 147, 148 - - Thînai, 12, 14, 23 - - _Thôth_, 52, 82 - - Thurbot Ali C., 96 - - Tigre, 46 - - Tigris R., 160 - - Tiashanes (Chashtana), 115 - - Timoula, 128 - - _Tin_, 31 - - Tinnevelly, 139, 144 - - Tirakal R., 129 - - Tisa, 193 n. - - Tiz, 193 n. - - Tlepolemos, 208 - - Tombo Is., 210 n. - - Tomêros R., 183 n. - - Tonikê, 67 - - Topazas Is., 28 - - Toperon, 127 - - Torra or Torre, 68 - - Touag, 215 n. - - Travancore, 134, 139 - - Troglodytes, 45, 47 - - Troisi, 194 n. - - Trombay Is., 128 - - Troullas Is., 87 - - Tuna, 144 - - Tutikorin, 138, 141 - - Tybi, 52 - - Tyndis, 13, 129, 131 - - Turanosboas, 127 - - - - - U - - Ujjain, _see_ Ozênê. - - Ulai R., 161 - - Ulûlah Bandar, 59 - - Urmara C., _see_ Arabah C. - - Uxians, 216 - - - V - - Valabhi, 115 - - Vasâï, 127 - - Vatrachitis R., 215 n. - - Veneris Portus, 41 - - Vijayadrug, 129 - - Vikramâditya, 110 - - Vingorla Rocks, 130 - - Vrokt Is., _see_ Brokt Is. - - - W - - Wadi Meifah, 88 - - Wejh, 75 - - _Whales_, 196, 215 - - _Wheat_, 28 - - _Wine_, 27 - - - Y - - Yemen, 78, 80 - - Yenbo, 74 - - Yeukaotschin, 110 - - - Z - - Za-Hakale, 5 - - Zalegh, 55 - - Zanzibar Is., 69, 71 - - Zapphar, _see_ Sapphar. - - Zarotis R., 216 n. - - Zeyla, 54 - - Zeyla G., 52 - - Zenobios Is., 98, 99 - - Zhafâr, 97 - - Zoskalês, 5, 49 - - Zouileh, 55 - - -BOMBAY: PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY’S PRESS. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The Introduction and Commentary embody the main substance of -Müller’s Prolegomena and Notes to the _Periplûs_, and of Vincent’s -_Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients_ so far as it relates -specially to that work. The most recent authorities accessible have, -however, been also consulted, and the result of their inquiries noted. -I may mention particularly Bishop Caldwell’s Dravidian Grammar, to -which I am indebted for the identification of places on the Malabar and -Coromandel coasts. - -[2] The enumeration is Vincent’s, altered and abridged. - -[3] The numerals indicate the sections of the _Periplûs_ in which the -articles are mentioned. - -[4] Bhagvânlâl Indraji Pâṇḍit points out that the colour is called -_alaktaka_, Prakrit _alito_: it is used by women for dying the nails -and feet,—also as a dye. The _gulalî_ or pill-like balls used by women -are made with arrowroot coloured with _alito_, and cotton dipped in it -is sold in the bazars under the name of _pothi_, and used for the same -purposes. He has also contributed many of the Sanskṛit names, and some -notes. - -[5] Sans. _Guggula_, Guj. _Gûgal_, used as a tonic and for skin and -urinary diseases.—B. I. P. - -[6] Mahuwâ oil (Guj. _doliuṅ_, Sans. _madhuka_) is much exported from -Bharoch.—B. I. P. - -[7] May not some of these be the fragrant root of the kusâ, grass, -_Andropogon calamus_—_aromaticus_?—J. B. - -[8] A similar gum is obtained from the _Pâlâśa_ (Guj. _khâkhara_), the -_Dhâka_ of Râjputâna.—B. I. P. - -[9] What the Brâhmans call _kuṇḍaru_ is the gum of a tree called the -_Dhûpa-salai_; another sort of it, from Arabia, they call _Isêsa_, and -in Kâṭhiâvâḍ it is known as _Sesagundar_.—B. I. P. - -[10] More likely from Nepâl, where it is called _tejapât_.—B. I. P. - -[11] Obtained from the root of _Nardostachys jatamansi_, a native of -the eastern Himâlayas.—J. B. - -[12] It is brought now from the Eastern Archipelago.—B. I. P. - -[13] In early times it was obtained chiefly from _Styrax officinalis_, -a native of the same region.—J. B. - -[14] Nero gave for one 300 talents = £58,125. They were first seen at -Rome in the triumphal procession of Pompey. [May these not have been of -emerald, or even ruby?—J. B.] - -[15] Possibly the Lapis Lazuli is meant.—J. B. - -[16] There was another Arsinoe between Ras Dh’ib and Ras Shukhair, -lat. 28° 3´ N. The few geographical indications added by Mr. Burgess -to these comments as they passed through the press are enclosed in -brackets. [] - -[17] Bruce, _Travels_, vol. III., p. 62.—J. B. - -[18] From the Tamil _ariśi_, rice deprived of the husk.—_Caldwell._ - -[19] Meaning _white village_. - -[20] “This” (Mons Pulcher) says Major-General Miles, “is Jebel Lahrim -or Shaum, the loftiest and most conspicuous peak on the whole cape -(Mussendom), being nearly 7,000 feet high.”—_Jour. R. As. Soc._ (N.S.) -vol. X. p. 168.—ED. - -[21] “The city of Omana is Ṣoḥar, the ancient capital of Omana, which -name, as is well known, it then bore, and Pliny is quite right in -correcting _former writers_ who had placed it in Caramania, on which -coast there is no good evidence that there was a place of this name. -Nearchus does not mention it, and though the author of the _Periplûs -of the Erithræan Sea_ does locate it in Persia, it is pretty evident -he never visited the place himself, and he must have mistaken the -information he obtained from others. It was this city of Ṣoḥar most -probably that bore the appellation of Emporium Persarum, in which, -as Philostorgius relates, permission was given to Theophilus, the -ambassador of Constantine, to erect a Christian church.” The Homna -of Pliny may be a repetition of Omana or Ṣoḥar, which he had already -mentioned.—Miles in _Jour. R. As. Soc._ (N. S.) vol. X. pp. 164-5.—ED. - -[22] _Ind. Ant._ vol. I. pp. 309-310. - -[23] Written in the Ionic dialect. - -[24] See infra, note 35. - -[25] Geog. of Anc. India, p. 279 sqq. - -[26] See Arrian’s Anab. VI. 19. Καὶ τοῦτο οὔπω πρότερον εγνωκόσι τοῖς -ἀμφ' Ἀλέξανδρον ἔκπληξιν μὲν καὶ αὐτὸ οὐ σμικρὰν παρέσχε. - -[27] See Arrian, ib. - -[28] See id. VI. 23, and Strab. xv. ii. 3, 4. - -[29] Strab. ib. 5. - -[30] This may perhaps be represented by the modern Khâu, the name of -one of the western mouths of the Indus. - -[31] See infra, p. 176, note 17. - -[32] The Olympic stadium, which was in general use throughout Greece, -contained 600 Greek feet = 625 Roman feet, or 606 English feet. The -Roman mile contained eight stadia, being about half a stadium less -than an English mile. Not a few of the measurements given by Arrian -are excessive, and it has therefore been conjectured that he may have -used some standard different from the Olympic,—which, however, is -hardly probable. See the subject discussed in Smith’s Dictionary of -Antiquities, S. V. _Stadium_. - -[33] This list does not specify those officers who performed the -voyage, but such as had a temporary command during the passage down -the river. The only names which occur afterwards in the narrative are -those of Arkhias and Onêsikritos. Nearkhos, by his silence, leaves it -uncertain whether any other officers enumerated in his list accompanied -him throughout the expedition. The following are known not to have -done so: Hephaistion, Leonnatos, Lysimakhos, Ptolemy, Krateros, -Attalos and Peukestas. It does not clearly appear what number of ships -or men accompanied Nearkhos to the conclusion of the voyage. If we -suppose the ships of war only fit for the service, 30 galleys might -possibly contain from two to three thousand men, but this estimation is -uncertain. - -See Vincent, I. 118 sqq. - -[34] So also Plutarch in the Life of Alexander (C. 66) says that in -returning from India Alexander had 120,000 foot and 15,000 cavalry. - -[35] Sansk. Malava. The name is preserved in the modern Moultan. - -[36] Anab. VI. 11. - -[37] The general effect of the monsoon Nearkhos certainly knew; he -was a native of Crete, and a resident at Amphipolis, both which lie -within the track of the annual or Etesian winds, which commencing -from the Hellespont and probably from the Euxine sweep the Egêan sea, -and stretching quite across the Mediterranean to the coast of Africa, -entered through Egypt to Nubia or Ethiopia. Arrian has accordingly -mentioned the monsoon by the name of the Etesian winds; his expression -is remarkable, and attended with a precision that does his accuracy -credit. These Etesian winds, says he, do not blow from the north in -the summer months as with us in the Mediterranean, but from the South. -On the commencement of winter, or at latest on the setting of the -Pleiades, the sea is said to be navigable till the winter solstice -(Anab. VI. 21-1) Vincent I. 43 sq. - -[38] The date here fixed by Arrian is the 2nd of October 326 B.C., but -the computation now generally accepted refers the event to the year -after to suit the chronology of Alexander’s subsequent history (see -Clinton’s F. Hell. II. pp. 174 and 563, 3rd ed.). There was an Archon -called Kephisidoros in office in the year B.C. 323-322; so Arrian has -here either made a mistake, or perhaps an Archon of the year 326-325 -may have died during his tenure of office, and a substitute called -Kephisidôros been elected to fill the vacancy. The _lacuna_ marked by -the asterisks has been supplied by inserting the name of the Makedonian -month Dius. The Ephesians adopted the names of the months used by the -Makedonians, and so began their year with the month Dius, the first -day of which corresponds to the 24th of September. The 20th day of -Boedromion of the year B.C. 325 corresponded to the 21st of September. - -[39] Regarding the sunken reef encountered by the fleet after leaving -Koreatis, Sir Alexander Burnes says: “Near the mouth of the river we -passed a rock stretching across the stream, which is particularly -mentioned by Nearchus, who calls it _a dangerous rock_, and is the -more remarkable since there is not even a stone below Tatta in any -other part of the Indus.” The rock, he adds, is at a distance of six -miles up the Pitti. “It is vain,” says Captain Wood in the narrative -of his _Journey to the Source of the Oxus_, “in the delta of such a -river (as the Indus), to identify existing localities with descriptions -handed down to us by the historians of Alexander the Great ... (but) -Burnes has, I think, shown that the mouth by which the Grecian fleet -left the Indus was the modern +Piti+. The ‘dangerous rock’ -of Nearchus completely identifies the spot, and as it is still in -existence, without any other within a circle of many miles, we can -wish for no stronger evidence.” With regard to the canal dug through -this rock, Burnes remarks: “The Greek admiral only availed himself -of the experience of the people, for it is yet customary among the -natives of Sind to dig shallow canals, and leave the tides or river -to deepen them; and a distance of five stadia, or half a mile, would -call for not great labour. It is not to be supposed that sandbanks will -continue unaltered for centuries, but I may observe that there was a -large bank contiguous to the island, between it and which a passage -like that of Nearchus might have been dug with the greatest advantage.” -The same author thus describes the mouth of the Piti:—“Beginning from -the westward we have the Pitti mouth, an embouchure of the Buggaur, -that falls into what may be called the Bay of Karachi. It has no bar, -but a large sandbank, together with an island outside prevent a direct -passage into it from the sea, and narrow the channel to about half a -mile at its mouth.” - -[40] All inquirers have agreed in identifying the Kolaka of Ptolemy, -and the sandy island of Krokola where Nearchus tarried with his fleet, -for one day, with a small island in the bay of Karâchi. Krôkala is -further described as lying off the mainland of the Arabii. It was 150 -stadia, or 17¼ miles, from the western mouth of the Indus,—which agrees -exactly with the relative positions of Karâchi and the mouth of the -Ghâra river, if, as we may fairly assume, the present coast-line has -advanced five or six miles during the twenty-one centuries that have -elapsed since the death of Alexander. The identification is continued -by the fact that the district in which Karâchi is situated is called -+Karkalla+ to this day. Cunningham _Geog. of An. India_, I. p. 306. - -[41] The name of the Arabii is variously written,—Arabitæ, Arbii, -Arabies, Arbies, Aribes, Arbiti. The name of their river has also -several forms,—Arabis, Arabius, Artabis, Artabius. It is now called -the +Purâli+, the river which flows through the present district -of Las into the bay of Soumiyâni. The name of the Oreitai in Curtius -is Horitæ. Cunningham identifies them with the people on the Aghor -river, whom he says the Greeks would have named Agoritæ or Aoritæ, by -the suppression of the guttural, of which a trace still remains in -the initial aspirate of ‘Horitæ.’ Some would connect the name with -+Haur+, a town which lay on the route to Firabaz, in Mekran. - -[42] This name Sangada, D’Anville thought, survived in that of a race -of noted pirates who infested the shores of the gulf of Kachh, called -the +Sangadians+ or Sangarians. - -[43] “The pearl oyster abounds in 11 or 12 fathoms of water all -along the coast of Scinde. There was a fishery in the harbour of -Kurrachee which had been of some importance in the days of the native -rulers.”—_Wanderings of a Naturalist in India_, p. 36. - -[44] This island is not known, but it probably lay near the rocky -headland of Irus, now called +Manora+, which protects the port of -Karâchi from the sea and bad weather. - -[45] “The name of Morontobara,” says Cunningham, “I would identify with -Muâri, which is now applied to the headland of Râs Muâri or Cape Monze, -the last point of the Pab range of mountains. _Bâra_, or _Bâri_, means -roadstead or haven; and Moranta is evidently connected with the Persian -_Mard_ a man, of which the feminine is still preserved in Kâśmîrî as -_Mahrin_ a woman. From the distances given by Arrian, I am inclined to -fix it at the mouth of the +Bahar+ rivulet, a small stream which -falls into the sea about midway between Cape Monze and Sonmiyâni.” -_Women’s Haven_ is mentioned by Ptolemy and Ammianus Marcellinus. There -is in the neighbourhood a mountain now called +Mor+, which may be -a remnant of the name Morontobari. The channel through which the fleet -passed after leaving this place no longer exists, and the island has of -course disappeared. - -[46] The coast from Karâchi to the Purâli has undergone considerable -changes, so that the position of the intermediate places cannot be -precisely determined. “From Cape Monze to Sonmiyâni,” says Blair, “the -coast bears evident marks of having suffered considerable alterations -from the encroachments of the sea. We found trees which had been washed -down, and which afforded us a supply of fuel. In some parts I saw -imperfect creeks in a parallel direction with the coast. These might -probably be the vestiges of that narrow channel through which the Greek -galleys passed.” - -[47] Ptolemy and Marcian enumerate the following places as lying -between the Indus and the Arabis: Rhizana, Koiamba, Women’s Haven, -Phagiaura, Arbis. Ptolemy does not mention the Oreitai, but extends the -Arabii to the utmost limit of the district assigned to them in Arrian. -He makes, notwithstanding, the river Arabia to be the boundary of the -Arabii. His Arabis must therefore be identified not with the _Pârâli_, -but with the _Kurmut_, called otherwise the _Rumra_ or _Kalami_, where -the position of Arrian’s Kalama must be fixed. Pliny (vi. 25) places -a people whom he calls the Arbii between the Oritae and Karmania, -assigning as the boundary between the Arbii and the Oritae the river -Arbis. - -[48] The +Arabis+ or +Purâli+ discharges its waters into the -bay of Sonmiyâni. “Sonmiyâni,” says Kempthorne, “is a small town or -fishing village situated at the mouth of a creek which runs up some -distance inland. It is governed by a Sheikh, and the inhabitants appear -to be very poor, chiefly subsisting on dried fish and rice. A very -extensive bar or sandbank runs across the mouth of this inlet, and none -but vessels of small burden can get over it even at high water, but -inside the water is deep.” The inhabitants of the present day are as -badly off for water as their predecessors of old. “Everything,” says -one who visited the place, “is scarce, even water, which is procured -by digging a hole five or six feet deep, and as many in diameter, in -a place which was formerly a swamp; and if the water oozes, which -sometimes it does not, it serves them that day, and perhaps the next, -when it turns quite brackish, owing to the nitrous quality of the -earth.” - -[49] Strabo agrees with Arrian in representing the Oreitai as -non-Indian. Cunningham, however, relying on statement made by Curtius, -Diodorus and the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, a most competent -observer, considers them to be of Indian origin, for their customs, -according to the Pilgrim, were like those of the people of Kachh, -and their written characters closely resembled those of India, while -their language was only slightly different. The Oreitai as early as -the 6th century B.C. were tributary to Darius Hystaspes, and they were -still subject to Persia nearly 12 centuries later when visited by Hwen -Thsang.—_Geog. of An. Ind._ pp. 304 sqq. - -[50] Another form is Pegadæ, met with in Philostratos, who wrote a work -on India. - -[51] To judge from the distances given, this place should be near the -stream now called Agbor, on which is situated +Harkânâ+. It is -probably the Koiamba of Ptolemy. - -[52] “In vessels like those of the Greeks, which afforded neither space -for motion, nor convenience for rest, the continuing on board at night -was always a calamity. When a whole crew was to sleep on board, the -suffering was in proportion to the confinement.”—Vincent, I. p. 209 -note. - -[53] In another passage of Arrian (Anab. VI. 27, 1,) this Apollophanês -is said to have been deposed from his satrapy, when Alexander was -halting in the capital of Gedrosia. In the Journal Arrian follows -Nearkhos, in the History, Ptolemy or Aristobûlus.—Vincent. - -[54] From the distances given, the Tomêros must be identified with the -+Maklow+ or +Hingal+ river; some would, however, make it the -+Bhusâl+. The form of the name in Pliny is +Tomberus+, and in -Mela—+Tubero+. These authors mention another river in connection -with the Tomêros,—the +Arosapes+ or +Arusaces+. - -[55] Similar statements are made regarding this savage race by -Curtius IX. 10, 9; Diodôros XVII. 105; Pliny VI. 28; Strabo p. 720; -Philostratos V. Ap. III., 57. Cf. Agatharkhides passim.—_Müller._ - -[56] Its modern representative is doubtless +Râs Malin+, Malen or -Moran. - -[57] Such a phenomenon could not of course have been observed at -Malana, which is about 2 degrees north of the Tropic, and Nearkhos, -as has been already noticed (Introd. p. 155), has on account mainly -of this statement been represented as a mendacious writer. Schmieder -and Gosselin attempt to vindicate him by suggesting that Arrian in -copying his journal had either missed the meaning of this passage, -or altered it to bring it into accordance with his own geographical -theories. Müller, however, has a better and probably the correct -explanation to offer. He thinks that the text of Nearkhos which Arrian -used contained passages interpolated from Onêsikritos and writers of -his stamp. The interpolations may have been inserted by the Alexandrian -geographers, who, following Eratosthenes, believed that India lay -between the Tropics. In support of this view it is to be noted that -Arrian’s account of the shadow occurs in that part of his work where -he is speaking of Malana of the Oreitai, and that Pliny (VIII. 75) -gives a similar account of the shadows that fall on a mountain of a -somewhat similar name in the country of that very people. His words -are: _In Indiae gente Oretam Mons est Maleus nomine, juxta quem umbrae -aestate in Austrum, hieme in Septemtrionem_ _jaciuntur_. Now Pliny was -indebted for his knowledge of Mons Maleus to Baeton, who places it -however not in the country of the Oreitai but somewhere in the lower -Gangetic region among the Suari and Monedes. It would thus appear -that what Baeton had said of _Mount Maleus_ was applied to _Malana_ -of the Oreitai, no doubt on account of the likeness of the two names. -Add to this that the expression in the passage under consideration, -_for the people beyond this (Malana) are not Indians_, is no doubt an -interpolation into the text of the Journal, for it makes the Oreitai -to be an Indian people, whereas the Journal had a little before made -the Arabies to be the last people of Indian descent living in this -direction. - -[58] This country, which corresponds generally to +Mekran+, -was called also Kedrosia, Gadrosia, or Gadrusia. The people were an -Ârianian race akin to the Arakhosii, Arii, and Drangiani. - -[59] Bagisara, says Kempthorne, “is now known by the name of -+Arabah+ or +Hormarah+ Bay, and is deep and commodious -with good anchorage, sheltered from all winds but those from the -southward and eastward. The point which forms this bay is very high -and precipitous, and runs out some distance into the sea. A rather -large fishing village is situated on a low sandy isthmus about one mile -across, which divides the bay from another.... The only articles of -provision we could obtain from the inhabitants were a few fowls, some -dried fish, and goats. They grew no kind of vegetable or corn, a few -water-melons being the only thing these desolate regions bring forth. -Sandy deserts extend into the interior as far as the eye can reach, -and at the back of these rise high mountains.” The +Rhapua+ of -Ptolemy corresponds to the Bagisara or +Pasira+ of Arrian, and -evidently survives in the present name of the bay and the headland of -+Araba+. - -[60] +Kolta.+—A place unknown. It was situated on the western side -of the isthmus which connects +Râs Araba+ with the mainland. - -[61] A different form is Kaluboi. Situated on the river now called -+Kalami+, or Kumra, or Kurmut, the Arabis of Ptolemy, who was -probably misled by the likeness of the name to Karbis as the littoral -district was designated here. - -[62] Other forms—+Karnine+, Karmina. The coast was probably called -Karmin, if Karmis is represented in +Kurmat+. The island lying -twelve miles off the mouth of the Kalami is now called +Astola+ or -+Sangadip+, which Kempthorne thus describes:—“Ashtola is a small -desolate island about four or five miles in circumference, situated -twelve miles from the coast of Mekran. Its cliffs rise rather abruptly -from the sea to the height of about 300 feet, and it is inaccessible -except in one place, which is a sandy beach about one mile in extent -on the northern side. Great quantities of turtle frequent this island -for the purpose of depositing their eggs. Nearchus anchored off it, -and called it Karnine. He says also that he received hospitable -entertainment from its inhabitants, their presents being cattle and -fish; but not a vestige of any habitation now remains. The Arabs come -to this island, and kill immense numbers of these turtles,—not for -the purpose of food, but they traffic with the shell to China, where -it is made into a kind of paste, and then into combs, ornaments, &c., -in imitation of tortoise-shell. The carcasses caused a stench almost -unbearable. The only land animals we could see on the island were rats, -and they were swarming. They feed chiefly on the dead turtle. The -island was once famous as the rendezvous of the Jowassimee pirates.” -Vincent quotes Blair to this effect regarding the island:—“We were -warned by the natives at Passence that it would be dangerous to -approach the island of Asthola, as it was enchanted, and that a ship -had been turned into a rock. The superstitious story did not deter us; -we visited the island, found plenty of excellent turtle, and saw the -rock alluded to, which at a distance had the appearance of a ship under -sail. The story was probably told to prevent our disturbing the turtle. -It has, however, some affinity to the tale of Nearchus’s transport.” As -the enchanted island mentioned afterwards (chap. xxxi.), under the name -of Nosala, was 100 stadia distant from the coast, it was probably the -same as Karnine. - -[63] Another form of the name is Kysa. - -[64] The place according to Ptolemy is 900 stadia distant from the -Kalami river, but according to Marcianus 1,300 stadia. It must have -been situated in the neighbourhood of Cape Passence. The distances here -are so greatly exaggerated that the text is suspected to be corrupt or -disturbed. From Mosarna to Kophas the distance is represented as 1,750 -stadia, and yet the distance from Cape Passence to Râs +Koppa+ -(the Kophas of the text) is barely 500 stadia. According to Ptolemy -and Marcian Karmania begins at Mosarna, but according to Arrian much -further westward, at Badis near Cape Jask. - -[65] “From the name given to this pilot I imagine that he was an -inhabitant of Hydriakos, a town near the bay of Churber or Chewabad.... -Upon the acquisition of Hydrakês or the Hydriakan two circumstances -occur, that give a new face to the future course of the voyage, one -is the very great addition to the length of each day’s course; and -the other, that they generally weighed during the night: the former -depending upon the confidence they acquired by having a pilot on board; -and the latter on the nature of the land breeze.”—Vincent I., p. 244. - -[66] This place is called in Ptolemy and Marcianus Badera or Bodera, -and may have been situated near the Cape now called Chemaul Bunder. It -is mentioned under the form Balara by Philostratos (Vit. Apoll. III. -56), whose description of the place is in close agreement with Arrian’s. - -[67] τῇσι κvμῇσιν. Another reading, not so good however, is, τῇσι -κωμήτῇσιν _for the village women_, but the Greeks were not likely -to have indulged in such gallantry. Wearing chaplets in the hair on -festive occasions was a common practice with the Greeks. Cf. our -author’s Anab. V. 2. 8. - -[68] In Ptolemy a place is mentioned called Derenoibila, which may -be the same as this. The old name perhaps survives in the modern -+Daram+ or Durum, the name of a highland on part of the coast -between Cape Passence and Cape Guadel. - -[69] The name appears to survive in a cognominal Cape—Râs Coppa. The -natives use the same kind of boat to this day; it is a curve made of -several small planks nailed or sewn together in a rude manner with cord -made from the bark of date trees and called _kair_, the whole being -then smeared over with dammer or pitch.—_Kempthorne._ - -[70] According to Ptolemy and Marcianus this place lay 400 stadia to -the west of the promontory of Alambator (now Râs Gnadel). Some trace of -the word may be recognized in +Râs Ghunse+, which now designates -a point of land situated about those parts. Arrian passes Cape Guadel -without notice. “We should be reasonably surprised at this,” says -Vincent (I. 248), “as the doubling of a cape is always an achievement -in the estimation of a Greek navigator; but having now a native pilot -on board, it is evident he took advantage of the land-breeze to give -the fleet an offing. This is clearly the reason why we hear nothing in -Arrian of Ptolemy’s Alabagium, or Alambateir, the prominent feature of -this coast.” - -[71] _The little town attached by Nearchus_ lay on Gwattar Bay. The -promontory in its neighbourhood called +Bagia+ is mentioned by -Ptolemy and Marcianus, the latter of whom gives its distance from Kyiza -at 250 stadia, which is but half the distance as given by Arrian. To -the west of this was the river Kaudryaces or Hydriaces, the modern -Baghwar Dasti or Muhani river, which falls into the Bay of Gwattar. - -[72] A name not found elsewhere. To judge by the distance assigned, -it must be placed on what is now called Chaubar Bay, on the shores of -which are three towns, one being called +Tiz+,—perhaps the modern -representative of Tisa, a place in those parts mentioned by Ptolemy, -and which may have been the Talmena of Arrian. - -[73] The name is not found elsewhere. It must have been situated on a -bay enclosed within the two headlands Râs Fuggem and Râs Godem. - -[74] +Kanate+ probably stood on the site of the modern -+Kungoun+, which is near +Râs Kalat+, and not far from the -river +Bunth+. - -[75] Another and the common form is Troisi. The villages of the Taoi -must have been where the Sudich river enters the sea. Here Ptolemy -places his Kommana or Nommana and his follower Marcian his Ommana. See -ante p. 104 note. - -[76] The place in Ptolemy is called Agrispolis,—in Marcianus, Agrisa. -The modern name is +Girishk+. - -[77] Schmieder suggests that instead of the common reading here ἀπὸ -τούταν ἔλαιον ποιέουσιν Arrian may have written ἀπὸ θύννων ε. π. _they -make oil from thunnies_, i. e. use the fat for oil. - -[78] “This description of the natives, with that of their mode of -living and the country they inhabit, is strictly correct even to the -present day.”—Kempthorne. - -[79] Strabo (XV. ii. 12, 13) has extracted from Nearkhos the same -passage regarding whales. See Nearchi fragm. 25. Cf. Onesikritos (fr. -30) and Orthagoras in Aelian, N. An. XVII. 6; Diodor. XVII. 106; -Curtius X. 1, 11. - -[80] The story of the Nereid is evidently an Eastern version of the -story of the enchantress Kirkê. The island here called Nosala is that -already mentioned under the name of Karbine, now Asthola. - -[81] +Karmania+ extended from Cape Jask to Râs Nabend, and -comprehended the districts now called Moghostan, Kirman, and Laristan. -Its metropolis, according to Ptolemy, was +Karmana+, now -+Kirman+, which gives its name to the whole province. The first -port in Karmania reached by the expedition was in the neighbourhood -of Cape Jask, where the coast is described as being very rocky, and -dangerous to mariners on account of shoals and rocks under water. -Kempthorne says: “The cliffs along this part of the coast are very -high, and in many places almost perpendicular. Some have a singular -appearance, one near Jask being exactly of the shape of a quoin or -wedge; and another is a very remarkable peak, being formed by three -stones, as if placed by human hands, one on the top of the other. It is -very high, and has the resemblance of a chimney.” - -[82] Badis must have been near where the village of Jask now stands, -beyond which was the promontory now called Râs Kerazi or Keroot or -Bombarak, which marks the entrance to the Straits of Ormus. This -projection is the Cape Karpella of Ptolemy. Badis may be the same as -the Kanthatis of this geographer. - -[83] Maketa is now called Cape Mesandum in Oman. It is thus described -by Palgrave in the Narrative of his Travels through Central and Eastern -Arabia (Vol. II. pp. 316-7). The afternoon was already far advanced -when we reached the headland, and saw before us the narrow sea-pass -which runs between the farthest rooks of Mesandum and the mainland -of the Cape. This strait is called the “Bab” or “gate:” it presents -an imposing spectacle, with lofty precipices on either side, and the -water flowing deep and black below; the cliffs are utterly bare and -extremely well adapted for shivering whatever vessels have the ill luck -to come upon them. Hence and from the ceaseless dash of the dark waves, -the name of “Mesandum” or “Anvil,” a term seldom better applied. But -this is not all, for some way out at sea rises a huge square mass of -basalt of a hundred feet and more in height sheer above the water; it -bears the name of “Salâmah” or “safety,” a euphemism of good augury -for “danger.” Several small jagged peaks, just projecting above the -surface, cluster in its neighbourhood; these bear the endearing name of -“Benât Salâmah,” or “Daughters of Salamah.” - -[84] This place is not mentioned elsewhere, but must have been situated -somewhere in the neighbourhood of the village of Karun. - -[85] The +Anamis+, called by Pliny the Ananis, and by Ptolemy and -Mela the Andanis, is now the Minâb or Ibrahim River. - -[86] Other forms—Hormazia, Armizia regio. The name was transferred -from the mainland to the island now called +Ormus+, when the -inhabitants fled thither to escape from the Moghals. It is called by -Arrian +Organa+ (chap. xxxvii.) The Arabians called it Djerun, a -name which it continued to bear up to the 12th century. Pliny mentions -an island called Oguris, of which perhaps Djerun is a corruption. He -ascribes to it the honour of having been the birthplace of Erythrés. -The description, however, which he gives of it is more applicable to -the island called by Arrian (chap. xxxvii.) Oârakta (now Kishm) than -to Ormus. Arrian’s description of Harmozia is still applicable to the -region adjacent to the Mînâb. “It is termed,” says Kempthorne, “the -Paradise of Persia. It is certainly most beautifully fertile, and -abounds in orange groves, orchards containing apples, pears, peaches, -and apricots, with vineyards producing a delicious grape, from which -was made at one time a wine called Amber rosolia, generally considered -the white wine of Kishma; but no wine is made here now.” The old name -of Kishma—Oârakta—is preserved in one of its modern names, Vrokt or -Brokt. - -[87] Diodôros (XVII. 106) gives quite a different account of the visit -of Nearkhos to Alexander. - -[88] The preceding satrap was Sibyrtios, the friend of Megasthenês. He -had been transferred to govern the Gadrosians and the Arakhotians. - -[89] As stated in Note 64, Organa is now _Ormuz_, and Oarakta, _Kishm_. -Ormuz, once so renowned for its wealth and commerce, that it was said -of it by its Portuguese occupants, that if the world were a golden -ring, Ormuz would be the diamond signet, is now in utter decay. “I have -seen,” says Palgrave (II. 319), “the abasement of Tyre, the decline of -Surat, the degradation of Goa: but in none of those fallen seaports is -aught resembling the utter desolation of Ormuz.” A recent traveller -in Persia (Binning) thus describes the coast: “It presents no view -but sterile, barren, and desolate chains of rocks and hills: and the -general aspect of the Gulf is dismal and forbidding. Moore’s charming -allusions to Oman’s sea, with its ‘banks of pearl and palmy isles’ -are unfortunately quite visionary; for uglier and more unpicturesque -scenery 1 never beheld.”—_Two Years’ Travel in Persia_, I. pp. 136, 137. - -[90] For the legend of Erythrês see Agatharkhides De Mari Eryth. I. -1-4 and Strabo XVI. iv. 20. The Erythræan Sea included the Indian -Ocean, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea, the last being called -also the Arabian Gulf, when it was necessary to distinguish it from -the Erythræan in general. It can hardly be doubted that the epithet -_Erythræan_ (which means _red_, Greek ἐρυθρὸς) first designated the -Arabian Gulf or Red Sea, and was afterwards extended to the seas beyond -the Straits by those who first explored them. The Red Sea was so -called because it washed the shores of Arabia, called _the Red Land_ -(Edom), in contradistinction to Egypt, called _the Black Land_ (Kemi), -from the darkness of the soil deposited by the Nile. Some however -thought that it received its name from the quantity of red coral found -in its waters, especially along the eastern shores, and Strabo says -(loc. cit.): “Some say that the sea is red from the colour arising -from reflexion either from the sun, which is vertical, or from the -mountains, which are red by being scorched with intense heat; for the -colour it is supposed may be produced by both of these causes. Ktesias -of Knidos speaks of a spring which discharges into the sea a red and -ochrous water.”—Cf. Eustath. Comment. 38. - -[91] This island is that now called +Angar+, or +Hanjam+, -to the south of Kishm. It is described as being nearly destitute of -vegetation and uninhabited. Its hills, of volcanic origin, rise to a -height of 300 feet. The other island, distant from the mainland about -300 stadia, is now called the Great Tombo, near which is a smaller -island called Little Tombo. They are low, flat, and uninhabited. They -are 25 miles distant from the western extremity of Kishm. - -[92] The island of +Pylora+ is that now called Polior. -+Sisidone+ appears in other forms—Prosidodone, pro-Sidodone, pros -Sidone, pros Dodone. Kempthorne thought this was the small fishing -village now called +Mogos+, situated in a bay of the same name. -The name may perhaps be preserved in the name of a village in the same -neighbourhood, called Dnan Tarsia—now +Râs-el-Djard+—described as -high and rugged, and of a reddish colour. - -[93] +Kataia+ is now the island called +Kaes+ or +Kenn+. -Its character has altered, being now covered with dwarf trees, and -growing wheat and tobacco. It supplies ships with refreshment, chiefly -goats and sheep and a few vegetables. “At morning,” says Binning (I. -137), “we passed Polior, and at noon were running along the South side -of the Isle of Keesh, called in our maps Kenn; a fertile and populous -island about 7 miles in length. The inhabitants of this, as well as -of every other island in the Gulf, are of Arab blood—for every true -Persian appears to hate the very sight of the sea.” - -[94] The boundary between Karmania and Persis was formed by a range of -mountains opposite the island of +Kataia+. Ptolemy, however, makes -Karmania extend much further, to the river +Bagradas+, now called -the +Naban+ or +Nabend+. - -[95] +Kaikander+ has the other forms—Kekander, Kikander, -Kaskandrus, Karkundrus, Karskandrus, Sasækander. This island, which -is now called +Inderabia+, or +Andaravia+, is about four or -five miles from the mainland, having a small town on the north side, -where is a safe and commodious harbour. The other island mentioned -immediately after is probably that now called Busheab. It is, according -to Kempthorne, a low, flat island, about eleven miles from the -mainland, containing a small town principally inhabited by Arabs, who -live on fish and dates. The harbour has good anchorage even for large -vessels. - -[96] The pearl oyster is found from Ras Musendom to the head of the -Gulf. There are no famed banks on the Persian side, but near Bushire -there are some good ones. - -[97] +Apostana+ was near a place now called +Schevar+. It -is thought that the name may be traced in +Dahra+ +Ahbân+, -an adjacent mountain ridge of which Okhos was probably the southern -extremity. - -[98] This bay is that on which +Naban+ or +Nabend+ is now -situated. It is not far from the river called by Ptolemy the Bagradas. -The place abounds with palm-trees as of old. - -[99] +Gôgana+ is now +Konkan+ or +Konaun+. The bay lacks -depth of water; a stream still falls into it—the Areôn of the text. -To the north-west of this place in the interior lay +Pasargada+, -the ancient capital of Persia, and the burial-place of Kyros, in the -neighbourhood of Murghâb, a place to the N. E. of Shiraz (30° 24´ N. -56° 29´ E.). - -[100] The Sitakos has been identified with the Kara Agach, Mand, Mund -or Kakee river, which has a course of 300 miles. Its source is near -Kodiyan, which lies N. W. of Shiraz. At a part of its course it is -called the Kewar River. The meaning of its name is _black wood_. In -Pliny it appears as the Sitioganus. _Sitakon_ was probably the name -as Nearkhos heard it pronounced, as it frequently happens that when -a Greek writer comes upon a name like an oblique case in Greek, he -invents a nominative for it. With regard to the form of the name in -Pliny, ‘g’ is but a phonetic change instead of ‘k’. The ‘i’ is probably -an error in transcription for ‘t’. The Sitakos is probably the Brisoana -of Ptolemy, which can have no connexion with the later-mentioned -Brizana of our author. See _Report on the Persian Gulf_ by Colonel -Ross, lately issued. Pliny states that from the mouth of the Sitioganus -an ascent could be made to Pasargada, in seven days; but this is -manifestly an error. - -[101] The changes which have taken place along the coast have been so -considerable that it is difficult to explain this part of the narrative -consistently with the now existing state of things. - -[102] The peninsula, which is 10 miles in length and 3 in breadth, lies -so low that at times of high tide it is all but submerged. The modern -+Abu-Shahr+ or +Bushir+ is situated on it. - -[103] Nearkhos, it is probable, put into the mouth of the river now -called by some the +Kisht+, by others the Boshavir. A town exists -in the neighbourhood called +Gra+ or +Gran+, which may have -received its name from the Granis. The royal city (or rather palace), -200 stadia distant from this river, is mentioned by Strabo, xv. 3, 3, -as being situate on the coast. Ptolemy does not mention the Granis. He -makes Taökê to be an inland town, and calls all the district in this -part Taôkênê. Taokê may be the Touag mentioned by Idrisi, which is now -represented by Konar Takhta near the Kisht. - -[104] +Rhogonis.+—It is written Rhogomanis by Ammianus -Marcellinus, who mentions it as one of the four largest rivers in -Persia, the other three being the Vatrachitis, Brisoana, and Bagrada. -It is the river at the mouth of which is Bender-Righ or Regh, which -is considered now as in the days of Nearkhos to be a day’s sail from -Bushire. - -[105] “The measures here are neglected in the Journal, for we have only -800 stadia specified from Mesambria to Brizana, and none from Brizana -to the Arosis; but 800 stadia are short of 50 miles, while the real -distance from Mesambria (Bushir) to the Arosis with the winding of the -coast is above 140. In these two points we cannot be mistaken, and -therefore, besides the omission of the interval between Brizana and -the Arosis, there must be some defect in the Journal for which it is -impossible now to account.”—Vincent, 1. p. 405. - -[106] Another form of the name of this river is the Aroatis. It answers -to the Zarotis of Pliny, who states that the navigation at its mouth -was difficult, except to those well acquainted with it. It formed the -boundary between Persis and Susiana. The form Oroatis corresponds to -the Zend word _aurwat_ ‘swift.’ It is now called the Tâb. - -[107] On this point compare Strabo, bk. xv. 3, 1. - -[108] It has been conjectured that the text here is imperfect. -Schmieder opines that the story about the ambassadors is a fiction. - -[109] The bay of Kataderbis is that which receives the streams of the -+Mensureh+ and +Dorak+; at its entrance lie two islands, -Bunah and Ḍeri, one of which is the Margastana of Arrian. - -[110] +Diridôtis+ is called by other writers Terêdon, and is said -to have been founded by Nabukhodonosor. Mannert places it on the island -now called +Bubian+; Colonel Chesney, however, fixes its position -at +Jebel Sanâm+, a gigantic mound near the Pallacopas branch -of the Euphrates, considerably to the north of the embouchure of the -present Euphrates. Nearkhos had evidently passed unawares the stream -of the Tigris and sailed too far westward. Hence he had to retrace his -course, as mentioned in the next chapter. - -[111] This is the Eulæus, now called the +Karûn+, one arm of -which united with the Tigris, while the other fell into the sea by an -independent mouth. It is the +Ulai+ of the prophet Daniel. _Pas_ -is said to be an old Persian word, meaning _small_. By some writers the -name +Pasitigris+ was applied to the united stream of the Tigris -and Euphrates, now called the +Shat-el-Arab+. The courses of the -rivers and the conformation of the country in the parts here have all -undergone great changes, and hence the identification of localities -is a matter of difficulty and uncertainty. The following extract from -Strabo will illustrate this part of the narrative:— - -Polycletus says that the +Choaspes+, and the +Eulæus+, and -the +Tigris+ also enter a lake, and thence discharge themselves -into the sea; that on the side of the lake is a mart, as the rivers do -not receive the merchandize from the sea, nor convey it down to the -sea, on account of dams in the river, purposely constructed; and that -the goods are transported by land, a distance of 800 stadia, to Susis: -according to others, the rivers which flow through Susis discharge -themselves by the intermediate canals of the Euphrates into the single -stream of the Tigris, which on this account has at its mouth the name -of Pasitigris. According to Nearchus, the sea-coast of Susis is swampy, -and terminates at the river Euphrates; at its mouth is a village -which receives the merchandize from Arabia, for the coast of Arabia -approaches close to the mouths of the Euphrates and the Pasitigris; -the whole intermediate space is occupied by a lake which receives -the Tigris. On sailing up the Pasitigris 150 stadia is a bridge of -rafts leading to Susa from Persis, and is distant from Susa 60 (600?) -stadia; the Pasitigris is distant from the Oroatis about 2,000 stadia; -the ascent through the lake to the mouth of the Tigris is 600 stadia; -near the mouth stands the Susian village Aginis, distant from Susa 500 -stadia; the journey by water from the mouth of the Euphrates up to -Babylon, through a well-inhabited tract of country, is a distance of -more than 3,000 stadia.—Book xv. 3, _Bohn’s trans._ - -[112] The 3rd part of the _Indika_, the purport of which is to prove -that the southern parts of the world are uninhabitable, begins with -this chapter. - -[113] Here and subsequently meaning the Persian Gulf. - -[114] It is not known when or wherefore Ptolemy sent troops on this -expedition. - - * * * * * - -Transcriber's Notes - -Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations -in hyphenation, spelling, accents and punctuation remain unchanged. - -Italics are represented thus _italic_ and geapertt thus +gespertt+. - -In the original, with one exception, Tamil is spelt with the diacritic -.. beneath the l. 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