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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Commerce and Navigation of the
-Erythraean Sea, by Anonymous
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythraean Sea
- Being a Translation of the Periplus Maris Erythraei and
- Arrian's Account of the Voyage of Nearkhos
-
-Author: Anonymous
-
-Translator: John Watson McCrindle
-
-Release Date: July 5, 2017 [EBook #55054]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COMMERCE, NAVIGATION--ERYTHRAEAN SEA ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Turgut Dincer, Les Galloway and the Online
-Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
-file was produced from images generously made available
-by The Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- THE
-
- COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION
-
- OF THE
-
- ERYTHRÆAN SEA;
-
- BEING A TRANSLATION
-
- OF THE
-
- PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI,
-
- BY AN ANONYMOUS WRITER,
-
- AND OF
-
- ARRIAN’S ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE OF NEARKHOS,
-
- FROM THE MOUTH OF THE INDUS TO THE HEAD OF THE
- PERSIAN GULF.
-
-
- WITH INTRODUCTIONS, COMMENTARY, NOTES,
- AND INDEX.
-
- BY
-
- J. W. MCCRINDLE, M.A. EDIN.,
- PRINCIPAL OF THE GOVERNMENT COLLEGE, PATNA;
- MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH;
- FELLOW OF THE CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY.
-
- (_Reprinted, with additions, from the Indian Antiquary._)
-
- Calcutta:
- THACKER, SPINK & Co.
-
- Bombay:
- ED. SOC. PRESS.
-
- London:
- TRÜBNER & Co.
-
- 1879.
-
-
-
-
- BOMBAY:
- PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY’S PRESS, BYCULLA.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE.
-
-
-In the Preface to my former work, “Ancient India as described by
-Megasthenês and Arrian,” I informed the reader that it was my intention
-to publish from time to time translations of the Greek and Latin works
-which relate to ancient India, until the series should be exhausted,
-and the present volume is the second instalment towards the fulfilment
-of that undertaking. It contains a translation of the _Periplûs_
-(_i. e. Circumnavigation_) _of the Erythræan Sea_, together with a
-translation of the second part of the _Indika_ of Arrian describing
-the celebrated voyage made by Nearkhos from the mouth of the Indus
-to the head of the Persian Gulf. Arrian’s narrative, copied from the
-Journal of the voyage written by Nearkhos himself, forms an admirable
-supplement to the Periplûs, as it contains a minute description of a
-part of the Erythræan Coast which is merely glanced at by the author of
-that work. The translations have been prepared from the most approved
-texts. The notes, in a few instances only, bear upon points of textual
-criticism, their main object being to present in a concise form for
-popular reading the most recent results of learned enquiry directed
-to verify, correct, or otherwise illustrate the contents of the
-narratives.
-
-The warm and unanimous approbation bestowed upon the first volume of
-this series, both by the Press in this country and at home, has given
-me great encouragement to proceed with the undertaking, and a third
-volume is now in preparation, to contain the _Indika_ of Ktêsias and
-the account of India given by Strabo in the 15th Book of his Geography.
-
- _Patna College, June 1879._
-
-
-
-
- ANONYMI [ARRIANI UT FERTUR]
-
- PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI.
-
-
- TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT
-
- As given in the _Geographi Græci Minores_, edited by
- C. Muller: Paris, 1855.
-
-
- WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY.
-
-
-
-
- PERIPLUS OF THE ERYTHRÆAN SEA.
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION.[1]
-
-
-The _Periplûs of the Erythræan Sea_ is the title prefixed to a work
-which contains the best account of the commerce carried on from the Red
-Sea and the coast of Africa to the East Indies during the time that
-Egypt was a province of the Roman empire. The +Erythræan Sea+
-was an appellation given in those days to the whole expanse of ocean
-reaching from the coast of Africa to the utmost boundary of ancient
-knowledge on the East—an appellation in all appearance deduced from the
-entrance into it by the Straits of the Red Sea, styled +Erythra+
-by the Greeks, and not excluding the Gulf of Persia.
-
-The author was a Greek merchant, who in the first century of the
-Christian era had, it would appear, settled at +Berenîkê+, a great
-seaport situated in the southern extremity of Egypt, whence he made
-commercial voyages which carried him to the seaports of Eastern Africa
-as far as +Azania+, and to those of Arabia as far as +Kanê+,
-whence, by taking advantage of the south-west monsoon, he crossed over
-to the ports lying on the western shores of India. Having made careful
-observations and inquiries regarding the navigation and commerce of
-these countries, he committed to writing, for the benefit of other
-merchants, the knowledge which he had thus acquired. Much cannot be
-said in praise of the style in which he writes. It is marked by a rude
-simplicity, which shows that he was not a man of literary culture, but
-in fact a mere man of business, who in composing restricts himself
-to a narrow round of set phrases, and is indifferent alike to grace,
-freedom, or variety of expression. It shows further that he was a
-Greek settled in Egypt, and that he must have belonged to an isolated
-community of his countrymen, whose speech had become corrupt by much
-intercourse with foreigners. It presents a very striking contrast to
-the rhetorical diction which +Agatharkhidês+, a great master of
-all the tricks of speech, employs in his description of the Erythræan.
-For all shortcomings, however, in the style of the work, there is
-ample compensation in the fulness, variety, accuracy, and utility of
-the information which it conveys. Such indeed is its superiority on
-these points that it must be reckoned as a most precious treasure:
-for to it we are indebted far more than to any other work for most of
-our knowledge of the remote shores of Eastern Africa, and the marts
-of India, and the condition of ancient commerce in these parts of the
-world.
-
-The name of the author is unknown. In the Heidelberg MS., which alone
-has preserved the little work, and contains it after the _Periplûs_ of
-Arrian, the title given is Αρῥιανου περιπλους της' Ερυθρας θαλασσης.
-Trusting to the correctness of this title, Stuckius attributed the
-work to +Arrian+ of Nikomedia, and Fabricius to another Arrian
-who belonged to Alexandria. No one, however, who knows how ancient
-books are usually treated can fail to see what the real fact here is,
-viz. that since not only the _Periplûs Maris Erythræi_, but also the
-_Anonymi Periplûs Ponti Euxini_ (whereof the latter part occurs in
-the Heidelberg MS. before Arrian’s _Ponti Periplûs_) are attributed
-to Arrian, and the different Arrians are not distinguished by any
-indications afforded by the titles, there can be no doubt that the
-well-known name of the Nikomedian writer was transferred to the books
-placed in juxtaposition to his proper works, by the arbitrary judgment
-of the librarians. In fact it very often happens that short works
-written by different authors are all referred to one and the same
-author, especially if they treat of the same subject and are published
-conjointly in the same volume. But in the case of the work before us,
-any one would have all the more readily ascribed it to Arrian who
-had heard by report anything of the _Paraplûs_ of the Erythræan Sea
-described in that author’s _Indika_. On this point there is the utmost
-unanimity of opinion among writers.
-
-That the author, whatever may have been his name, lived in Egypt, is
-manifest. Thus he says in § 29: “Several of the trees _with us_ in
-Egypt weep gum,” and he joins the names of the Egyptian months with the
-Roman, as may be seen by referring to §§ 6, 39, 49, and 56. The place
-in which he was settled was probably Berenîkê, since it was from that
-port he embarked on his voyages to Africa and Arabia, and since he
-speaks of the one coast as on the right from Berenîkê, and the other
-on the left. The whole tenor of the work proclaims that he must have
-been a merchant. That the entire work is not a mere compilation from
-the narratives or journals of other merchants and navigators, but
-that the author had himself visited some of the seats of trade which
-he describes, is in itself probable, and is indicated in § 20, where,
-contrary to the custom of the ancient writers, he speaks in his own
-person:—“In sailing south, therefore, _we_ stand off from the shore and
-keep _our_ course down the middle of the gulf.” Compare with this what
-is said in § 48: προς την εμποριαν την ἑμετεραν.
-
-As regards the age to which the writer belonged: it is first of all
-evident that he wrote after the times of Augustus, since in § 23
-mention is made of the Roman Emperors. That he was older, however,
-than +Ptolemy+ the Geographer, is proved by his geography, which
-knows nothing of India beyond the Ganges except the traditional
-account current from the days of Eratosthenês to those of Pliny, while
-it is evident that Ptolemy possessed much more accurate information
-regarding these parts. It confirms this view that while our author
-calls the island of Ceylon +Palaisimoundou+, Ptolemy calls it by
-the name subsequently given to it—+Salikê+. Again, from § 19,
-it is evident that he wrote before the kingdom of the Nubathæans was
-abolished by the Romans. Moreover Pliny (VI. xxvi. 101), in proceeding
-to describe the navigation to the marts of India by the direct route
-across the ocean with the wind called Hippalos, writes to this
-effect:—“And for a long time this was the mode of navigation, until a
-merchant discovered a compendious route whereby India was brought so
-near that to trade thither became very lucrative. For, every year a
-fleet is despatched, carrying on board companies of archers, since the
-Indian seas are much infested by pirates. Nor will a description of
-the whole voyage from Egypt tire the reader, since now for the first
-time correct information regarding it has been made public.” Compare
-with this the statement of the _Periplûs_ in § 57, and it will be
-apparent that while this route to India had only just come into use
-in the time of Pliny, it had been for some time in use in the days of
-our author. Now, as +Pliny+ died in 79 A.D., and had
-completed his work two years previously, it may be inferred that he had
-written the 6th book of his _Natural History_ before our author wrote
-his work. A still more definite indication of his date is furnished
-in § 5, where +Zoskalês+ is mentioned as reigning in his times
-over the Auxumitae. Now in a list of the early kings of Abyssinia the
-name of +Za-Hakale+ occurs, who must have reigned from 77 to 89
-A.D. This +Za-Hakale+ is doubtless the +Zoskalês+
-of the _Periplûs_, and was the contemporary of the emperors Vespasian,
-Titus, and Domitian. We conclude, therefore, that the _Periplûs_
-was written a little after the death of Pliny, between the years
-A.D. 80-89.
-
-Opinions on this point, however, have varied considerably. Salmasius
-thought that Pliny and our author wrote at the same time, though
-their accounts of the same things are often contradictory. In
-support of this view he adduces the statement of the _Periplûs_
-(§ 54), “+Muziris+, a place in India, is in the kingdom of
-Kêprobotres,” when compared with the statement of Pliny (VI. xxvi.
-104), “+Cœlobothras+ was reigning there when I committed
-this to writing;” and argues that since +Kêprobotres+ and
-+Cœlobothras+ are but different forms of the same name, the
-two authors must have been contemporary. The inference is, however,
-unwarrantable, since the name in question, like that of +Pandiôn+,
-was a common appellation of the kings who ruled over that part of India.
-
-Dodwell, again, was of opinion that the _Periplûs_ was written after
-the year A.D. 161, when Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus were
-joint emperors. He bases, in the first place, his defence of this
-view on the statement in § 26: “Not long before our own times the
-Emperor (Καῖσαρ) destroyed the place,” viz. +Eudaimón-Arabia+, now
-Aden. This emperor he supposes must have been Trajan, who, according
-to Eutropius (VIII. 3), reduced Arabia to the form of a province.
-Eutropius, however, meant by Arabia only that small part of it which
-adjoins Syria. This Dodwell not only denies, but also asserts that
-the conquest of Trajan embraced the whole of the Peninsula—a sweeping
-inference, which he bases on a single passage in the _Periplûs_ (§
-16) where the south part of Arabia is called ἡ πρώτη Αραβία, “the
-First Arabia.” From this expression he gathers that Trajan, after
-his conquest of the country, had divided it into several provinces,
-designated according to the order in which they were constituted. The
-language of the _Periplûs_, however, forbids us to suppose that there
-is here any reference to a Roman province. What the passage states is
-that +Azania+ (in Africa) was by ancient right subject to the
-kingdom τῆς πρώτης γινομένης (λεγομένης according to Dodwell) Ἀραβίας,
-and was ruled by the despot of +Mapharitis+.
-
-Dodwell next defends the date he has fixed on by the passage in § 23,
-where it is said that +Kharibaël+ sought by frequent gifts and
-embassies to gain the friendship of the emperors (τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων). He
-thinks that the time is here indicated when M. Aurelius and L. Verus
-were reigning conjointly, A.D. 161-181. There is no need,
-however, to put this construction on the words, which may without any
-impropriety be taken to mean ‘_the emperors for the time being_,’ viz.
-Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian.
-
-Vincent adopted the opinion of Salmasius regarding the date of the
-work, but thinks that the Kaîsar mentioned in § 26 was Claudius. “The
-Romans,” he says, “from the time they first entered Arabia under Ælius
-Gallus, had always maintained a footing on the coast of the Red Sea.
-They had a garrison at +Leukê Kômê+, in Nabathaea, where they
-collected the customs; and it is apparent that they extended their
-power down the gulf and to the ports of the ocean in the reign of
-Claudius, as the freedman of +Annius Plocamus+ was in the act of
-collecting the tributes there when he was carried out to sea and over
-to +Taprobanê+. If we add to this the discovery of Hippalus in
-the same reign, we find a better reason for the destruction of Aden at
-this time than at any other.” The assertion in this extract that the
-garrison and custom-house at +Leukê Kômê+ belonged to the Romans
-is not warranted by the language of the _Periplûs_, which in fact shows
-that they belonged to +Malikhos+ the king of the Nabathæans.
-Again, it is a mere conjecture that the voyage which the freedman of
-Plocamus (who, according to Pliny, farmed the revenues of the Red Sea)
-was making along the coast of Arabia, when he was carried away by the
-monsoon to Taprobanê, was a voyage undertaken to collect the revenues
-due to the Roman treasury. With regard to the word Καῖσαρ, which has
-occasioned so much perplexity, it is most probably a corrupt reading in
-a text notorious for its corruptness. The proper reading may perhaps be
-ΕΛΙΣΑΡ. At any rate, had one of the emperors in reality destroyed Aden,
-it is unlikely that their historians would have failed to mention such
-an important fact.
-
-Schwanbeck, although he saw the weakness of the arguments with which
-Salmasius and Vincent endeavoured to establish their position,
-nevertheless thought that our author lived in the age of Pliny and
-wrote a little before him, because those particulars regarding the
-Indian navigation which Pliny says became known in his age agree, on
-the whole, so well with the statement in the _Periplûs_ that they must
-have been extracted therefrom. No doubt there are, he allows, some
-discrepancies; but those, he thinks, may be ascribed to the haste or
-negligence of the copyist. A careful examination, however, of parallel
-passages in Pliny and the _Periplûs_ show this assertion to be
-untenable. Vincent himself speaks with caution on this point:—“There
-is,” he says, “no absolute proof that either copied from the other. But
-those who are acquainted with Pliny’s methods of abbreviation would
-much rather conclude, if one must be a copyist, that his title to this
-office is the clearest.”
-
-From these preliminary points we pass on to consider the contents
-of the work, and these may be conveniently reviewed under the three
-heads Geography, Navigation, Commerce. In the commentary, which is to
-accompany the translation, the Geography will be examined in detail.
-Meanwhile we shall enumerate the voyages which are distinguishable in
-the _Periplûs_,[2] and the articles of commerce which it specifies.
-
-
-I. VOYAGES MENTIONED IN THE PERIPLUS.
-
-I. A voyage from _Berenîkê_, in the south of Egypt, down the western
-coast of the Red Sea through the Straits, along the coast of Africa,
-round Cape Guardafui, and then southward along the eastern coast of
-Africa as far as Rhapta, a place about six degrees south of the equator.
-
-II. We are informed of two distinct courses confined to the Red Sea:
-one from Myos Hormos, in the south of Egypt, across the northern end of
-the sea to Leukê Kômê, on the opposite coast of Arabia, near the mouth
-of the Elanitic Gulf, whence it was continued to Mouza, an Arabian
-port lying not far westward from the Straits; the other from Berenîkê
-directly down the gulf to this same port
-
-III. There is described next to this a voyage from the mouth of the
-Straits along the southern coast of Arabia round the promontory now
-called Ras-el-Had, whence it was continued along the eastern coast of
-Arabia as far as Apologos (now Oboleh), an important emporium at the
-head of the Persian Gulf, near the mouth of the river Euphrates.
-
-IV. Then follows a passage from the Straits to India by three different
-routes: the first by adhering to the coasts of Arabia, Karmania,
-Gedrosia, and Indo-Skythia, which terminated at +Barugaza+
-(Bharoch), a great emporium on the river +Nammadios+ (the
-Narmadâ), at a distance of thirty miles from its mouth; the second from
-+Kanê+, a port to the west of +Suagros+, a great projection
-on the south coast of Arabia, now Cape Fartaque; and the third from
-Cape Guardafui, on the African side—both across the ocean by the
-monsoon to +Mouziris+ and +Nelkunda+, great commercial cities
-on the coast of Malabar.
-
-V. After this we must allow a similar voyage performed by the Indians
-to Arabia, or by the Arabians to India, previous to the performance of
-it by the Greeks, because the Greeks as late as the reign of Philomêtôr
-met this commerce in Sabæa.
-
-VI. We obtain an incidental knowledge of a voyage conducted from ports
-on the east coast of Africa over to India by the monsoon long before
-Hippalos introduced the knowledge of that wind to the Roman world.
-This voyage was connected, no doubt, with the commerce of Arabia,
-since the Arabians were the great traffickers of antiquity, and held
-in subjection part of the sea-board of Eastern Africa. The Indian
-commodities imported into Africa were rice, ghee, oil of sesamum,
-sugar, cotton, muslins, and sashes. These commodities, the _Periplûs_
-informs us, were brought sometimes in vessels destined expressly for
-the coast of Africa, while at others they were only part of the cargo,
-out of vessels which were proceeding to another port. Thus we have two
-methods of conducting this commerce perfectly direct; and another by
-touching on this coast with a final destination to Arabia. This is the
-reason that the Greeks found cinnamon and the produce of India on this
-coast, when they first ventured to pass the Straits in order to seek a
-cheaper market than Sabæa.
-
-
-II. ARTICLES OF COMMERCE MENTIONED IN THE PERIPLUS.
-
-I. Animals:—
-
-1. Παρθένοι εὐειδεῖς πρὸς παλλακίαν—Handsome girls for the haram,
-imported into Barugaza for the king (49).[3]
-
-2. Δούλικα κρείσσονα—Tall slaves, procured at Opônê, imported into
-Egypt (14).
-
-3. Σώματα θηλυκὰ—Female slaves, procured from Arabia and India,
-imported into the island of Dioskoridês (31).
-
-4. Σώματα—Slaves imported from Omana and Apologos into Barugaza (36),
-and from Moundou and Malaô (8, 9).
-
-5. Ἱπποι—Horses imported into Kanê for the king, and into Mouza for the
-despot (23, 24).
-
-6. Ἡμὶοναι νωτηγοὶ—Sumpter mules imported into Mouza for the despot
-(24).
-
-II. Animal Products:—
-
-1. Βούτυρον—Butter, or the Indian preparation therefrom called _ghî_, a
-product of Ariakê (41); exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets
-beyond the Straits (14). The word, according to Pliny (xxviii. 9), is
-of Skythian origin, though apparently connected with Βους, τυρος. The
-reading is, however, suspected by Lassen, who would substitute Βοσμορον
-or Βοσπορον, _a kind of grain_.
-
-2. Δέρματα Σηρικὰ—Chinese hides or furs. Exported from Barbarikon, a
-mart on the Indus (39). Vincent suspected the reading δερματα, but
-groundlessly, for Pliny mentions the Sêres sending their iron along
-with vestments and hides (_vestibus pellibusque_), and among the
-presents sent to Yudhishṭhira by the Śâka, Tushâra and Kaṅka skins are
-enumerated.—_Mahâbh._ ii. 50, quoted by Lassen.
-
-3. Ἐλέφας—Ivory. Exported from Adouli (6), Aualitês (8), Ptolemaïs (3),
-Mossulon (10), and the ports of Azania (16, 17). Also from Barugaza
-(49), Mouziris and Nelkunda (56); a species of ivory called Βωσαρη is
-produced in Desarênê (62).
-
-4. Ἔριον Σηρικὸν—Chinese cotton. Imported from the country of the
-Thînai through Baktria to Barugaza, and by the Ganges to Bengal, and
-thence to Dimurikê (64). By Εριον Vincent seems to understand silk in
-the raw state.
-
-5. Κέρατα—Horns. Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and
-Apologos (36). Müller suspects this reading, thinking it strange
-that such an article as _horns_ should be mentioned between _wooden
-beams_ and _logs_. He thinks, therefore, that Κέρατα is either used
-in some technical sense, or that the reading Κορμῶν or Κορμίων should
-be substituted—adding that Κορμοὺς ἐβένου, _planks of ebony_, are at
-all events mentioned by Athênaios (p. 201_a_) where he is quoting
-Kallixenos of Rhodes.
-
-6. Κοράλλιον—Coral. (Sans. _pravâla_, Hindi _mûngâ_.) Imported into
-Kanê (28), Barbarikon on the Indus (39), Barugaza (49), and Naoura,
-Tundis, Mouziris, and Nelkunda (56).
-
-7. Λάκκος χρωμάτινος—Coloured lac. Exported to Adouli from Ariakê
-(6). The Sanskṛit word is _lâkshâ_, which is probably a later form
-of _râkshâ_, connected, as Lassen thinks, with _râga_, from the root
-_raṅj_, to dye. The vulgar form is _lâkkha_. Gum-lac is a substance
-produced on the leaves and branches of certain trees by an insect, both
-as a covering for its egg and food for its young. It yields a fine red
-dye.[4] Salmasius thinks that by λάκκος χρωμάτινος must be understood
-not lac itself, but vestments dyed therewith.
-
-8. Μαργαρίτης—Pearl. (Sans. _mukta_, Hindi, _motí_.) Exported in
-considerable quantity and of superior quality from Mouziris and
-Nelkunda (56). Cf. πινικον.
-
-9. Νημα Σῆρικόν—Silk thread. From the country of the Thînai: imported
-into Barugaza and the marts of Dimurikê (64). Exported from Barugaza
-(49), and also from Barbarikon on the Indus (39).” It is called μέταξα
-by Procopius and all the later writers, as well as by the _Digest_, and
-was known without either name to Pliny”—Vincent.
-
-10. Πινίκιος κόγχος—the Pearl-oyster. (Sans. _śukti_.) Fished for at
-the entrance to the Persian Gulf (35). Pearl πίνικον inferior to the
-Indian sort exported in great quantity from the marts of Apologos and
-Omana (36). A pearl fishery (Πινικοῦ κολύμβησις) in the neighbourhood
-of Kolkhoi, in the kingdom of Pandiôn, near the island of Epiodôros;
-the produce transported to Argalou, in the interior of the country,
-where muslin robes with pearl inwoven (μαργαρίτιδες σινδόνες) were
-fabricated (59). The reading of the MS. is σινδόνες, ἐβαργαρείτιδες
-λεγόμεναι, for which Salmasius proposed to read μαργαριτιδες. Müller
-suggests instead αἱ Ἀργαρίτιδες, as if the muslin bore the name of the
-place _Argarou_ or _Argulou_, where it was made.
-
-Pearl is also obtained in Taprobanê (61); is imported into the emporium
-on the Ganges called Gangê (63).
-
-11. Πορφύρα—Purple. Of a common as well as of a superior quality,
-imported from Egypt into Mouza (24) and Kanê (28), and from the marts
-of Apologos and Omana into Barugaza (36).
-
-12. Ῥἱνόκερως—Rhinoceros (Sans. _khadgaḍ_)—the horn or the teeth,
-and probably the skin. Exported from Adouli (16), and the marts of
-Azania (7). Bruce found the hunting of the rhinoceros still a trade in
-Abyssinia.
-
-13. Χελώνη—Tortoise (Sans. _kachchhapa_) or tortoise-shell. Exported
-from Adouli (6) and Aualitês (7); a small quantity of the genuine and
-land tortoise, and a white sort with a small shell, exported from
-Ptolemaïs (3); small shells (Χελωνάρια) exported from Mossulon (10); a
-superior sort in great quantity from Opônê (13); the mountain tortoise
-from the island of Menouthias (15); a kind next in quality to the
-Indian from the marts of Azania (16, 17); the genuine, land, white,
-and mountain sort with shells of extraordinary size from the island of
-Dioskoridês (30, 31); a good quantity from the island of Serapis (33);
-the best kind in all the Erythræan—that of the Golden Khersonêsos (63),
-sent to Mouziris and Nelkunda, whence it is exported along with that of
-the islands off the coast of Dimurikê (probably the Laccadive islands)
-(56); tortoise is also procured in Taprobanê (61).
-
-
-III.—Plants and their products:—
-
-1. Αλόη—the aloe (Sans. _agaru_). Exported from Kanê (28). The sort
-referred to is probably the bitter cathartic, not the aromatic sort
-supposed by some to be the sandalwood. It grows abundantly in Sokotra,
-and it was no doubt exported thence to Kanê. “It is remarkable,” says
-Vincent, “that when the author of the _Periplûs_ arrives at Sokotra he
-says nothing of the aloe, and mentions only Indian cinnabar as a gum
-or resin distilling from a tree: but the confounding of cinnabar with
-dragon’s-blood was a mistake of ancient date and a great absurdity”
-(II. p. 689).
-
-2. Ἀρώματα—aromatics (ευωδια, θυμιαματα.) Exported from Aualitês (7),
-Mossulon (10). Among the spices of Tabai (12) are enumerated ἀσύβη καί
-ἄρωμα καί μάγλα, and similarly among the commodities of Opônê
-κασσία καὶ ἄρωμα καὶ μότω; and in these passages perhaps a particular
-kind of aromatic (cinnamon?) may by preëminence be called ἄρωμα. The
-occurrence, however, in two instances of such a familiar word as ἄρωμα
-between two outlandish words is suspicious, and this has led Müller
-to conjecture that the proper reading may be ἀρηβὼ, which Salmasius,
-citing Galen, notes to be a kind of cassia.
-
-3. Ασύβη—Asuphê, a kind of cassia. Exported from Tabai (12). “This
-term,” says Vincent, “if not Oriental, is from the Greek ἀσύφηλος,
-signifying _cheap_ or _ordinary_; but we do not find ἀσύφη used in this
-manner by other authors: it may be an Alexandrian corruption of the
-language, or it may be the abbreviation of a merchant in his invoice.”
-(_Asafœtida_, Sans. _hingu_ or _bâhlika_, Mar. _hing_.)
-
-4. Βδελλα, (common form Βδελλιον). Bdella, Bdellium, produced on the
-sea-coast of Gedrosia (37); exported from Barbarikon on the Indus
-(39); brought from the interior of India to Barugaza (48) for foreign
-export (49). Bdella is the gum of the _Balsamodendron Mukul_, a tree
-growing in Sind, Kâṭhiâvâḍ, and the Dîsâ district.[5] It is used both
-as an incense and as a cordial medicine. The bdellium of Scripture is a
-crystal, and has nothing in common with the bdellium of the _Periplûs_
-but its transparency. Conf. Dioskorid. i. 80; Plin. xii. 9; Galen,
-_Therapeut. ad Glauc._ II. p. 106; Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ vol. I. p. 290;
-Vincent, vol. II. p. 690; Yule’s _Marco Polo_, vol. II. p. 387. The
-etymology of the word is uncertain. Lassen suspects it to be Indian.
-
-5. Γίζειρ—Gizeir, a kind of cassia exported from Tabai (12). This sort
-is noticed and described by Dioskoridês.
-
-6. Δόκος—Beams of wood. Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana
-and Apologos (36). (? Blackwood.)
-
-7. Δούακα—Douaka, a kind of cassia. Exported from Malaô and Moundou (8,
-9). It was probably that inferior species which in Dioskorid. i. 12, is
-called δακαρ or δακαρ or δαρκα.
-
-8. Ἐβένιναι φάλαγγες—Logs of ebony (_Diospyros melanoxylon_.) Exported
-from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and Apologos (36).
-
-9. Ελαιον—Oil (_tila_). Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6); ἔλαιον
-σησαμινον, oil of sêsamê, a product of Ariakê (41). Exported from
-Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to Moskha in Arabia (32).[6]
-
-10. Ἰνδικόν μέλαν—Indigo. (Sans. _nîlî_, Guj. _gulî_.) Exported from
-Skythic Barbarikon (39). It appears pretty certain that the culture of
-the indigo plant and the preparation of the drug have been practised
-in India from a very remote epoch. It has been questioned, indeed,
-whether the Indicum mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 6) was indigo, but, as it
-would seem, without any good reason. He states that it was brought from
-India, and that when diluted it produced an admirable mixture of blue
-and purple colours. _Vide_ McCulloch’s _Commer. Dict._ s. v. _Indigo_.
-Cf. Salmas, in _Exerc._ Plin. p. 181. The dye was introduced into Rome
-only a little before Pliny’s time.
-
-11. Κάγκαμον—Kankamon. Exported from Malaô and Moundou (8, 10).
-According to Dioskoridês i. 23, it is the exudation of a wood, like
-myrrh, and used for fumigation. Cf. Plin. xii. 44. According to
-Scaliger it was gum-lac used as a dye. It is the “dekamalli” gum of the
-bazars.
-
-12. Κάρπασος—Karpasus (Sans. _kârpâsa'_; Heb. karpas,) _Gossypium
-arboreum_, fine muslin—a product of Ariakê (41). “How this word found
-its way into Italy, and became the Latin _carbasus_, fine linen, is
-surprising, when it is not found in the Greek language. The Καρπασιον
-λινον of Pausanias (_in Atticis_), of which the wick was formed for
-the lamp of Pallas, is asbestos, so called from Karpasos, a city
-of Crete—Salmas. Plin. _Exercit._ p. 178. Conf. Q. Curtius viii.
-9:—‘Carbaso Indi corpora usque ad pedes velant, corumque rex lecticâ
-margaritis circumpendentibus recumbit distinctis auro et purpurâ
-carbasis quâ indutus est.’” Vincent II. 699.
-
-13. Κασσία or Κασία (Sans. _kuta_, Heb. _kiddah_ and _keziah_).
-Exported from Tabai (12); a coarse kind exported from Malaô and Moundou
-(8, 9); a vast quantity exported from Mossulon and Opônê (10, 13).
-
-“This spice,” says Vincent, “is mentioned frequently in the
-_Periplûs_, and with various additions, intended to specify the
-different sorts, properties, or appearances of the commodity. It is a
-species of cinnamon, and manifestly the same as what we call cinnamon
-at this day; but different from that of the Greeks and Romans, which
-was not a bark, nor rolled up into pipes, like ours. Theirs was the
-tender shoot of the same plant, and of much higher value.” “If our
-cinnamon,” he adds, “is the ancient casia, our casia again is an
-inferior sort of cinnamon.” Pliny (xii. 19) states that the cassia is
-of a larger size than the cinnamon, and has a thin rind rather than a
-bark, and that its value consists in being hollowed out. Dioskoridês
-mentions cassia as a product of Arabia, but this is a mistake, Arabian
-cassia having been an import from India. Herodotos (iii.) had made the
-same mistake, saying that cassia grew in Arabia, but that cinnamon
-was brought thither by birds from the country where Bacchus was born
-(India). The cassia shrub is a sort of laurel. There are ten kinds of
-cassia specified in the _Periplûs_.[7] Cf. Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ I. 279,
-283; Salmas. Plin. _Exercit._ p. 1304; Galen, _de Antidotis_, bk. i.
-
-14. Κιννάβαρι Ἰνδικòν—Dragon’s-blood, _damu’l akhawein_ of the Arabs,
-a gum distilled from _Pterocarpus Draco_, a leguminous tree[8] in the
-island of Dioskoridês or Sokotra (30). Cinnabar, with which this was
-confounded, is the red sulphuret of mercury. Pliny (lib. xxix. c. 8)
-distinguishes it as ‘Indian cinnabar.’ Dragon’s-blood is one of the
-concrete balsams, the produce of _Calamus Draco_, a species of rattan
-palm of the Eastern Archipelago, [of _Pterocarpus Draco_, allied to the
-Indian Kino tree or _Pt. marsupium_ of South India, and of _Dracæna
-Draco_, a liliaceous tree of Madeira and the Canary Islands].
-
-15. Κόστος (Sansk. _kushṭa_, Mar. _choka_, Guj. _kaṭha_ and _pushkara
-mûla_,)—Kostus. Exported from Barbarikon, a mart on the Indus (39), and
-from Barugaza, which procured it from Kâbul through Proklaïs, &c. This
-was considered the best of aromatic roots, as nard or spikenard was the
-best of aromatic plants. Pliny (xii. 25) describes this root as hot to
-the taste and of consummate fragrance, noting that it was found at the
-head of Patalênê, where the Indus bifurcates to form the Delta, and
-that it was of two sorts, black and white, black being of an inferior
-quality. Lassen states that two kinds are found in India—one in Multân,
-and the other in Kâbul and Kâśmîr. “The Costus of the ancients is
-still exported from Western India, as well as from Calcutta to China,
-under the name of _Putchok_, to be burnt as an incense in Chinese
-temples. Its identity has been ascertained in our own days by Drs.
-Royle and Falconer as the root of a plant which they called _Aucklandia
-Costus_.... Alexander Hamilton, at the beginning of last century, calls
-it _ligna dulcis_ (sic), and speaks of it as an export from Sind, as
-did the author of the _Periplûs_ 1600 years earlier.” Yule’s _Marco
-Polo_, vol. II. p. 388.
-
-16. Κρόκος—Crocus, Saffron. (Sans. _kaśmîraja_, Guj. _kesir_, Pers.
-_zafrân_.) Exported from Egypt to Mouza (24) and to Kanê (28).
-
-17. Κύπερος—Cyprus. Exported from Egypt to Mouza (24). It is an
-aromatic rush used in medicine (Pliny xxi. 18). Herodotos (iv. 71)
-describes it as an aromatic plant used by the Skythians for embalming.
-Κύπερος is probably Ionic for Κύπειρος—Κύπειρος ἰνδικὸς of Dioskoridês,
-and _Cypria herba indica_ of Pliny.—Perhaps Turmeric, _Curcuma longa_,
-or Galingal possibly.
-
-18. Λέντια, (Lat. _lintea_)—Linen. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6).
-
-19. Λίβανος (Heb. _lebonah_, Arab. _luban_, Sans.
-_śrîvâsa_)—Frankincense. Peratic or Libyan frankincense exported from
-the Barbarine markets—Tabai (12), Mossulon (10), Malaô and Moundou, in
-small quantities (8, 9); produced in great abundance and of the best
-quality at Akannai (11); Arabian frankincense exported from Kanê (28).
-A magazine for frankincense on the Sakhalitic Gulf near Cape Suagros
-(30). Moskha, the port whence it was shipped for Kanê and India (32)
-and Indo-Skythia (39).
-
-Regarding this important product Yule thus writes:—“The coast of
-Hadhramaut is the true and ancient Χώρα λιβανοφόρος or λιβανωτοφόρος,
-indicated or described under those names by Theophrastus, Ptolemy,
-Pliny, Pseudo-Arrian, and other classical writers, _i.e._ the country
-producing the fragrant gum-resin called by the Hebrews _Lebonah_,
-by the Arabs _Luban_ and _Kundur_, by the Greeks _Libanos_, by the
-Romans _Thus_, in mediæval Latin _Olibanum_ (probably the Arabic
-_al-luban_, but popularly interpreted as _oleum Libani_), and in
-English frankincense, _i.e_, I apprehend, ‘genuine incense’ or ‘incense
-proper.’[9] It is still produced in this region and exported from it,
-but the larger part of that which enters the markets of the world is
-exported from the roadsteads of the opposite Sumâlî coast. Frankincense
-when it first exudes is milky white; whence the name _white incense_ by
-which Polo speaks of it, and the Arabic name _luban_ apparently refers
-to milk. The elder Niebuhr, who travelled in Arabia, depreciated the
-Libanos of Arabia, representing it as greatly inferior to that brought
-from India, called Benzoin. He adds that the plant which produces it is
-not native, but originally from Abyssinia.”—_Marco Polo_, vol. II. p.
-443, &c.
-
-20. Λύκιον—Lycium. Exported from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), and
-from Barugaza (49). Lycium is a thorny plant, so called from being
-found in Lykia principally. Its juice was used for dying yellow, and a
-liquor drawn from it was used as a medicine (Celsus v. 26, 30, and vi.
-7). It was held in great esteem by the ancients. Pliny (xxiv. 77) says
-that a superior kind of Lycium produced in India was made from a thorn
-called also _Pyxacanthus_ (box-thorn) _Chironia_. It is known in India
-as _Ruzot_, an extract of the _Berberis lycium_ and _B. aristata_, both
-grown on the Himâlayas. Conf. the λύκιον ἰνδικὸν of Dioskor. i. 133. (?
-Gamboge.)
-
-21. Μάγλα—Magla—a kind of cassia mentioned only in the _Periplûs_.
-Exported from Tabai (12).
-
-22. Μάκειρ—Macer. Exported from Malaô and Moundou (8, 9). According
-to Pliny, Dioskoridês, and others, it is an Indian bark—perhaps a
-kind of cassia. The bark is red and the root large. The bark was used
-as a medicine in dysenteries. Pliny xii. 8; Salmasius, 1302. (? The
-_Karachâlâ_ of the bâzârs, _Kutajatvak_).
-
-23. Μάλαβαθρον (Sans. _tamâlapattra_, the leaf of the _Laurus Cassia_),
-Malabathrum, Betel. Obtained by the Thînai from the Sesatai and
-exported to India[10] (65); conveyed down the Ganges to Gangê near
-its mouth (63); conveyed from the interior of India to Mouziris and
-Nelkunda for export (56). That Malabathrum was not only a masticatory,
-but also an unguent or perfume, may be inferred from Horace (_Odes_,
-II. vii. 89):—
-
- ...“coronatus nitentes
- Malabathro Syrio capillos”,
-
-and from Pliny (xii. 59): “Dat et Malabathrum Syria, arborum folio
-convoluto, arido colore, ex quo exprimitur oleum ad unguenta:
-fertiliore ejusdem Egypto: laudatius tamen ex India venit.” From
-Ptolemy (VII. ii. 16) we learn that the best Malabathrum was produced
-in Kirrhadia—that is, Rangpur. Dioskoridês speaks of it as a
-masticatory, and was aware of the confusion caused by mistaking the
-nard for the betel.
-
-21. Μέλι τὸ καλάμινον, τὸ λεγομενον σάκχαρ (Sans. _śarkarâ_, Prâkṛit
-_sâkara_, Arab. _sukkar_, Latin _saccharum_)—Honey from canes, called
-Sugar. Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Barbaria (14). The
-first Western writer who mentions this article was Theophrastos, who
-continued the labours of Aristotle in natural history. He called it a
-sort of honey extracted from reeds. Strabo states, on the authority of
-Nearkhos, that reeds in India yield honey without bees. Ælian (_Hist.
-Anim._) speaks of a kind of honey pressed from reeds which grow among
-the Prasii. Seneca (Epist. 84) speaks of sugar as a kind of honey
-found in India on the leaves of reeds, which had either been dropped
-on them from the sky as dew, or had exuded from the reeds themselves.
-This was a prevalent error in ancient times, _e.g._ Dioskoridês says
-that sugar is a sort of concreted honey found upon canes in India and
-Arabia Felix, and Pliny that it is collected from canes like a gum. He
-describes it as white and brittle between the teeth, of the size of a
-hazel-nut at most, and used in medicine only. So also Lucan, alluding
-to the Indians near the Ganges, says that they quaff sweet juices from
-tender reeds. Sugar, however, as is well known, must be extracted by
-art from the plant. It has been conjectured that the sugar described by
-Pliny and Dioskoridês was sugar candy obtained from China.
-
-25. Μελίλωτον—Melilot, Honey-lotus. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza
-(49). Melilot is the Egyptian or Nymphæa Lotus, or Lily of the Nile,
-the stalk of which contained a sweet nutritive substance which was made
-into bread. So Vincent; but Melilot is a kind of clover, so called
-from the quantity of honey it contains. The nymphæa lotus, or what
-was called the Lily of the Nile, is not a true lotus, and contains no
-edible substance.
-
-26. Μοκρότον. Exported from Moundou (9) and Mossulon (10). It is a sort
-of incense, mentioned only in the _Periplûs_.
-
-27. Μότω—Motô—a sort of cassia exported from Tabai and Opônê (13).
-
-28. Μύρον—Myrrh. (Sans. _bola_.) Exported from Egypt to Barugaza as a
-present for the king (49). It is a gum or resin issuing from a thorn
-found in Arabia Felix, Abyssinia, &c., _vide_ σμύρνη _inf._
-
-29. Νάρδος (Sans. _nalada_, ‘kaskas,’ Heb. _nerd_) Nard, Spikenard.[11]
-Gangetic spikenard brought down the Ganges to Gangê, near its mouth
-(63), and forwarded thence to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Spikenard
-produced in the regions of the Upper Indus and in Indo-Skythia
-forwarded through Ozênê to Barugaza (48). Imported by the Egyptians
-from Barugaza and Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (49, 39).
-
-The _Nardos_ is a plant called (from its root being shaped like an
-ear of corn) νάρδου στάχυς, also ναρδόσταχυς, Latin _Spica nardi_,
-whence ‘spikenard.’ It belongs to the species _Valeriana_. “No Oriental
-aromatic,” says Vincent, “has caused greater disputes among the
-critics or writers on natural history, and it is only within these
-few years that we have arrived at the true knowledge of this curious
-odour by means of the inquiries of Sir W. Jones and Dr. Roxburgh.
-Pliny describes the nard with its _spica_, mentioning also that both
-the leaves and the _spica_ are of high value, and that the odour is
-the prime in all unguents; the price 100 denarii for a pound. But
-he afterwards visibly confounds it with the Malabathrum or Betel,
-as will appear from his usage of _Hadrosphærum_, _Mesosphærum_, and
-_Microsphærum_, terms peculiar to the Betel”—II. 743-4. See Sir W.
-Jones on the spikenard of the ancients in As. Res. vol. II. pp. 416
-_et seq._, and Roxburgh’s additional remarks on the spikenard of the
-ancients, vol. IV. pp. 97 _et seq._, and botanical observations on the
-spikenard, pp. 433. See also Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ vol. I. pp. 288 _et
-seq._
-
-30. Ναύπλιος—Nauplius. Exported in small quantity from the marts of
-Azania (17). The signification of the word is obscure, and the reading
-suspected. For ΝαΥΠλιος Müller suggests ΝαΡΓΙλιος, the Indian cocoanut,
-which the Arabians call _Nargil_ (Sansk. _nârikêla_ or _nâlikêra_, Guj.
-_nâliyêr_, Hindi _nâliyar_). It favours this suggestion that cocoanut
-oil is a product of Zangibar, and that in four different passages of
-Kosmas Indikopleustês nuts are called αργελλια, which is either a
-corrupt reading for ναργελλια, or Kosmas may not have known the name
-accurately enough.
-
-31. Ὀθόνιον—Muslin. Sêric muslin sent from the Thînai to Barugaza and
-Dimurikê (64). Coarse cottons produced in great quantity in Ariakê,
-carried down from Ozênê to Barugaza (48); large supplies sent thither
-from Tagara also (51); Indian muslins exported from the markets of
-Dimurikê to Egypt (56). Muslins of every description, Seric and dyed of
-a mallow colour, exported from Barugaza to Egypt (49); Indian muslin
-taken to the island of Dioskoridês (31); wide Indian muslins called
-μοναχὴ, _monâkhê_, i. e. of the best and finest sort; and another
-sort called σαγματογήνη, _sagmatogênê_, i. e. coarse cotton unfit
-for spinning, and used for stuffing beds, cushions, &c., exported
-from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to Arabia, whence
-it was exported to Adouli (6). The meanings given to _monâkhê_ and
-_sagmatogênê_ (for which other readings have been suggested) are
-conjectural. Vincent defends the meaning assigned to _sagmatogênê_ by a
-quotation from a passage in Strabo citing Nearkhos:—“Fine muslins are
-made of cotton, but the Makedonians use cotton for flocks, and stuffing
-of couches.”
-
-32. Ὀῖνος—Wine. Laodikean and Italian wine exported in small quantity
-to Adouli (6); to Aualitês (7), Malaê (8), Mouza (24), Kanê (28),
-Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39); the same sorts, together with Arabian
-wine, to Barugaza (49); sent in small quantity to Mouziris and Nelkunda
-(56); the region inland from Oraia bears the vine (37), which is found
-also in the district of Mouza (24), whence wine is exported to the
-marts of Azania, not for sale, but to gain the good will of the natives
-(17). Wine is exported also from the marts of Apologos and Omana to
-Barugaza (36). By Arabian wine may perhaps be meant palm or toddy wine,
-a great article of commerce.
-
-33. Ὄμφακος Διοσπολιτικῆς χυλός—the juice of the sour grape of
-Diospolis. Exported from Egypt to Aualitês (7). This, says Vincent,
-was the dipse of the Orientals, and still used as a relish all over
-the East. _Dipse_ is the rob of grapes in their unripe state, and a
-pleasant acid.—II. 751. This juice is called by Dioskoridês (iv. 7) in
-one word Ομφάκιον, and also (v. 12) Ὀῖνος Ὀμφακίτης. Cf. Plin. xii. 27.
-
-34. Ὄρυζα (Sansk. _vrîhi_)—Rice. Produced in Oraia and Ariakê (37, 41),
-exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to the island
-of Dioskoridês (31).
-
-35. Πέπερι (Sansk. _pippalî_,) long pepper—Pepper. Kottonarik pepper
-exported in large quantities from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56); long
-pepper from Barugaza (49). _Kottonara_ was the name of the district,
-and _Kottonarikon_ the name of the pepper for which the district was
-famous. Dr. Buchanan identifies Kottonara with Kadattanâḍu, a district
-in the Calicut country celebrated for its pepper. Dr. Burnell, however,
-identifies it with Kolatta-Nâḍu, the district about Tellicherry, which,
-he says, is the pepper district.
-
-36. Πυρὸς—Wheat. Exported in small quantity from Egypt to Kanê (28),
-some grown in the district around Mouza (24).
-
-37. Σάκχαρι—Sugar: see under Μελι.
-
-38. Σανδαράκη—Sandarakê (_chandrasa_ of the bazars); a resin from the
-_Thuja articulata_ or _Callitris quadrivalvis_, a small coniferous
-tree of North Africa; it is of a faint aromatic smell and is used as
-incense. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49); conveyed to Mouziris and
-Nelkunda (56).[12]
-
-Sandarakê also is a red pigment—red sulphuret of arsenic, as orpiment
-is the yellow sulphuret. Cf. Plin. xxxv. 22, Hard. “Juba informs
-us that sandarace and ochre are found in an island of the Red Sea,
-Topazas, whence they are brought to us.”
-
-39. Σαντάλινα and σασάμινα ξύλα—Logs of Sandal and Sasame (_santalum
-album_). Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and Apologos
-(30). Σαντάλινα is a correction of the MS. reading σαγάλινα proposed
-by Salmasius. Kosmas Indikopleustes calls sandalwood τζαδάνα. For
-σασαμινα of the MS. Stuckius proposed σησάμινα—a futile, emendation,
-since sesame is known only as a leguminous plant from which an oil
-is expressed, and not as a tree. But possibly Red Saunders wood
-(_Pterocarpus Santalinus_) may be meant.
-
-40. Σησάμινον ἔλαιον. See Ελαιον.
-
-41. Σινδόνες διαφορώταται αἱ Γαγγητικᾶι. The finest Bengal muslins
-exported from the Ganges (63); other muslins in Taprobanê (61);
-Μαργαριτιδες (?), made at Argalou and thence exported (59); muslins of
-all sorts and mallow-tinted (μολοχιναι) sent from Ozênê to Barugaza
-(48), exported thence to Arabia for the supply of the market at Adouli
-(6).
-
-42. Σῖτος—Corn. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (7), Malaô (8); a little
-to Mouza (24), and to Kanê (28), and to Muziris and Nelkunda for ships’
-stores (56); exported from Dimurikê and Ariakê into the Barbarine
-markets (14), into Moskha (32) and the island of Dioskoridês (31);
-exported also from Mouza to the ports of Azania for presents (17).
-
-43. Σμύρνη—Myrrh (vide μυρον). Exported from Malaô, Moundou, Mossulon
-(8, 9, 10); from Aualitês a small quantity of the best quality (7); a
-choice sort that trickles in drops, called _Abeirminaia_ ἐκλεκτὴ καὶ
-στακτὴ ἁβειρμιναία), exported from Mouza (24). For Ἁβειρμιναία of the
-MS. Müller suggests to read γαβειρμιναία, inclining to think that two
-kinds of myrrh are indicated, the names of which have been erroneously
-combined into one, viz. the Gabiræan and Minæan, which are mentioned by
-Dioskoridês, Hippokratês, and Galen. There is a _Wadi Gabir_ in Oman.
-
-44. Στύραξ—Storax (Sans. _turuska_, _selarasa_ of the bazars),—one of
-the balsams. Exported from Egypt to Kanê (28), Barbarikon on the Indus
-(39), Barugaza (40). Storax is the produce of the tree _Liquidambar
-orientale_, which grows in the south of Europe and the Levant.[13]
-The purest kind is storax in grains. Another kind is called _styrax
-calamita_, from being brought in masses wrapped up in the leaves of a
-certain reed. Another kind, that sold in shops, is semi-fluid.
-
-45. Φοῖνιξ—the Palm or Dates. Exported from the marts of Apologos and
-Omana to Barugaza (36, 37).
-
-
-IV.—Metals and Metallic Articles:—
-
-1. Ἀργυρᾶ σκεύη, ἀργυρώματα—Vessels of silver. Exported from Egypt to
-Mossulon (10), to Barbarikon on the Indus (39). Silver plate chased
-or polished (τορνευτα or τετορνευμενα) sent as presents to the despot
-of Mouza (24), to Kanê for the king (28). Costly (βαρυτιμα) plate
-to Barugaza for the king (49). Plate made according to the Egyptian
-fashion to Adouli for the king (6).
-
-2. Ἀρσενικὸν—Arsenic (_somal_). Exported from Egypt to Mouziris and
-Nelkunda (56).
-
-3. Δηνάριον—Denary. Exported in small quantity from Egypt to Adouli
-(6). Gold and silver denarii sent in small quantity to the marts of
-Barbaria (8, 13); exchanges with advantage for native money at Barugaza
-(49).
-
-The _denary_ was a Roman coin equal to about 8½_d._, and a little
-inferior in value to the Greek drachma.
-
-4. Κάλτις—Kaltis. A gold coin (νομισμα) current in the district of
-the Lower Ganges (63); Benfey thinks the word is connected with the
-Sanskrit _kalita_, i.e. _numeratum_.
-
-5. Κασσίτερος (Sans. _baṅga_, _kathila_)—Tin. Exported from Egypt
-to Aualitês (7), Malaô (8), Kanê (28), Barugaza (49), Mouziris and
-Nelkunda (56). India produced this metal, but not in those parts to
-which the Egyptian trade carried it.
-
-6. Μόλυβδος—Lead (Sansk. _nâga_, Guj. _sîsuṅ_). Exported from Egypt to
-Barugaza, Muziris, and Nelkunda (49, 56).
-
-7. Ὀρείχαλκος—Orichalcum (Sans. _tripus_, Prak. _pîtala_)—Brass. Used
-for ornaments and cut into small pieces by way of coin. Exported from
-Egypt to Adouli (6).
-
-The word means ‘mountain copper.’ Ramusio calls it white copper from
-which the gold and silver have not been well separated in extracting
-it from the ore. Gold, it may be remarked, does not occur as an export
-from any of the African marts, throughout the _Periplûs_.
-
-8. Σίδηρος, σιδηρύ σκεύη—Iron, iron utensils. Exported from Egypt to
-Malaô, Moundou, Tabai, Opônê (8, 9, 12, 13). Iron spears, swords and
-adzes exported to Adouli (6). Indian iron and sword-blades (στομωμα)
-exported to Adouli from Arabia (Ariakê?). Spears (λόγχαι) manufactured
-at Mouza, hatchets (πελύκια), swords (μάχαιραι), awls (ὀπέτια) exported
-from Mouza to Azania (17).
-
-On the Indian sword see Ktêsias, p. 80, 4. The Arabian poets celebrate
-swords made of Indian steel. Cf. Plin. xxxiv. 41:—“Ex omnibus autem
-generibus palma Serico ferro est.” This iron, as has already been
-stated, was sent to India along with skins and cloth. Cf. also Edrisi,
-vol. I. p. 65, ed. Joubert. Indian iron is mentioned in the Pandects as
-an article of commerce.
-
-9. Στίμμι—Stibium (Sans. _sauvîrânjana_, Prâk. _surmâ_). Exported from
-Egypt to Barugaza (49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
-
-Stibium is a sulphuret of antimony, a dark pigment, called _kohol_,
-much used in the East for dyeing the eyelids.
-
-10. Χαλκὸς—Copper (Sans. _tâmra_) or Brass. Exported from Egypt to
-Kanê (28), to Barugaza (49), Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels made
-thereof (Χαλκουργήματα) sent to Mouza as presents to the despot (24).
-Drinking-vessels (ποτηρια) exported to the marts of Barbaria (8, 13).
-Big and round drinking-cups to Adouli (6). A few (μελίεφθα ὀλίγα)
-to Malaô (8); μελίεφθα χαλκᾶ for cooking with, and being cut into
-bracelets and anklets for women to Adouli (6).
-
-Regarding μελίεφθα Vincent says: “No usage of the word occurs
-elsewhere; but metals were prepared with several materials to give
-them colour, or to make them tractable, or malleable. Thus χολόβαφα in
-Hesychius was brass prepared with ox’s gall to give it the colour of
-gold, and used, like our tinsel ornaments or foil, for stage dresses
-and decorations. Thus common brass was neither ductile nor malleable,
-but the Cyprian brass was both. And thus perhaps brass, μελίεφθα was
-formed with some preparation of honey.” Müller cannot accept this view.
-“It is evident,” he says, “that the reference is to ductile copper
-from which, as Pliny says, all impurity has been carefully removed by
-smelting, so that pots, bracelets, and articles of that sort could be
-fabricated from it. One might therefore think that the reading should
-be περίεφθα or πυρίεφθα, but in such a case the writer would have said
-περίεφθον χαλκόν. In vulgar speech μελίεφθα is used as a substantive
-noun, and I am therefore almost persuaded that, just as molten copper,
-ὁ χαλκὸς ὁ χυτὸς, _cuprum caldarium_, was called τρόχιος, from the
-likeness in shape of its round masses to hoops, so _laminæ_ of ductile
-copper (_plaques de cuivre_) might have been called μελίεφθα, because
-shaped like thin honey-cakes, πεμματα μελίεφθα.”
-
-11. Χρυσὸς—Gold. Exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to
-Barugaza (36). Gold plate—χρυσώματα—exported from Egypt to Mouza for
-the despot (24), and to Adouli for the king (6).
-
-
-V. Stones:—
-
-
-1. Λιθία διαφανὴς—Gems (carbuncles?) found in Taprobanê (63); exported
-in every variety from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
-
-2. Αδάμας—Diamonds. (Sans. _vajra_, _pîraka_). Exported from Mouziris
-and Nelkunda (56).
-
-3. Καλλεανὸς λίθος—Gold-stone, yellow crystal, chrysolith? Exported
-from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39).
-
-It is not a settled point what stone is meant. Lassen says that the
-Sanskrit word _kalyâṇa_ means _gold_, and would therefore identify it
-with the chrysolith or gold-stone. If this view be correct, the reading
-of the MS. need not be altered into καλλαῖνὸς, as Salmasius, whom
-the editors of the _Periplûs_ generally follow, enjoins. In support
-of the alteration Salmasius adduces Pliny, xxxvii. 56:—“Callais
-sapphirum imitatur, candidior et litoroso mari similis. Callainas
-vocant e turbido Callaino”, and other passages. Schwanbeck, however,
-maintaining the correctness of the MS. reading, says that the Sanskrit
-word _kalyâṇa_ generally signifies _money_, but in a more general
-sense _anything beautiful_, and might therefore have been applied
-to this gem. _Kalyâṇa_, he adds, would appear in Greek as καλλιανὸς
-or καλλεανὸς rather than καλλαῖνὸς. In like manner _kalyâṇî_ of the
-Indians appears in our author not as καλλάïνα, but, as it ought to be,
-καλλίενα.
-
-4. Λύγδος—Alabaster. Exported from Mouza (24). Salmasius says that an
-imitation of this alabaster was formed of Parian marble, but that the
-best and original _lygdus_ was brought from Arabia, that is, Mouza,
-as noted in the _Periplûs_. Cf. Pliny (xxxvi. 8):—“Lygdinos in Tauro
-repertos ... antea ex Arabia tantum advehi solitos enndoris eximii.”
-
-5. Ὀνυχινὴ λίθια—Onyx (_akika_—agate). Sent in vast quantities
-(πλειστη) from Ozênê and Paithana to Barugaza (48, 51), and thence
-exported to Egypt (49). Regarding the onyx mines of Gujarât _vide_
-Ritter, vol. VI. p. 603.
-
-6. Μουρρίνη, sup. λιθια—Fluor-spath. Sent from Ozênê to Barugaza, and
-exported to Egypt (49). Porcelain made at Diospolis (μουρῥίνη λιθία ἡ
-γενομένη ἐν Διοσπόλει) exported from Egypt to Adouli (6).
-
-The reading of the MS. is μοῤῥίνης. By this is to be understood
-_vitrum murrhinum_, a sort of china or porcelain made in imitation of
-cups or vases of _murrha_, a precious fossil-stone resembling, if
-not identical with, _fluor-spath_, such as is found in Derbyshire.
-Vessels of this stone were exported from India, and also, as we learn
-from Pliny, from Karmania, to the Roman market, where they fetched
-extravagant prices.[14] The “cups baked in Parthian fires” (_pocula
-Parthis focis cocta_) mentioned by Propertius (IV. v. 26) must be
-referred to the former class. The whole subject is one which has much
-exercised the pens of the learned. “Six hundred writers,” says Müller,
-“emulously applying themselves to explain what had the best claim to
-be considered the _murrha_ of the ancients, have advanced the most
-conflicting opinions. Now it is pretty well settled that the murrhine
-vases were made of that stone which is called in German _flusspath_
-(_spato-fluore_)”. He then refers to the following as the principal
-authorities on the subject:—Pliny—xxxiii. 7 _et seq._; xxxiii. _proœm._
-Suetonius—_Oct._ c. 71; Seneca—_Epist._ 123; Martial—iv. 86; xiv. 43;
-_Digest_—xxxiii. 10, 3; xxxiv. 2. 19; Rozière—_Mémoire sur les Vases
-murrhins_, &c.; in _Description de l’Égypt_, vol. VI. pp. 277 _et
-seq._: Corsi—_Delle Pietre antiche_, p. 106; Thiersch—_Ueber die Vasa
-Murrhina der Alten, in Abhandl. d. Munchn. Akad._ 1835, vol. I. pp.
-443-509; A learned Englishman in the _Classical Journal_ for 1810,
-p. 472; Witzsch in Pauly’s _Real Encycl._ vol. V. p. 253. See also
-Vincent, vol. II. pp. 723-7.
-
-7. Ὀψιανὸς λίθος—the Opsian or Obsidian stone, found in the Bay of
-Hanfelah (5). Pliny says,—“The opsians or obsidians are also reckoned
-as a sort of glass bearing the likeness of the stone which Obsius (or
-Obsidius) found in Ethiopia, of a very black colour, sometimes even
-translucent, hazier than ordinary glass to look through, and when used
-for mirrors on the walls reflecting but shadows instead of distinct
-images.” (Bk. xxxvi. 37). The only Obsius mentioned in history is a
-M. Obsius who had been Prætor, a friend of Germanicus, referred to by
-Tacitus (_Ann._ IV. 68, 71). He had perhaps been for a time prefect
-of Egypt, and had coasted the shore of Ethiopia at the time when
-Germanicus traversed Egypt till he came to the confines of Ethiopia.
-Perhaps, however, the name of the substance is of Greek origin—ὀψιανὀς,
-from its reflecting power.
-
-8. Σάπφειρος—the Sapphire. Exported from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia
-(39). “The ancients distinguished two sorts of dark blue or purple,
-one of which was spotted with gold. Pliny says it is never pellucid,
-which seems to make it a different stone from what is now called
-sapphire.”—Vincent (vol. II. p. 757), who adds in a note, “Dr. Burgess
-has specimens of both sorts, the one with gold spots like lapis lazuli,
-and not transparent.”[15]
-
-9. Ὑάκινθος—Hyacinth or Jacinth. Exported from Mouziris and Nelkunda
-(56). According to Salmasius this is the Ruby. In Solinus xxx. it would
-seem to be the Amethyst (Sansk. _pushkarâja_.)
-
-10. Ὑαλος ἀργὴ—Glass of a coarse kind. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza
-(49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels of glass (ὑαλα σκευη)
-exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39). Crystal of
-many sorts (λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλεῖστα γενη) exported from Egypt to Adouli,
-Aualitês, Mossulon (6, 7, 10); from Mouza to Azania (17).
-
-11. Χρυσόλιθος—Chrysolite. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in
-Indo-Skythia (39), to Barugaza (43), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
-Some take this to be the topaz (Hind. _pîrojâ_).
-
-
-VI. Wearing Apparel:—
-
-1. Ἱμάτια ἄγναφα—Cloths undressed. Manufactured in Egypt and thence
-exported to Adouli (6). These were disposed of to the tribes of
-Barbaria—the Troglodyte shepherds of Upper Egypt, Nubia and Ethiopia.
-
-2. Ἱμάτια βαρβαρικὰ σύμμικτα γεγναμμένα—Cloths for the Barbarine
-markets, dressed and dyed of various colours. Exported to Malaô and
-Aualitês (8, 7).
-
-3. Ἱματισμὸς Ἀραβικὸς—Cloth or coating for the Arabian markets.
-Exported from Egypt (24). Different kinds are enumerated:—Χειριδωτὸς,
-with sleeves reaching to the wrist; Ὁτε ἁπλοῦς καὶ ὁ κοινὸς, with
-single texture and of the common sort; σκοτουλάτος, wrought with
-figures, checkered; the word is a transliteration of the Latin
-_scutulatus_, from _scutum_, the checks being lozenge-shaped, like a
-shield: see Juvenal, Sat. ii. 79; διάχρυσος, shot with gold; πολυτελὴς,
-a kind of great price sent to the despot of Mouza; Κοινὸς καὶ ἁπλοῦς
-καὶ ὁ νόθος, cloth of a common sort, and cloth of simple texture,
-and cloth in imitation of a better commodity, sent to Kanê (28);
-Διάφορος ἁπλους, of superior quality and single texture, for the king
-(28); Ἁπλοῦς, _of single texture_, in great quantity, and νόθος, in
-inferior sort imitating a better, in small quantity, sent to Barbarikon
-in Indo-Skythia (39), ἁπλοῦς καὶ νόθος παντοῖος, and for the king
-ἁπλοῦς πολυτελης, sent to Barugaza (49); Ἱματισμὸς οὐ πολύς—cloth in
-small quantity sent to Muziris and Nelkunda (56); ἐντόπιος, of native
-manufacture, exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to Barugaza
-(36).
-
-4. Αβόλλαι—Riding or watch cloaks. Exported from Egypt to Mouza (34),
-to Kanê (28). This word is a transliteration of the Latin _Abolla_.
-It is supposed, however, to be derived from Greek: ἀμβολλη, i. e.
-ἀμφιβολὴ. It was a woollen cloak of close texture—often mentioned in
-the Roman writers: _e.g._ Juven. _Sat._ iii. 115 and iv. 70; Sueton.
-_Calig._ c. 35. Where the word occurs in sec. 6 the reading of the MS.
-is ἅβολοι, which Müller has corrected to ἀβόλλαι, though Salmasius had
-defended the original reading.
-
-5. Δικρόσσια (Lat. _Mantilia utrinque fimbriata_)—Cloths with a double
-fringe. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6). This word occurs only in
-the _Periplûs_. The simple Κροσσιον, however, is met with in Herodian,
-_Epim._ p. 72. An adjective δίκροσσος is found in Pollux vii. 72.
-“We cannot err much,” says Vincent, “in rendering the δικρόσσια of
-the _Periplûs_ either _cloth fringed_, with Salmasius, or _striped_,
-with Apollonius. Meursius says λεντία ἄκροσσα are _plain linens not
-striped_.”
-
-6. Ζώναι πολύμιτοι πηχυαῖοι—Flowered or embroidered girdles, a cubit
-broad. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49). Σκιωταὶ—girdles (_kâcha_)
-shaded of different colours, exported to Mouza (24). This word occurs
-only in the _Periplûs_.
-
-7. Καυνάκαὶ—Garments of frieze. Exported from Arabia to Adouli (6); a
-pure sort—ἁπλοι—exported to the same mart from Egypt (6). In the latter
-of these two passages the MS. reading is γαυνάκαὶ. Both forms are in
-use: conf. Latin _gaunace_—Varro, _de L. L._ 4, 35. It means also _a
-fur garment_ or _blanket_—_vestis stragula_.
-
-8. Λώδικες—Quilts or coverlids. Exported in small quantity from Egypt
-to Mouza (24) and Kanê (28).
-
-9. Περιζώματα—Sashes, girdles, or aprons. Exported from Barugaza to
-Adouli (6), and into Barbaria (14).
-
-10. Πολύμιτα—Stuffs in which several threads were taken for the woof
-in order to weave flowers or other objects: Latin _polymita_ and
-_plumatica_. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), to
-Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
-
-11. Σάγοι Ἀρσινοητικοὶ γεγναμμένοι καὶ βεβαμμένοι—Coarse cloaks made at
-Arsinoê, dressed and dyed. Exported from Egypt to Barbaria (8, 13).
-
-12. Στολαὶ Ἀρσινοητικάι—Women’s robes made at Arsinoê. Exported from
-Egypt to Adouli (6).
-
-13. Χιτῶνες—Tunics. Exported from Egypt to Malaô, Moundou, Mossulon (8,
-9, 10).
-
-
-VII. In addition to the above, works of art are mentioned.
-
-Ἀνδριάντες—Images, sent as presents to Kharibaël (48). Cf. Strabo (p.
-714), who among the articles sent to Arabia enumerates τορευμα, γραφην,
-πλασμα, pieces of sculpture, painting, statues.
-
-Μουσικἀ—Instruments of music, for presents to the king of Ariakê (49).
-
-
-
-
- ANONYMI [ARRIANI UT FERTUR] PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI.
-
-
-1. The first of the important roadsteads established on the Red Sea,
-and the first also of the great trading marts upon its coast, is the
-port of +Myos-hormos+ in Egypt. Beyond it at a distance of 1800
-stadia is +Berenikê+, which is to your right if you approach it by
-sea. These roadsteads are both situate at the furthest end of Egypt,
-and are bays of the Red Sea.
-
-_Commentary._
-
- (1) +Myos Hormos.+—Its situation is determined by the cluster of
- islands now called +Jifâtîn+ [lat. 27° 12´ N., long. 33° 55´ E.]
- of which the three largest lie opposite an indenture of the coast of
- Egypt on the curve of which its harbour was situated [near Ras Abu
- Somer, a little north of Satâjah Island]. It was founded by Ptolemy
- Philadelphos B. C. 274, who selected it as the principal
- port of the Egyptian trade with India in preference to Arsinoê,[16]
- N. N. E. of Suez, on account of the difficulty and tediousness of
- the navigation down the Heroöpolite Gulf. The vessels bound for
- Africa and the south of Arabia left its harbour about the time of
- the autumnal equinox, when the North West wind which then prevailed
- carried them quickly down the Gulf. Those bound for the Malabar
- Coast or Ceylon left in July, and if they cleared the Red Sea before
- the 1st of September, they had the monsoon to assist their passage
- across the ocean. +Myos Hormos+ was distant from +Koptos+
- [lat. 26° N.], the station on the Nile through which it communicated
- with Alexandria, a journey of seven or eight days along a road opened
- through the desert by Philadelphos. The name +Myos Hormos+ is of
- Greek origin, and may signify either the Harbour of the Mouse, or,
- more probably, of the Mussel, since the pearl mussel abounded in its
- neighbourhood. +Agatharkhidês+ calls it +Aphroditēs Hormos+,
- and Pliny +Veneris Portus+. [Veneris Portus however was probably
- at Sherm Sheikh, lat. 24° 36´ N. Off the coast is Wade Jemâl Island,
- lat. 24° 39´ N., long. 35° 8´ E., called Iambe by Pliny, and perhaps
- the Aphroditês Island of Ptolemy IV. v. 77.] Referring to this name
- Vincent says: “Here if the reader will advert to Aphroditê, the Greek
- title of Venus, as springing from the foam of the ocean, it will
- immediately appear that the Greeks were translating here, for the
- native term to this day is _Suffange-el-Bahri_, ‘sponge of the sea’;
- and the vulgar error of the sponge being the foam of the sea, will
- immediately account for Aphroditê.”
-
- The rival of Myos-Hormos was +Berenikê+, a city built by Ptolemy
- Philadelphos, who so named it in honour of his mother, who was the
- daughter of Ptolemy Lagos and Antigonê. It was in the same parallel
- with Syênê and therefore not far from the Tropic [lat. 23° 55´ N.].
- It stood nearly at the bottom of _Foul Bay_ (ἐν βάθει τοῦ Ἀκαθάρτου
- Κὀλπου), so called from the coast being foul with shoals and breakers,
- and not from the impurity of its water, as its Latin name, _Sinus
- Immundus_, would lead us to suppose. Its ruins are still perceptible
- even to the arrangement of the streets, and in the centre is a small
- Egyptian temple adorned with hieroglyphics and bas-reliefs of Greek
- workmanship. Opposite to the town is a very fine natural harbour, the
- entrance of which has been deep enough for small vessels, though the
- bar is now impassable at low water. Its prosperity under the Ptolemies
- and afterwards under the Romans was owing to its safe anchorage and
- its being, like Myos-Hormos, the terminus of a great road from Koptos
- along which the traffic of Alexandria with Ethiopia, Arabia, and India
- passed to and fro. Its distance from +Koptos+ was 258 Roman miles
- or 11 days’ journey. The distance between Myos-Hormos and Berenikê is
- given in the _Periplûs_ at 225 miles, but this is considerably above
- the mark. The difficulty of the navigation may probably have made the
- distance seem greater than it was in reality.
-
-2. The country which adjoins them on the right below Berenîkê
-is +Barbaria+. Here the sea-board is peopled by the
-+Ikhthyophagoi+, who live in scattered huts built in the narrow
-gorges of the hills, and further inland are the +Berbers+, and
-beyond them the +Agriophagoi+ and +Moskhophagoi+, tribes
-under regular government by kings. Beyond these again, and still
-further inland towards the west [is situated the metropolis called
-Meroê].
-
-
- (2) Adjoining +Berenikê+ was +Barbaria+ (ἡ Βαρβαρικὴ χώρα)—the
- land about Ras Abû Fatima [lat. 22° 26´ N.—Ptol. IV. vii. 28]. The
- reading of the MS. is ἡ Τισηβαρικὴ which Müller rejects because the
- name nowhere occurs in any work, and because if +Barbaria+ is not
- mentioned here, our author could not afterwards (Section 5) say ἡ ἄλλη
- Βαρβαρία. The +Agriophagoi+ who lived in the interior are mentioned
- by Pliny (vi. 35), who says that they lived principally on the flesh
- of panthers and lions. Vincent writes as if instead of Αγριοφάγων the
- reading should be Ακριδοφάγων locust-eaters, who are mentioned by
- Agatharkhidês in his _De Mari Erythraeo_, Section 58. Another inland
- tribe is mentioned in connection with them—the +Moskhophagoi+, who may
- be identified with the +Rizophagoi+ or +Spermatophagoi+ of the same
- writer, who were so named because they lived on roots of the tender
- suckers and buds of trees, called in Greek μόσχοι. This being a term
- applied also to the young of animals, Vincent was led to think that
- this tribe fed on the brinde or flesh cut out of the living animal as
- described by Bruce.
-
-3. Below the +Moskhophagoi+, near the sea, lies a little trading
-town distant from Berenîkê about 4000 stadia, called +Ptolemaïs
-Thêrôn+, from which, in the days of the Ptolemies, the hunters
-employed by them used to go up into the interior to catch elephants. In
-this mart is procured the true (or marine) tortoise-shell, and the land
-kind also, which, however, is scarce, of a white colour, and smaller
-size. A little ivory is also sometimes obtainable, resembling that of
-+Adouli+. This place has no port, and is approachable only by
-boats.
-
-
- (3) To the south of the Moskhophagoi lies +Ptolemaïs Thêrôn+,
- or, as it is called by Pliny, +Ptolemaïs Epitheras+. [On
- Er-rih island, lat. 18° 9´ N., long 38° 27´ E., are the ruins of an
- ancient town—probably Ptolemaïs Therôn—Müller however places Suche
- here.—Ptol. I. viii. 1.; IV. vii. 7; VIII. xvi. 10]. It was originally
- an Ethiopian village, but was extended and fortified by Ptolemy
- Philadelphos, who made it the depôt of the elephant trade, for which
- its situation on the skirts of the great Nubian forest, where these
- animals abounded, rendered it peculiarly suitable. The Egyptians
- before this had imported their elephants from Asia, but as the supply
- was precarious, and the cost of importation very great, Philadelphos
- made the most tempting offers to the Ethiopian elephant-hunters
- (Elephantophagoi) to induce them to abstain from eating the animal,
- or to reserve at least a portion of them for the royal stables. They
- rejected however all his solicitations, declaring that even for all
- Egypt they would not forego the luxury of their repast. The king
- resolved thereupon to procure his supplies by employing hunters of his
- own.
-
-4. Leaving Ptolemaïs Thêrôn we are conducted, at the distance of about
-3000 stadia, to +Adouli+, a regular and established port of trade
-situated on a deep bay the direction of which is due south. Facing
-this, at a distance seaward of about 200 stadia from the inmost recess
-of the bay, lies an island called +Oreinê+ (or ‘the mountainous’),
-which runs on either side parallel with the mainland. Ships, that come
-to trade with Adouli, now-a-days anchor here, to avoid being attacked
-from the shore; for in former times when they used to anchor at the
-very head of the bay, beside an island called +Diodôros+, which
-was so close to land that the sea was fordable, the neighbouring
-barbarians, taking advantage of this, would run across to attack the
-ships at their moorings. At the distance of 20 stadia from the sea,
-opposite +Oreinê+, is the village of Adouli, which is not of any
-great size, and inland from this a three days’ journey is a city,
-+Kolöê+, the first market where ivory can be procured. From Kolöê
-it takes a journey of five days to reach the metropolis of the people
-called the +Auxumitae+, whereto is brought, through the province
-called +Kyêneion+, all the ivory obtained on the other side of
-the Nile, before it is sent on to Adouli. The whole mass, I may say,
-of the elephants and rhinoceroses which are killed _to supply the
-trade_ frequent the uplands _of the interior_, though at rare times
-they are seen near the coast, even in the neighbourhood of Adouli.
-Besides the islands already mentioned, a cluster consisting of many
-small ones lies out in the sea to the right of this port. They bear
-the name of +Alalaiou+, and yield the tortoises with which the
-+Ikhthyophagoi+ supply the market.
-
-
- (4) Beyond +Ptolemaïs Thêrôn+ occurs +Adoulê+, at a
- distance, according to the _Periplûs_, of 3000 stadia—a somewhat
- excessive estimate. The place is called also +Adoulei+ and more
- commonly Adoulis by ancient writers (Ptol. IV. vii. 8; VIII. xvi. 11).
- It is represented by the modern Thulla or Zula [pronounced Azule,—lat.
- 15° 12´-15° 15´ N., long. 39° 36´ E.].—To the West of this, according
- to Lord Valentia and Mr. Salt, there are to be found the remains
- of an ancient city. It was situated on the +Adoulikos Kolpos+
- (Ptol. I. xv. 11.; IV. vii. 8), now called Annesley Bay, the best
- entrance into Abyssinia. It was erroneously placed by D’Anville at
- Dokhnau or Harkiko, close to Musawwâ [lat. 15° 35´ N.] There is much
- probability in the supposition that it was founded by a party of those
- Egyptians who, as we learn from Herodotos (II. 30), to the number of
- 240,000 fled from their country in the days of Psammêtikḥos (B.
- C. 671-617) and went to as great a distance beyond Meroë, the
- capital of Ethiopia, as Meroë is beyond Elephantinê. This is the
- account which Pliny (VI. 3-4) gives of its foundation, adding that
- it was the greatest emporium of the +Troglodytes+, and distant
- from +Ptolemaïs+ a five days’ voyage, which by the ordinary
- reckoning is 2,500 stadia. It was an emporium for rhinoceros’ hides,
- ivory and tortoise-shell. It had not only a large sea-borne traffic,
- but was also a caravan station for the traffic of the interior of
- Africa. Under the Romans it was the haven of +Auxumê+ (Ptol.
- IV. vii. 25,—written also Auxumis, Axumis), now Axum, the capital
- of the kingdom of Tigre in Abyssinia. +Auxumê+ was the chief
- centre of the trade with the interior of Africa in gold-dust, ivory,
- leather, hides and aromatics. It was rising to great prosperity and
- power about the time the _Periplûs_ was written, which is the earliest
- work extant in which it is mentioned. It was probably founded by the
- Egyptian exiles already referred to. Its remaining monuments are
- perfectly Egyptian and not pastoral, Troglodytik, Greek, or Arabian in
- their character. Its name at the same time retains traces of the term
- +Asmak+, by which, as we learn from Herodotos, those exiles were
- designated, and Heeren considers it to have been one of the numerous
- priest-colonies which were sent out from Meroë.
-
- At Adouli was a celebrated monument, a throne of white marble
- with a slab of basanite stone behind it, both covered with Greek
- characters, which in the sixth century of our era were copied by
- +Kosmas Indikopleustês+. The passage in Kosmos relating to this
- begins thus: “+Adulê+ is a city of Ethiopia and the port of
- communication with +Axiômis+, and the whole nation of which
- that city is the capital. In this port we carry on our trade from
- Alexandria and the Elanitik Gulf. The town itself is about a mile
- from the shore, and as you enter it on the Western side which leads
- from +Axiômis+, there is still remaining a chair or throne which
- appertained to one of the Ptolemys who had subjected this country to
- his authority.” The first portion of the inscription records that
- Ptolemy Euergetês (247-222 B.C.) received from the Troglodyte
- Arabs and Ethiopians certain elephants which his father, the second
- king of the Makedonian dynasty, and himself had taken in hunting in
- the region of ADULÊ and trained to war in their own kingdom.
- The second portion of the inscription commemorates the conquests of an
- anonymous Ethiopian king in Arabia and Ethiopia as far as the frontier
- of Egypt. +Adouli+, it is known for certain, received its name
- from a tribe so designated which formed a part of the +Danakil+
- shepherds who are still found in the neighbourhood of Annesley Bay,
- in the island of Diset [lat. 15° 28´, long. 30° 45´, the Diodôros
- perhaps of the _Periplûs_] opposite which is the town or station of
- Masawâ (anc. Saba) [lat. 15° 37´ N., long. 39° 28´ E.], and also
- in the archipelago of +Dhalak+, called in the _Periplûs_, the
- islands of +Alalaiou+. The merchants of Egypt, we learn from the
- work, first traded at Masawwâ but afterwards removed to Oreinê for
- security. This is an islet in the south of the Bay of Masawwâ, lying
- 20 miles from the coast; it is a rock as its name imports, and is of
- considerable elevation.
-
- +Aduli+ being the best entrance into Abyssinia, came prominently
- into notice during the late Abyssinian war. Beke thus speaks of it,
- “In our recent visit to Abyssinia I saw quite enough to confirm the
- opinion I have so long entertained, that when the ancient Greeks
- founded Adule or Adulis at the mouth of the river Hadâs, now only a
- river bed except during the rains, though a short way above there is
- rain all the year round, they knew that they possessed one of the keys
- of Abyssinia.”
-
-5. Below Adouli, about 800 stadia, occurs another very deep bay,
-at the entrance of which on the right are vast accumulations of
-sand, wherein is found deeply embedded the Opsian stone, which is
-not obtainable anywhere else. The king of all this country, from
-the +Moskhophagoi+ to the other end of +Barbaria+, is
-+Zôskalês+, a man at once of penurious habits and of a grasping
-disposition, but otherwise honourable in his dealings and instructed in
-the Greek language.
-
-
- (5) At a distance of about 100 miles beyond +Adouli+ the coast
- is indented by another bay now known as +Hanfelah+ bay [near
- Râs Hanfelah in lat. 14° 44´, long. 40° 49´ E.] about 100 miles from
- Annesley Bay and opposite an island called Daramsas or Hanfelah. It
- has wells of good water and a small lake of fresh water after the
- rains; the coast is inhabited by the Dummoeta, a tribe of the Danakil.
- This is the locality where, and where only, the Opsian or Obsidian
- stone was to be found. Pliny calls it an unknown bay, because traders
- making for the ports of Arabia passed it by without deviating from
- their course to enter it. He was aware, as well as our author, that
- it contained the Opsian stone, of which he gives an account, already
- produced in the introduction.
-
-6. These articles which these places import are the following:—
-
-Ἱμάτια βαρβαρικα, ἄγναφα τὰ ἐν Ἀιγύπτω γινόμενα—Cloth undressed, of
-Egyptian manufacture, for the Barbarian market.
-
-Στολὰι Ἀρσινοητικὰι—Robes manufactured at Arsinoê.
-
- Ἀβόλλαι νόθοι χρωμάτιναι—Cloaks, made of a poor cloth imitating a
-better quality, and dyed.
-
-Λέντια—Linens.
-
-Δικρόσσια—Striped cloths and fringed. Mantles with a double fringe.
-
-Λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλείονα γένη καὶ ἄλλης μορρίνης, τῆς γινομένης έν
-Διοσπόλει—Many sorts of glass or crystal, and of that other transparent
-stone called Myrrhina, made at Diospolis.
-
-Ὀρείχαλκος—Yellow copper, for ornaments and cut into pieces to pass for
-money.
-
-Μελίεφθα χαλκᾶ—Copper fused with honey: for culinary vessels and
-cutting into bracelets and anklets worn by certain classes of women.
-
-Σίδηρος—Iron. Consumed in making spearheads for hunting the elephant
-and other animals and in making weapons of war.
-
-Πελύκια—Hatchets.
-
-Σκέπαρνα—Adzes.
-
-Μάχαιραι—Swords.
-
-Ποτήρια χαλκᾶ στρογγύλα μεγάλα—Drinking vessels of brass, large and
-round.
-
-Δηνάριον ὀλίγον—A small quantity of denarii: for the use of merchants
-resident in the country.
-
-Οἶνος Λαοδικηνὸς καὶ Ἰταλικὸς οῦ πολῦς—Wine, Laodikean, _i.e._ Syrian,
-from Laodike, (now Latakia) and Italian, but not much.
-
-Ἔλαιον οὐ πολύ—Oil, but not much.
-
-Ἀργυρώματα καὶ χρυσώματα τοπικῷ ῥυθμῷ κατεσκευασμέναι—Gold and silver
-plate made according to the fashion of the country for the king.
-
-Ἀβόλλαι—Cloaks for riding or for the camp.
-
-Καυνάκαὶ ἁπλοῖ—Dresses simply made of skins with the hair or fur on.
-These two articles of dress are not of much value.
-
-These articles are imported from the interior parts of Ariakê:—
-
-Σίδηρος Ἰνδικὸς—Indian iron.
-
-Στόμωμα—Sharp blades.
-
- Ὀθόνιον Ἰνδικὸν τὸ πλατύτερον, ἡ λεγομένη μοναχὴ.—Monakhê,[17] Indian
-cotton cloth of great width.
-
-Σαγματογῆναι—Cotton for stuffing.
-
-Περιζώματα—Sashes or girdles.
-
-Καυνάκαὶ—Dresses of skin with the hair or fur on.
-
-Μολόχινα—Webs of cloth mallow-tinted.
-
-Σινδόνες ὀλίγαι—Fine muslins in small quantity.
-
-Λάκκος χρωμάτινος—Gum-lac: yielding Lake.
-
-The articles locally produced for export are ivory, tortoise-shell, and
-rhinoceros. Most of the goods which supply the market arrive any time
-from January to September—that is, from Tybi to Thôth. The best season,
-however, for ships from Egypt to put in here is about the month of
-September.
-
-7. From this bay the Arabian Gulf trends eastward, and at
-+Aualitês+ is contracted to its narrowest. At a distance of
-about 4000 stadia (_from Adouli_), if you still sail along the same
-coast, you reach other marts of +Barbaria+, called the marts
-beyond (_the Straits_), which occur in successive order, and which,
-though harbourless, afford at certain seasons of the year good
-and safe anchorage. The first district you come to is that called
-+Aualitês+, where the passage across the strait to the opposite
-point of Arabia is shortest. Here is a small port of trade, called,
-like the district, +Aualitês+, which can be approached only by
-little boats and rafts. The imports of this place are—
-
-Ὑαλὴ λίθια σύμμικτος—Flint glass of various sorts.
-
-Χυλός] Διοσπολιτικῆς ὄμφακος—Juice of the sour grape of Diospolis.
-
-Ἰμάτια βαρβαρικὰ σύμμικτα γεγναμμένα—Cloths of different kinds worn in
-Barbaria dressed by the fuller.
-
-Σῖτος—Corn.
-
-Οἶνος—Wine.
-
-Κασσιτερος ὀλίγος—A little tin.
-
-The exports, which are sometimes conveyed on rafts across the straits
-by the +Berbers+ themselves to +Okêlis+ and +Mouza+ on
-the opposite coast, are—
-
-Ἀρώματα—Odoriferous gums.
-
-Ἐλέφας ὀλίγος—Ivory in small quantity.
-
-Χελώνη—Tortoise-shell.
-
-Σμύρνα ἐλαχίστη διαφέρουσα δὲ τῆς ἄλλης—Myrrh in very small quantity,
-but of the finest sort.
-
-Μάκειρ—Macer.
-
-The barbarians forming the population of the place are _rude and_
-lawless men.
-
-
-(6, 7) From this bay the coast of the gulf, according to our author,
-has a more easterly direction to the Straits, the distance to which
-from Adouli is stated at 4,000 stadia, an estimate much too liberal.
-In all this extent of coast the _Periplûs_ mentions only the bay of
-the Opsian-stones and conducts us at once from thence to Aualités at
-the straits. Strabo however, and Juba, and Pliny, and Ptolemy mention
-several places in this tract, such as +Arsinoë+, +Berenîkê+,
-+Epideirês+, the Grove of Eumenês, the Chase of Puthangelos, the
-Territory of the Elephantophagoi, &c. The straits are called by Ptolemy
-+Deirê+ or +Dêrê+ (_i. e._ the neck), a word which from its
-resemblance in sound to the Latin _Dirae_ has sometimes been explained
-to mean “the terrible.” (I. xv. 11; IV. vii. 9; VIII. xvi. 12). “The
-_Periplûs_,” Vincent remarks, “makes no mention of Deirê, but observes
-that the point of contraction is close to +Abalitês+ or the
-Abalitik mart; it is from this mart that the coast of Africa falling
-down first to the South and curving afterwards towards the East is
-styled the Bay of +Aualitês+ by Ptolemy, (IV. vii. 10, 20, 27, 30,
-39,) but in the _Periplûs_ this name is confined to a bay immediately
-beyond the straits which D’Anville has likewise inserted in his map,
-but which I did not fully understand till I obtained Captain Cook’s
-chart and found it perfectly consistent with the _Periplûs_.” It is the
-gulf of Tejureh or Zeyla.
-
-The tract of country extending from the Straits to Cape Arômata
-(now Guardafui) is called at the present day +Adel+. It is
-described by Strabo (XVI. iv. 14), who copies his account of it from
-Artemidoros. He mentions no emporium, nor any of the names which occur
-in the _Periplûs_ except the haven of Daphnous. [Bandar Mariyah, lat.
-11° 46´ N., long. 50° 38´ E.] He supplies however many particulars
-regarding the region which are left unnoticed by our author as having
-no reference to commerce—particulars, however, which prove that
-these parts which were resorted to in the times of the Ptolemies for
-elephant-hunting were much better known to the ancients than they
-were till quite recently known to ourselves. Ptolemy gives nearly the
-same series of names (IV. vii. 9, 10) as the _Periplûs_, but with some
-discrepancies in the matter of their distances which he does not so
-accurately state. His list is: +Dêre+, a city; +Abalitês+
-or Aualitês, a mart; +Malaô+, a mart; +Moundou+ or
-+Mondou+, a mart; Mondou, an island; Mosulon, a cape and a mart;
-+Kobê+, a mart; +Elephas+, a mountain; +Akkanai+ or
-Akannai, a mart; +Arômata+, a cape and a mart.
-
-The mart of +Abalitês+ is represented by the modern +Zeyla+
-[lat. 11° 22´ N., long. 43° 29´ E., 79 miles from the straits.] On
-the N. shore of the gulf are Abalit and Tejureh. Abalit is 43 miles
-from the straits, and Tejureh 27 miles from Abalit. This is the
-+Zouileh+ of Ebn Haukal and the +Zalegh+ of Idrisi. According
-to the _Periplûs_ it was near the straits, but Ptolemy has fixed it
-more correctly at the distance from them of 50 or 60 miles.
-
-8. Beyond Aualitês there is another mart, superior to it, called
-+Malaô+, at a distance by sea of 800 stadia. The anchorage is
-an open road, sheltered, however, by a cape protruding eastward. The
-people are of a more peaceable disposition than their neighbours. The
-imports are such as have been already specified, with the addition of—
-
-Πλείονες χιτῶνες—Tunics in great quantity.
-
-Σάγοι Ἀρσινοητικοι γεγναμμένοι καὶ βεβαμμένοι—Coarse cloaks (or
-blankets) manufactured at Arsinoê, prepared by the fuller and dyed.
-
-Μελίεφθα ὀλίγα—A few utensils made of copper fused with honey.
-
-Σίδερος—Iron.
-
-Δηνάριον οὐ πολὺ χρυσοῦντε καὶ ἀργυροῦν—Specie,—gold and silver, but
-not much.
-
-The exports from this locality are—
-
-Σμύρνα—Myrrh.
-
-Λίβανος ὁ περατικος ὀλίγὸς—Frankincense _which we call peratic_, _i.e._
-from beyond the straits, a little only.
-
-Κασσία σκληροτέρα—Cinnamon of a hard grain.
-
-Δούακα—Douaka (_an inferior kind of cinnamon_).
-
-Κάγκαμον—The gum (_for fumigation_) _kangkamon_. ‘Dekamalli,’ gum.
-
-Μάκειρ—The spice _macer_, which is carried to Arabia.
-
-Σώματα σπανίως—Slaves, a few.
-
-
- (8) +Malaô+ as a mart was much superior to Abalitês, from which
- our author estimates its distance to be 800 stadia, though it is in
- reality greater. From the description he gives of its situation it
- must be identified with Berbereh [lat. 10° 25´ N., long. 45° 1´ E.]
- now the most considerable mart on this part of the coast. Vincent
- erroneously places it between Zeyla and the straits.
-
-9. Distant from +Malaô+ two days’ sail is the trading port of
-+Moundou+, where ships find a safer anchorage by mooring at an
-island which lies very close to shore. The exports and imports are
-similar to those of the preceding marts, with the addition of the
-fragrant gum called _Mokrotou_, a peculiar product of the place. The
-native traders here are uncivilized in their manners.
-
-
- (9) The next mart after Malaô is +Moundou+, which, as we learn
- from Ptolemy, was also the name of an adjacent island—that which is
- now called Meyet or Burnt-island [lat. 11° 12´ N., long. 47° 17´ E.,
- 10 miles east of Bandar Jedid].
-
-10. After +Moundou+, if you sail eastward as before for two or
-three days, there comes next +Mosullon+, where it is difficult to
-anchor. It imports the same sorts of commodities as have been already
-mentioned, and also utensils of silver and others of iron but not so
-many, and glass-ware. It exports a vast amount of cinnamon (whence
-it is a port requiring ships of heavy burden) and other fragrant and
-aromatic products, besides tortoise-shell, but in no great quantity,
-and the incense called _mokrotou_ inferior to that of Moundou, and
-frankincense brought from parts further distant, and ivory and myrrh
-though in small quantity.
-
-
- (10) At a distance beyond it of two or three days’ sail occurs
- +Mosulon+, which is the name both of a mart and of a promontory.
- It is mentioned by Pliny (VI. 34), who says: “Further on is the bay
- of +Abalitês+, the island of +Diodôrus+ and other islands
- which are desert. On the mainland, which has also deserts, occur a
- town +Gaza+ [Bandar Gazim, long. 49° 13´ E.], the promontory and
- port of +Mosylon+, whence cinnamon is exported. Sesostris led
- his army to this point and no further. Some writers place one town
- of Ethiopia beyond it, Baricaza, which lies on the coast. According
- to Juba the Atlantic Sea begins at the promontory of Mossylon.” Juba
- evidently confounded this promontory with Cape Arômata, and Ptolemy,
- perhaps in consequence, makes its projection more considerable than
- it is. D’Anville and Gosselin thought +Mossulon+ was situated
- near the promontory Mete, where is a river, called the Soal, which
- they supposed preserved traces of the name of Mossulon. This
- position however cannot be reconciled with the distances given in
- the _Periplûs_, which would lead us to look for it where Guesele is
- placed in the latest description given of this coast. Vincent on very
- inadequate grounds would identify it with Barbara or Berbera. [Müller
- places it at Bandar Barthe and Ras Antarah, long. 49° 35´ E.]
-
-11. After leaving +Mosullon+, and sailing past a place called
-+Neiloptolemaios+, and past +Tapatêgê+ and the Little
-Laurel-grove, you are conducted in two days to Capo +Elephant+.
-Here is a stream called +Elephant+ River, and the Great
-Laurel-grove called +Akannai+, where, and where only, is produced
-the _peratic_ frankincense. The supply is most abundant, and it is of
-the very finest quality.
-
-
- (11) After Mosulon occurs Cape Elephant, at some distance
- beyond +Neiloptolemaios+, +Tapatêgê+, and the Little
- Laurel-grove. At the Cape is a river and the Great Laurel-grove
- called +Akannai+. Strabo in his account of this coast mentions a
- Neilospotamia which however can hardly be referred to this particular
- locality which pertains to the region through which the Khori or San
- Pedro flows, of which Idrisi (I. 45) thus writes: “At two journeys’
- distance from Markah in the desert is a river which is subject to
- risings like the Nile and on the banks of which they sow dhorra.”
- Regarding Cape Elephant Vincent says, “it is formed by a mountain
- conspicuous in the Portuguese charts under the name of Mount Felix
- or Felles from the native term Jibel Fîl, literally, Mount Elephant.
- The cape [Ras Filik, 800 ft. high, lat. 11° 57´ N., long. 50° 37´ E.]
- is formed by the land jutting up to the North from the direction of
- the coast which is nearly East and West, and from its northernmost
- point the land falls off again South-East to Râs 'Asir—Cape Guardafui,
- the Arômata of the ancients. We learn from Captain Saris, an English
- navigator, that there is a river at Jibel Fîl. In the year 1611 he
- stood into a bay or harbour there which he represents as having a safe
- entrance for three ships abreast: he adds also that several sorts of
- gums very sweet in burning were still purchased by the Indian ships
- from Cambay which touched here for that purpose in their passage to
- Mocha.” The passage in the _Periplûs_ where these places are mentioned
- is very corrupt. Vincent, who regards the greater +Daphnôn+
- (Laurel-grove) as a river called +Akannai+, says, “Neither place
- or distance is assigned to any of these names, but we may well allot
- the rivers Daphnôn and Elephant to the synonymous town and cape; and
- these may be represented by the modern Mete and Santa Pedro.” [Müller
- places Elephas at Ras el Fîl, long. 50° 37´ E., and Akannai at Ulûlah
- Bandar, long. 50° 56´ E., but they may be represented by Ras Ahileh,
- where a river enters through a lagoon in 11° 46´, and Bonah, a town
- with wells of good water in lat. 11° 58´ N., long. 50° 51´ E.]
-
-12. After this, the coast now inclining to the south, succeeds the mart
-of +Arômata+, and a bluff headland running out eastward which
-forms the termination of the Barbarine coast. The roadstead is an open
-one, and at certain seasons dangerous, as the place lies exposed to the
-north wind. A coming storm gives warning of its approach by a peculiar
-prognostic, for the sea turns turbid at the bottom and changes its
-colour. When this occurs, all hasten for refuge to the great promontory
-called +Tabai+, which affords a secure shelter. The imports into
-this mart are such as have been already mentioned; while its products
-are cinnamon, gizeir (_a finer sort of cinnamon_), asuphê (_an ordinary
-sort_), fragrant gums, magla, motô (_an inferior cinnamon_), and
-frankincense.
-
-
- (12) We come now to the great projection Cape Arômata, which is
- a continuation of Mount Elephant. It is called in Arabic +Jerd
- Hafûn+ or Ras Asir; in Idrisi, +Carfouna+, whence the name by
- which it is generally known. [The South point 11° 40´ is Râs Shenarif
- or Jerd Hafûn; the N. point 11° 51´ is Râs 'Asir.] It formed the limit
- of the knowledge of this coast in the time of Strabo, by whom it is
- called +Notou Keras+ or South Horn. It is described as a very
- high bluff point and as perpendicular as if it were scarped. [Jerd
- Hafûn is 2500 feet high.] The current comes round it out of the gulf
- with such violence that it is not to be stemmed without a brisk wind,
- and during the South-West Monsoon, the moment you are past the Cape to
- the North there is a stark calm with insufferable heat. The current
- below Jerd Hafûn is noticed by the _Periplûs_ as setting to the South,
- and is there perhaps equally subject to the change of the monsoon.
- With this account of the coast from the straits to the great Cape may
- be compared that which has been given by Strabo, XVI. iv. 14:
-
- “From +Deirê+ the next country is that which bears
- aromatic plants. The first produces myrrh and belongs to the
- +Ichthyophagi+ and +Creophagi+. It bears also the
- persea, peach or Egyptian almond, and the Egyptian fig. Beyond is
- +Licha+, a hunting ground for elephants. There are also in many
- places standing pools of rainwater. When these are dried up, the
- elephants with their trunks and tusks dig holes and find water. On
- this coast there are two very large lakes extending as far as the
- promontory Pytholaus. One of them contains salt water and is called
- a sea; the other fresh water and is the haunt of hippopotami and
- crocodiles. On the margin grows the papyrus. The ibis is seen in
- the neighbourhood of this place. Next is the country which produces
- frankincense; it has a promontory and a temple with a grove of
- poplars. In the inland parts is a tract along the banks of a river
- bearing the name of +Isis+, and another that of +Nilus+,
- both of which produce myrrh and frankincense. Also a lagoon filled
- with water from the mountains. Next the watch-post of the Lion and the
- port of +Pythangelus+. The next tract bears the false cassia.
- There are many tracts in succession on the sides of rivers on which
- frankincense grows, and rivers extending to the cinnamon country.
- The river which bounds this tract produces rushes (φλους) in great
- abundance. Then follows another river and the port of +Daphnus+,
- and a valley called +Apollo+’s which bears besides frankincense,
- myrrh and cinnamon. The latter is more abundant in places far in
- the interior. Next is the mountain +Elephas+, a mountain
- projecting into the sea and a creek; then follows the large harbour
- of +Psygmus+, a watering place called that of +Kunocephali+
- and the last promontory of this coast +Notu-ceras+ (or the
- Southern Horn). After doubling this cape towards the south we have
- no more descriptions of harbours or places because nothing is known
- of the sea-coast beyond this point.” [Bohn’s _Transl._] According to
- Gosselin, the Southern Horn corresponds with the Southern Cape of
- Bandel-caus, where commences the desert coast of Ajan, the ancient
- +Azania+.
-
- According to the _Periplûs_ Cape +Arômata+ marked the termination
- of +Barbaria+ and the beginning of +Azania+. Ptolemy however
- distinguishes them differently, defining the former as the interior
- and the latter as the sea-board of the region to which these names
- were applied.
-
- The description of the Eastern Coast of Africa which now follows is
- carried, as has been already noticed, as far as +Rhapta+, a place
- about 6 degrees South of the Equator, but which Vincent places much
- farther South, identifying it with Kilwa.
-
- The places named on this line of coast are: a promontory called
- +Tabai+, a Khersonesos; +Opônê+, a mart; the Little
- and the Great +Apokopa+; the Little and the Great Coast;
- the +Dromoi+ or courses of +Azania+ (first that of
- +Serapiôn+, then that of +Nikôn+); a number of rivers;
- a succession of anchorages, seven in number; the +Paralaoi+
- islands; a strait or canal; the island of +Menouthias+; and
- then +Rhapta+, beyond which, as the author conceived, the ocean
- curved round Africa until it met and amalgamated with the Hesperian or
- Western Ocean.
-
-13. If, on sailing from +Tabai+, you follow the coast of the
-peninsula _formed by the promontory_, you are carried by the force of a
-strong current to another mart 400 stadia distant, called +Opônê+,
-which imports the commodities already mentioned, but produces most
-abundantly cinnamon, spice, _motô_, slaves of a very superior sort,
-chiefly for the Egyptian market, and tortoise-shell of small size but
-in large quantity and of the finest quality known.
-
- (13) Tabai, to which the inhabitants of the Great Cape fled for
- refuge on the approach of a storm, cannot, as Vincent and others have
- supposed, be Cape Orfui, for it lay at too great a distance for the
- purpose. The projection is meant which the Arabs call Banna. [Or,
- Tabai may be identified with Râs Shenarif, lat. 11° 40´ N.] Tabai,
- Müller suggests, may be a corruption for Tabannai.
-
- “From the foreign term Banna,” he says, “certain Greeks in the manner
- of their countrymen invented +Panos+ or +Panôn+ or Panô or
- Panôna Kômê. Thus in Ptolemy (I. 17 and IV. 7) after Arômata follows
- +Panôn Kômê+, which Mannert has identified with Benna. [Khor
- Banneh is a salt lake, with a village, inside Râs Ali Beshgêl, lat.
- 11° 9´ N., long. 51° 9´ E.] Stephen of Byzantium may be compared,
- who speaks of +Panos+ as a village on the Red Sea which is also
- called +Panôn+.” The conjecture, therefore, of Letronnius that
- +Panôn Kômê+ derived its name from the large apes found there,
- called +Pânes+, falls to the ground. +Opônê+ was situated on
- the Southern shores of what the _Periplûs_ calls a Khersonese, which
- can only be the projection now called +Ras Hafûn+ or Cape D’Orfui
- (lat. 10° 25´ N.). Ptolemy (I. 17) gives the distance of +Opônê+
- from +Panôn Kômê+ at a 6 days’ journey, from which according
- to the _Periplûs_ it was only 400 stadia distant. That the text of
- Ptolemy is here corrupt cannot be doubted, for in his tables the
- distance between the two places is not far from that which is given
- in the _Periplûs_. Probably, as Müller conjectures, he wrote ὁδόν
- ἡμέρας (a day’s journey) which was converted into ὁδόν ἡμερ. ϛ´ (a
- six-days’ journey).
-
-14. Ships set sail from Egypt for all these ports beyond the straits
-about the month of July—that is, Epiphi. The same markets are
-also regularly supplied with the products of places far beyond
-them—+Ariakê+ and +Barugaza+. These products are—
-
-Σῖτος—Corn.
-
-Ὀρυζα[18]—Rice.
-
-Βούτυρον—Butter, i. e. _ghî_.
-
-Ἔλαιον σησάμινον—Oil of sesamum.
-
-Ὀθόνιον ἥ τε μοναχὴ καὶ ἡ σαγματογήνη—Fine cotton called _Monakhê_, and
-a coarse kind for stuffing called _Sagmatogene_.
-
- Περιζώματα—Sashes or girdles.
-
-Μέλι τὸ καλάμινον τὸ λεγόμενον σάκχαρι.—The honey of a reed, called
-_sugar_.
-
-Some traders undertake voyages for this commerce expressly, while
-others, as they sail along the coast _we are describing_, exchange
-their cargoes for such others as they can procure. There is no king who
-reigns paramount over all this region, but each separate seat of trade
-is ruled by an independent despot of its own.
-
-
- (14) At this harbour is introduced the mention of the voyage which was
- annually made between the coast of India and Africa in days previous
- to the appearance of the Greeks on the Indian Ocean, which has already
- been referred to.
-
-15. After +Opônê+, the coast now trending more to the south, you
-come first to what are called the little and the great +Apokopa+
-(or Bluffs) of +Azania+, where there are no harbours, but only
-roads in which ships can conveniently anchor. The navigation of this
-coast, the direction of which is now to the south-west, occupies six
-days. Then follow the Little Coast and the Great Coast, occupying other
-six days, when in due order succeed the +Dromoi+ (or Courses) of
-+Azania+, the one going by the name of +Sarapiôn+, and the
-other by that of +Nikôn+. Proceeding thence, you pass the mouths
-of numerous rivers, and a succession of other roadsteads lying apart
-one from another a day’s distance either by sea or by land. There are
-seven of them altogether, and they reach on to the +Puralaoi+
-islands and the _narrow strait_ called the Canal, beyond which, where
-the coast changes its direction from south-west slightly more to
-south, you are conducted by a voyage of two days and two nights to
-+Menouthias+, an island stretching towards sunset, and distant
-from the mainland about 300 stadia. It is low-lying and woody, has
-rivers, and a vast variety of birds, and yields the mountain tortoise,
-but it has no wild beasts at all, except only crocodiles, which,
-however, are quite harmless. The boats are here made of planks sewn
-together attached to a keel formed of a single log of wood, and these
-are used for fishing and for catching turtle. This is also caught
-in another mode, peculiar to the island, by lowering wicker-baskets
-instead of nets, and fixing them against the mouths of the cavernous
-rocks which lie out in the sea confronting the beach.
-
-
- (15) After leaving +Opônê+ the coast first runs due south, then
- bends to the south-west, and here begins the coast which is called the
- Little and the Great +Apokopa+ or Bluffs of +Azania+, the
- voyage along which occupies six days. This rocky coast, as we learn
- from recent explorations, begins at +Râs Mabber+ [about lat. 9°
- 25´ N.], which is between 70 and 80 miles distant from Ras Hafûn and
- extends only to +Râs-ul-Kheil+ [about lat. 7° 45´ N.], which is
- distant from Râs Mabber about 140 miles or a voyage of three or four
- days only. The length of this rocky coast (called +Hazine+ by the
- Arabs) is therefore much exaggerated in the _Periplûs_. From this
- error we may infer that our author, who was a very careful observer,
- had not personally visited this coast. Ptolemy, in opposition to
- Marînos as well as the _Periplûs_, recognizes but one +Apokopa+,
- which he speaks of as a bay. Müller concludes an elaborate note
- regarding the +Apokopa+ by the following quotation from the work
- of Owen, who made the exploration already referred to, “It is strange
- that the descriptive term +Hazine+ should have produced the names
- +Ajan+, +Azan+ and +Azania+ in many maps and charts, as
- the country never had any other appellation than +Barra Somâli+
- or the land of the +Somâli+, a people who have never yet been
- collected under one government, and whose limits of subjection are
- only within bow-shot of individual chiefs. The coast of Africa from
- the Red Sea to the river Juba is inhabited by the tribe called
- +Somâli+. They are a mild people of pastoral habits and confined
- entirely to the coast; the whole of the interior being occupied by an
- untameable tribe of savages called +Galla+.”
-
- The coast which follows the +Apokopa+, called the Little and
- the Great +Aigialos+ or Coast, is so desolate that, as Vincent
- remarks, not a name occurs on it, neither is there an anchorage
- noticed, nor the least trace of commerce to be found. Yet it is of
- great extent—a six days’ voyage according to the _Periplûs_, but,
- according to Ptolemy, who is here more correct, a voyage of eight
- days, for, as we have seen, the _Periplûs_ has unduly extended the
- +Apokopa+ to the South.
-
- Next follow the +Dromoi+ or Courses of +Azania+, the first
- called that of +Serapiôn+ and the other that of +Nikôn+.
- Ptolemy interposes a bay between the Great Coast and the port of
- +Serapiôn+, on which he states there was an emporium called
- +Essina+—a day’s sail distant from that port. Essina, it would
- therefore appear, must have been somewhere near where +Makdashû+
- [Magadoxo, lat. 2° 3´ N.] was built by the Arabs somewhere in the
- eighth century A.D. The station called that of +Nikôn+
- in the _Periplûs_ appears in Ptolemy as the mart of +Tonikê+.
- These names are not, as some have supposed, of Greek origin, but
- distortions of the native appellations of the places into names
- familiar to Greek ears. That the Greeks had founded any settlements
- here is altogether improbable. At the time when the _Periplûs_ was
- written all the trade of these parts was in the hands of the Arabs
- of +Mouza+. The port of +Serapiôn+ may be placed at a
- promontory which occurs in 1° 40´ of N. lat. From this, +Tonikê+,
- according to the tables of Ptolemy, was distant 45´, and its position
- must therefore have agreed with that of +Torre+ or Torra of our
- modern maps.
-
- Next occurs a succession of rivers and roadsteads, seven in number,
- which being passed we are conducted to the +Puralaän+ Islands,
- and what is called a canal or channel (διώρυξ). These islands are
- not mentioned elsewhere. They can readily be identified with the two
- called +Manda+ and +Lamou+, which are situate at the mouths
- of large rivers, and are separated from the mainland and from each
- other by a narrow channel. Vincent would assign a Greek origin to the
- name of these islands. “With a very slight alteration,” he says, “of
- the reading, the Puralian Islands (Πῦρ ἁλιον, _marine fire_,) are the
- islands of the Fiery Ocean, and nothing seems more consonant to reason
- than for a Greek to apply the name of the Fiery Ocean to a spot which
- was the centre of the Torrid Zone and subject to the perpendicular
- rays of an equinoctial sun.” [The Juba islands run along the coast
- from Juba to about Lat. 1° 50´ S., and Manda bay and island is in Lat.
- 2° 12´ S.]
-
- Beyond these islands occurs, after a voyage of two days and two
- nights, the island of +Menouthias+ or +Menouthesias+, which
- it has been found difficult to identify with any certainty. “It is,”
- says Vincent, “the _Eitenediommenouthesias_ of the _Periplûs_, a term
- egregiously strange and corrupted, but out of which the commentators
- unanimously collect Menoothias, whatever may be the fate of the
- remaining syllables. That this Menoothias,” he continues, “must have
- been one of the Zangibar islands is indubitable; for the distance
- from the coast of all three, Pemba, Zangibar, and Momfia, affords
- a character which is indelible; a character applicable to no other
- island from Guardafui to Madagascar.” He then identifies it with the
- island of Zangibar, lat. 6° 5´ S., in preference to Pemba, 5° 6´ S.,
- which lay too far out of the course, and in preference to Momfia, 7°
- 50´ S. (though more doubtfully), because of its being by no means
- conspicuous, whereas Zangibar was so prominent and obvious above
- the other two, that it might well attract the particular attention
- of navigators, and its distance from the mainland is at the same
- time so nearly in accordance with that given in the _Periplûs_ as to
- counterbalance all other objections. A writer in Smith’s _Classical
- Geography_, who seems to have overlooked the indications of the
- distances both of Ptolemy and the _Periplûs_, assigns it a position
- much further to the north than is reconcilable with these distances.
- He places it about a degree south from the mouth of the River Juba or
- Govind, just where an opening in the coral-reefs is now found. “The
- coasting voyage,” he says, “steering S. W., reached the island on
- the east side—a proof that it was close to the main.... It is true
- the navigator says it was 300 stadia from the mainland; but as there
- is no reason to suppose that he surveyed the island, this distance
- must be taken to signify the estimated width of the northern inlet
- separating the island from the main, and this estimate is probably
- much exaggerated. The mode of fishing with baskets is still practised
- in the Juba islands and along this coast. The formation of the coast
- of E. Africa in these latitudes—where the hills or downs upon the
- coast are all formed of a coral conglomerate comprising fragments of
- madrepore, shell and sand, renders it likely that the island which was
- close to the main 16 or 17 centuries ago, should now be united to it.
- Granting this theory of gradual transformation of the coast-line, the
- +Menouthias+ of the _Periplûs_ may be supposed to have stood in
- what is now the rich garden-land of +Shamba+, where the rivers
- carrying down mud to mingle with the marine deposit of coral drift
- covered the choked-up estuary with a rich soil.”
-
- The island is said in the _Periplûs_ to extend towards the West, but
- this does not hold good either in the case of Zangibar or any other
- island in this part of the coast. Indeed there is no one of them in
- which at the present day all the characteristics of +Menouthias+
- are found combined. +Momfia+, for instance, which resembles it
- somewhat in name, and which, as modern travellers tell us, is almost
- entirely occupied with birds and covered with their dung, does not
- possess any streams of water. These are found in Zangibar. The author
- may perhaps have confusedly blended together the accounts he had
- received from his Arab informants.
-
-16. At the distance of a two days’ sail from this island lies the last
-of the marts of +Azania+, called +Rhapta+, a name which it
-derives from the sewn boats just mentioned. Ivory is procured here in
-the greatest abundance, and also turtle. The indigenous inhabitants
-are men of huge stature, who live _apart from each other_, every man
-ruling like a lord his own domain. The whole territory is governed by
-the despot of +Mopharitis+, because the sovereignty over it, by
-some right of old standing, is vested in the kingdom of what is called
-the First Arabia. The merchants of +Mouza+ farm its revenues from
-the king, and employ in trading with it a great many ships of heavy
-burden, on board of which they have Arabian commanders and factors who
-are intimately acquainted with the natives and have contracted marriage
-with them, and know their language and the navigation of the coast.
-
-
- (16) We arrive next and finally at +Rhapta+, the last emporium
- on the coast known to the author. Ptolemy mentions not only a city
- of this name, but also a river and a promontory. The name is Greek
- (from ῥάπτειν, _to sew_), and was applied to the place because the
- vessels there in use were raised from bottoms consisting of single
- trunks of trees by the addition of planks which were sewn together
- with the fibres of the cocoa. “It is a singular fact,” as Vincent
- remarks, “that this peculiarity should be one of the first objects
- which attracted the attention of the Portuguese upon their reaching
- this coast. They saw them first at Mozambique, where they were called
- _Almeidas_, but the principal notice of them in most of their writers
- is generally stated at Kilwa, the very spot which we have supposed to
- receive its name from vessels of the same construction.” Vincent has
- been led from this coincidence to identify Rhapta with Kilwa [lat. 8°
- 50´ S.]. Müller however would place it not so far south, but somewhere
- in the Bay of Zangibar. The promontory of +Rhaptum+, he judges
- from the indications of the _Periplûs_ to be the projection which
- closes the bay in which lies the island of Zangibar, and which is
- now known as +Moinanokalû+ or Point Pouna, lat. 7° S. The parts
- beyond this were unknown, and the southern coast of Africa, it was
- accordingly thought by the ancient geographers, began here. Another
- cape however is mentioned by Ptolemy remoter than Rhaptum and called
- +Prasum+ (that is the Green Cape) which may perhaps be Cape
- Delgado, which is noted for its luxuriant vegetation. The same author
- calls the people of +Rhapta+, the +Rhapsioi Aithiopes+.
- They are described in the _Periplûs_ as men of lofty stature, and
- this is still a characteristic of the Africans of this coast. The
- +Rhapsii+ were, in the days of our author, subject to the people
- of +Mouza+ in Arabia just as their descendants are at the
- present day subject to the Sultan of Maskat. Their commerce moreover
- still maintains its ancient characteristics. It is the African who
- still builds and mans the ships while the Arab is the navigator and
- supercargo. The ivory is still of inferior quality, and the turtle is
- still captured at certain parts of the coast.
-
-17. The articles imported into these marts are principally javelins
-manufactured at Mouza, hatchets, knives, awls, and crown glass of
-various sorts, to which must be added corn and wine in no small
-quantity landed at particular ports, not for sale, but to entertain
-and thereby conciliate the barbarians. The articles which these places
-export are ivory, in great abundance but of inferior quality to that
-obtained at Adouli, rhinoceros, and tortoise-shell of fine quality,
-second only to the Indian, and a little _nauplius_.
-
-18. These marts, we may say, are about the last on the coast of
-+Azania+—the coast, that is, which is on your right as you sail
-_south_ from +Berenîkê+. For beyond these parts an ocean, hitherto
-unexplored, curves round towards sunset, and, stretching along the
-southern extremities of Ethiopia, Libya, and Africa, amalgamates with
-the Western Sea.
-
-19. To the left, again, of +Berenikê+, if you sail eastward from
-+Myos-Hormos+ across the adjacent gulf for two days, or perhaps
-three, you arrive at a place having a port and a fortress which is
-called +Leukê Kômê+, and forming the point of communication with
-Petra, the residence of +Malikhas+, the king of the Nabatæans.
-It ranks as an emporium of trade, since small vessels come to it
-laden with merchandize from Arabia; and hence an officer is deputed
-to collect the duties which are levied on imports at the rate of
-twenty-five per cent. of their value, and also a centurion who commands
-the garrison by which the place is protected.
-
-
-(18, 19) Our author having thus described the African coast as
-far southward as it was known on its Eastern side, reverts to
-+Berenikê+ and enters at once on a narrative of the second
-voyage—that which was made thence across the Northern head of the
-gulf and along the coast of Arabia to the emporium of +Mouza+
-near the Straits. The course is first northward, and the parts about
-+Berenikê+ as you bear away lie therefore now on your left hand.
-Having touched at +Myos Hormos+ the course on leaving it is shaped
-eastward across the gulf by the promontory +Pharan+, and +Leukê
-Kômê+[19] is reached after three or four days’ sailing. This was
-a port in the kingdom of the Nabathæans (the Nebaioth of Scripture),
-situated perhaps near the mouth of the Elanitic Gulf or eastern arm of
-the Red Sea, now called the Gulf of Akabah. Much difference of opinion
-has prevailed as to its exact position, since the encroachment of the
-land upon the sea has much altered the line of coast here. Mannert
-identified it with the modern +Yenbo+ [lat. 24° 5´ N., long. 38°
-3´ E., the port of Medina], Gosselin with +Mowilah+ [lat. 27° 38´
-N., long. 35° 28´ E.,] Vincent with +Eynounah+ [lat. 28° 3´ N.,
-long. 35° 13´ E.—the +Onne+ of Ptolemy], Reichhard with +Istabel
-Antai+, and Rüppel with +Wejh+ [lat. 26° 13´ N., long. 36° 27´
-E]. Müller prefers the opinion held by Bochart, D’Anville, Quatremêre,
-Noel des Vergers, and Ritter, who agree in placing it at the port
-called +Hauara+ [lat. 24° 59´ N., long. 37° 16´ E.] mentioned
-by Idrisi (I. p. 332), who describes it as a village inhabited
-by merchants carrying on a considerable trade in earthen vases
-manufactured at a clay-pit in their neighbourhood. Near it lies the
-island of +Hassani+ [lat. 24° 59´ N., long. 37° 3´ E.], which, as
-Wellsted reports, is conspicuous from its _white_ appearance. +Leukê
-Kômê+ is mentioned by various ancient authors, as for instance
-Strabo, who, in a passage wherein he recounts the misfortunes which
-befel the expedition which Aelius led into Nabathaea, speaks of the
-place as a large mart to which and from which the camel traders travel
-with ease and in safety from +Petra+ and back to +Petra+
-with so large a body of men and camels as to differ in no respect from
-an army.
-
-The merchandize thus conveyed from +Leukê Kômê+ to +Petra+
-was passed on to +Rhinokoloura+ in Palestine near Egypt, and
-thence to other nations, but in his own time the greater part was
-transported by the Nile to +Alexandria+. It was brought down from
-India and Arabia to +Myos Hormos+, whence it was first conveyed on
-camels to +Koptos+ and thence by the Nile to +Alexandria+.
-The Nabathaean king, at the time when our author visited +Leukê
-Kômê+, was, as he tells us, +Malikhas+, a name which means
-‘king.’ Two Petraean sovereigns so called are mentioned by Josêphos,
-of whom the latter was contemporary with Herod. The Malikhas of the
-_Periplûs_ is however not mentioned in any other work. The Nabathaean
-kingdom was subverted in the time of Trajan, A.D. 105, us we learn from
-Dio Cassius (cap. lxviii. 14), and from Eutropius (viii. 2, 9), and
-from Ammianus Marcellinus (xiv. 8).
-
-20. Beyond this mart, and quite contiguous to it, is the realm of
-Arabia, which stretches to a great distance along the coast of the Red
-Sea. It is inhabited by various tribes, some speaking the same language
-with a certain degree of uniformity, and others a language totally
-different. Here also, _as on the opposite continent_, the sea-board is
-occupied by +Ikhthyophagoi+, who live in dispersed huts; while
-the men of the interior live either in villages, or where pasture
-can be found, and are an evil race of men, speaking two different
-languages. If a vessel is driven from her course upon this shore she
-is plundered, and if wrecked the crew on escaping to land are reduced
-to slavery. For this reason they are treated as enemies and captured
-by the chiefs and kings of Arabia. They are called +Kanraîtai+.
-Altogether, therefore, the navigation of this part of the Arabian coast
-is very dangerous: for, _apart from the barbarity of its people_, it
-has neither harbours nor good roadsteads, and it is foul with breakers,
-and girdled with rocks which render it inaccessible. For this reason
-when sailing south we stand off from a shore in every way so dreadful,
-and keep our course down the middle of the gulf, straining our utmost
-to reach _the more civilized part_ of Arabia, which begins at Burnt
-Island. From this onward the people are under a regular government,
-and, as their country is pastoral, they keep herds of cattle and camels.
-
-
- (20) At no great distance from +Leukê Kômê+ the Nabathaean realm
- terminates and Arabia begins. The coast is here described as most
- dismal, and as in every way dangerous to navigation. The inhabitants
- at the same time are barbarians, destitute of all humanity, who
- scruple not to attack and plunder wrecked ships and to make slaves of
- their crews if they escaped to land. The mariner therefore, shunned
- these inhospitable shores, and standing well out to sea, sailed down
- the middle of the gulf. The tribe here spoken of was that perhaps
- which is represented by the +Hutemi+ of the present day, and the
- coast belonged to the part of Arabia now called +Hejid+.
-
- A more civilized region begins at an island called Burnt island, which
- answers to the modern Zebâyir [about lat. 15° 5´ N., long. 42° 12´
- E.], an island which was till recently volcanic.
-
-21. Beyond this tract, and on the shore of a bay which occurs at the
-termination of the left (or east) side of the gulf, is +Mouza+,
-an established and notable mart of trade, at a distance south from
-Berenikê of not more than 12,000 stadia. The whole place is full of
-Arabian shipmasters and common sailors, and is absorbed in the pursuits
-of commerce, for with ships of its own fitting out, it trades with
-the marts beyond the Straits on the opposite coast, and also with
-+Barugaza+.
-
-
- (21) Beyond this is the great emporium called +Mouza+, [lat. 13°
- 43´ N., long. 43° 5´ 14´´ E.] situated in a bay near the termination
- of the Gulf, and at a distance from +Berenikê+ of 12,000
- stadia. Here the population consists almost entirely of merchants
- and mariners, and the place is in the highest degree commercial. The
- commodities of the country are rich and numerous (though this is
- denied by Pliny), and there is a great traffic in Indian articles
- brought from +Barugaza+ (Bharoch). This port, once the most
- celebrated and most frequented in Yemen, is now the village Musa about
- twenty-five miles north from Mokhâ, which has replaced it as a port,
- the foundation of which dates back no more than 400 years ago. “Twenty
- miles inland from Mokhâ,” says Vincent, “Niebuhr discovered a Musa
- still existing, which he with great probability supposes to be the
- ancient mart now carried inland to this distance by the recession of
- the coast.” [He must have confounded it with +Jebel Musa+, due
- east of Mokhâ, at the commencement of the mountain country.] It is a
- mere village badly built. Its water is good, and is said to be drunk
- by the wealthier inhabitants of Mokhâ. Bochart identified +Mouza+
- with the +Mesha+ mentioned by Moses.
-
-22. Above this a three days’ journey off lies the city of +Sauê+,
-in the district called +Mopharitis+. It is the residence of
-+Kholaibos+, the despot of that country.
-
-
- (22) The _Periplûs_ notices two cities that lay inland from
- +Mouza+—the 1st +Sauê+, the +Savê+ of Pliny (VI.
- xxvi., 104), and also of Ptolemy (VI. vii., p. 411), who places
- it at a distance of 500 stadia S. E. of Mouza. The position and
- distance direct us to the city of +Taaes+, which lies near a
- mountain called Saber. +Sauê+ belonged to a district called
- +Mapharitis+ or +Mophareitês+, a name which appears to
- survive in the modern +Mharras+, which designates a mountain
- lying N. E. from +Taaes+. It was ruled by +Kholaibos+
- (Arabicé—Khaleb), whom our author calls a tyrant, and who was
- therefore probably a Sheikh who had revolted from his lawful chief,
- and established himself as an independent ruler.
-
-23. A journey of nine days more conducts us to +Saphar+, the
-metropolis of +Kharibaêl+, the rightful sovereign of two
-contiguous tribes, the +Homerites+ and the +Sabaïtai+, and,
-by means of frequent embassies and presents, the friend of the Emperors.
-
-
- (23) The other city was +Saphar+, the metropolis of the
- +Homerîtai+, _i.e._ the +Himaryi+—the Arabs of Yemen, whose
- power was widely extended, not only in Yemen but in distant countries
- both to the East and West. Saphar is called +Sapphar+ by Ptolemy
- (VI. vii.), who places it in 14° N. lat. Philostorgios calls it
- +Tapharon+, and Stephen of Byzantium +Tarphara+. It is now
- +Dhafar+ or Dsoffar or Zaphar. In Edrisi (I. p. 148) it appears
- as +Dhofar+, and he thus writes of it:—“It is the capital of
- the district Jahsseb. It was formerly one of the greatest and most
- famous of cities. The kings of Yemen made it their residence, and
- there was to be seen the palace of Zeidan. These structures are now in
- ruins, and the population has been much decreased, nevertheless the
- inhabitants have preserved some remnants of their ancient riches.”
- The ruins of the city and palace still exist in the neighbourhood of
- +Jerim+, which Niebuhr places in 14° 30´ N. lat. The distance
- from +Sauê+ to +Saphar+ in the _Periplûs_ is a nine
- days’ journey. Niebuhr accomplished it however in six. Perhaps,
- as Müller suggests, the nine days’ journey is from +Mouza+
- to +Saphar+. The sovereign of Saphar is called by our author
- +Kharibaêl+, a name which is not found among the Himyaritic
- kings known from other sources. In Ptolemy the region is called
- +Elisarôn+, from a king bearing that name.
-
-24. The mart of +Mouza+ has no harbour, but its sea is smooth,
-and the anchorage good, owing to the sandy nature of the bottom. The
-commodities which it imports are—
-
-Πορφύρα, διάφορος καὶ χυδαία—Purple cloth, fine and ordinary.
-
-Ἱματισμίς Ἀραβικὸς χειριδωτὸς, ὅτε ἁπλοῦς καὶ ὁ κοινὸς καὶ σκοτουλάτος
-καὶ διάχρυσος—Garments made up in the Arabian fashion, some plain and
-common, and others wrought in needlework and inwoven with gold.
-
-Κρόκος—Saffron.
-
-Κύπερος—The aromatic rush Kyperos. (Turmeric?)
-
-Ὀθόνιον—Muslins.
-
-Ἀβόλλαι—Cloaks.
-
- Λώδικες οὐ πολλαὶ, ἁπλοῖ τε καὶ ἐντόπιοι—Quilts, in small quantity,
-some plain, others adapted to the fashion of the country.
-
-Ζῶναι σκιωταὶ—Sashes of various shades of colour.
-
-Μύρον μέτριον—Perfumes, a moderate quantity.
-
-Χρῆμα ἱκανὸν—Specie as much as is required.
-
-Οἶνος—Wine.
-
-Σῖτος οὐ πολύς—Corn, but not much.
-
-The country produces a little wheat and a great abundance of wine. Both
-the king and the despot above mentioned receive presents consisting of
-horses, pack-saddle mules, gold plate, silver plate embossed, robes of
-great value, and utensils of brass. +Mouza+ exports its own local
-products—myrrh of the finest quality that has oozed in drops from the
-trees, both the Gabiræan and Minœan kinds; white marble (or alabaster),
-in addition to commodities brought from the other side of the Gulf,
-all such as were enumerated at +Adouli+. The most favourable
-season for making a voyage to Mouza is the month of September,—that is
-Thôth,—but there is nothing to prevent it being made earlier.
-
-
- (24) Adjacent to the Homeritai, and subject to them when the
- _Periplûs_ was written, were the Sabæans, so famous in antiquity for
- their wealth, luxury and magnificence. Their country, the +Sheba+
- of Scripture, was noted as the land of frankincense. Their power
- at one time extended far and wide, but in the days of our author
- they were subject to the Homerites ruled over by Kharibaêl, who was
- assiduous in courting the friendship of Rome.
-
-25. If on proceeding from +Mouza+ you sail by the coast for about
-a distance of 300 stadia, there occurs, where the Arabian mainland
-and the opposite coast of +Barbaria+ at +Aualitês+ now
-approach each other, a channel of no great length which contracts the
-sea and encloses it within narrow bounds. This is 60 stadia wide, and
-in crossing it you come midway upon the island of +Diodôros+,
-to which it is owing that the passage of the straits is in its
-neighbourhood exposed to violent winds which blow down from the
-adjacent mountains. There is situate upon the shore of the straits an
-Arabian village subject to the same ruler (as Mouza), +Okêlis+ by
-name, which is not so much a mart of commerce as a place for anchorage
-and supplying water, and where those who are bound for the interior
-first land and halt to refresh themselves.
-
-
- (25) At a distance of 300 stadia beyond +Mouza+ we reach the
- straits where the shores of Arabia and Africa advance so near to
- each other that the passage between them has only, according to the
- _Periplûs_, a width of 60 stadia, or 7½ miles. In the midst of the
- passage lies the island of +Diodôros+ (now Perim), which is about
- 4½ miles long by 2 broad, and rises 230 feet above the level of the
- sea. The straits, according to Moresby, are 14½ geographical miles
- wide at the entrance between Bab-el-Mandab Cape (near which is Perim)
- and the opposite point or volcanic peak called +Jibel Sijan+. The
- larger of the two entrances is 11 miles wide, and the other only 1½.
- Strabo, Agathêmeros, and Pliny all agree with the _Periplûs_ in giving
- 60 stadia as the breadth of the straits. The first passage of those
- dreaded straits was regarded as a great achievement, and was naturally
- ascribed to Sesostris as the voyage though the straits of Kalpê was
- ascribed to Heraklês.
-
- Situated on the shores of the straits was a place called
- +Okêlis+. This was not a mart of commerce, but merely a bay with
- good anchorage and well supplied with water. It is identical with
- the modern Ghalla or Cella, which has a bay immediately within the
- straits. Strabo following Artemidoros notes here a promontory called
- +Akila+. Pliny (VI. xxxii. 157) mentions an emporium of the same
- name “ex quo in Indiam navigatur.” In xxvi., 104 of the same Book
- he says: “Indos petentibus utilissimum est ab +Oceli+ egredi.”
- Ptolemy mentions a +Pseudokêlis+, which he places at the distance
- of half a degree from the emporium of +Okêlis+.
-
-26. Beyond +Okêlis+, the sea again widening out towards the east,
-and gradually expanding into the open main, there lies, at about the
-distance of 1,200 stadia, +Eudaimôn Arabia+, a maritime village
-subject to that kingdom of which Kharibaêl is sovereign—a place with
-good anchorage, and supplied with sweeter and better water than that
-of Okêlis, and standing at the entrance of a bay where the land begins
-to retire inwards. It was called Eudaimôn (‘rich and prosperous’),
-because in bygone days, when the merchants from India did not proceed
-to Egypt, and those from Egypt did not venture to cross over to the
-marts further east, but both came only as far as this city, it formed
-the common centre of their commerce, as Alexandria receives the wares
-which pass to and fro between Egypt and the ports of the Mediterranean.
-Now, however, it lies in ruins, the Emperor having destroyed it not
-long before our own times.
-
-
- (26) At a distance beyond +Okêlis+ of 1,200 stadia is the
- port of +Eudaimôn Arabia+, which beyond doubt corresponds to
- +'Âden+, [lat. 12° 45´ N., long. 45° 21´ E.] now so well-known
- as the great packet station between Suez and India. The opinion
- held by some that Aden is the Eden mentioned by the Prophet Ezekiel
- (xxvii. 23) is opposed by Ritter and Winer. It is not mentioned by
- Pliny, though it has been erroneously held that the +Attanae+,
- which he mentions in the following passage, was Aden. “Homnae et
- Attanae (v. 1. Athanae) quæ nunc oppida maxima celebrari a Persico
- mari negotiatores dicunt.” (vi. 32.) Ptolemy, who calls it simply
- +Arabia+, speaks of it as an emporium, and places after it at the
- distance of a degree and a half +Melan Horos+, or Black Hill,
- 17 miles from the coast, which is in long. 46° 59´ E. The place,
- as the _Periplûs_ informs us, received the name of +Eudaimôn+
- from the great prosperity and wealth which it derived from being
- the great entrepôt of the trade between India and Egypt. It was in
- decay when that work was written, but even in the time of Ptolemy
- had begun to show symptoms of returning prosperity, and in the time
- of Constantine it was known as the ‘Roman Emporium,’ and had almost
- regained its former consequence, as is gathered from a passage in
- the works of the ecclesiastical historian Philostorgios. It is thus
- spoken of by Edrisi (I. p. 51): “+'Âden+ is a small town, but
- renowned for its seaport whence ships depart that are destined for
- Sind, India, and China.” In the middle ages it became again the centre
- of the trade between India and the Red Sea, and thus regained that
- wonderful prosperity which in the outset had given it its name. In
- this flourishing condition it was found by Marco Polo, whose account
- of its wealth, power and influence is, as Vincent remarks, almost as
- magnificent as that which Agatharkhidês attributed to the Sabæans in
- the time of the Ptolemies, when the trade was carried on in the same
- manner. Agatharkhidês does not however mention the place by name, but
- it was probably the city which he describes without naming it as lying
- on the White Sea without the straits, whence, he says, the Sabæans
- sent out colonies or factories into India, and where the fleets from
- Persis, Karmania and the Indus arrived. The name of +Aden+ is
- supposed to be a corruption from +Eudaimôn+.
-
-27. To +Eudaimôn Arabia+ at once succeeds a great length of coast
-and a bay extending 2,000 stadia or more, inhabited by nomadic tribes
-and Ikhthyophagoi settled in villages. On doubling a cape which
-projects from it you come to another trading seaport, +Kanê+,
-which is subject to +Eleazos+, king of the incense country.
-Two barren islands lie opposite to it, 120 stadia off—one called
-+Orneôn+, and the other +Troullas+. At some distance inland
-from +Kanê+ is +Sabbatha+, the principal city of the
-district, where the king resides. At +Kanê+ is collected all the
-incense that is produced in the country, this being conveyed to it
-partly on camels, and partly _by sea_ on floats supported on inflated
-skins, a local invention, and also in boats. +Kanê+ carries on
-trade with ports across the ocean—+Barugaza+, +Skythia+, and
-+Omana+, and the adjacent coast of +Persis+.
-
-
- (27) The coast beyond Aden is possessed partly by wandering tribes,
- and partly by tribes settled in villages which subsist on fish.
- Here occurs a bay—that now called Ghubhet-al-Kamar, which extends
- upwards of 2,000 stadia, and ends in a promontory—that now called
- Râs-al-Asîdah or Bâ-l-hâf [lat. 13° 58´ N., long 48° 9´ S.—a cape
- with a hill near the fishing village of Gillah]. Beyond this lies
- another great mart called +Kanê+. It is mentioned by Pliny, and
- also by Ptolemy, who assigns it a position in agreement with the
- indications given in the _Periplûs_. It has been identified with
- the port now called Hisn Ghorâb [lat. 14° 0´ N. long. 48° 19´ E.].
- Not far from this is an island called Halanî, which answers to the
- +Troullas+ of our author. Further south is another island, which
- is called by the natives of the adjacent coast +Sikkah+, but
- by sailors Jibûs. This is covered with the dung of birds which in
- countless multitudes have always frequented it, and may be therefore
- identified with the +Orneôn+ of the _Periplûs_. +Kanê+ was
- subject to Eleazos, the king of the Frankincense Country, who resided
- at +Sabbatha+, or as it is called by Pliny (VI. xxxii. 155)
- +Sabota+, the capital of the Atramitae or Adramitae, a tribe
- of Sabæans from whom the division of Arabia now known as Hadhramaut
- takes its name. The position of this city cannot be determined with
- certainty. Wellsted, who proceeded into the interior from the coast
- near Hisn Ghorab through Wadi Meifah, came after a day’s journey and a
- half to a place called Nakb-el-Hajar, situated in a highly cultivated
- district, where he found ruins of an ancient city of the Himyarites
- crowning an eminence that rose gently with a double summit from the
- fertile plain. The city appeared to have been built in the most solid
- style of architecture, and to have been protected by a very lofty
- wall formed of square blocks of black marble, while the inscriptions
- plainly betokened that it was an old seat of the Himyarites. A
- close similarity could be traced between its ruins and those of
- +Kanê+, to which there was an easy communication by the valley
- of +Meifah+. This place, however, can hardly be regarded as
- +Sabbatha+ without setting aside the distances given by Ptolemy,
- and Wellsted moreover learned from the natives that other ruins of a
- city of not less size were to be met with near a village called Esan,
- which could be reached by a three days’ journey.—(See Haines, _Mem. of
- the S. Coast of Arab._)
-
-28. From Egypt it imports, like Mouza, corn and a little wheat, cloths
-for the Arabian market, both of the common sort and the plain, and
-large quantities of a sort that is adulterated; also copper, tin,
-coral, styrax, and all the other articles enumerated at Mouza. Besides
-these there are brought also, principally for the king, wrought silver
-plate, and specie as well as horses and carved images, and plain
-cloth of a superior quality. Its exports are its indigenous products,
-frankincense and aloes, and such commodities as it shares in common
-with other marts on the same coast. Ships sail for this port at the
-same season of the year as those bound for Mouza, but earlier.
-
-
- (28) With regard to the staple product of this region—frankincense,
- the _Periplûs_ informs us that it was brought for exportation to
- +Kanê+. It was however in the first place, if we may credit
- Pliny, conveyed to the Metropolis. He says (xv. 32) that when gathered
- it was carried into +Sabota+ on camels which could enter the city
- only by one particular gate, and that to take it by any other route
- was a crime punished by death. The priests, he adds, take a tithe for
- a deity named +Sabis+, and that until this impost is paid, the
- article cannot be sold.
-
- Some writers would identify +Sabbatha+ with +Mariabo+
- (Marab), but on insufficient grounds. It has also been conjectured
- that the name may be a lengthened form of +Saba+ (Sheba), a
- common appellation for cities in Arabia Felix. [Müller places Sabbatha
- at Sawa, lat. 16° 13´ N., long. 48° 9´ E.]
-
-29. As you proceed from +Kanê+ the land retires more and more,
-and there succeeds another very deep and far-stretching gulf,
-+Sakhalitês+ by name, and also the frankincense country, which is
-mountainous and difficult of access, having a dense air loaded with
-vapours [and] the frankincense exhaled from the trees. These trees,
-which are not of any great size or height, yield their incense in the
-form of a concretion on the bark, just as several of our trees in Egypt
-exude gum. The incense is collected by the hand of the king’s slaves,
-and malefactors condemned to this service as a punishment. The country
-is unhealthy in the extreme:—pestilential even to those who sail along
-the coast, and mortal to the poor wretches who gather the incense, who
-also suffer from lack of food, which readily cuts them off.
-
-
- (29) The next place mentioned by our author after +Kanê+ is a
- Bay called +Sakhalîtes+, which terminates at +Suagros+,
- a promontory which looks eastward, and is the greatest cape in the
- whole world. There was much difference of opinion among the ancient
- geographers regarding the position of this Bay, and consequently
- regarding that of Cape +Suagros+.
-
-30. Now at this gulf is a promontory, the greatest in the world,
-looking towards the east, and called +Suagros+, at which is a
-fortress which protects the country, and a harbour, and a magazine
-to which the frankincense which is collected is brought. Out in
-the open sea, facing this promontory, and lying between it and the
-promontory of +Arômata+, which projects from the opposite coast,
-though nearer to +Suagros+, is the island going by the name of
-+Dioskoridês+, which is of great extent, but desert and very
-moist, having rivers and crocodiles and a great many vipers, and
-lizards of enormous size, of which the flesh serves for food, while the
-grease is melted down and used as a substitute for oil. This island
-does not, however, produce either the grape or corn. The population,
-which is but scanty, inhabits the north side of the island—that part
-of it which looks towards the mainland (_of Arabia_). It consists
-of an intermixture of foreigners, Arabs, Indians, and even Greeks,
-who resort hither for the purposes of commerce. The island produces
-the tortoise,—the genuine, the land, and the white sort: the latter
-very abundant, and distinguished for the largeness of its shell;
-also the mountain sort which is of extraordinary size and has a very
-thick shell, whereof the underpart cannot be used, being too hard to
-cut, while the serviceable part is made into moneyboxes, tablets,
-escritoires, and ornamental articles of that description. It yields
-also the vegetable dye (κιννάβαρι) called Indicum (or Dragon’s-blood),
-which is gathered as it distils from trees.
-
-
- (30) Some would identify the latter with Ras-el-Had, and others on
- account of the similarity of the name with Cape +Saugra+ or
- +Saukirah+ [lat. 18° 8´ N., long. 56° 35´ E.], where Ptolemy
- places a city +Suagros+ at a distance of 6 degrees from
- +Kanê+, But +Suagros+ is undoubtedly Ras Fartak [lat. 15°
- 39´ N., long 52° 15´ E.], which is at a distance of 4 degrees from
- +Hisn Ghorab+, or +Kanê+, and which, rising to the height of
- 2,500 feet on a coast which is all low-lying, is a very conspicuous
- object, said to be discernible from a distance of 60 miles out at
- sea. Eighteen miles west from this promontory is a village called
- Saghar, a name which might probably have suggested to the Greeks that
- of +Suagros+. Consistent with this identification is the passage
- of Pliny (VI. 32) where he speaks of the island +Dioscoridis+
- (Sokotra) as distant from +Suagros+, which he calls the utmost
- projection of the coast, 2,240 stadia or 280 miles, which is only
- about 30 miles in excess of the real distance, 2,000 stadia.
-
- With regard to the position of the Bay of Sakhalitês, Ptolemy,
- followed by Marcianus, places it to the East of Suagros. Marinos on
- the other hand, like the _Periplûs_, places it to the west of it.
- Muller agrees with Fresnel in regarding +Sakhlê+, mentioned by
- Ptolemy (VI. vii. 41) as 1½ degree East of Makalleh [lat. 14° 31´ N.,
- long 49° 7´ W.] as the same with Shehr—which is now the name of all
- that mountainous region extending from the seaport of Makalleh to the
- bay in which lie the islands of Kurya Murya. He therefore takes this
- to be in the Regio Sakhalîtês, and rejects the opinion of Ptolemy as
- inconsistent with this determination. With regard to Shehr or Shehar
- [lat. 14° 38´ N., long. 49° 22´ E.] Yule (_M. Polo_, II. vol. p. 440,
- note) says: “Shihr or Shehr still exists on the Arabian Coast as a
- town and district about 330 miles east of Aden.” The name Shehr in
- some of the oriental geographies includes the whole Coast up to Oman.
- The hills of the Shehr and Dhafâr districts were the great source of
- produce of the Arabian frankincense.
-
- The island of +Dioskoridês+ (now Sokotra) is placed by
- the _Periplûs_ nearer to Cape +Suagros+ than to Cape
- +Arômata+—although its distance from the former is nearly double
- the distance from the latter. The name, though in appearance a Greek
- one, is in reality of Sanskrit origin; from _Dvîpa Sukhâdâra_, i.e.
- _insula fortunata_, ‘Island abode of Bliss.’ The accuracy of the
- statements made regarding it in the _Periplûs_ is fully confirmed by
- the accounts given of it by subsequent writers. Kosmas, who wrote in
- the 6th century, says that the inhabitants spoke Greek, and that he
- met with people from it who were on their way to Ethiopia, and that
- they spoke Greek. “The ecclesiastical historian Nikephoros Kallistos,”
- says Yule, “seems to allude to the people of Sokotra when he says
- that among the nations visited by the Missionary Theophilus in the
- time of Constantius, were ‘the Assyrians on the verge of the outer
- Ocean, towards the East ... whom Alexander the Great, after driving
- them from Syria, sent thither to settle, and to this day they keep
- their mother tongue, though all of the blackest, through the power of
- the sun’s rays.’ The Arab voyagers of the 9th century say that the
- island was colonized with Greeks by Alexander the Great, in order to
- promote the culture of the Sokotrine aloes; when the other Greeks
- adopted Christianity these did likewise, and they had continued to
- retain their profession of it. The colonizing by Alexander is probably
- a fable, but invented to account for facts.” (_Marco Polo_ II. 401.)
- The aloe, it may be noted, is not mentioned in the _Periplûs_ as one
- of the products of the island. The islanders, though at one time
- Christians, are now Muhammadans, and subject as of yore to Arabia. The
- people of the interior are still of distinct race with curly hair,
- Indian complexion, and regular features. The coast people are mongrels
- of Arab and mixed descent. Probably in old times civilization and
- Greek may have been confined to the littoral foreigners. Marco Polo
- notes that so far back as the 10th century it was one of the stations
- frequented by the Indian corsairs called +Bawârij+, belonging to
- Kachh and Gujarat.
-
-31. The island is subject to the king of the frankincense country, in
-the same way as +Azania+ is subject to Kharibaël and the despot
-of +Mopharitis+. It used to be visited by some (_merchants_) from
-Mouza, and others on the homeward voyage from Limurikê and Barugaza
-would occasionally touch at it, importing rice, corn, Indian cotton
-and female-slaves, who, being rare, always commanded a ready market.
-In exchange for these commodities they would receive as fresh cargo
-great quantities of tortoise-shell. The revenues of the island are at
-the present day farmed out by its sovereigns, who, however, maintain a
-garrison in it for the protection of their interests.
-
-32. Immediately after +Suagros+ follows a gulf deeply indenting
-the mainland of +Omana+, and having a width of 600 stadia. Beyond
-it are high mountains, rocky and precipitous, and inhabited by men who
-live in caves. The range extends onward for 500 stadia, and beyond
-where it terminates lies an important harbour called +Moskha+, the
-appointed port to which the _Sakhalitik_ frankincense is forwarded. It
-is regularly frequented by a number of ships from Kanê; and such ships
-as come from Limurikê and Barugaza too late in the season put into
-harbour here for the winter, where they dispose of their muslins, corn,
-and oil to the king’s officers, receiving in exchange frankincense,
-which lies in piles throughout the whole of +Sakhalitis+ without
-a guard to protect it, as if the locality were indebted to some divine
-power for its security. Indeed, it is impossible to procure a cargo,
-either publicly or by connivance, without the king’s permission. Should
-one take furtively on board were it but a single grain, his vessel can
-by no possibility escape from harbour.
-
-
- (32) Returning to the mainland the narrative conducts us next to
- +Moskha+, a seaport trading with +Kanê+, and a wintering
- place for vessels arriving late in the season from Malabar and the
- Gulf of Khambât. The distance of this place from Suagros is set down
- at upwards of 1,100 stadia, 600 of which represent the breadth of a
- bay which begins at the Cape, and is called +Omana Al-Kamar+.
- The occurrence of the two names Omana and Moskha in such close
- connexion led D’Anville to suppose that +Moskha+ is identical
- with +Maskat+, the capital of +Oman+, the country lying
- at the south-east extremity of Arabia, and hence that Ras-el-Ḥad,
- beyond which Maskat lies, must be Cape Suagros. This supposition is,
- however, untenable, since the identification of Moskha with the modern
- +Ausera+ is complete. For, in the first place, the Bay of Seger,
- which begins at Cape Fartak, is of exactly the same measurement
- across to Cape Thurbot Ali as the Bay of +Omana+, and again the
- distance from Cape Thurbot Ali [lat. 16° 38´ N., long. 53° 3´ E.]
- to Ras-al-Sair, the +Ausara+ of Ptolemy, corresponds almost as
- exactly to the distance assigned by our author from the same Cape to
- +Moskha+. Moreover Pliny (XII. 35) notices that one particular
- kind of incense bore the name of _Ausaritis_, and, as the _Periplûs_
- states that +Moskha+ was the great emporium of the incense trade,
- the identification is satisfactory.
-
- There was another Moskha on this coast which was also a port. It lay
- to the west of Suagros, and has been identified with +Koshîn+
- [lat. 15° 21´ N. long. 51° 39´ E.]. Our author, though correct in his
- description of the coast, may perhaps have erred in his nomenclature;
- and this is the more likely to have happened as it scarcely admits
- of doubt that he had no personal knowledge of South Arabia beyond
- +Kanê+ and Cape +Suagros+. Besides no other author speaks
- of an Omana so far to westward as the position assigned to the Bay of
- that name. The tract immediately beyond +Moskha+ or Ausera is
- low and fertile, and is called +Dofar+ or +Zhafâr+, after
- a famous city now destroyed, but whose ruins are still to be traced
- between Al-hâfâh and Addahariz. “This Dhafâr,” says Yule (_Marco Polo_
- II. p. 442 note) “or the bold fountain above it, is supposed to be the
- +Sephar+ of _Genesis_ X. 30.” It is certain that the Himyarites
- had spread their dominion as far eastward as this place. Marco Polo
- thus describes Dhafâr:—“It stands upon the sea, and has a very good
- haven, so that there is a great traffic of shipping between this and
- India; and the merchants take hence great numbers of Arab horses to
- that market, making great profits thereby.... Much white incense is
- produced here, and I will tell you how it grows. The trees are like
- small fir-trees; these are notched with a knife in several places, and
- from these notches the incense is exuded. Sometimes, also, it flows
- from the tree without any notch, this is by reason of the great heat
- of the sun there.” Müller would identify +Moskha+ with Zhafâr,
- and accounts for the discrepancy of designation by supposing that our
- author had confounded the name +Maskat+, which was the great seat
- of the traffic in frankincense with the name of the greatest city
- in the district which actually produced it. A similar confusion he
- thinks transferred the name of Oman to the same part of the country.
- The climate of the incense country is described as being extremely
- unhealthy, but its unhealthiness seems to have been designedly
- exaggerated.
-
-33. From the port of +Moskha+ onward to +Asikh+, a distance
-of about 1,500 stadia, runs a range of hills pretty close to the
-shore, and at its termination there are seven islands bearing the
-name of +Zenobios+, beyond which again we come to another
-barbarous district not subject to any power in Arabia, but to Persia.
-If when sailing by this coast you stand well out to sea so as to
-keep a direct course, then at about a distance from the island of
-+Zenobios+ of 2,000 stadia you arrive at another island, called
-that of +Sarapis+, lying off shore, say, 120 stadia. It is about
-200 stadia broad and 600 long, possessing three villages inhabited by a
-_savage_ tribe of +Ikhthyophagoi+, who speak the Arabic language,
-and whose clothing consists of a girdle made from the leaves of the
-cocoa-palm. The island produces in great plenty tortoise of excellent
-quality, and the merchants of +Kanê+ accordingly fit out little
-boats and cargo-ships to trade with it.
-
-
- (33) Beyond +Moskha+ the coast is mountainous as far as
- +Asikh+ and the islands of Zenobios—a distance excessively
- estimated at 1,500 stadia. The mountains referred to are 5,000 feet
- in height, and are those now called Subaha. +Asikh+ is readily
- to be identified with the +Hâsek+ of Arabian geographers. Edrisi
- (I. p. 54) says: “Thence (from Marbat) to the town of Hâsek is a four
- days’ journey and a two days’ sail. Before +Hâsek+ are the two
- islands of +Khartan+ and +Martan+. Above +Hâsek+ is
- a high mountain named +Sous+, which commands the sea. It is an
- inconsiderable town but populous.” This place is now in ruins, but has
- left its name to the promontory on which it stood [Râs Hâsek, lat. 17°
- 23´ N. long. 55° 20´ E. opposite the island of Hasiki]. The islands
- of +Zenobios+ are mentioned by Ptolemy as seven in number, and
- are those called by Edrisi +Khartan+ and +Martan+, now known
- as the +Kuriyân Muriyân+ islands. The inhabitants belonged to an
- Arab tribe which was spread from Hâsek to Râs-el-Ḥad, and was called
- +Beit+ or +Beni Jenabi+, whence the Greek name. M. Polo in
- the 31st chapter of his travels “discourseth of the two islands called
- Male and Female,” the position of which he vaguely indicates by saying
- that “when you leave the kingdom of +Kesmacoran+ (Mekran) which
- is on the mainland, you go by sea some 500 miles towards the south,
- and then you find the 2 islands Male and Female lying about 30 miles
- distant from one another.” (See also _Marco Polo_, vol. II. p. 396
- note.)
-
- Beyond +Asikh+ is a district inhabited by barbarians, and subject
- not to Arabia but to Persis. Then succeeds at a distance of 200 stadia
- beyond the islands of +Zenobios+ the island of +Sarapis+,
- (the Ogyris of Pliny) now called Masira [lat. 20° 10´ to 20° 42´ N.,
- long. 58° 37´ to 58° 59´ E.] opposite that part of the coast where
- Oman now begins. The _Periplûs_ exaggerates both its breadth and its
- distance from the continent. It was still inhabited by a tribe of
- fish-eaters in the time of Ebn Batuta, by whom it was visited.
-
- On proceeding from +Sarapis+ the adjacent coast bends round, and
- the direction of the voyage changes to north. The great cape which
- forms the south-eastern extremity of Arabia called +Ras-el-Had+
- [lat. 22° 33´ N. long. 59° 48´ E.] is here indicated, but without
- being named; Ptolemy calls it +Korodamon+ (VI. vii. 11.)
-
-34. If sailing onward you wind round with the adjacent coast to the
-north, then as you approach the entrance of the Persian Gulf you
-fall in with a group of islands which lie in a range along the coast
-for 2,000 stadia, and are called the islands of +Kalaiou+. The
-inhabitants of the adjacent coast are cruel and treacherous, and see
-imperfectly in the daytime.
-
-
- (34) Beyond it, and near the entrance to the Persian Gulf, occurs,
- according to the _Periplûs_, a group of many islands, which lie in a
- range along the coast over a space of 2,000 stadia, and are called the
- islands of +Kalaiou+. Here our author is obviously in error, for
- there are but three groups of islands on this coast, which are not by
- any means near the entrance of the Gulf. They lie beyond Maskat [lat.
- 23° 38´ N. long. 58° 36´ E.] and extend for a considerable distance
- along the Batinah coast. The central group is that of the Deymâniyeh
- islands (probably the Damnia of Pliny) which are seven in number,
- and lie nearly opposite Birkeh [lat 23° 42´ N. long. 57° 55´ E.].
- The error, as Müller suggests, may be accounted for by supposing
- that the tract of country called El Baṭinah was mistaken for islands.
- This tract, which is very low and extremely fertile, stretches from
- Birkeh [lat. 23° 42´ N. long. 57° 55´ E.] onward to Jibba, where high
- mountains approach the very shore, and run on in an unbroken chain
- to the mouth of the Persian Gulf. The islands are not mentioned by
- any other author, for the +Calacou insulae+ of Pliny (VI. xxxii.
- 150) must, to avoid utter confusion, be referred to the coast of the
- Arabian Gulf. There is a place called +El Kilat+, the Akilla of
- Pliny [lat. 22° 40´ N. long. 59° 24´ E.]—but whether this is connected
- with the +Kalaiou+ islands of the _Periplûs_ is uncertain [Conf.
- _Ind. Ant._ vol. IV. p. 48. El Kilhat, south of Maskat and close to
- Ṣûr, was once a great port.]
-
-35. Near the last headland of the islands of +Kalaiou+ is the
-mountain called +Kalon+ (Pulcher),[20] to which succeeds, at no
-great distance, the mouth of the Persian Gulf, where there are very
-many pearl fisheries. On the left of the entrance, towering to a vast
-height, are the mountains which bear the name of +Asaboi+, and
-directly opposite on the right you see another mountain high and round,
-called the hill of +Semiramis+. The strait which separates them
-has a width of 600 stadia, and through this opening the Persian Gulf
-pours its vast expanse of waters far up into the interior. At the very
-head of this gulf there is a regular mart of commerce, called the city
-of +Apologos+, situate near +Pasinou-Kharax+ and the river
-Euphrates.
-
-
- (35) Before the mouth of the Persian Gulf is reached occurs a height
- called +Kalon+ (Fair Mount) at the last head of the islands of
- Papias—τῶν Παπίου νήσων. This reading has been altered by Fabricius
- and Schwanbeck to των Καλαιου νησων. The Fair Mount, according to
- Vincent, would answer sufficiently to Cape Fillam, if that be high
- land, and not far from Fillam are the straits. The great cape which
- Arabia protrudes at these straits towards Karmania is now called Ras
- Mussendom. It was seen from the opposite coast by the expedition under
- Nearkhos, to whom it appeared to be a day’s sail distant. The height
- on that coast is called Semiramis, and also Strongylê from its round
- shape. Mussendom, the ‘Asabôn akron’ of Ptolemy, Vincent says, “is a
- sort of Lizard Point to the Gulf; for all the Arabian ships take their
- departure from it with some ceremonies of superstition, imploring
- a blessing on their voyage, and setting afloat a toy like a vessel
- rigged and decorated, which if it is dashed to pieces by the rocks
- is to be accepted by the ocean as an offering for the escape of the
- vessel.” [The straits between the island of Mussendom and the mainland
- are called El Bab, and this is the origin of the name of the Papiæ
- islands.—Miles’ _Jour. R. A. Soc._ N. S. vol. x. p. 168.]
-
- The actual width of the straits is 40 miles. Pliny gives it at 50, and
- the _Periplûs_ at 75. Cape Mussendom is represented in the _Periplûs_
- as in Ptolemy by the Mountains of the Asabi which are described as
- tremendous heights, black, grim, and abrupt. They are named from the
- tribe of +Beni Asab+.
-
- We enter now the Gulf itself, and here the _Periplûs_ mentions only
- two particulars: the famous Pearl Fisheries which begin at the straits
- and extend to Bahrein, and the situation of a regular trading mart
- called +Apologos+, which lies at the very head of the Gulf on the
- Euphrates, and in the vicinity of +Spasinou Kharax+. This place
- does not appear to be referred to in any other classical work, but it
- is frequently mentioned by Arabian writers under the name of Oboleh
- or Obolegh. As an emporium it took the place of +Terêdôn+ or
- +Diridôtis+, just as +Basra+ (below which it was situated)
- under the second Khaliphate took the place of +Oboleh+ itself.
- According to Vincent, Oboleh, or a village that represents it, still
- exists between Basra and the Euphrates. The canal also is called
- the canal of Oboleh. +Kharax Pasinou+ was situated where the
- +Karûn+ (the +Eulæus+ of the ancients) flows into the
- +Pasitigris+, and is represented by the modern trading town
- +Muhammarah+. It was founded by Alexander the Great, and after
- its destruction, was rebuilt by Antiokhos Epiphanes, who changed its
- name from Alexandreia to Antiokheia. It was afterwards occupied by an
- Arab Chief called Pasines, or rather +Spasines+, who gave it the
- name by which it is best known. Pliny states that the original town
- was only 10 miles from the sea, but that in his time the existing
- place was so much as 120 miles from it. It was the birth-place of two
- eminent geographers—Dionysius Periegetes and Isidôros.
-
-36. If you coast along the mouth of the gulf you are conducted by a
-six days’ voyage to another seat of trade belonging to Persia, called
-+Omana+.[21] Barugaza maintains a regular commercial intercourse
-with both these Persian ports, despatching thither large vessels
-freighted with copper, sandalwood, beams for rafters, horn, and logs of
-sasamina and ebony. Omana imports also frankincense from Kanê, while
-it exports to Arabia a particular species of vessels called _madara_,
-which have their planks sewn together. But both from +Apologos+
-and +Omana+ there are exported to Barugaza and to Arabia great
-quantities of pearl, of mean quality however compared with the Indian
-sort, together with purple, cloth for the natives, wine, dates in great
-quantity, and gold and slaves.
-
- (36) After this cursory glance at the great gulf, our author returns
- to the straits, and at once conducts us to the Eastern shores of the
- æErythræan, where occurs another emporium belonging to Persis, at a
- distance from the straits of 6 courses or 3,000 stadia. This is Omana.
- It is mentioned by Pliny (VI. xxxii. 149) who makes it belong to
- Arabia, and accuses preceding writers for placing it in Karmania.
-
- The name of +Omana+ has been corrupted in the MSS. of Ptolemy
- into Nommana, Nombana, +Kommana+, Kombana, but Marcian has
- preserved the correct spelling. From Omana as from Apologos great
- quantities of pearl of an inferior sort were exported to Arabia and
- Barugaza. No part however of the produce of India is mentioned as
- among its exports, although it was the centre of commerce between that
- country and Arabia.
-
- 37. After leaving the district of +Omana+ the country of the
- +Parsidai+ succeeds, which belongs to another government, and
- the bay which bears the name of +Terabdoi+, from the midst of
- which a cape projects. Here also is a river large enough to permit the
- entrance of ships, with a small mart at its mouth called +Oraia+.
- Behind it in the interior, at the distance of a seven days’ journey
- from the coast, is the city where the king resides, called Rhambakia.
- This district, in addition to corn, produces wine, rice, and dates,
- though in the tract near the sea, only the fragrant gum called
- bdellium.
-
-
- (37) The district which succeeds Omana belongs to the +Parsidai+,
- a tribe in Gedrosia next neighbours to the +Arbitae+ on the
- East. They are mentioned by Ptolemy (VI. xx., p. 439) and by Arrian
- (_Indika_ xxvi.) who calls them +Pasirees+, and notes that they
- had a small town called +Pasira+, distant about 60 stadia from
- the sea, and a harbour with good anchorage called +Bagisara+. The
- Promontory of the _Periplûs_ is also noted and described as projecting
- far into the sea, and being high and precipitous. It is the Cape
- now called +Arabah+ or +Urmarah+. The Bay into which it
- projects is called +Terabdôn+, a name which is found only in our
- author. Vincent erroneously identifies this with the +Paragôn+
- of Ptolemy. It is no doubt the Bay which extends from Cape Guadel to
- Cape Monze. The river which enters this Bay, at the mouth of which
- stood the small mart called +Oraia+, was probably that which
- is now called the Akbor. The royal city which lay inland from the
- sea a seven days’ journey was perhaps, as Mannert has conjectured,
- +Rambakia+, mentioned by Arrian (_Anab._ vi. 21) as the capital
- of the +Oreitai+ or +Horitai+.
-
-38. After this region, where the coast is already deeply indented by
-gulfs caused by the land advancing with a vast curve from the east,
-succeeds the seaboard of Skythia, a region which extends to northward.
-It is very low and flat, and contains the mouths of the +Sinthos+
-(Indus), the largest of all the rivers which fall into the Erythræan
-Sea, and which, indeed, pours into it such a vast body of water that
-while you are yet far off from the land at its mouth you find the sea
-turned of a white colour by its waters.
-
-The sign by which voyagers before sighting land know that it is near
-is their meeting with serpents floating on the water; but higher up
-and on the coasts of Persia the first sign of land is seeing them of
-a different kind, called _graai_. [Sansk. _graha_—an alligator.] The
-river has seven mouths, all shallow, marshy and unfit for navigation
-except only the middle stream, on which is +Barbarikon+, a trading
-seaport. Before this town lies a small islet, and behind it in the
-interior is +Minnagar+, the metropolis of Skythia, which is
-governed, however, by Parthian princes, who are perpetually at strife
-among themselves, expelling each the other.
-
-
- (38) We now approach the mouths of the Indus which our author
- calls the +Sinthos+, transliterating the native name of
- it—+Sindhu+. In his time the wide tract which was watered by this
- river in the lower part of its course was called +Indoskythia+.
- It derived its name from the Skythian tribes (the +Śâka+ of
- Sansk.) who after the overthrow of the Graeco-Baktrian empire
- gradually passed southward to the coast, where they established
- themselves about the year 120 B. C., occupying all the region
- between the Indus and the Narmadâ. They are called by Dionysios
- Periegetes +Notioi Skythai+, the Southern Skythians. Our author
- mentions two cities which belonged to them—+Barbarikon+ and
- +Minnagar+; the former of which was an emporium situated near the
- sea on the middle and only navigable branch of the Indus. Ptolemy has
- a +Barbarei+ in the Delta, but the position he assigns to it,
- does not correspond with that of +Barbarikon+. +Minnagar+
- was the Skythian metropolis. It lay inland, on or near the banks of
- the Indus.
-
-39. Ships accordingly anchor near +Barbarikê+, but all their
-cargoes are conveyed by the river up to the king, who resides in the
-metropolis.
-
-The articles imported into this emporium are—Ἱματισμὸς ἁπλους
-ἱκανὸς—Clothing, plain and in considerable quantity.
-
-Ἱματισμὸς νόθος οὐ πολὺς—Clothing, mixed, not much.
-
-Πολύμιτα—Flowered cottons.
-
-Χρυσόλιθον—Yellow-stone, topazes.
-
-Κοράλλιον—Coral.
-
-Στύραξ—Storax.
-
-Λίβανος—Frankincense (_Lôbân_).
-
-Ὑαλά σκεύη—Glass vessels.
-
-Αργυρώματα—Silver plate.
-
-Χρῆμα—Specie.
-
-Οἰνος οὐ πολύς—Wine, but not much.
-
-The exports are:—
-
-Κόστος—Costus, a spice.
-
-Βδέλλα—Bdellium, a gum.
-
-Λύκιον—A yellow dye (_Ruzot_).
-
-Νάρδος—Spikenard.
-
-Λίθος καλλαïνος—Emeralds or green-stones.
-
-Σάπφειρος—Sapphires.
-
-Σηρικὰ δέρματα—Furs from China.
-
-Ὀθόνιον—Cottons.
-
-Νῆμα Σηρικὸν—Silk thread.
-
-Ἰνδικὸν μέλαν—Indigo.
-
-Ships destined for this port put out to sea when the Indian monsoon
-prevails—that is, about the month of July or Epiphi. The voyage at this
-season is attended with danger, but being shorter is more expeditious.
-
-
- (39) Ships did not go up to it but remained at +Barbarikon+,
- their cargoes being conveyed up the river in small boats. In Ptolemy
- (VII. i. 61) the form of the name is +Binagara+, which is less
- correct since the word is composed of _Min_, the Indian name for the
- Skythians, and _nagar_, a city. Ritter considers that +Ṭhaṭha+
- is its modern representative, since it is called +Saminagar+ by
- the Jâḍejâ Rajputs who, though settled in Kachh, derive their origin
- from that city. To this view it is objected that Ṭhaṭha is not near
- the position which Ptolemy assigns to his +Binagara+. Mannert
- places it at +Bakkar+, D’Anville at +Mansura+, and Vincent
- at +Menhabery+ mentioned by Edrisi (I. p. 164) as distant two
- stations or 60 miles from +Dabil+, which again was three stations
- or 90 miles from the mouth of the Indus, that is it lay at the head
- of the Delta. Our author informs us that in his time +Minagar+
- was ruled by Parthian princes. The Parthians (the Parada of Sanskrit
- writers) must therefore have subverted a Skythian dynasty which
- must have been that which (as Benfey has shown) was founded by
- +Yeukaotschin+ between the years 30 and 20 B.C., or
- about 30 years only after the famous Indian Æra called _Śâkâbda_
- (the year of the Śâka) being that in which Vikramâditya expelled the
- Skythians from Indian soil. The statement of the _Periplûs_ that
- Parthian rulers succeeded the Skythian is confirmed by Parthian coins
- found everywhere in this part of the country. These sovereigns must
- have been of consequence, or the trade of their country very lucrative
- to the merchant as appears by the presents necessary to ensure his
- protection—plate, musical instruments, handsome girls for the Harem,
- the best wine, plain cloth of high price, and the finest perfumes.
- The profits of the trade must therefore have been great, but if
- Pliny’s account be true, that every pound laid out in India produced a
- hundred at Rome, greater exactions than these might easily have been
- supported.
-
-40. After the river +Sinthos+ is passed we reach another gulf,
-which cannot be easily seen. It has two divisions,—the Great and
-the Little by name,—both shoal with violent and continuous eddies
-extending far out from the shore, so that before ever land is in sight
-ships are often grounded on the shoals, or being caught within the
-eddies are lost. Over this gulf hangs a promontory which, curving from
-+Eirinon+ first to the east, then to the south, and finally to the
-west, encompasses the gulf called +Barakê+, in the bosom of which
-lie seven islands. Should a vessel approach the entrance of this gulf,
-the only chance of escape for those on board is at once to alter their
-course and stand out to sea, for it is all over with them if they are
-once fairly within the womb of +Barakê+, which surges with vast
-and mighty billows, and where the sea, tossing in violent commotion,
-forms eddies and impetuous whirlpools in every direction. The bottom
-varies, presenting in places sudden shoals, in others being scabrous
-with jagged rocks, so that when an anchor grounds its cable is either
-at once cut through, or soon broken by friction at the bottom. The sign
-by which voyagers know they are approaching this bay is their seeing
-serpents floating about on the water, of extraordinary size and of a
-black colour, for those met with lower down and in the neighbourhood of
-Barugaza are of less size, and in colour green and golden.
-
-
- (40) The first place mentioned after the Indus is the Gulf of
- +Eirinon+, a name of which traces remain in the modern
- appellation the +Raṇ+ of Kachh. This is no longer covered with
- water except during the monsoon, when it is flooded by sea water or
- by rains and inundated rivers. At other seasons it is not even a
- marsh, for its bed is hard, dry and sandy; a mere saline waste almost
- entirely devoid of herbage, and frequented but by one quadruped—the
- wild ass. Burnes conjectured that its desiccation resulted from an
- upheaval of the earth caused by one of those earthquakes which are so
- common in that part of India. The +Raṇ+ is connected with the
- Gulf of Kachh, which our author calls the Gulf of +Barakê+.
- His account of it is far from clear. Perhaps, as Müller suggests, he
- comprehended under +Eirinon+ the interior portion of the Gulf
- of Kachh, limiting the Gulf of +Barakê+ to the exterior portion
- or entrance to it. This gulf is called that of Kanthi by Ptolemy,
- who mentions +Barakê+ only as an island, [and the south coast
- of Kachh is still known by the name of Kantha]. The islands of the
- _Periplûs_ extend westward from the neighbourhood of +Navanagar+
- to the very entrance of the Gulf.
-
-41. To the gulf of +Barakê+ succeeds that of +Barugaza+ and
-the mainland of +Ariakê+, a district which forms the frontier of
-the kingdom of +Mombaros+ and of all India. The interior part of
-it which borders on +Skythia+ is called +Aberia+, and its
-sea-board +Surastrênê+. It is a region which produces abundantly
-corn and rice and the oil of sesamum, butter, muslins and the coarser
-fabrics which are manufactured from Indian cotton. It has also numerous
-herds of cattle. The natives are men of large stature and coloured
-black. The metropolis of the district is +Minnagar+, from which
-cotton cloth is exported in great quantity to +Barugaza+. In this
-part of the country there are preserved even to this very day memorials
-of the expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and
-large wells. The extent of this coast, reckoned from +Barbarikon+
-to the promontory called +Papikê+, near +Astakapra+, which is
-opposite +Barugaza+, is 3,000 stadia.
-
-
- (41) To +Barakê+ succeeds the Gulf of +Barugaza+ (Gulf of
- +Khambhât+) and the sea-board of the region called +Ariakê+.
- The reading of the MS. here ἡ πρἡὸς Ἀραβικῆς χώρας is considered
- corrupt. Müller substitutes ἡ ἤπειρος τῆς Ἀριακῆς χώρας, though
- Mannert and others prefer Λαρικῆς χώρας, relying on Ptolemy, who
- places +Ariakê+ to the south of +Larikê+, and says that
- +Larikê+ comprehends the peninsula (of Gujarât) Barugaza and the
- parts adjacent. As +Ariakê+ was however previously mentioned in
- the _Periplûs_ (sec. 14) in connexion with Barugaza, and is afterwards
- mentioned (sec. 54) as trading with Muziris, it must no doubt have
- been mentioned by the author in its proper place, which is here.
- [Bhagvanlâl Indraji Pandit has shewn reasons however for correcting
- the readings into Αβαρατικη, the Prakrit form of +Aparântikâ+, an
- old name of the western sea board of India.—_Ind. Ant._ vol. VII., pp.
- 259, 263.] Regarding the name +Larikê+, Yule has the following
- note (_Travels of M. Polo_ vol. II., p. 353):—“+Lâr-Deśa+,
- the country of Lar,” properly Lât-deśa, was an early name for the
- territory of Gujrat and the northern Konkan, embracing Saimur (the
- modern Chaul as I believe) Thaṇa, and Bharoch. It appears in Ptolemy
- in the form +Larikê+. The sea to the west of that coast was in
- the early Muhammadan times called the sea of Lâr, and the language
- spoken on its shores is called by +Mas’udi+, +Lâri+.
- Abulfeda’s authority, Ibn Said, speaks of Lâr and Gujarât as identical.
-
- +Ariakê+ (Aparântikâ), our author informs us, was the beginning
- or frontier of India. That part of the interior of Ariakê which
- bordered on Skythia was called +Aberia+ or Abiria (in the MS.
- erroneously Ibêria). The corresponding Indian word is +Abhira+,
- which designated the district near the mouths of the river. Having
- been even in very early times a great seat of commerce, some (as
- Lassen) have been led to think from a certain similarity of the
- names that this was the +Ophir+ of scripture, a view opposed
- by Ritter. Abiria is mentioned by Ptolemy, who took it to be not a
- part of India but of Indoskythia. The sea-board of Ariakê was called
- +Surastrênê+, and is mentioned by Ptolemy, who says (VII. i.
- 55) it was the region about the mouths of the Indus and the Gulf of
- Kanthi. It answers to the Sanskrit +Surâshṭra+. Its capital was
- Minnagar,—a city which, as its name shows, had once belonged to the
- Min or Skythians. It was different of course from the Minnagar already
- mentioned as the capital of Indo-Skythia. It was situated to the south
- of +Ozênê+ (Ujjayinî, or Ujjain), and on the road which led from
- that city to the River Narmadâ, probably near where Indôr now stands.
- It must have been the capital only for a short time, as Ptolemy
- informs us (II. i. 63) that +Ozênê+ was in his time the capital
- of +Tiashanes+ [probably the Chashṭana of Coins and the Cave
- Temple inscriptions]. From both places a great variety of merchandise
- was sent down the Narmadâ to Barugaza.
-
- The next place our author mentions is a promontory called
- +Papikê+ projecting into the Gulf of Khambât from that part of
- the peninsula of Gujarât which lies opposite to the Barugaza coast.
- Its distance from Barbarikon on the middle mouth of the Indus is
- correctly given at 3,000 stadia. This promontory is said to be near
- +Astakapra+, a place which is mentioned also by Ptolemy, and
- which (_Ind. Ant._ vol. V. p. 314) has been identified by Colonel Yule
- with +Hastakavapra+ (now +Hâthab+ near Bhaunagar), a name
- which occurs in a copper-plate grant of Dhruvasena I of Valabhi. With
- regard to the Greek form of this name Dr. Bühler thinks it is not
- derived immediately from the Sanskrit, but from an intermediate old
- Prakrit word Hastakampra, which had been formed by the contraction of
- the syllables _ava_ to _â_, and the insertion of a nasal, according
- to the habits of the Gujarâtîs. The loss of the initial, he adds, may
- be explained by the difficulty which Gujarâtîs have now and probably
- had 1,600 years ago in pronouncing the spirans in its proper place.
- The modern name Hâthab or Hâthap may be a corruption of the shorter
- Sanskrit form Hastavapra.
-
-42. After Papikê there is another gulf, exposed to the violence of the
-waves and running up to the north. Near its mouth is an island called
-+Baiônês+, and at its very head it receives a vast river called
-the +Mais+. Those bound for +Barugaza+ sail up this gulf
-(which has a breadth of about 300 stadia), leaving the island on the
-left till it is scarcely visible in the horizon, when they shape their
-course east for the mouth of the river that leads to Barugaza. This is
-called the +Namnadios+.
-
-
- (42) Beyond +Papikê+, we are next informed, there is another
- gulf running northward into the interior of the country. This is not
- really another Gulf but only the northern portion of the Gulf of
- Khambât, which the _Periplûs_ calls the Gulf of Barugaza. It receives
- a great river, the +Mais+, which is easily identified with the
- +Mahi+, and contains an island called +Baiônês+ [the modern
- Peram], which you leave on the left hand as you cross over from
- Astakapra to Barugaza.
-
- We are now conducted to +Barugaza+, the greatest seat of commerce
- in Western India, situated on a river called in the MS. of the
- _Periplûs_ the +Lamnaios+, which is no doubt an erroneous reading
- for +Namados+, or Namnados or Namnadios. This river is the
- +Narmadâ+. It is called by Ptolemy the Namades.
-
-43. The passage into the gulf of +Barugaza+ is narrow and difficult
-of access to those approaching it from the sea, for they are carried
-either to the right or to the left, the left being the better passage
-of the two. On the right, at the very entrance of the gulf, lies a
-narrow stripe of shoal, rough and beset with rocks. It is called
-+Herônê+, and lies opposite the village of +Kammôni+. On the
-left side right against this is the promontory of +Papikê+, which
-lies in front of +Astakapra+, where it is difficult to anchor,
-from the strength of the current and because the cables are cut through
-by the sharp rocks at the bottom. But even if the passage into the gulf
-is secured the mouth of the Barugaza river is not easy to hit, since
-the coast is low and there are no certain marks to be seen until you
-are close upon them. Neither, if it is discovered, is it easy to enter,
-from the presence of shoals at the mouth of the river.
-
-
- (43) +Barugaza+ (Bharoch) which was 30 miles distant from its
- mouth, was both difficult and dangerous of access; for the entrance
- to the Gulf itself was, on the right, beset with a perilous stripe
- (_tainia_) of rocky shoal called +Herônê+, and on the left,
- (which was the safer course,) the violent currents which swept round
- the promontory of Papikê rendered it unsafe to approach the shore or
- to cast anchor. The shoal of Herônê was opposite a village on the
- mainland called +Kammôni+, the Kamanê of Ptolemy (VII. i.), who
- however places it to the north of the river’s mouth. Again, it was not
- only difficult to hit the mouth of the river, but its navigation was
- endangered by sandbanks and the violence of the tides, especially the
- high tide called the ‘Bore,’ of which our author gives a description
- so particular and so vivid as suffices to show that he was describing
- what he had seen with his own eyes, and seen moreover for the first
- time. With regard to the name +Barugaza+ the following passage,
- which I quote from Dr. Wilson’s _Indian Castes_ (vol. II. p. 113)
- will elucidate its etymology:—“The +Bhârgavas+ derive their
- designation from +Bhargava+, the adjective form of +Bhṛigu+,
- the name of one of the ancient Ṛishis. Their chief habitat is the
- district of Bharoch, which must have got its name from a colony of
- the school of Bhṛigu having been early established in this Kshêtra,
- probably granted to them by some conqueror of the district. In
- the name +Barugaza+ given to it by Ptolemy, we have a Greek
- corruption of Bhṛigukshêtra (the territory of Bhṛigu) or Bhṛigukachha
- (the tongueland of Bhṛigu).” Speaking of the Bhârgavas Dr. Drummond,
- in his _Grammatical Illustrations_, says:—“These Brâhmans are indeed
- poor and ignorant. Many of them, and other illiterate Gujarâtîs,
- would, in attempting to articulate Bhṛigushêtra, lose the half in
- coalesence, and call it Bargacha, whence the Greeks, having no _Ch_,
- wrote it Barugaza.”
-
-44. For this reason native fishermen appointed by Government are
-stationed with well-manned long boats called _trappaga_ and
-_kotumba_ at the entrance of the river, whence they go out as far as
-+Surastrênê+ to meet ships, and pilot them up to Barugaza. At the
-head of the gulf the pilot, immediately on taking charge of a ship,
-with the help of his own boat’s crew, shifts her head to keep her
-clear of the shoals, and tows her from one fixed station to another,
-moving with the beginning of the tide, and dropping anchor at certain
-roadsteads and basins when it ebbs. These basins occur at points where
-the river is deeper than usual, all the way up to +Barugaza+,
-which is 300 stadia distant from the mouth of the river if you sail up
-the stream to reach it.
-
-45. India has everywhere a great abundance of rivers, and her seas ebb
-and flow with tides of extraordinary strength, which increase with
-the moon, both when new and when full, and for three days after each,
-but fall off in the intermediate space. About +Barugaza+ they are
-more violent than elsewhere; so that all of a sudden you see the depths
-laid bare, and portions of the land turned into sea, and the sea, where
-ships were sailing but just before, turned without warning into dry
-land. The rivers, again, on the access of flood tide rushing into their
-channels with the whole body of the sea, are driven upwards against
-their natural course for a great number of miles with a force that is
-irresistible.
-
-46. This is the reason why ships frequenting this emporium are exposed,
-both in coming and going, to great risk, if handled by those who are
-unacquainted with the navigation of the gulf or visit it for the
-first time, since the impetuosity of the tide when it becomes full,
-having nothing to stem or slacken it, is such that anchors cannot
-hold against it. Large vessels, moreover, if caught in it are driven
-athwart from their course by the rapidity of the current till they are
-stranded on shoals and wrecked, while the smaller craft are capsized,
-and many that have taken refuge in the side channels, being left dry
-by the receding tide, turn over on one side, and, if not set erect
-on props, are filled upon the return of the tide with the very first
-head of the flood, and sunk. But at new moons, especially when they
-occur in conjunction with a night tide, the flood sets in with such
-extraordinary violence that on its beginning to advance, even though
-the sea be calm, its roar is heard by those living near the river’s
-mouth, sounding like the tumult of battle heard far off, and soon after
-the sea with its hissing waves bursts over the bare shoals.
-
-47. Inland from +Barugaza+ the country is inhabited by numerous
-races—the +Aratrioi+, and the +Arakhosioi+, and the
-+Gandaraioi+, and the people of +Proklaïs+, in which is
-+Boukephalos Alexandreia+. Beyond these are the +Baktrianoi+,
-a most warlike race, governed by their own independent sovereign.
-It was from these parts Alexander issued to invade India when he
-marched as far as the Ganges, without, however, attacking Limurikê and
-the southern parts of the country. Hence up to the present day old
-_drachmai_ bearing the Greek inscriptions of +Apollodotos+ and
-+Menander+ are current in Barugaza.
-
-
- (47) The account of the ‘bore’ is followed by an enumeration of the
- countries around and beyond Barugaza with which it had commercial
- relations. Inland are the +Aratrioi+, +Arakhosioi+,
- +Gandarioi+ and the people of +Proklaïs+, a province wherein
- is Boukephalos Alexandreia, beyond which is the Baktrian nation. It
- has been thought by some that by the +Aratrioi+ are meant the
- Arii, by others that they were the +Arâstrâs+ of Sanskrit called
- Aratti in the Prakrit, so that the +Aratrioi+ of the _Periplûs_
- hold an intermediate place between the Sanskrit and Prakrit form
- of the name. Müller however says “if you want a people known to
- the Greeks and Romans as familiarly as the well-known names of the
- Arakhosii, Gandarii, Peukelitae, you may conjecture that the proper
- reading is ΔΡΑΝΓΩΝ instead of ΑΡΑΤΡΙΩΝ.” It is an error of course on
- the part of our author when he places +Boukephalos+ (a city built
- by Alexander on the banks of the Hydaspês, where he defeated Pôros),
- in the neighbourhood of Proklaïs, that is Pekhely in the neighbourhood
- of Peshawar. He makes a still more surprising error when he states
- that Alexander penetrated to the Ganges.
-
-48. In the same region eastward is a city called +Ozênê+, formerly
-the capital wherein the king resided. From it there is brought down
-to Barugaza every commodity for the supply of the country and for
-export to our own markets—onyx-stones, porcelain, fine muslins,
-mallow-coloured muslins, and no small quantity of ordinary cottons. At
-the same time there is brought down to it from the upper country by
-way of +Proklaïs+, for transmission to the coast, Kattybourine,
-Patropapigic, and Kabalitic spikenard, and another kind which reaches
-it by way of the adjacent province of Skythia; also kostus and bdellium.
-
-
- (48) The next place mentioned in the enumeration is +Ozênê+
- (Ujjain), which, receiving nard through Proklaïs from the distant
- regions where it was produced, passed it on to the coast for export
- to the Western World. This aromatic was a product of three districts,
- whence its varieties were called respectively the _Kattybourine_, the
- _Patropapigic_ and the _Kabolitic_. What places were indicated by the
- first two names cannot be ascertained, but the last points undoubtedly
- to the region round Kâbul, since its inhabitants are called by Ptolemy
- +Kabolitai+, and Edrisi uses the term _Myrobalanos Kabolinos_
- for the ‘myrobolans of Kâbul.’ Nard, as Edrisi also observes, has its
- proper soil in Thibet.
-
-49. The imports of +Barugaza+ are—
-
-Οἶνος προηγουμένος Ἰταλικὸς—Wine, principally Italian.
-
-Καὶ Λαοδικηνὸς καὶ Ἀραβικὸς—Laodikean wine and Arabian.
-
-Χαλκος καὶ κασσίτερος καὶ μόλυβδος—Brass or Copper and Tin and Lead.
-
-Κοράλλιον καὶ χρυσόλιθον—Coral and Gold-stone or Yellow-stone.
-
-Ἱματισμὸς ἁπλοῦς καὶ νόθος πανταῖος—Cloth, plain and mixed, of all
-sorts.
-
-Πολύμιται ζῶναι πηχυαῖαι—Variegated sashes half a yard wide.
-
-Στύραξ—Storax.
-
-Μελίλωτον—Sweet clover, melilot.
-
-Ὕαλος ἀργὴ—White glass.
-
-Σανδαράκη—Gum Sandarach.
-
-Στίμμι—(Stibium) Tincture for the eyes,—_Sûrmâ_.
-
-Δηνάριον χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργυροῦν—Gold and Silver specie, yielding a profit
-when exchanged for native money.
-
-Μύρον οὐ βαρύτιμον ὀυδὲ πολὺ—Perfumes or unguents, neither costly nor
-in great quantity.
-
-In those times, moreover, there were imported, _as presents_ to the
-king, costly silver vases, instruments of music, handsome young women
-for concubinage, superior wine, apparel, plain but costly, and the
-choicest unguents. The exports from this part of the country are—
-
-Νὺρδος, κόστος, βδέλλα, ἐλέφας—Spikenard, costus, bdellium, ivory.
-
-Ὀνυχίνη λιθία καὶ μουρρίνη—Onyx-stones and porcelain.
-
-Λύκιον—_Ruzot_, Box-thorn.
-
-Ὀθόνιον παντοῖον—Cottons of all sorts.
-
-Σηρικὸν—Silk.
-
-Μολόχινον—Mallow-coloured cottons.
-
-Νῆμα—_Silk_ thread.
-
-Πέτερι μακρὸν—Long pepper and other articles supplied from the
-neighbouring ports.
-
-The proper season to set sail for Barugaza from Egypt is the month of
-July, or Epiphi.
-
-50. From +Barugaza+ the coast immediately adjoining stretches from
-the north directly to the south, and the country is therefore called
-+Dakhinabadês+, because Dakhan in the language of the natives
-signifies _south_. Of this country that part which lies inland towards
-the east comprises a great space of desert country, and large mountains
-abounding with all kinds of wild animals, leopards, tigers, elephants,
-huge snakes, hyenas, and baboons of many different sorts, and is
-inhabited right across to the Ganges by many and extremely populous
-nations.
-
-
- (50) +Barugaza+ had at the same time commercial
- relations with the Dekhan also. This part of India our
- author calls +Dakhinabadês+, transliterating the word
- +Dakshinâpatha+—(the Dakshinâ, or the South Country). “Here,”
- says Vincent, “the author of the _Periplûs_ gives the true direction
- of this western coast of the Peninsula, and states in direct terms its
- tendency to the South, while Ptolemy stretches out the whole angle
- to a straight line, and places the Gulf of Cambay almost in the same
- latitude as Cape Comorin.”
-
-51. Among the marts in this South Country there are two of more
-particular importance—+Paithana+, which lies south from
-Barugaza, a distance of twenty days, and +Tagara+, ten days east
-of Paithana, the greatest city in the country. Their commodities
-are carried down on wagons to Barugaza along roads of extreme
-difficulty,—that is, from +Paithana+ a great quantity of
-onyx-stone, and from +Tagara+ ordinary cottons in abundance, many
-sorts of muslins, mallow-coloured cottons, and other articles of local
-production brought into it from the parts along the coast. The length
-of the entire voyage as far as +Limurikê+ is 700 stadia, and to
-reach +Aigialos+ you must sail very many stadia further.
-
-
- (51) In the interior of the Dekhan, the _Periplûs_ places two great
- seats of commerce, +Paithana+, 20 days’ journey to the south of
- Barugaza, and +Tagara+, 10 days’ journey eastward from Paithana.
- Paithana, which appears in Ptolemy as Baithana, may be identified
- with +Paithana+. +Tagara+ is more puzzling. Wilford,
- Vincent, Mannert, Ritter and others identify it with +Dêvagiri+
- or Deogarh, near Elurâ, about 8 miles from Aurangâbâd. The name of a
- place called Tagarapura occurs in a copper grant of land which was
- found in the island of Salsette. There is however nothing to show
- that this was a name of Dêvagiri. Besides, if Paithana be correctly
- identified, Tagara cannot be Dêvagiri unless the distances and
- directions are very erroneously given in the _Periplûs_. This is
- not improbable, and Tagara may therefore be +Junnar+ (_i.e._
- Jûna-nagar = _the old city_), which from its position must always have
- been an emporium, and its Buddha caves belong to about B.C.
- 100 to A.D. 150 (see _Archæolog. Surv. of West. India_, vol.
- III., and Elphinstone’s _History of India_, p. 223).
-
- Our author introduces us next to another division of India, that
- called +Limurikê+, which begins, as he informs us, at a distance
- of 7,000 stadia (or nearly 900 miles) beyond Barugaza. This estimate
- is wide of the mark, being in fact about the distance between
- Barugaza and the southern or remote extremity of Limurikê. In the
- Indian segment of the Roman maps called from their discoverer, the
- _Peutinger Tables_, the portion of India to which this name is applied
- is called +Damirike+. We can scarcely err, says Dr. Caldwell
- (_Dravid. Gram._ Intr. page 14), in identifying this name with the
- Tami[l:] country. If so, the earliest appearance of the name Tami[l:]
- in any foreign documents will be found also to be most perfectly
- in accordance with the native Tami[l:] mode of spelling the name.
- +Damirike+ evidently means _Damirike_.... In another place in the
- same map a district is called +Scytia Dymirice+; and it appears
- to have been this word which by a mistake of Δ for Λ Ptolemy
- wrote Λυμιρικὴ. The D retains its place however in the Cosmography
- of the anonymous geographer of Ravenna, who repeatedly mentions
- +Dimirica+ as one of the three divisions of India and the one
- furthest to the East. He shows also that the Tami[l:] country must
- have been meant by the name by mentioning +Modura+ as one of the
- cities it contained.
-
-52. The local marts which occur in order _along the coast_ after
-+Barugaza+ are +Akabarou+, +Souppara+, +Kalliena+,
-a city which was raised to the rank of a regular mart in the times
-of the elder +Saraganes+, but after +Sandanes+ became its
-master its trade was put under the severest restrictions; for if Greek
-vessels, even by accident, enter its ports, a guard is put on board and
-they are taken to Barugaza.
-
-
- (52) Reverting to +Barugaza+ our author next enumerates the
- less important emporia having merely a local trade which intervenes
- between it and +Dimurikê+. Those are first +Akabarou+,
- +Souppara+, and +Kalliena+—followed by +Semulla+,
- +Mandagora+, +Palaipatmai+, +Meligeizara+,
- +Buzantion+, +Toperon+, and +Turanosboas+,—beyond which
- occurs a succession of islands, some of which give shelter to pirates,
- and of which the last is called +Leukê+ or White Island. The
- actual distance from Barugaza to Naoura, the first port of Dimurikê,
- is 4,500 stadia.
-
- To take these emporia in detail. +Akabarou+ cannot be identified.
- The reading is probably corrupt. Between the mouths of the Namados
- and those of the Goaris, Ptolemy interposes Nousaripa, Poulipoula,
- Ariakê Sadinôn, and Soupara. +Nausaripa+ is +Nausari+, about
- 18 miles to the south of Surat, and +Soupara+ is +Sûpârâ+
- near Vasâï. Benfey, who takes it to be the name of a region and not
- of a city, regards it as the +Ophir+ of the Bible—called in the
- Septuagint Σωφηρά. +Sôphir+, it may be added, is the Coptic name
- for India. +Kalliena+ is now +Kalyâna+ near Bombay [which
- must have been an important place at an early date. It is named in
- the Kaṇhêri Bauddha Cave Inscriptions]. It is mentioned by Kosmas (p.
- 337), who states that it produced copper and sesamum and other kinds
- of logs, and cloth for wearing apparel. The name +Sandanes+,
- that of the Prince who sent Greek ships which happened to put into
- its port under guard to Barugaza, is thought by Benfey to be a
- territorial title which indicated that he ruled over +Ariakê+
- of the Sandineis. [But the older “Saraganes” probably indicates one
- of the great Śâtakarṇi or Ândhrabhṛitya dynasty.] Ptolemy does not
- mention Kalliena, though he supplies the name of a place omitted in
- the _Periplûs_, namely +Dounga+ (VII. i. 6) near the mouth of the
- river +Bênda+.
-
-53. After +Kalliena+ other local marts occur—+Semulla+,
-+Mandagora+, +Palaipatmai+, +Melizeigara+,
-+Buzantion+, +Toparon+, and +Turannosboas+. You come
-next to the islands called +Sêsekreienai+ and the island of the
-+Aigidioi+ and that of the +Kaineitai+, near what is called
-the +Khersonêsos+, places in which are pirates, and after this
-the island +Leukê+ (or ‘the White’). Then follow +Naoura+
-and +Tundis+, the first marts of +Limurikê+, and after these
-+Mouziris+ and +Nelkunda+, the seats of Government.
-
-
- (53) +Semulla+ (in Ptolemy +Timoula+ and +Simulla+)
- is identified by Yule with +Chênval+ or Chaul, a seaport 23
- miles south of Bombay; [but Bhagvanlâl Indraji suggests Chimûla
- in Trombay island at the head of the Bombay harbour; and this is
- curiously supported by one of the Kanhêri inscriptions in which
- +Chemûla+ is mentioned, apparently as a large city, like
- Supârâ and Kalyâna, in the neighbourhood]. After Simulla Ptolemy
- mentions +Hippokoura+ [possibly, as suggested by the same, a
- partial translation of +Ghoḍabandar+ on the Choḍa nadi in the
- Ṭhaṅa strait] and +Baltipatna+ as places still in Ariakê, but
- +Mandagara Buzanteion+, +Khersonêsos+, +Armagara+,
- the mouths of the river +Nanagouna+, and an emporium called
- +Nitra+, as belonging to the Pirate Coast which extended to
- Dimurikê, of which +Tundis+, he says, is the first city. Ptolemy
- therefore agrees with our author in assigning the Pirate Coast to the
- tract of country between Bombay and Goa. This coast continued to be
- infested with pirates till so late a period as the year 1765, when
- they were finally exterminated by the British arms. +Mandagara+
- and +Palaipatma+ may have corresponded pretty nearly in situation
- with the towns of Rájapur and Bankut. Yule places them respectively
- at Bankut and Debal. +Melizeigara+ (Milizêguris or Milizigêris
- of Ptolemy, VII. i. 95), Vincent identifies with Jaygaḍh or Sidê
- Jaygaḍh. The same place appears in Pliny as +Sigerus+ (VI. xxvi.
- 100). Buzantium may be referred to about Vijayadrug or Esvantgadh,
- +Toparon+ may be a corrupt reading for +Togaron+, and may
- perhaps therefore be Devagaḍh which lies a little beyond Vijayndrug.
- +Turannosboas+ is not mentioned elsewhere, but it may have been,
- us Yule suggests, the Bandâ or Tirakal river. Müller placed it at
- Acharê. The first island on this part of the coast is Sindhudrug
- near Mâlwan, to which succeeds a group called the Burnt Islands,
- among which the Vingorla rocks are conspicuous. These are no doubt
- the +Heptanêsia+ of Ptolemy (VII. i. 95), and probably the
- +Sêsikrienai+ of the _Periplûs_. The island Aigidion called that
- of the Aigidii may be placed at Goa, [but Yule suggests Angediva south
- of Sadaśivagaḍh, in lat. 14° 45´ N., which is better]. Kaineiton may
- be the island of St. George.
-
- We come next to +Naoura+ in Dimurikê. This is now +Honâvar+,
- written otherwise Onore, situated on the estuary of a broad river,
- the +Śarâvatî+, on which are the falls of Gêrsappa, one of
- the most magnificent and stupendous cataracts in the world. If the
- +Nitra+ of Ptolemy (VII. i. 7) and the +Nitria+ of Pliny be
- the same as +Naoura+, then these authors extend the pirate coast
- a little further south than the _Periplûs_ does. But if they do not,
- and therefore agree in their views as to where Dimurikê begins, the
- +Nitra+ may be placed, Müller thinks, at Mirjan or Komta, which
- is not far north from Honâvar. [Yule places it at Mangalur.] Müller
- regards the first supposition however as the more probable, and quotes
- at length a passage from Pliny (VI. xxvi. 104) referring thereto,
- which must have been excerpted from some _Periplûs_ like our author’s,
- but not from it as some have thought. “To those bound for India it is
- most convenient to depart from Okêlis. They sail thence with the wind
- Hipalus in 40 days to the first emporium of India, Muziris, which is
- not a desirable place to arrive at on account of pirates infesting the
- neighbourhood, who hold a place called +Nitrias+, while it is not
- well supplied with merchandize. Besides, the station for ships is at
- a great distance from the shore, and cargoes have both to be landed
- and to be shipped by means of little boats. There reigned there when I
- wrote this +Caelobothras+. Another port belonging to the nation
- is more convenient, +Neacyndon+, which is called +Becare+
- (_sic. codd._, Barace, Harduin and Sillig). There reigned Pandiôn in
- an inland town far distant from the emporium called +Modura+.
- The region, however, from which they convey pepper to Becare in boats
- formed from single logs is +Cottonara+.”
-
-54. To the kingdom under the sway of +Kêprobotres[22] Tundis+ is
-subject, a village of great note situate near the sea. +Mouziris+,
-which pertains to the same realm, is a city at the height of
-prosperity, frequented as it is by ships from +Ariakê+ and Greek
-ships _from Egypt_. It lies near a river at a distance from Tundis of
-500 stadia, whether this is measured from river to river or by the
-length of the sea voyage, and it is 20 stadia distant from the mouth
-of its own river. The distance of +Nelkunda+ from +Mouziris+
-also nearly 500 stadia, whether measured from river to river or
-by the sea voyage, but it belongs to a different kingdom, that of
-+Pandiôn+. It likewise is situate near a river and at about a
-distance from the sea of 120 stadia.
-
-
- (54) With regard to the names in this extract which occur also in
- the _Periplûs_ the following passages quoted from Dr. Caldwell’s
- _Dravidian Grammar_ will throw much light. He says (Introd. p.
- 97):—“+Muziris+ appears to be the +Muyiri+ of Muyiri-kotta.
- Tyndis is +Tuṇḍi+, and the Kynda, of Nelkynda, or as Ptolemy
- has it, Melkynda, _i. e._ probably Western kingdom, seems to be
- +Kannettri+, the southern boundary of Kêrala proper. One MS. of
- Pliny writes the second part of this word not _Cyndon_ but _Canidon_.
- The first of these places was identified by Dr. Gundert, for the
- remaining two we are indebted to Dr. Burnell.
-
- “Cottonara, Pliny; Kottonarike, _Periplûs_, the district where
- the best pepper was produced. It is singular that this district
- was not mentioned by Ptolemy. +Cottonara+ was evidently the
- name of the district. κοττοναρικον the name of the pepper for
- which the district was famous. Dr. Buchanan identifies Cottonara
- with +Kaḍatta-naḍu+, the name of a district in the Calicut
- country celebrated for its pepper. Dr. Burnell identifies it with
- +Koļatta-nâḍu+, the district about Tellicherry which he says
- is the pepper district. _Kadatta_ in Malayâlam means ‘transport,
- conveyance,’ +Nâdû+, Tam.—Mal., means a district.”
-
- “The prince called Kêrobothros by Ptolemy (VII. i. 86) is called
- Kêprobotros by the author of the _Periplûs_. The insertion of π is
- clearly an error, but more likely to be the error of a copyist than
- that of the author, who himself had visited the territories of the
- prince in question. He is called Caelobothras in Pliny’s text, but
- one of the MSS. gives it more correctly as Celobotras. The name in
- Sanskrit, and in full is ‘Keralaputra,’ but both _kêra_ and _kêla_ are
- Dravidian abbreviations of _kêralâ_. They are Malayâļam however, not
- Tamil abbreviations, and the district over which Keralaputra ruled
- is that in which the Malayâļam language is now spoken” (p. 95). From
- Ptolemy we learn that the capital of this prince was +Karoura+,
- which has been “identified with +Karûr+, an important town in the
- Koimbatur district originally included in the Chêra kingdom. Karûr
- means the black town.... Ptolemy’s word +Karoura+ represents
- the Tami[l:] name of the place with perfect accuracy.” Nelkunda, our
- author informs us, was not subject to this prince but to another
- called +Pandiôn+. This name, says Dr. Caldwell, “is of Sanskrit
- origin, and +Pandæ+, the form which Pliny, after Megasthenês,
- gives in his list of the Indian nations, comes very near the Sanskrit.
- The more recent local information of Pliny himself, as well as the
- notices of Ptolemy and the _Periplûs_, supply us with the Dravidian
- form of the word. The Tami[l:] sign of the masc. sing. is _an_, and
- Tami[l:] inserts _i_ euphonically after _ṇḍ_, consequently Pandiôn,
- and still better the plural form of the word +Pandiones+,
- faithfully represents the Tami[l:] masc. sing. +Pâṇḍiyan+.” In
- another passage the same scholar says: “The Sanskrit Pâṇḍya is written
- in Tamil Pâṇḍiya, but the more completely tamilized form +Pâṇḍi+
- is still more commonly used all over southern India. I derive Pâṇḍi,
- as native scholars always derive the word, from the Sanskrit Pâṇḍu,
- the name of the father of the Pâṇḍava brothers.” The capital of this
- prince, as Pliny has stated, was +Modura+, which is the Sanskrit
- Maṭhurâ pronounced in the Tami[l:] manner. The corresponding city in
- Northern India, Maṭhurâ, is written by the Greeks +Methora+.
-
- +Nelkunda+ is mentioned by various authors under varying forms of
- the name. As has been already stated, it is Melkunda in Ptolemy, who
- places it in the country of the Aii. In the _Peutingerian Table_ it is
- Nincylda, and in the Geographer of Ravenna, Nilcinna. At the mouth of
- the river on which it stands was its shipping port +Bakare+ or
- Becare, according to Müller now represented by +Markari+ (lat.
- 12° N.) Yule conjectures that it must have been between Kanetti and
- Kolum in Travancore. Regarding the trade of this place we may quote a
- remark from Vincent. “We find,” he says, “that throughout the whole
- which the _Periplûs_ mentions of India we have a catalogue of the
- exports and imports only at the two ports of Barugaza and Nelcynda,
- and there seems to be a distinction fixed between the articles
- appropriate to each. Fine muslins and ordinary cottons are the
- principal commodities of the first; tortoise shell, precious stones,
- silk, and above all pepper, seem to have been procurable only at the
- latter. This pepper is said to be brought to this port from Cottonara,
- famous to this hour for producing the best pepper in the world except
- that of Sumatra. The pre-eminence of these two ports will account
- for the little that is said of the others by the author, and why he
- has left us so few characters by which we may distinguish one from
- another.”
-
- Our author on concluding his account of Nelkunda interrupts his
- narrative to relate the incidents of the important discovery of the
- monsoon made by that Columbus of antiquity Hippalus. This account,
- Vincent remarks, naturally excites a curiosity in the mind to enquire
- how it should happen that the monsoon should have been noticed by
- Nearkhos, and that from the time of his voyage for 300 years no one
- should have attempted a direct course till Hippalus ventured to
- commit himself to the ocean. He is of opinion that there was a direct
- passage by the monsoons both in going to and coming from India in use
- among the Arabians before the Greeks adopted it, and that Hippalus
- frequenting these seas as a pilot or merchant, had met with Indian or
- Arabian traders who made their voyages in a more compendious manner
- than the Greeks, and that he collected information from them which he
- had both the prudence and courage to adopt, just as Columbus, while
- owing much to his own nautical experience and fortitude was still
- under obligations to the Portuguese, who had been resolving the great
- problems in the art of navigation for almost a century previous to his
- expedition.
-
-55. At the very mouth of this river lies another village, +Bakare+,
-to which the ships despatched from Nelkunda come down _empty_ and
-ride at anchor off shore while taking in cargo: for the river, it may
-be noted, has sunken reefs and shallows which make its navigation
-difficult. The sign by which those who come hither by sea know they are
-nearing land is their meeting with snakes, which are here of a black
-colour, not so long as those already mentioned, like serpents about the
-head, and with eyes the colour of blood.
-
-
- (55) +Nelkunda+ appears to have been the limit of our author’s
- voyage along the coast of India, for in the sequel of his narrative
- he defines but vaguely the situation of the places which he notices,
- while his details are scanty, and sometimes grossly inaccurate. Thus
- he makes the Malabar Coast extend southwards beyond Cape Comorin as
- far at least as Kolkhoi (near Tutikorin) on the Coromandel coast, and
- like many ancient writers, represents Ceylon as stretching westward
- almost as far as Africa.
-
-56. The ships which frequent these ports are of a large size, on account
-of the great amount and bulkiness of the pepper and betel of which
-their lading consists. The imports here are principally—
-
-Χρήματα πλεῖ στα—Great quantities of specie.
-
-Χρυσόλιθα—(Topaz?) Gold-stone, Chrysolite.
-
-Ἰματισμὸς ἁπλοὸς οὐ πολὺς—A small assortment of plain cloth.
-
-Πολύμιτα—Flowered robes.
-
-Στίμμι, κοράλλιον—Stibium, a pigment for the eyes, coral.
-
-ὕαλος ἀργὴ χαλκὸς—White glass, copper or brass.
-
-Κασσίτερος, μόλυβδος—Tin, lead.
-
-Οἵνος οὐ πολύς, ὡσεὶ δὲ τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἐν Βαρυγάζοις—Wine but not much,
-but about as much as at Barugaza.
-
-Σανδαράκη—Sandarach (_Sindûrâ_).
-
-Ἀρσενικὸν—Arsenic (Orpiment), yellow sulphuret of arsenic.
-
-Σῖτος ὅσος ἀρκέ σει τοῖς περὶ το ναυκλήριον, διὰ τὸ μὴ τοὺς ἐμπόρους
-αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι—Corn, only for the use of the ship’s company, as the
-merchants do not sell it.
-
-The following commodities are brought to it for export:—
-
-Πέπερι μονογενῶς ἐν ἐνὶ τόπω τούτων τῶν ἐμπορίων γεννώμενον πολύ τῇ
-λεγομενῇ Κοττοναρικη—Pepper in great quantity, produced in only one of
-these marts, and called the pepper of Kottonara.
-
-Μαργαρίτης ίκανὸς καὶ διάφορος—Pearls in great quantity and of superior
-quality.
-
-Ἐλέφας—Ivory.
-
-Ὀθόνια Σηρικὰ—Fine silks.
-
-Νάρδος ἡ Γαγγητικὴ—Spikenard from the Ganges.
-
-Μαλάβαθρον—Betel—all brought from countries further east.
-
-Λιθία διαφανὴς παντοία—Transparent or precious stones of all
-sorts.
-
-Αδάμας—Diamonds.
-
-Ὑάκινθος—Jacinths.
-
-Χελώνη ἥτε Χρυσονησιωτικὴ καὶ ἡ περὶ τὰς νήσους θηρευομένη τὰς
-προκειμένας αὐτῆς τῆς Λιμυρικῆς—Tortoise-shell from the Golden Island,
-and another sort which is taken in the islands which lie off the coast
-of Limurikê.
-
-The proper season to set sail from Egypt for this part of India is
-about the month of July—that is, Epiphi.
-
-57. The whole round of the voyage from +Kanê+ and +Eudaimôn
-Arabia+, which we have just described, used to be performed in
-small vessels which kept close to shore and followed its windings, but
-+Hippalos+ was the pilot who first, by observing the bearings
-of the ports and the configuration of the sea, discovered the direct
-course across the ocean; whence as, at the season when our own Etesians
-are blowing, a periodical wind from the ocean likewise blows in the
-Indian Sea, this wind, which is the south-west, is, it seems, called in
-these seas Hippalos [after the name of the pilot who first discovered
-the _passage by means of it_]. From the time of this discovery to the
-present day, merchants who sail for India either from +Kanê+, or,
-as others do, from +Arômata+, if Limurikê be their destination,
-must often change their tack, but if they are bound for +Barugaza+
-and +Skythia+, they are not retarded for more than three days,
-after which, committing themselves to the monsoon which blows right in
-the direction of their course, they stand far out to sea, leaving all
-the gulfs we have mentioned in the distance.
-
-58. After +Bakare+ occurs the mountain called Pyrrhos (or the
-Red) towards the south, near another district of the country called
-+Paralia+ (where the pearl-fisheries are which belong to king
-Pandiôn), and a city of the name of +Kolkhoi+. In this tract the
-first place met with is called +Balita+, which has a good harbour
-and a village on its shore. Next to this is another place called
-+Komar+, where is the cape of the same name and a haven. Those who
-wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come
-hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done
-by women; since it is related that the goddess (_Kumârî_) once on a
-time resided at the place and bathed. From +Komarei+ (towards the
-south) the country extends as far as +Kolkhoi+, where the fishing
-for pearls is carried on. Condemned criminals are employed in this
-service. King Pandiôn is the owner of the fishery. To +Kolkhoi+
-succeeds another coast lying along a gulf having a district in the
-interior bearing the name of +Argalou+. In this single place are
-obtained the pearls collected near the island of +Epiodôros+. From
-it are exported the muslins called _ebargareitides_.
-
-
- (58) The first place mentioned after +Bakare+ is +Pyrrhos+,
- or the Red Mountain, which extends along a district called
- +Paralia+. “There are,” says Dr. Caldwell (Introd. p. 99), “three
- Paralias mentioned by the Greeks, two by Ptolemy ... one by the author
- of the _Periplûs_. The Paralia mentioned by the latter corresponded
- to Ptolemy’s country of the Ἄïοι, and that of the Καρεοι, that is,
- to South Travancore and South Tinnevelly. It commenced at the Red
- Cliffs south of Quilon, and included not only Cape Comorin but also
- Κόλχοι, where the pearl fishing was carried on, which belonged to King
- Pandiôn. Dr. Burnell identifies Paralia with Parali, which he states
- is an old name for Travancore, but I am not quite able to adopt this
- view.” “Paralia,” he adds afterwards, “may possibly have corresponded
- in meaning, if not in sound, to some native word meaning coast,—viz.,
- Karei.” On this coast is a place called +Balita+, which is
- perhaps the +Bammala+ of Ptolemy (VII. i. 9), which Mannert
- identifies with Manpalli, a little north of Anjenga.
-
-
- [Transcriber’s Note: There is no Paragraph 59]
-
-
-60. Among the marts and anchorages along this shore to which
-merchants from Limurikê and the north resort, the most conspicuous
-are +Kamara+ and +Podoukê+ and +Sôpatma+, which occur
-in the order in which we have named them. In these marts are found
-those native vessels for coasting voyages which trade as far as
-Limurikê, and another kind called _sangara_, mode by fastening together
-large vessels formed each of a single timber, and also others called
-_kolandiophônta_, which are of great bulk and employed for voyages
-to +Khrusê+ and the +Ganges+. These marts import all the
-commodities which reach Limurikê for commercial purposes, absorbing
-likewise nearly every species of goods brought from Egypt, and most
-descriptions of all the goods exported from Limurikê and disposed of on
-this coast _of India_.
-
-
- (60) We now reach the great promontory called in the _Periplûs_
- +Komar+ and +Komarei+, Cape Kumârî. “It has derived its
- name,” says Caldwell, “from the Sans. _Kumârî_, a virgin, one of the
- names of the goddess Durgâ, the presiding divinity of the place,
- but the shape which this word has taken is, especially in _komar_,
- distinctively Tamilian.” In ordinary Tamil _Kumârî_ becomes _Kumări_;
- and in the vulgar dialect of the people residing in the neighbourhood
- of the Cape a virgin is neither Kumârî nor Kumări but Kŭmăr pronounced
- Kŏmar. It is remarkable that this vulgar corruption of the Sanskrit
- is identical with the name given to the place by the author of the
- _Periplûs_.... The monthly bathing in honor of the goddess Durgâ is
- still continued at Cape Comorin, but is not practised to the same
- extent as in ancient times.... Through the continued encroachments of
- the sea, the harbour the Greek mariners found at Cape Comorin and the
- fort (if φρουριον is the correct reading for βριάριον of the MS.) have
- completely disappeared; but a fresh water well remains in the centre
- of a rock, a little way out at sea. Regarding +Kolkhoi+, the
- next place mentioned after Komari, the same authority as we have seen
- places it (_Ind. Ant._ vol. VI. p. 80) near Tuticorin. It is mentioned
- by Ptolemy and in the _Peutinger Tables_, where it is called ‘Colcis
- Indorum’. The Gulf of Manaar was called by the Greeks the Colchic
- Gulf. The Tami[l:] name of the place Kolkei is almost identical with
- the Greek. “The place,” according to Caldwell, “is now about three
- miles inland, but there are abundant traces of its having once stood
- on the coast, and I have found the tradition that it was once the seat
- of the pearl fishery, still surviving amongst its inhabitants.” After
- the sea had retired from Κόλχοι ... a new emporium arose on the coast.
- This was +Kâyal+, the Cael of Marco Polo. Kâyal in turn became
- in time too far from the sea ... and Tuticorin (+Tûttrukuḍi+)
- was raised instead by the Portuguese from the position of a
- fishing village to that of the most important port on the southern
- Coromandel coast. The identification of Kolkoi with Kolkei is one
- of much importance. Being perfectly certain it helps forward other
- identifications. _Kol._ in Tami[l:] means ‘to slay.’ _Kei_ is ‘hand.’
- It was the first capital of Pandiôn.
-
- The coast beyond +Kolkhoi+, which has an inland district
- belonging to it called +Argalou+, is indented by a gulf called by
- Ptolemy the Argarik—now Palk Bay. Ptolemy mentions also a promontory
- called +Kôru+ and beyond it a city called +Argeirou+ and
- an emporium called +Salour+. This Kôru of Ptolemy, Caldwell
- thinks, represents the +Kôlis+ of the geographers who preceded
- him, and the +Koṭi+ of Tami[l:], and identifies it with “the
- island promontory of +Râmeśvaram+, the point of land from which
- there was always the nearest access from Southern India to Ceylon.” An
- island occurs in these parts, called that of +Epiodôros+, noted
- for its pearl fishery, on which account Ritter would identify it with
- the island of Manaar, which Ptolemy, as Mannert thinks, speaks of as
- Νάνιγηρίς (VII. i. 95). Müller thinks, however, it may be compared
- with Ptolemy’s +Kôru+, and so be Râmeśvaram.
-
- This coast has commercial intercourse not only with the Malabar
- ports, but also with the Ganges and the Golden Khersonese. For the
- trade with the former a species of canoes was used called _Sangara_.
- The Maļayâlam name of these, Caldwell says, is _Changâdam_, in Tuļa
- _Jangâla_, compare Sanskrit _Samghâdam_ a raft (_Ind. Ant._ vol. I.
- p. 309). The large vessels employed for the Eastern trade were called
- _Kolandiophonta_, a name which Caldwell confesses his inability to
- explain.
-
- Three cities and ports are named in the order of their occurrence
- which were of great commercial importance, +Kamara+,
- +Podoukê+, and +Sôpatma+. +Kamara+ may perhaps be,
- as Müller thinks, the emporium which Ptolemy calls +Khabêris+,
- situated at the mouth of the River +Khabêros+ (now, the Kavery),
- perhaps, as Dr. Burnell suggests, the modern Kaveripattam. (_Ind.
- Ant._ vol. VII. p. 40). +Podoukê+ appears in Ptolemy as Podoukê.
- It is +Puduchchêri+, _i. e._ ‘new town,’ now well known as
- Pondicherry; so Bohlen, Ritter, and Benfey. [Yule and Lassen place it
- at Pulikât]. +Sôpatma+ is not mentioned in Ptolemy, nor can it
- now be traced. In Sanskrit it transliterates into _Su-patna_, _i. e._,
- fair town.
-
-61. Near the region which succeeds, where the course of the voyage now
-bends to the east, there lies out in the open sea stretching towards
-the west the island now called +Palaisimoundou+, but by the
-ancients +Taprobanê+. To cross over to the northern side of it
-takes a day. In the south part it gradually stretches towards the west
-till it nearly reaches the opposite coast of +Azania+. It produces
-pearl, precious (_transparent_) stones, muslins, and tortoise-shell.
-
-
- (61) The next place noticed is the Island of Ceylon, which is
- designated +Palaisimoundou+, with the remark that its former
- name was +Taprobanê+. This is the Greek transliteration of
- Tâmraparnî, the name given by a band of colonists from Magadha to the
- place where they first landed in Ceylon, and which was afterwards
- extended to the whole island. It is singular, Dr. Caldwell remarks,
- that this is also the name of the principal river in Tinnevelly on the
- opposite coast of India, and he infers that the colony referred to
- might previously have formed a settlement in Tinnevelly at the mouth
- of the Tâmraparṇi river—perhaps at Kolkei, the earliest residence of
- the Pâṇḍya kings. The passage in the _Periplûs_ which refers to the
- island is very corrupt.
-
-62.(_Returning to the coast_,) not far from the three marts we have
-mentioned lies +Masalia+, the seaboard of a country extending
-far inland. Here immense quantities of fine muslins are manufactured.
-From +Masalia+ the course of the voyage lies eastward across a
-neighbouring bay to +Dêsarênê+, which has the breed of elephants
-called Bôsarê. Leaving +Dêsarênê+ the course is northerly, passing
-a variety of barbarous tribes, among which are the +Kirrhadai+,
-savages whose noses are flattened to the face, and another tribe, that
-of the +Bargusoi+, as well as the +Hîppioprosôpoi+ _or_
-+Makroprosôpoi+ (the horse faced or long faced men), who are
-reported to be cannibals.
-
-
- (62) Recurring to the mainland, the narrative notices a district
- called +Masalia+, where great quantities of cotton were
- manufactured. This is the +Maïsôlia+ of Ptolemy, the region in
- which he places the mouths of a river the +Maisôlos+, which
- Benfey identifies with the Godâvarî, in opposition to others who
- would make it the Krishnâ, which is perhaps Ptolemy’s +Tuna+.
- The name Maisôlia is taken from the Sanskrit Mausala, preserved in
- Machhlipatana, now Masulipatam. Beyond this, after an intervening gulf
- running eastward is crossed, another district occurs, +Desarênê+,
- noted for its elephants. This is not mentioned by Ptolemy, but a
- river with a similar name, the +Dôsarôn+, is found in his
- enumeration of the rivers which occur between the Maisôlos and the
- Ganges. As it is the last in the list it may probably be, as Lassen
- supposes, the Brâhmini. Our author however places Desarênê at a much
- greater distance from the Ganges, for he peoples the intermediate
- space with a variety of tribes which Ptolemy relegates to the East of
- the river. The first of these tribes is that of the +Kirrâdai+
- (Sanskrit, Kirâtas), whose features are of the Mongolian type. Next
- are the +Bargusoi+, not mentioned by Ptolemy, but perhaps to be
- identified with the cannibal race he speaks of, the +Barousai+
- thought by Yule to be possibly the inhabitants of the Nikobar islands,
- and lastly the tribe of the long or horse-faced men who were also
- cannibals.
-
-63. After passing these the course turns again to the east, and if you
-sail with the ocean to your right and the coast far to your left, you
-reach the Ganges and the extremity of the continent towards the east
-_called_ +Khrusê+ (the Golden Khersonese). The river of this
-region called the +Ganges+ is the largest in India; it has an
-_annual_ increase and decrease like the Nile, and there is on it a mart
-called after it, Gangê, through which passes _a considerable traffic_
-consisting of betel, the Gangetic spikenard, pearl, and the finest of
-all muslins—those called the Gangetic. In this locality also there is
-said to be a gold mine and a gold coin called _Kaltis_. Near this river
-there is an island of the ocean called +Khrusê+ (or the Golden),
-which lies directly under the rising sun and at the extremity of the
-world towards the east. It produces the finest tortoise-shell that is
-found throughout the whole of the Erythræan Sea.
-
-
- (63) When this coast of savages and monsters is left behind, the
- course lies eastward, and leads to the Ganges, which is the greatest
- river of India, and adjoins the extremity of the Eastern continent
- called +Khrusê+, or the Golden. Near the river, or, according
- to Ptolemy, on the third of its mouths stands a great emporium of
- trade called +Gangê+, exporting _Malabathrum_ and cottons and
- other commodities. Its exact position there are not sufficient data
- to determine. Khrusê is not only the name of the last part of the
- continent, but also of an island lying out in the ocean to eastward,
- not far from the Ganges. It is the last part of the world which is
- said to be inhabited. The situation of Khrusê is differently defined
- by different ancient authors. It was not known to the Alexandrine
- geographers. Pliny seems to have preserved the most ancient report
- circulated regarding it. He says (VI. xxiii. 80): “Beyond the mouth
- of the Indus are +Chryse+ and +Argyre+ abounding in metals
- as I believe, for I can hardly credit what some have related that
- the soil consists of gold and silver.” Mela (III. 7) assigns to it
- a very different position, asserting it to be near +Tabis+,
- the last spur of the range of Taurus. He therefore places it where
- Eratosthenês places +Thînai+, to the north of the Ganges on the
- confines of the Indian and Skythian oceans. Ptolemy, in whose time the
- Transgangetic world was better known, refers it to the peninsula of
- Malacca, the Golden Khersonese.
-
-64. Beyond this region, immediately under the north, where the sea
-terminates outwards, there lies somewhere in +Thîna+ a very great
-city,—not on the coast, but in the interior of the country, called
-+Thîna+,—from which silk, whether in the raw state or spun into
-thread
-
-and woven into cloth, is brought by land to Barugaza through Baktria,
-or by the Ganges to Limurikê. To penetrate into +Thîna+ is not
-an easy undertaking, and but few _merchants_ come from it, and that
-rarely. Its situation is under the Lesser Bear, and it is said to be
-conterminous with the remotest end of Pontos, and that part of the
-Kaspian Sea which adjoins the Maiôtic Lake, along with which it issues
-by _one and_ the same mouth into the ocean.
-
-
- (64) The last place which the _Periplûs_ mentions is Thînai, an
- inland city of the +Thînai+ or +Sinai+, having a large
- commerce in silk and woollen stuffs. The ancient writers are not at
- all agreed as to its position. Colonel Yule thinks it was probably
- the city described by Marco Polo under the name of +Kenjan-fu+
- (that is Singan-fu or Chauggan,) the most celebrated city in Chinese
- history, and the capital of several of the most potent dynasties. It
- was the metropolis of Shi Hwengti of the T’Sin dynasty, properly the
- first emperor, and whose conquests almost intersected those of his
- contemporary Ptolemy Euergetês—(vide Yule’s _Travels of Marco Polo_,
- vol. II. p. 21).
-
-65. On the confines, however, of +Thînai+ an annual fair is held,
-attended by a race of men of squat figure, with their face very broad,
-but mild in disposition, called the +Sesatai+, who in appearance
-resemble wild animals. They come with their wives and children to this
-fair, bringing heavy loads of goods wrapped up in mats resembling
-in outward appearance the early leaves of the vine. Their place of
-assembly is where their own territory borders with that of Thînai; and
-here, squatted on the mats on which they exhibit their wares, they
-feast for several days, after which they return to their homes in the
-interior. On observing their retreat the people of Thînai, repairing to
-the spot, collect the mats on which they had been sitting, and taking
-out the fibres, which are called _petroi_, from the reeds, they put
-the leaves two and two together, and roll them up into slender balls,
-through which they pass the fibres extracted from the reeds. Three
-kinds of Malabathrum are thus made—that of the large ball, that of the
-middle, and that of the small, according to the size of the leaf of
-which the balls are formed. Hence there are three kinds of Malabathrum,
-which after being made up are forwarded to India by the manufacturers.
-
-66. All the regions beyond this are unexplored, being difficult of
-access by reason of the extreme rigour of the climate and the severe
-frosts, or perhaps because such is the will of the divine power.
-
-
-
-
- THE
-
- VOYAGE OF NEARKHOS,
-
- FROM THE INDUS TO THE HEAD OF THE
- PERSIAN GULF,
-
- AS DESCRIBED IN THE SECOND PART OF
- THE INDIKA OF ARRIAN,
-
- (FROM CHAPTER XVIII. TO THE END.)
-
- TRANSLATED FROM MÜLLER’S EDITION
- (As given in the _Geographi Græci Minores_: Paris, 1855).
-
- WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES.
-
-
-
-
- THE VOYAGE OF NEARKHOS.
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION.
-
-
-The coasting voyage from the mouth of the Indus to the head of
-the Persian Gulf, designed by Alexander the Great, and executed
-by Nearkhos, may be regarded as the most important achievement of
-the ancients in navigation. It opened up, as Vincent remarks, a
-communication between Europe and the most distant countries of Asia,
-and, at a later period, was the source and origin of the Portuguese
-discoveries, and consequently the primary cause, however remote, of the
-British establishments in India. A Journal of this voyage was written
-by Nearkhos himself, which, though not extant in its original form,
-has been preserved for us by Arrian, who embodied its contents in his
-little work on India,[23] which he wrote as a sequel to his history of
-the expedition of Alexander.
-
-Nearkhos as a writer must be acknowledged to be most scrupulously
-honest and exact,—for the result of explorations made in modern times
-along the shores which he passed in the course of his voyage shows
-that his description of them is accurate even in the most minute
-particulars. His veracity was nevertheless oppugned in ancient times by
-Strabo, who unjustly stigmatises the whole class of the Greek writers
-upon India as mendacious. “Generally speaking,” he says (II. i. 9),
-“the men who have written upon Indian affairs were a set of liars.
-Deimakhos holds the first place in the list, Megasthenês comes next,
-while Onêsikritos and Nearkhos, with others of the same class, stammer
-out a few words of truth.” (παραψελλίζοντες). Strabo, however, in
-spite of this censure did not hesitate to use Nearkhos as one of his
-chief authorities for his description of India, and is indebted to him
-for many facts relating to that country, which, however extraordinary
-they might appear to his contemporaries, have been all confirmed by
-subsequent observation. It is therefore fairly open to doubt whether
-Strabo was altogether sincere in his ill opinion, seeing it had but
-little, if any, influence on his practice. We know at all events that
-he was too much inclined to undervalue any writer who retailed fables,
-without discriminating whether the writer set them down as facts, or
-merely as stories, which he had gathered from hearsay.
-
-In modern times, the charge of mendacity has been repeated by Hardouin
-and Huet. There are, however, no more than two passages of the Journal
-which can be adduced to support this imputation. The first is that
-in which the excessive breadth of 200 stadia is given to the Indus,
-and the second that in which it is asserted that at Malana (situated
-in 25° 17´ of N. latitude) the shadows at noon were observed to
-fall southward, and this in the month of November. With regard to
-the first charge, it may be supposed that the breadth assigned to
-the Indus was probably that which it was observed to have when in a
-state of inundation, and with regard to the second, it may be met by
-the supposition, which is quite admissible, that Arrian may have
-misapprehended in some measure the import of the statement as made
-by Nearkhos. The passage will be afterwards examined,[24] but in the
-meantime we may say, with Vincent, that if the difficulty it presents
-admits of no satisfactory solution, the misstatement ought not, as
-standing alone, to be insisted upon to the invalidation of the whole
-work.
-
-But another charge besides that of mendacity has been preferred
-against the Journal. Dodwell has denied its authenticity. His attack
-is based on the following passage in Pliny (VI. 23):—Onesciriti et
-Nearchi navigatio nec nomina habet mansionum nec spatia. _The Journal
-of Onesicritus and Nearchus has neither the names of the anchorages
-nor the measure of the distances._ From this Dodwell argues that,
-as the account of the voyage in Arrian contains both the names and
-the distances, it could not have been a transcript of the Journal of
-Nearkhos, which according to Pliny gave neither names nor distances.
-Now, in the first place, it may well be asked, why the authority of
-Pliny, who is by no means always a careful writer, should be set so
-high as to override all other testimony, for instance, that of Arrian
-himself, who expressly states in the outset of his narrative that he
-intended to give the account of the voyage which had been written by
-Nearkhos. In the second place, the passage in question is probably
-corrupt, or if not, it is in direct conflict with the passage which
-immediately follows it, and contains Pliny’s own summary of the voyage
-in which little else is given than the names of the anchorages and the
-distances. Dodwell was aware of the inconsistency of the two passages,
-and endeavoured to explain it away. In this he entirely fails, and
-there can therefore be no reasonable doubt, that in Arrian’s work we
-have a record of the voyage as authentic as it is veracious.
-
-Of that record we proceed to give a brief abstract, adding a few
-particulars gathered from other sources.
-
-The fleet with which Nearkhos accomplished the voyage consisted of
-war-galleys and transports which had been partly built and partly
-collected on the banks of the river Hydaspes (now the Jhelam), where
-Alexander had supplied them with crews by selecting from his troops
-such men as had a knowledge of seamanship. The fleet thus manned sailed
-slowly down the Hydaspes, the Akesinês, and the Indus, its movements
-being regulated by those of the army, which, in marching down towards
-the sea, was engaged in reducing the warlike tribes settled along the
-banks of these rivers. This downward voyage occupied, according to
-Strabo, ten months, but it probably did not occupy more than nine. The
-fleet having at length reached the apex of the Delta formed by the
-Indus remained in that neighbourhood for some time at a place called
-Pattala, which has generally been identified with Ṭhaṭha—a town near to
-where the western arm of the Indus bifurcates,—but which Cunningham and
-others would prefer to identify with Nirankol or Haidarâbâd.[25] From
-Pattala Alexander sailed down the western stream of the river, where
-some of his ships were damaged and others destroyed by encountering
-the Bore, a phenomenon as alarming as it was new to the Greeks.[26]
-He returned to Pattala, and thence made an excursion down the Eastern
-stream, which he found less difficult to navigate. On again returning
-to Pattala he removed his fleet down to a station on the Western
-branch of the river (at an island called Killouta),[27] which was
-at no great distance from the sea. He then set out on his return to
-Persia, leaving instructions with Nearkhos to start on the voyage as
-soon as the calming of the monsoon should render navigation safe. It
-was the king’s intention to march near to the coast, and to collect at
-convenient stations supplies for the victualling of the fleet, but he
-found that such a route was impracticable, and he was obliged to lead
-his army through the inland provinces which lay between India and his
-destination, Sûsa.[28] He left Leonnatos, however, behind him in the
-country of the Oreitai, with instructions to render every assistance in
-his power to the expedition under Nearkhos when it should reach that
-part of the coast.
-
-Nearkhos remained in the harbour at Killouta for about a month after
-Alexander had departed, and then sailed during a temporary lull in the
-monsoon, as he was apprehensive of being attacked by the natives who
-had been but imperfectly subjugated, and whose spirit was hostile.[29]
-The date on which he set sail is fixed by Vincent as the 1st of October
-in the year B.C. 326. He proceeded slowly down the river, and
-anchored first at a place called Stoura, which was only 100 stadia
-distant from the station they had quitted. Here the fleet remained for
-two days, when it proceeded to an anchorage only 30 stadia farther
-down the stream at a place called Kaumana.[30] Thence it proceeded to
-Koreatis (v. 1. Koreëstis)—where it again anchored. When once more
-under weigh its progress was soon arrested by a dangerous rock or bar
-which obstructed the mouth of the river.[31] After some delay this
-difficulty was overcome, and the fleet was conducted in safety into the
-open main, and onward to an island called Krôkala (150 stadia distant
-from the bar), where it remained at anchor throughout the day following
-its arrival. On leaving this island Nearkhos had Mount Eiros (now
-Manora) on his right hand, and a low flat island on his left; and this,
-as Cunningham remarks, is a very accurate description of the entrance
-to Karâchi harbour. The fleet was conducted into this harbour, now so
-well known as the great emporium of the trade of the Indus, and here,
-as the monsoon was still blowing with great violence, it remained for
-four and twenty days. The harbour was so commodious and secure that
-Nearkhos designated it the Port of Alexander. It was well sheltered by
-an island lying close to its mouth, called by Arrian, Bibakta, but by
-Pliny, Bibaga, and by Philostratos, Biblos.
-
-The expedition took its departure from this station on the 3rd of
-November. It suffered both from stress of weather and from shortness
-of provisions until it reached Kôkala on the coast of the Oreitai,
-where it took on board the supplies which had been collected for its
-use by the exertions of Leonnatos. Here it remained for about 10
-days, and by the time of its departure the monsoon had settled in its
-favour, so that the courses daily accomplished were now of much greater
-length than formerly. The shores, however, of the Ikhthyophagoi,
-which succeeded to those of the Oreitai, were so miserably barren and
-inhospitable that provisions were scarcely procurable, and Nearkhos
-was apprehensive lest the men, famished and despairing, should desert
-the ships. Their sufferings were not relieved till they approached the
-straits, which open into the Persian Gulf. When within the straits,
-they entered the mouth of the river Anamis (now the Minâb or Ibrahim
-river), and having landed, formed a dockyard and a camp upon its banks.
-This place lay in Harmozeia, a most fertile and beautiful district
-belonging to Karmania. Nearkhos, having here learned that Alexander
-was not more than a 5 days’ journey from the sea, proceeded into the
-interior to meet him, and report the safety of the expedition. During
-his absence the ships were repaired and provisioned, and therefore
-soon after his return to the camp he gave orders for the resumption of
-the voyage. The time spent at Harmozeia was one and twenty days. The
-fleet again under weigh coasted the islands lying at the mouth of the
-gulf, and then having shaped its course towards the mainland, passed
-the western shores of Karmania and those of Persis, till it arrived
-at the mouth of the Sitakos (now the Kara-Agach), where it was again
-repaired and supplied with provisions, remaining for the same number
-of days as at the Anamis. One of the next stations at which it touched
-was Mesembria, which appears to have been situated in the neighbourhood
-of the modern Bushire. The coast of Persis was difficult to navigate
-on account of intricate and oozy channels, and of shoals and breakers
-which frequently extended far out to sea. The coast which succeeded,
-that of Sousis (from which Persis is separated by the river Arosis or
-Oroatis, now the Tâb) was equally difficult and dangerous to navigate,
-and therefore the fleet no longer crept along the shore, but stood
-out more into the open sea. At the head of the gulf Sousis bends to
-westward, and here are the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates, which
-appear in those days to have entered the sea by separate channels. It
-was the intention of Nearkhos to have sailed up the former river, but
-he passed its mouth unawares, and continued sailing westward till he
-reached Diridôtis (or Terêdon), an emporium in Babylonia, situated on
-the Pallacopas branch of the Euphrates. From Diridôtis he retraced
-his course, and entering the mouth of the Tigris sailed up its stream
-till he reached the lower end of a great lake (not now existing),
-through which its current flowed. At the upper end of this lake was
-a village called Aginis, said to have been 500 stadia distant from
-Sousa. Nearkhos did not, as has been erroneously supposed by some, sail
-up the lake to Aginis, but entered the mouth of a river which flows
-into its south-eastern extremity, called the Pasitigris or Eulæus,
-the Ulai of the Prophet Daniel, now the Karûn. The fleet proceeded
-up this river, and came to a final anchor in its stream immediately
-below a bridge, which continued the highway from Persia to Sousa. This
-bridge, according to Ritter and Rawlinson, crossed the Pasitigris at
-a point near the modern village of Ahwaz. Here the fleet and the army
-were happily reunited. Alexander on his arrival embraced Nearkhos with
-cordial warmth, and rewarded appropriately the splendid services which
-he had rendered by bringing the expedition safely through so many
-hardships and perils to its destination. The date on which the fleet
-anchored at the bridge is fixed by Vincent for the 24th of February
-B. C. 325, so that the whole voyage was performed in 146 days,
-or somewhat less than 5 months.
-
-The following tables show the names, positions, &c., of the different
-places which occurred on the route taken by the expedition:—
-
-
-I.
-
-From the Station on the Indus to the Port of Alexander (Karâchi
-Harbour).
-
- -------------------------+------------------+-------+--------+--------
- | |Distance| |
- | | in | |
- Ancient name. | Modern name. |Stadia.| Lat. N.|Long. E.
- | | [32] | |
- -------------------------+------------------+-------+--------+--------
- 1. Station at Killouta. | Near Lari-Bandar | -- | 24° 30´| 67° 28´
- 2. Stoura | -- | 100 | |
- 3. Kaumana | Khau | 30 | |
- 4. Koreatis | | 20 | |
- 5. Herma |_Bar in the | | |
- | Indus._ |
- 6. Krôkala | -- | 120 | |
- 7. _Mount Eiros_ | Manora. | | |
- 8. _Is. unnamed._ | | | |
- 9. The Port of Alexander.| Karâchi | -- | 24° 53´| 66° 57´
- -------------------------+------------------+-------+--------+--------
-
-
-II.
-
-Coast of the Arabies (Sindh).
-
- Length of the Coast from the Indus to the Arabis R. 1000 Stadia.
- Actual length in miles English 80
- Time taken in its navigation 38 Days.
-
- --------------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
- | Modern | Distance | |
- Ancient Name. | name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
- | | Stadia. | |
- --------------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
- 1. Port of Alexander| Karâchi | -- | 24° 53´ | 66° 57´
- 2. _Bibakta_ | | | |
- 3. Domai Is. | | 60 | 24° 48´ | 66° 50´
- 4. Saranga | | 300 | 24° 44´ | 66° 34´
- 5. Sakala | | | 24° 52´ | 66° 33´
- 6. Morontobara | | 300 | 25° 13´ | 66° 40´
- 7. _Is. unnamed_ | | | |
- 8. Arabis R. | Purâli R. | 120 | 25° 28´ | 66° 35´
- --------------------+-----------+----------+---------+----------
-
-
-III.
-
- Length of the coast (Arrian) 1600 Stadia.
- Do. do. (Strabo) 1800 --”
- Actual length in miles English 100
- Time taken in its navigation 18 Days.
-
- ---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+---------
- | | Distance | |
- Ancient Name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
- | | Stadia. | |
- ---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+---------
- 1. Pagala | -- | 200 | 25° 30´ | 66° 15´
- 2. Kabana | -- | 400 | 25° 28´ | 65° 46´
- 3. Kôkala | NearRâs-Katchari | 200 | 25° 21´ | 65° 36´
- 4. Tomêros R. |Maklow or Hingul R.| 500 | 25° 16´ | 65° 15´
- 5. Malana | Râs Malan | 300 | 25° 18´ | 65° 7´
- ---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+---------
-
-
-IV.
-
-Coast of the Ikhthyophagoi (Mekran or Beluchistan).
-
- Length of the coast (Arrian) 10,000 Stadia.
- Do. do. (Strabo) 7,000 “
- Actual length in miles English 480
- Time taken in its navigation 20 Days.
-
-
- ----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+----------
- | | Distance | |
- Ancient Name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
- | | Stadia. | |
- ----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+----------
- 1. Bagisara | On Arabah or | 600 | 25° 12´ | 64° 31´
- | Hormara Bay | | |
- 2. _Pasira_ | | | |
- 3. Cape unnamed | Râs Arabah | | 25° 7´ | 64° 29´
- 4. Kolta | | 200 | 25° 8´ | 64° 27´
- 5. Kalama | Kalami R. | 600 | 25° 21´ | 63° 59´
- 6. _Karbine Is._ | Asthola or | | |
- | Sânga-dîp | | |
- 7. Kissa in _Karbis_ | -- | 200 | 25° 22´ | 63° 37´
- 8. Cape unnamed | C. Passence | | 25° 15´ | 63° 30´
- 9. Mosarna | Near do. | | |
- 10. Balômon | -- | 750 | |
- 11. Barna | -- | 400 | 25° 12´ | 63° 10´
- 12. Dendrobosa |Daram or Duram | 200 | 25° 11´ | 62° 45´
- 13. Kôphas |Râs Koppa | 400 | 25° 11´ | 62° 29´
- 14. Kuiza |Near Râs Ghunse| 800 | 25° 10´ | 61° 56´
- 15. Town unnamed |On Gwattar Bay | 500 | |
- 16. Cape called Bagia | | | 25° 7´ | 61° 28´
- 17. Talmena |On Chaubar Bay | 1000 | 25° 24´ | 60° 40´
- 18. Kanasis | | 400 | 25° 24 | 60° 12´
- 19. Anchorage unnamed.| | | |
- 20. Kanate | Kungoun | 850 | 25° 25´ | 59° 15´
- 21. Taœi or Troisi | Near Sudich | 800 | 25° 30´ | 58° 42´
- | River | | |
- 22. Bagasira | Girishk | 300 | 25° 38´ | 58° 27´
- 23. Anchorage unnamed | -- | 1100 | |
- ----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+----------
-
-
-V.
-
- Coast of Karmania (Moghistan and Laristan).
- Length of the coast (Arrian and Strabo) 3,700 Stadia.
- Actual length in miles English 296
- Time taken in its navigation 19 Days.
-
- --------------------------+------------------+--------+-------+-------
- | |Distance| |
- Ancient name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. | Long.
- | |Stadia. | N. | E.
- --------------------------+------------------+------+---------+-------
- 1. Anchorage unnamed | | | |
- 2. Badis |Near Cape Bombarak| | 25° 47´ |57° 48´
- 3. Anchorage unnamed | -- | 800 | |
- 4. _Cape Maketa in Arabia_| Cape Musendom | | |
- 5. Neoptana | Nr. Karun | 700 | 26° 57´ |57° 1´
- 6. Anamis R. | Mînâb R. | 100 | 27° 11´ |57° 6´
- 7. _Organa Is._ | _Ormus or Djerun_| | |
- 8. Orakta Is. 2 anchorages| Kishm | 300 | |
- 9. _Island dist. from it |_Angar or Hanjam_ | | |
- 40 stadia._ | | | |
- 10. Island 300 stadia | Tombo | 400 | 26° 20´ |55° 20´
- from mainland. | | | |
- 11. _Pylora Is._ | _Polior Is._ | | 26° 20´ |54° 35´
- 12. Sisidone | Mogos? | | |
- 13. Tarsia | C. Djard | 300 | 26° 20´ |54° 21´
- 14. Kataia Is. | Kenn | 300 | 26° 32´ |54°
-
-
-VI.
-
-Coast of Persis (Farsistan).
-
- Length of Coast 4,400 Stadia.
- Actual length in miles English 382
- Time taken in its navigation 31 Days.
-
- ----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------
- Ancient name. | Modern | Distance | |
- | name. | in | Lat. N. |Long. E.
- | | Stadia. | |
- ----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------
- 1. Ila and Kaikander Is. |Inderabia | 400 | 26° 38´ | 53° 35´
- | Island | | |
- 2. Island with Pearl Fishery| | | |
- 3. Another anchorage here | -- | 40 | |
- 4. Mount Okhos | -- | | 26° 59´ | 53° 20´
- 5. Apostana | -- | 450 | 27° 1´ | 52° 55´
- 6. Bay unnamed |On it is | 400 | 27° 24´ | 52° 25´
- | Nabend | | |
- 7. Gôgana at mouth of | Konkan | 600 | 27° 48´ | 52°
- Areôn R. | | | |
- 8. Sitakos | Kara-Agach| | |
- | R. | 800 | |
- 9. Hieratis | ... | 750 | 28° 52´ | 50° 45´
- 10. Heratemis | | | |
- R. near it. | | | |
- 11. Podagron, R. | | | |
- 12. Mesambria | Near | ... | 29° | 50° 45´
- | Bushire.| | |
- 13. Taökê on | Taaug | 200 | 29° 14´ | 50° 30´
- Granis, R. | | | |
- 14. Rhogonis, R. | ... | 200 | 29° 27´ | 50° 29´
- 15. Brizana, R. | ... | 400 | 29° 57´ | 50° 15´
- 16. Arosis or | River Tâb.| ... | 30° 4´ | 49° 30´
- Oroatis, R. | | | |
- -----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------
-
-
-VII.
-
-Coast of Sousis (Khuzistan.)
-
- Length of the Coast 2000 Stadia.
- Time taken in its navigation 3 Days.
-
- ----------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
- | Modern | Distance | |
- Ancient name. | name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
- | | Stadia. | |
- ----------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
- 1. Kataderbis R.| ... | 500 | 30° 16´ | 49°
- | | | |
- 2. Margastana Is.| | | |
- | | | |
- 3. Anchorage | ... | 600 | |
- unnamed. | | | |
- | | | |
- 4. Diridôtis, | Near Jebel| 900 | 30° 12´ | 47° 35´
- the end of the| Sanâm. | | |
- sea voyage. | | | |
- ----------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------
-
-
-
-
-TRANSLATION.
-
-
-XVIII. When the fleet formed for Alexander upon the banks of the
-Hydaspes was now ready, he provided crews for the vessels by collecting
-all the Phœnikians and all the Kyprians and Egyptians who had followed
-him in his Eastern campaigns, and from these he selected such as
-were skilled in seamanship to manage the vessels and work the oars.
-He had besides in his army not a few islanders familiar with that
-kind of work, and also natives both of Ionia and of the Hellespont.
-The following officers he appointed as Commanders of the different
-galleys[33]:—
-
-Makedonians.
-
- Citizens of Pella.
-
- 1. Hephaistiôn, son of Amyntor.
- 2. Leonnatos, son of Anteas.
- 3. Lysimakhos, son of Agathoklês.
- 4. Asklepiodôros, son of Timander.
- 5. Arkhôn, son of Kleinias.
- 6. Demonikos, son of Athenaios.
- 7. Arkhias, son of Anaxidotos.
- 8. Ophellas, son of Seilênos.
- 9. Timanthês, son of Pantiadês.
-
- Of Amphipolis.
-
- 10. Nearkhos, son of Androtîmos, who wrote a narrative of the voyage.
- 11. Laomedôn, son of Larikhos.
- 12. Androsthenês, son of Kallistratos.
-
- Of Oresis.
-
- 13. Krateros, son of Alexander.
- 14. Perdikkas, son of Orontes.
-
- Of Eördaia.
-
- 15. Ptolemaios, son of Lagos.
- 16. Aristonous, son of Peisaios.
-
- Of Pydna.
-
- 17. Metrôn, son of Epikharmos.
- 18. Nikarkhidês, son of Simos.
-
- Of Stymphaia.
-
- 19. Attalos, son of Andromenês.
-
- Of Mieza.
-
- 20. Peukestas, son of Alexander.
-
- Of Alkomenai.
-
- 21. Peithôn, son of Krateuas.
-
- Of Aigai.
-
- 22. Leonnatos, son of Antipater.
-
- Of Alôros.
-
- 23. Pantoukhos, son of Nikolaös.
-
- Of Beroia.
-
- 24. Mylleas, son of Zôilos.
-
- All these were Makedonians.
-
- Greeks,—of Larisa:
-
- 25. Mêdios, son of Oxynthemis.
-
- Of Kardia.
-
- 26. Eumenês, son of Hierônymos.
-
- Of Kôs.
-
- 27. Kritoboulos, son of Plato.
-
- Of Magnêsia.
-
- 28. Thoas, son of Mênodôros.
- 29. Maiander, son of Mandrogenês.
-
- Of Teos.
-
- 30. Andrôn, son of Kabêlas.
-
- Of Soloi in Cyprus.
-
- 31. Nikokleês, son of Pasikratês.
-
- Of Salamis in Cyprus.
-
- 32. Nithaphôn, son of Pnutagoras.
-
- A Persian was also appointed as a Trierarch.
-
- 33. Bagoas, son of Pharnoukhês.
-
-The Pilot and Master of Alexander’s own ship was Onêsikritos of
-Astypalaia, and the Secretary-General of the fleet Euagoras, the son
-of Eukleôn, a Corinthian. Nearkhos, the son of Androtîmos, a Kretan
-by birth, but a citizen of Amphipolis on the Strymôn was appointed as
-Admiral of the expedition.
-
-When these dispositions had been all completed, Alexander sacrificed to
-his ancestral gods, and to such as had been indicated by the oracle;
-also to Poseidôn and Amphitritê and the Nêreids, and to Okeanos
-himself, and to the River Hydaspês, from which he was setting forth on
-his enterprise; and to the Akesinês into which the Hydaspês pours its
-stream, and to the Indus which receives both these rivers. He further
-celebrated the occasion by holding contests in music and gymnastics,
-and by distributing to the whole army, rank by rank, the sacrificial
-victims.
-
-XIX. When all the preparations for the voyage had been made, Alexander
-ordered Krateros, with a force of horse and foot, to go to one side of
-the Hydaspês; while Hephaistiôn commanding a still larger force, which
-included 200 elephants, should march in a parallel line on the other
-side. Alexander himself had under his immediate command the body of
-foot guards called the Hypaspists, and all the archers, and what was
-called the companion-cavalry,—a force consisting in all of 8,000 men.
-The troops under Krateros and Hephaistiôn marching in advance of the
-fleet had received instructions where they were to wait its arrival.
-Philip, whom he had appointed satrap of this region, was despatched to
-the banks of the Akesinês with another large division, for by this time
-he had a following of 120,000 soldiers,[34] including those whom he had
-himself led up from the sea-coast, as well as the recruits enlisted by
-the agents whom he had deputed to collect an army, when he admitted
-to his ranks barbarous tribes of all countries in whatever way they
-might be armed. Then weighing anchor, he sailed down the Hydaspês to
-its point of junction with the Akesinês. The ships numbered altogether
-1800, including the long narrow war galleys, the round-shaped roomy
-merchantmen, and the transports for carrying horses and provisions
-to feed the army. But how the fleet sailed down the rivers, and what
-tribes Alexander conquered in the course of the voyage, and how he
-was in danger among the Malli,[35] and how he was wounded in their
-country, and how Peukestas and Leonnatos covered him with their shields
-when he fell,—all these incidents have been already related in my
-other work, that which is written in the Attic dialect.[36] My present
-object is to give an account of the coasting voyage which Nearkhos
-accomplished with the fleet when starting from the mouths of the Indus
-he sailed through the great ocean as far as the Persian Gulf, called by
-some the Red Sea.
-
-XX. Nearkhos himself has supplied a narrative of this voyage, which
-runs to this effect. Alexander, he informs us, had set his heart on
-navigating the whole circuit of the sea which extends from India
-to Persia, but the length of the voyage made him hesitate, and the
-possibility of the destruction of his fleet, should it be cast on some
-desert coast either quite harbourless or too barren to furnish adequate
-supplies; in which case a great stain tarnishing the splendour of his
-former actions would obliterate all his good fortune. His ambition,
-however, to be always doing something new and astonishing prevailed
-over all his scruples. Then arose a difficulty as to what commander
-he should choose, having genius sufficient for working out his plans,
-and a difficulty also with regard to the men on ship-board how he
-could overcome their fear, that in being despatched on such a service
-they were recklessly sent into open peril. Nearkhos here tells us that
-Alexander consulted him on the choice of a commander, and that when the
-king had mentioned one man after another, rejecting all, some because
-they were not inclined to expose themselves for his sake to danger,
-others because they were of a timid temper, others because their only
-thought was how to get home, making this and that objection to each
-in turn, Nearkhos then proffered his own services in these terms: “I,
-then, O king, engage to command the expedition, and, under the divine
-protection, will conduct the fleet and the people on board safe into
-Persia, if the sea be that way navigable, and the undertaking within
-the power of man to perform.” Alexander made a pretence of refusing the
-offer, saying that he could not think of exposing any friend of his
-to the distresses and hazard of such a voyage, but Nearkhos, so far
-from withdrawing his proposal, only persisted the more in pressing its
-acceptance upon him. Alexander, it need not be said, warmly appreciated
-the promptitude to serve him shown by Nearkhos, and appointed him to be
-commander-in-chief of the expedition. When this became known, it had a
-great effect in calming the minds of the troops ordered on this service
-and on the minds of the sailors, since they felt assured that Alexander
-would never have sent forth Nearkhos into palpable danger unless their
-lives were to be preserved. At the same time the splendour with which
-the ships were equipped, and the enthusiasm of the officers vying with
-each other who should collect the best men, and have his complement
-most effective, inspired even those who had long hung back with nerve
-for the work, and a good hope that success would crown the undertaking.
-It added to the cheerfulness pervading the army that Alexander himself
-sailed out from both the mouths of the Indus into the open main when
-he sacrificed victims to Poseidôn and all the other sea-deities, and
-presented gifts of great magnificence to the sea; and so the men
-trusting to the immeasurable good fortune which had hitherto attended
-all the projects of Alexander, believed there was nothing he might not
-dare—nothing but would to him be feasible.
-
-XXI. When the Etesian winds,[37] which continue all the hot season
-blowing landward from the sea, making navigation on that coast
-impracticable, had subsided, then the expedition started on the voyage
-in the year when Kephisidôros was Archon at Athens, on the 20th day of
-the month Boëdromion according to the Athenian Kalendar, but as the
-Makedonians and Asiatics reckon * * in the 11th year of the reign of
-Alexander.[38] Nearkhos, before putting to sea sacrifices to Zeus the
-Preserver, and celebrates, as Alexander had done, gymnastic games. Then
-clearing out of harbour they end the first day’s voyage by anchoring
-in the Indus at a creek called Stoura, where they remain for two days.
-The distance of this place from the station they had just left was 100
-stadia. On the third day they resumed the voyage, but proceeded no
-further than 30 stadia, coming to an anchor at another creek, where the
-water was now salt, for the sea when filled with the tide ran up the
-creek, and its waters even when the tide receded commingled with the
-river. The name of this place was Kaumana. The next day’s course, which
-was of 20 stadia only, brought them to Koreatis, where they once more
-anchored in the river. When again under weigh their progress was soon
-interrupted, for a bar was visible which there obstructed the mouth of
-the Indus; and the waves were heard breaking with furious roar upon its
-strand which was wild and rugged. Observing, however, that the bar at
-a particular part was soft, they made a cutting through this, 5 stadia
-long, _at low water_, and on the return of the flood-tide carried the
-ships through by the passage thus formed into the open sea.[39] Then
-following the winding of the coast they ran a course of 120 stadia, and
-reach Krôkala,[40] a sandy island where they anchored and remained all
-next day. The country adjoining was inhabited by an Indian race called
-the Arabies, whom I have mentioned in my longer work, where it is
-stated that they derive their name from the River Arabis, which flows
-through their country to the sea, and parts them from the Oreitai.[41]
-Weighing from Krôkala they had on their right hand a mountain which
-the natives called Eiros, and on their left a flat island almost level
-with the sea, and so near the mainland to which it runs parallel that
-the intervening channel is extremely narrow. Having quite cleared
-this passage they come to anchor in a well-sheltered harbour, which
-Nearkhos, finding large and commodious, designated Alexander’s Haven.
-This harbour is protected by an island lying about 2 stadia off from
-its entrance. It is called Bibakta, and all the country round about
-Sangada.[42] The existence of the harbour is due altogether to the
-island which opposes a barrier to the violence of the sea. Here heavy
-gales blew from seaward for many days without intermission, and
-Nearkhos fearing lest the barbarians might, some of them, combine to
-attack and plunder the camp, fortified his position with an enclosure
-of stones. Here they were obliged to remain for 24 days. The soldiers,
-we learn from Nearkhos, caught mussels and oysters, and what is called
-the razor-fish, these being all of an extraordinary size as compared
-with the sorts found in our own sea.[43] He adds that they had no water
-to drink but what was brackish.
-
-XXII. As soon as the monsoon ceased they put again to sea, and having
-run fully 60 stadia came to anchor at a sandy beach under shelter of
-a desert island that lay near, called Domai.[44] On the shore itself
-there was no water, but 20 stadia inland it was procured of good
-quality. The following day they proceeded 300 stadia to Saranga, where
-they did not arrive till night. They anchored close to the shore, and
-found water at a distance of about 8 stadia from it. Weighing from
-Saranga they reach Sakala, a desert place, and anchored. On leaving
-it they passed two rocks so close to each other that the oar-blades
-of the galleys grazed both, and after a course of 300 stadia they
-came to anchor at Morontobara.[45] The harbour here was deep and
-capacious, and well sheltered all round, and its waters quite tranquil,
-but the entrance into it was narrow. In the native language it was
-called Women’s Haven, because a woman had been the first sovereign
-of the place. They thought it a great achievement to have passed
-those two rocks in safety, for when they were passing them the sea
-was boisterous and running high. They did not remain in Morontobara,
-but sailed the day after their arrival, when they had on their left
-hand an island which sheltered them from the sea, and which lay so
-near to the mainland that the intervening channel looked as if it
-had been artificially formed. Its length from one end to the other
-was 70 stadia.[46] The shore was woody and the island throughout
-over-grown with trees of every description. They were not able to get
-fairly through this passage till towards daybreak, for the sea was
-not only rough, but also shoal, the tide being at ebb. They sailed on
-continuously, and after a course of 120 stadia anchored at the mouth of
-the river Arabis, where there was a spacious and very fine haven.[47]
-The water here was not fit for drinking, for the sea ran up the mouths
-of the Arabis. Having gone, however, about 40 stadia up the river,
-they found a pool from which, having drawn water, they returned to the
-fleet. Near the harbour is an island high and bare, but the sea around
-it supplied oysters and fish of various kinds.[48] As far as this, the
-country was possessed by the Arabies, the last Indian people living in
-this direction; and the parts beyond were occupied by the Oreitai.[49]
-
-XXIII. On weighing from the mouths of the Arabia, they coasted the
-shores of the Oreitai, and after running 200 stadia reached Pagala,[50]
-where there was a surf but nevertheless good anchorage. The crew were
-obliged to remain on board, a party, however, being sent on shore to
-procure water. They sailed next morning at sunrise, and after a course
-of about 430 stadia, reached Kabana[51] in the evening, where they
-anchored at some distance from the shore, which was a desert; the
-violence of the surf by which the vessels were much tossed preventing
-them from landing. While running the last course the fleet had been
-caught in a heavy gale blowing from seaward, when two galleys and
-a transport foundered. All the men, however, saved themselves by
-swimming, as the vessels at the time of the disaster were sailing
-close to the shore. They weighed from Kabana about midnight, and
-having proceeded 200 stadia arrived at Kôkala, where the vessels _could
-not be drawn on shore_, but rode at anchor out at sea. As the men,
-however, had suffered severely by confinement on board,[52] and were
-very much in want of rest, Nearkhos allowed them to go on shore, where
-he formed a camp, fortifying it in the usual manner for protection
-against the barbarians. In this part of the country Leonnatos, who
-had been commissioned by Alexander to reduce the Oreitai and settle
-their affairs, defeated that people and their allies in a great
-battle, wherein all the leaders and 6,000 men were slain, the loss of
-Leonnatos, being only 15 of his horse, besides a few foot-soldiers, and
-_one man of note_ Apollophanês, the satrap of the Gedrosians.[53] A
-full account, however, of those transactions is given in my other work,
-where it is stated that for this service Leonnatos had a golden crown
-placed upon his head by Alexander in presence of the Makedonian army.
-Agreeably to orders given by Alexander, corn had been here collected
-for the victualling of the vessels, and stores sufficient to last for
-10 days were put on board. Here also such ships as had been damaged
-during the voyage were repaired, while all the mariners that Nearkhos
-considered deficient in fortitude for the enterprise, he consigned to
-Leonnatos to be taken on by land, but at the same time he made good his
-complement of men by taking in exchange others more efficient from the
-troops under Leonnatos.
-
-XXIV. From this place they bore away with a fresh breeze, and having
-made good a course of 500 stadia anchored near a winter torrent called
-the Tomêros, which at its mouth expanded into an estuary.[54] The
-natives lived on the marshy ground near the shore in cabins close
-and suffocating. Great was their astonishment when they descried the
-fleet approaching, but _they were not without courage_, and collecting
-in arms on the shore, drew up in line to attack the strangers when
-landing. They carried thick spears about 6 cubits long, not headed
-with iron, but what was as good, hardened at the point by fire. Their
-number was about 600, and when Nearkhos saw that they stood their
-ground prepared to fight, he ordered his vessels to advance, and then
-to anchor just within bowshot of the shore, for he had noticed that the
-thick spears of the barbarians were adapted only for close fight, and
-were by no means formidable as missiles. He then issued his directions:
-those men that were lightest equipped, and the most active and best
-at swimming were to swim to shore at a given signal: when any one
-had swum so far that he could stand in the water he was to wait for
-his next neighbour, and not advance against the barbarians until a
-file could be formed of three men deep: that done, they were to rush
-forward shouting the war-cry. The men selected for this service at
-once plunged into the sea, and swimming rapidly touched ground, still
-keeping due order, when forming in file, they rushed to the charge,
-shouting the war-cry, which was repeated from the ships, whence all
-the while arrows and missiles from engines were launched against the
-enemy. Then the barbarians terrified by the glittering arms and the
-rapidity of the landing, and wounded by the arrows and other missiles,
-against which they had no protection, being all but entirely naked,
-fled at once without making any attempt at resistance. Some perished in
-the ensuing flight, others were taken prisoners, and some escaped to
-the mountains. Those they captured had shaggy hair, not only on their
-head but all over their body; their nails resembled the claws of wild
-beasts, and were used, it would seem, instead of iron for dividing fish
-and splitting the softer kinds of wood. Things of a hard consistency
-they cut with sharp stones, for iron they had none. As clothing they
-wore the skins of wild beasts, and occasionally also the thick skins of
-the large sorts of fish.[55]
-
-XXV. After this action they draw the ships on shore and repair all
-that had been damaged. On the 6th day they weighed again, and after a
-course of 300 stadia reached a place called Malana, the last on the
-coast, of the Oreitai.[56] In the interior these people dress like
-the Indians, and use similar weapons, but differ from them in their
-language and their customs. The length of the coast of the Arabies,
-measured from the place whence the expedition had sailed, was about
-1,000 stadia, and the extent of the coast of the Oreitai 1,600 stadia.
-Nearkhos mentions that as they sailed along the Indian coast (for
-the people beyond this are not Indians), their shadows did not fall
-in the usual direction, for when they stood out a good way to the
-southward, their shadows appeared to turn and fall southward.[57] Those
-constellations, moreover, which they had been accustomed to see high
-in the heavens, were either not visible at all, or were seen just on
-the verge of the horizon, while the Polar constellations which had
-formerly been always visible now set and soon afterwards rose again. In
-this Nearkhos appears to me to assert nothing improbable, for at Syênê
-in Egypt they show a well in which, when the sun is at the Tropic,
-there is no shadow at noon. In Meroë also objects project no shadow at
-that particular time. Hence it is probable that the shadow is subject
-to the same law in India which lies to the south, and more especially
-in the Indian ocean, which extends still further to the southward.
-
-XXVI. Next to the Oreitai lies Gedrosia,[58] an inland province
-through which Alexander led his army, but this with difficulty, for
-the region was so desolate that the troops in the whole course of the
-expedition never suffered such direful extremities as on this march.
-But all the particulars relating to this I have set down in my larger
-work (VI. 22-27). The seaboard below the Gedrosians is occupied by a
-people culled the Ikhthyophagi, and along this country the fleet now
-pursued its way. Weighing from Malana about the second watch they
-ran a course of 600 stadia, and reached Bagisara. Here they found a
-commodious harbour, and at a distance of 60 stadia from the sea a small
-town called Pasira, whence the people of the neighbourhood were called
-Pasirees.[59] Weighing early next morning they had to double a headland
-which projected far out into the sea, and was high and precipitous.
-Here having dug wells, and got only a small supply of bad water, they
-rode at anchor that day because a high surf prevented the vessels
-approaching the shore. They left this place next day, and sailed till
-they reached Kolta after a course of 200 stadia.[60] Weighing thence
-at daybreak they reached Kalama, after a course of 600 stadia, and
-there anchored.[61] Near the beach was a village around which grew a
-few palm-trees, the dates on which were still green. There was here an
-island called Karbinê, distant from the shore about 100 stadia.[62]
-The villagers by way of showing their hospitality brought presents
-of sheep and fish to Nearkhos, who says that the mutton had a fishy
-taste like the flesh of sea birds for the sheep fed on fish, there
-being no grass in the place. Next day they proceeded 200 stadia, and
-anchored off a shore near which lay a village called Kissa, 30 stadia
-inland.[63] That coast was however called Karbis. There they found
-little boats such as might belong to miserably poor fishermen, but
-the men themselves they saw nothing of, for they had fled when they
-observed the ships dropping anchor. No corn was here procurable, but
-a few goats had been left, which were seized and put on board, for in
-the fleet provisions now ran short. On weighing they doubled a steep
-promontory, which projected about 150 stadia into the sea, and then put
-into a well-sheltered haven called Mosarna, where they anchored. Here
-the natives were fishermen, and here they obtained water.[64]
-
-XXVII. From this place they took on board, Nearkhos says, as pilot of
-the fleet, a Gedrosian called Hydrakês, who undertook to conduct them
-as far as Karmania.[65] Thenceforth until they reached the Persian
-Gulf, the voyage was more practicable, and the names of the stations
-more familiar. Departing from Mosarna at night, they sailed 750 stadia,
-and reached the coast of Balômon. They touched next at Barna, which
-was 400 stadia distant.[66] Here grew many palm trees, and here was
-a garden wherein were myrtles and flowers from which the men wove
-chaplets for their hair.[67] They saw now for the first time cultivated
-trees, and met with natives in a condition above that of mere savages.
-Leaving this they followed the winding of the coast, and arrived at
-Dendrobosa, where they anchor in the open sea.[68] They weighed from
-this about midnight, and after a course of about 400 stadia gained
-the haven of Kôphas.[69] The inhabitants were fishermen possessed of
-small and wretched boats, which they did not manage with oars fastened
-to a row-lock according to the Grecian manner, but with paddles which
-they thrust on this side, and on that into the water, like diggers
-using a spade. They found at this haven plenty of good water. Weighing
-about the first watch they ran 800 stadia, and put into Kyiza, where
-was a desert shore with a high surf breaking upon it.[70] They were
-accordingly obliged to let the ships ride at anchor and take their meal
-on board. Leaving this they ran a course of 500 stadia, and came to
-a small town built on an eminence not far from the shore. On turning
-his eyes in that direction Nearkhos noticed that the land had some
-appearance of being cultivated, and thereupon addressing Arkhias (who
-was the son of Anaxidotos of Pella, and sailed in the Commander’s
-galley, being a Makedonian of distinction) pointed out to him that
-they must take possession of the place, as the inhabitants would not
-willingly supply the army with food. It could not however be taken by
-assault, a tedious siege would be necessary, and they were already
-short of provisions. But the country was one that produced corn as the
-thick stubble which they saw covering the fields near the shore clearly
-proved. This proposal being approved of by all, he ordered Arkhias to
-make a feint of preparing the fleet, all but one ship to sail, while he
-himself, pretending to be left behind with that ship, approached the
-town as if merely to view it.
-
-XXVIII. When he approached the walls the inhabitants came out to meet
-him, bringing a present of tunny-fish broiled in pans (the first
-instance of cookery among the Ikhthyophagi, although these were
-the very last of them), accompanied with small cakes and dates. He
-accepted their offering with the proper acknowledgments, but said he
-wished to see their town, which he was accordingly allowed to enter.
-No sooner was he within the gates than he ordered two of his archers
-to seize the portal by which they had entered, while he himself with
-two attendants and his interpreter mounting the wall hard by, made the
-preconcerted signal, on seeing which the troops under Arkhias were to
-perform the service assigned to them. The Makedonians, on seeing the
-signal, immediately ran their ships towards land, and without loss of
-time jumped into the sea. The barbarians, alarmed at these proceedings,
-flew to arms. Upon this Nearkhos ordered his interpreter to proclaim
-that if they wished their city to be preserved from pillage they must
-supply his army with provisions. They replied that they had none, and
-proceeded to attack the wall, but were repulsed by the archers with
-Nearkhos, who assailed them with arrows from the summit of the wall.
-Accordingly, when they saw that their city was taken, and on the point
-of being pillaged, they at once begged Nearkhos to take whatever corn
-they had, and to depart without destroying the place. Nearkhos upon
-this orders Arkhias to possess himself of the gates and the ramparts
-adjoining, and sends at the same time officers to see what stores were
-available, and whether these would be all honestly given up. The stores
-were produced, consisting of a kind of meal made from fish roasted,
-and a little wheat and barley, for the chief diet of these people was
-fish with bread added as a relish. The troops having appropriated these
-supplies returned to the fleet, which then hauled off to a cape _in the
-neighbourhood_ called Bagia, which the natives regarded as sacred to
-the sun.[71]
-
-XXIX. They weighed from this cape about midnight, and having made good
-a course of 1,000 stadia, put into Talmena, where they found a harbour
-with good anchorage.[72] They sailed thence to Kanasis, a deserted
-town 400 stadia distant, where they find a well ready-dug and wild
-palm-trees.[73] These they cut down, using the tender heads to support
-life since provisions had again run scarce. They sailed all day and
-all night suffering great distress from hunger, and then came to an
-anchor off a desolate coast. Nearkhos fearing lest the men, if they
-landed, would in despair desert the fleet, ordered the ships to be
-moved to a distance from shore. Weighing from this they ran a course of
-850 stadia, and came to anchor at Kanate, a place with an open beach
-and some water-courses.[74] Weighing again, and making 800 stadia,
-they reach Taoi, where they drop anchor.[75] The place contained some
-small and wretched villages, which were deserted by the inhabitants
-upon the approach of the fleet. Here the men found a little food and
-dates of the palm-tree, beside seven camels left by the villagers which
-were killed for food. Weighing thence about daybreak they ran a course
-of 300 stadia, and came to anchor at Dagasira, where the people were
-nomadic.[76] Weighing again they sailed all night and all day without
-intermission, and having thus accomplished a course of 1,100 stadia,
-left behind them the nation of the Ikhthyophagi, on whose shores they
-had suffered such severe privations. They could not approach the
-beach on account of the heavy surf, but rode at anchor out at sea. In
-navigating the Ikhthyophagi coast the distance traversed was not much
-short of 10,000 stadia. The people, as their name imports, live upon
-fish. Few of them, however, are fishermen, and what fish they obtain
-they owe mostly to the tide at whose reflux they catch them with nets
-made for this purpose. These nets are generally about 2 stadia long,
-and are composed of the bark (or fibres) of the palm, which they twine
-into cord in the same way as the fibres of flax are twined. When the
-sea recedes, hardly any fish are found among the dry sands, but they
-abound in the depressions of the surface where the water still remains.
-The fish are for the most part small, though some are caught of a
-considerable size, these being taken in the nets. The more delicate
-kinds they eat raw as soon as they are taken out of the water. The
-large and coarser kinds they dry in the sun, and when properly dried
-grind into a sort of meal from which they make bread. This meal is
-sometimes also used to bake cakes with. The cattle as well as their
-masters fare on dried fish, for the country has no pastures, and hardly
-even a blade of grass. In most parts crabs, oysters and mussels add to
-the means of subsistence. Natural salt is found in the country, * * *
-from these they make oil.[77] Certain of their communities inhabit
-deserts where not a tree grows, and where there are not even wild
-fruits. Fish is their sole means of subsistence. In some few places,
-however, they sow with grain some patches of land, and eat the produce
-as a viand of luxury along with the fish which forms the staple of
-their diet. The better class of the population in building their houses
-use, instead of wood, the bones of whales stranded on the coast, the
-broadest bones being employed in the framework of the doors. Poor
-people, and these are the great majority, construct their dwellings
-with the backbones of fish.[78]
-
-XXX. Whales of enormous size frequent the outer ocean, besides other
-fish larger than those found in the Mediterranean. Nearkhos relates
-that when they were bearing away from Kyiza, the sea early in the
-morning was observed to be blown up into the air as if by the force of
-a whirlwind. The men greatly alarmed enquired of the pilots the nature
-and cause of this phenomenon, and were informed that it proceeded from
-the blowing of the whales as they sported in the sea. This report did
-not quiet their alarm, and through astonishment they let the oars
-drop from their hands. Nearkhos, however, recalled them to duty, and
-encouraged them by his presence, ordering the prows of those vessels
-that were near him to be turned as in a sea-fight towards the creatures
-as they approached, while the rowers were just then to shout as
-loud as they could the _alala_, and swell the noise by dashing the
-water rapidly with the oars. The men thus encouraged on seeing the
-preconcerted signal advanced to action. Then, as they approached the
-monsters, they shouted the _alala_ as loud as they could bawl, sounded
-the trumpets, and dashed the water noisily with the oars. Thereupon
-the whales, which were seen ahead, plunged down terror-struck into the
-depths, and soon after rose astern, when they vigorously continued
-their blowing. The men by loud acclamations expressed their joy at this
-unexpected deliverance, the credit of which they gave to Nearkhos, who
-had shown such admirable fortitude and judgment.
-
-We learn further, that on many parts of the coast whales are
-occasionally stranded, being left in shallow water at ebb-tide, and
-thus prevented from escaping back to sea, and that they are sometimes
-also cast ashore by violent storms. Thus perishing, their flesh rots
-away, and gradually drops off till the bones are left bare. These are
-used by the natives in the construction of their huts, the larger ribs
-making suitable bearing beams, and the smaller serving for rafters. The
-jaw-bones make arches for the door-ways, for whales are sometimes five
-and twenty _orguiæ_ (fathoms) in length.[79]
-
-XXXI. When they were sailing along the Ikhthyophagi coast, they were
-told about an island which was said to be about 100 stadia distant
-from the mainland, and uninhabited. Its name was Nosala, and it was
-according to the local tradition sacred to the sun. No one willingly
-visited this island, and if any one was carried to it unawares, he was
-never more seen. Nearkhos states that a transport of his fleet, manned
-with an Egyptian crew, disappeared not far from this island, and that
-the pilots accounted for their disappearance by saying that they must
-have landed on the island in ignorance of the danger which they would
-thereby incur. Nearkhos, however, sent a galley of 30 oars to sail
-round the island, instructing the men not to land, but to approach as
-near as they could to the shore, and hail the men, shouting out the
-name of the captain or any other name they had not forgotten. No one
-answered to the call, and Nearkhos says that he then sailed in person
-to the island, and compelled his company much against their will to go
-on shore. He too landed, and showed that the story about the island
-was nothing but an empty fable. Concerning this same island he heard
-also another story, which ran to this effect: it had been at one time
-the residence of one of the Nereids, whose name, he says, he could not
-learn. It was her wont to have intercourse with any man who visited
-the island, changing him thereafter into a fish, and casting him into
-the sea. The sun, however, being displeased with the Nereid, ordered
-her to remove from the island. She agreed to do this, and seek a home
-elsewhere, but stipulated that she should be cured of her malady. To
-this condition the sun assented, and then the Nereid, taking pity upon
-the men whom she had transformed into fish, restored them to their
-human shape. These men were the progenitors of the Ikhthyophagi, the
-line of succession remaining unbroken down to the time of Alexander.
-Now, for my part I have no praise to bestow on Nearkhos for expending
-so much time and ingenuity on the not very difficult task of proving
-the falsehood of these stories, for, to take up antiquated fables
-merely with a view to prove their falsehood, I can only regard as a
-contemptible piece of folly.[80]
-
-XXXII. To the Ikhthyophagi succeed the Gadrôsii, who occupy a most
-wretched tract of country full of sandy deserts, in penetrating which
-Alexander and his army were reduced to the greatest extremities, of
-which an account is to be found in my other work. But this is an inland
-region, and therefore when the expedition left the Ikhthyophagi, its
-course lay along Karmania.[81] Here, when they first drew towards
-shore, they could not effect a landing, but had to remain all night
-on board anchored in the deep, because a violent surf spread along the
-shore and far out to sea. Thereafter the direction of their course
-changed, and they sailed no longer towards sunset, but turned the heads
-of the vessels more to the north-west. Karmania is better wooded and
-produces better fruit than the country either of the Ikhthyophagi or
-the Oreitai. It is also more grassy, and better supplied with water.
-They anchor next at Badis, an inhabited place in Karmania, where grew
-cultivated trees of many different kinds, with the exception of the
-olive, and where also the soil favoured the growth of the vine and of
-corn.[82] Weighing thence they ran 800 stadia, and came to an anchor
-off a barren coast, whence they descried a headland projecting far out
-into the sea, its nearest extremity being to appearance about a day’s
-sail distant. Persons acquainted with those regions asserted that this
-cape belonged to Arabia, and was called Maketa, whence cinnamon and
-other products were exported to the Assyrians.[83] And from this coast
-where the fleet was now anchored, and from the headland which they saw
-projecting into the sea right opposite, the gulf in my opinion (which
-is also that of Nearkhos) extends up into the interior, and is probably
-the Red Sea. When this headland was now in view Onesikritos, _the chief
-pilot_, proposed that they should proceed to explore it, and by so
-shaping their course, escape the distressing passage up the gulf; but
-Nearkhos opposed this proposal. Onesikritos, he said, must be wanting
-in ordinary judgment if he did not know with what design Alexander had
-sent the fleet on this voyage. He certainly had not sent it, because
-there were no proper means of conducting the whole army safely by land,
-but his express purpose was to obtain a knowledge of the coasts they
-might pass on their voyage, together with the harbours and islets, and
-to have the bays that might occur explored, and to ascertain whether
-there were towns bordering on the ocean, and whether the countries,
-were habitable or desert. They ought not therefore to lose sight of
-this object, seeing that they were now near the end of their toils, and
-especially that they were no longer in want of the necessary supplies
-for prosecuting the voyage. He feared, moreover, since the headland
-stretched towards the south, lest they should find the country there a
-parched desert destitute of water and insufferably hot. This argument
-prevailed, and it appears to me that by this counsel Nearkhos saved the
-expedition, for all accounts represent this cape and the parts adjacent
-as an arid waste where water cannot possibly be procured.
-
-XXXIII. On resuming the voyage they sailed close to land, and after
-making about 700 stadia anchored on another shore called Neoptana.[84]
-From this they weighed next day at dawn, and after a course of 100
-stadia anchored at the mouth of the river Anamis[85] in a country
-called Harmozeia.[86] Here at last they found a hospitable region,
-one which was rich in every production except only the olive. Here
-accordingly they landed, and enjoyed a welcome respite from their
-many toils—heightening their pleasure by calling to remembrance what
-miseries they had suffered at sea and in the Ikhthyophagi country,
-where the shores were so sterile, and the natives so brute-like, and
-where they had been reduced to the last extremities of want. Here,
-also, some of them in scattered parties, leaving the encampment on
-the shore, wandered inland searching for one thing and another that
-might supply their several requirements. While thus engaged, they fell
-in with a man who wore a Greek mantle, and was otherwise attired as
-a Greek and spoke the Greek language. Those who first discovered him
-declared that tears started to their eyes, so strange did it appear,
-after all they had suffered, to see once more a countryman of their
-own, and to hear the accents of their native tongue. They asked him
-whence he came, and who he was. He replied that he had straggled from
-the army of Alexander, and that the army led by Alexander in person
-was not far off. On hearing this they hurry the man with shouts of
-tumultuous joy to the presence of Nearkhos, to whom he repeated all
-that he had already said, assuring him that the army and the king were
-not more than a 5 days’ march distant from the sea. The Governor of
-the province, he added, was on the spot, and he would present him to
-Nearkhos, and he presented him accordingly. Nearkhos consulted this
-person regarding the route he should take in order to reach the king,
-and then they all went off, and made their way to the ships. Early
-next morning the ships by orders of Nearkhos were drawn on shore,
-partly for repair of the damages which some of them had suffered on the
-voyage, and partly because he had resolved to leave here the greater
-part of his army. Having this in view, he fortified the roadstead with
-a double palisade, and also with an earthen rampart and a deep ditch
-extending from the banks of the river to the dockyard where the ships
-were lying.
-
-XXXIV. While Nearkhos was thus occupied, the Governor being aware that
-Alexander was in great anxiety about the fate of this expedition,
-concluded that he would receive some great advantage from Alexander
-should he be the first to apprize him of the safety of the fleet and of
-the approaching visit of Nearkhos. Accordingly he hastened to Alexander
-by the shortest route, and announced that Nearkhos was coming from the
-fleet to visit him. Alexander, though he could scarcely believe the
-report, nevertheless received the tidings with all the joy that might
-have been expected.
-
-Day after day, however, passed without confirmation of the fact, till
-Alexander, on comparing the distance from the sea with the date on
-which the report had reached him, at last gave up all belief in its
-truth, the more especially as several of the parties which he had
-successively despatched to find Nearkhos and escort him to the camp,
-had returned without him, after going a short distance, and meeting no
-one, while others who had prosecuted the search further, and failed to
-find Nearkhos and his company were still absent. He therefore ordered
-the Governor into confinement for having brought delusive intelligence
-and rendered his vexation more acute by the disappointment of his
-hopes, and indeed his looks and perturbation of mind plainly indicated
-that he was pierced to the heart with a great grief. Meanwhile,
-however, one of the parties that had been despatched in search of
-Nearkhos, and his escort being furnished with horses and waggons for
-their accommodation, fell in on the way with Nearkhos and Arkhias, who
-were followed by five or six attendants. At first sight they recognized
-neither the admiral himself nor Arkhias, so much changed was their
-appearance, their hair long and neglected, their persons filthy,
-encrusted all over with brine and shrivelled, their complexion sallow
-from want of sleep and other severe privations. On their asking where
-Alexander was, they were told the name of the place. Arkhias then,
-perceiving who they were, said to Nearkhos—“It strikes me, Nearkhos,
-these men are traversing the desert by the route we pursue, for no
-other reason than because they have been sent to our relief. True, they
-did not know us, but that is not at all surprising, for our appearance
-is so wretched that we are past all recognition. Let us tell them who
-we are, and ask them why they are travelling this way.” Nearkhos,
-thinking he spoke with reason, asked the men whither they were bound.
-They replied that they were searching for Nearkhos and the fleet.
-“Well! I am Nearkhos,” said the admiral, “and this man here is Arkhias.
-Take us under your conduct, and we will report to Alexander the whole
-history of the expedition.”
-
-XXXV. They were accordingly accommodated in the waggons, and conducted
-to the camp. Some of the horsemen, however, wishing to be the first to
-impart the news, hastened forward, and told Alexander that Nearkhos
-himself, and Arkhias with him, and five attendants, would soon arrive,
-but to enquiries about the rest of the people in the expedition they
-had no information to give. Alexander, concluding from this that all
-the expedition had perished except this small band, which had been
-unaccountably saved, did not so much feel pleasure for the preservation
-of Nearkhos and Arkhias as distress for the loss of his whole fleet.
-During this conversation Nearkhos and Arkhias arrived. It was not
-without difficulty Alexander after a close scrutiny recognized who the
-hirsute, ill-clad men who stood before him were, and being confirmed
-by their miserable appearance in his belief that the expedition had
-perished, he was still more overcome with grief. At length he held out
-his hand to Nearkhos, and leading him apart from his attendants and his
-guards he burst into tears, and wept for a long time. Having, after a
-good while, recovered some composure, “Nearkhos!” he says, “since you
-and Arkhias have been restored to me alive, I can bear more patiently
-the calamity of losing all my fleet; but tell me now, in what manner
-did the vessels and my people perish.” “O my king!” replied Nearkhos,
-“the ships are safe and the people also, and we are here to give you
-an account of their preservation.” Tears now fell much faster from his
-eyes than before, but they were tears of joy for the salvation of his
-fleet which he had given up for lost. “And where are now my ships,” he
-then enquired. “They are drawn upon shore,” replied Nearkhos, “on the
-beach of the river Anamis for repairs.” Upon this Alexander, swearing
-by Zeus of the Greeks and Ammon of the Libyans, declared that he felt
-happier at receiving these tidings than in being the conqueror of all
-Asia, for, had the expedition been lost, the blow to his peace of mind
-would have been a counterpoise to all the success he had achieved.
-
-XXXVI. But the Governor whom Alexander had put into confinement for
-bringing intelligence that appeared to be false, seeing Nearkhos in
-the camp, sunk on his knees before him, and said: “I am the man who
-brought to Alexander the news of your safe arrival. You see how I am
-situated.” Nearkhos interceded with Alexander on his behalf, and he was
-then liberated. Alexander next proceeded to offer a solemn sacrifice in
-gratitude for the preservation of his fleet unto Zeus the Preserver,
-and Heraklês, and Apollo the Averter of Destruction, and unto Poseidôn,
-and every other deity of ocean. He celebrated likewise a contest in
-gymnastics and music, and exhibited a splendid procession wherein a
-foremost place was assigned to Nearkhos. Chaplets were wreathed for his
-head, and flowers were showered upon him by the admiring multitude.
-At the end of these proceedings the king said to Nearkhos, “I do not
-wish you, Nearkhos, either to risk your life or expose yourself again
-to the hardships of sea-voyaging, and I shall therefore send some
-other officer to conduct the expedition onward to Sousa.” But Nearkhos
-answered, and said: “It is my duty, O king! as it is also my desire,
-in all things to obey you, but if your object is to gratify me in some
-way, do not take the command from me until I complete the voyage by
-bringing the ships in safety to Sousa. I have been trusted to execute
-that part of the undertaking in which all its difficulty and danger
-lay; transfer not, then, to another the remaining part, which hardly
-requires an effort, and that, too, just at the time when the glory of
-final success is ready to be won.” Alexander scarcely allowed him to
-conclude his request, which he granted with grateful acknowledgment of
-his services.[87] Then he sent him down again to the coast with only a
-small escort, believing that the country through which he would pass
-was friendly. He was not permitted however to pursue his way to the
-coast without opposition, for the barbarians, resenting the action
-of Alexander in deposing their satrap, and gathered in full force
-and seized all the strongholds of Karmania before Tlepolemos, the
-newly appointed Governor, had yet succeeded in fully establishing his
-authority.[88] It happened therefore that several times in the course
-of a day Nearkhos encountered bands of the insurgents with whom he had
-to do battle. He therefore hurried forward without lingering by the
-way, and reached the coast in safety, though not without severe toil
-and difficulty. On arriving he sacrificed to Zeus the Preserver, and
-celebrated gymnastic games.
-
-XXXVII. These pious rites having been duly performed, they again put
-to sea, and, after passing a desolate and rocky island, arrived at
-another island, where they anchored. This was one of considerable size
-and inhabited, and 300 stadia distant from Harmozeia, the harbour
-which they had last left. The desert island was called Organa, and
-that where they anchored Oarakta.[89] It produced vines, palm-trees,
-and corn. Its length is 800 stadia. Mazênês, the chief of this island,
-accompanied them all the way to Sousa, having volunteered to act as
-pilot of the fleet. The natives of the island professed to point out
-the tomb of the very first sovereign of the country, whose name they
-said was Erythrês, after whom the sea in that part of the world was
-called the Erythræan.[90] Weighing thence their course lay along the
-island, and they anchored on its shores at a place whence another
-island was visible at a distance of about 40 stadia. They learned that
-it was sacred to Poseidon, and inaccessible.[91] Next morning, as they
-were putting out to sea, the ebb-tide caught them with such violence
-that three of the galleys were stranded on the beach, and the rest of
-the fleet escaped with difficulty from the surf into deep water. The
-stranded vessels were however floated off at the return of the tide,
-and the day after rejoined the fleet. They anchored at another island
-distant from the mainland somewhere about 300 stadia, after running
-a course of 400 stadia. Towards daybreak they resumed the voyage,
-passing a desert island which lay on their left, called Pylora, and
-anchored at Sisidone, a small town which could supply nothing but water
-and fish.[92] Here again the natives were fish eaters, for the soil
-was utterly sterile. Having taken water on board, they weighed again,
-and having run 300 stadia, anchored at Tarsia, the extremity of a
-cape which projects far into the sea. The next place of anchorage was
-Kataia, a desert island, and very flat.[93] It was said to be sacred to
-Hermês and Aphroditê. The length of this course was 300 stadia. To this
-island sheep and goats are annually sent by the people of the adjoining
-continent who consecrate them to Hermês and Aphroditê. These animals
-were to be seen running about in a wild state, the effect of time and
-the barren soil.
-
-XXXVIII. Karmania extends as far as this island, but the parts beyond
-appertain to Persia. The extent of the Karmanian coast was 3,700
-stadia.[94] The people of this province live like the Persians, on
-whom they border, and they have similar weapons and a similar military
-system. When the fleet left the sacred island, its course lay along
-the coast of Persis, and it first drew to land at a place called Ila,
-where there is a harbour under cover of a small and desert island
-called Kaikander.[95] The distance run was 400 stadia. Towards daybreak
-they came to another island which was inhabited, and anchored thereon.
-Nearkhos notices that there is here a fishery for pearl as there is in
-the Indian Sea.[96] Having sailed along the shores of the promontory in
-which this island terminates, a distance of about 40 stadia, they came
-to an anchor upon its shores. The next anchorage was in the vicinity
-of a lofty hill called Okhos, where the harbour was well sheltered
-and the inhabitants were fishermen.[97] Weighing thence they ran a
-course of 400 stadia, which brought them to Apostana, where they
-anchored. At this station they saw a great many boats, and learned that
-at a distance of 60 stadia from the shore there was a village. From
-Apostana they weighed at night, and proceeded 400 stadia to a bay, on
-the borders of which many villages were to be seen. Here the fleet
-anchored under the projection of a cape which rose to a considerable
-height.[98] Palm-trees and other fruit-bearing trees similar to those
-of Greece, adorned the country round. On weighing thence they sailed in
-a line with the coast, and after a course of somewhere about 600 stadia
-reached Gôgana, which was an inhabited place, where they anchored at
-the mouth of a winter torrent called the Areôn. It was difficult to
-anchor, for the approach to the mouth of the river was by a narrow
-channel, since the ebbing of the tide had left shoals which lay all
-round in a circle.[99] Weighing thence they gained, after running as
-many as 800 stadia, the mouth of another river called the Sitakos,
-where also it was troublesome to anchor. Indeed all along the coast
-of Persis the fleet had to be navigated through shoals and breakers
-and oozy channels. At the Sitakos they took on board a large supply
-of provisions, which under orders from the king had been collected
-expressly for the fleet. They remained at this station one-and-twenty
-days in all, occupied in repairing and kareening the ships, which had
-been drawn on shore for the purpose.[100]
-
-XXXIX. Weighing thence they came to an inhabited district with a town
-called Hieratis, after accomplishing a distance of 750 stadia. They
-anchored in a canal which drew its waters from a river and emptied into
-the sea, and was called Heratemis.[101] Weighing next morning about
-sunrise, and sailing by the shore, they reached a winter torrent called
-the Padargos, where the whole place was a peninsula, wherein were many
-gardens and all kinds of trees that bear fruit. The name of the place
-was Mesambria.[102] Weighing from Mesambria and running a course of
-about 200 stadia, they reach Taôkê on the river Granis, and there
-anchor. Inland from this lay a royal city of the Persians, distant from
-the mouths of the river about 200 stadia.[103] We learn from Nearkhos
-that on their way to Taôkê a stranded whale had been observed from
-the fleet, and that a party of the men having rowed alongside of it,
-measured it and brought back word that it had a length of 50 cubits.
-Its skin, they added, was clad with scales to a depth of about a
-cubit, and thickly clustered over with parasitic mussels, barnacles,
-and seaweed. The monster, it was also noticed, was attended by a great
-number of dolphins, larger than are ever seen in the Mediterranean.
-Weighing from Taôkê they proceeded to Rhogonis, a winter torrent, where
-they anchored in a safe harbour.[104] The course thither was one of
-200 stadia. Weighing thence, and running 400 stadia, they arrived at
-another winter torrent, called Brizana, where they land and form an
-encampment. They had here difficulty in anchoring because of shoals and
-breakers and reefs that showed their heads above the sea. They could
-therefore enter the roads only when the tide was full; when it receded,
-the ships were left high and dry.[105] They weighed with the next flood
-tide, and came to anchor at the mouth of a river called the Arosis, the
-greatest, according to Nearkhos, of all the rivers that in the course
-of his voyage fell into the outer ocean.[106]
-
-XL. The Arosis marks the limit of the possessions of the Persians, and
-divides them from the Susians. Above the Susians occurs an independent
-race called the Uxians, whom I have described in my other work (_Anab._
-VII. 15, 3) as robbers. The length of the Persian coast is 4,400
-stadia. Persis, according to general report, has three different
-climates,[107] for that part of it which lies along the Erythræan sea,
-is sandy and barren from the violence of the heat, while the part
-which succeeds enjoys a delightful temperature, for there the mountains
-stretch towards the pole and the North wind, and the region is clothed
-with verdure and has well-watered meadows, and bears in profusion the
-vine and every fruit else but the olive, while it blooms with gardens
-and pleasure parks of all kinds, and is permeated with crystal streams
-and abounds with lakes, and lake and stream alike are the haunts of
-every variety of water-fowl, and it is also a good country for horses
-and other yoke cattle, being rich in pasture, while it is throughout
-well-wooded and well-stocked with game. The part, however, which lies
-still further to the North is said to be bleak and cold, and covered
-with snow, so that, as Nearkhos tells us, certain ambassadors from the
-Euxine Sea, after a very brief journey, met Alexander marching forward
-to Persis, whereat Alexander being greatly surprised, they explained
-to him how very inconsiderable the distance was.[108] 1 have already
-stated that the immediate neighbours to the Susians are the Uxians,
-just as the Mardians, a race of robbers, are next neighbours to the
-Persians, and the Kossaeans to the Medes. All these tribes Alexander
-subdued, attacking them in the winter time when their country was, as
-they imagined, inaccessible. He then founded cities to reclaim them
-from their wandering life, and encouraged them to till their lands
-and devote themselves to agriculture. At the same time he appointed
-magistrates armed with the terrors of the law to prevent them having
-recourse to violence in the settlement of their quarrels. On weighing
-from the Arosis the expedition coasted the shores of the Susians. The
-remainder of the voyage, Nearkhos says, he cannot describe with the
-same precision; he can but give the names of the stations and the
-length of the courses, for the coast was full of shoals and beset with
-breakers which spread far out to sea, and made the approach to land
-dangerous. The navigation thereafter was of course almost entirely
-restricted to the open sea. In mentioning their departure from the
-mouth of the river where they had encamped on the borders of Persis, he
-states that they took there on board a five days’ supply of water, as
-the pilots had brought to their notice that none could be procured on
-the way.
-
-XLI. A course of 500 stadia having been accomplished, their
-next anchorage was in an estuary, which swarmed with fish,
-called Kataderbis, at the entrance of which lay an island called
-Margastana.[109], They weighed at daybreak, the ships sailing out in
-single file through shoals. The direction of the shoal was indicated
-by stakes fixed both on the right and the left side, just as posts
-are erected as signals of danger in the passage between the island of
-Leukadia and Akarnania to prevent vessels grounding on the shoals.
-The shoals of Leukadia, however, are of firm sand, and it is thus
-easy to float off vessels should they happen to strand, but in this
-passage there is a deep mud on both sides of such tenacity that if
-vessels once touched the bottom, they could not by any appliances
-be got off; for, if they thrust poles into the mud to propel the
-vessels, these found no resistance or support, and the people who got
-overboard to ease them off into navigable water found no footing, but
-sunk in the mud higher than the waist. The fleet proceeded 600 stadia,
-having such difficulties of navigation to contend with, and then came
-to an anchor, each crew remaining in their own vessel, and taking
-their repast on board. From this anchorage they weighed in the night,
-sailing on in deep water till about the close of the ensuing day, when,
-after completing a course of 900 stadia, they dropped anchor at the
-mouth of the Euphrates near a town in Babylonia called Diridôtis—the
-emporium of the sea-borne trade in frankincense and all the other
-fragrant productions of Arabia.[110] The distance from the mouth of the
-Euphrates up stream to Babylon is, according to Nearkhos, 3,300 stadia.
-
-XLII. Here intelligence having been received that Alexander was
-marching towards Sousa, they retraced their course from Diridôtis so as
-to join him by sailing up the Pasitigris. They had now Sousis on their
-left hand, and were coasting the shores of a lake into which the Tigris
-empties itself, a river, which flowing from Armenia past Nineveh, a
-city once of yore great and flourishing, encloses between itself and
-the Euphrates the tract of country which from its position between the
-two rivers is called Mesopotamia. It is a distance of 600 stadia from
-the entrance into the lake up to the river’s mouth at Aginis, a village
-in the province of Sousis, distant from the city of Sousa 500 stadia.
-The length of the voyage along the coast of the Sousians to the mouth
-of the Pasitigris was 2,000 stadia.[111] Weighing from the mouth of
-this river they sailed up its stream through a fertile and populous
-country, and having proceeded 150 stadia dropped anchor, awaiting the
-return of certain messengers whom Nearkhos had sent off to ascertain
-where the king was. Nearkhos then presented sacrifices to the gods
-their preservers, and celebrated games, and full of gladness were the
-hearts of all that had taken part in the expedition. The messengers
-having returned with tidings that Alexander was approaching, the fleet
-resumed its voyage up the river, and anchored near the bridge by which
-Alexander intended to lead his army to Sousa. In that same place the
-troops were reunited, when sacrifices wore offered by Alexander for
-the preservation of his ships and his men, and games were celebrated.
-Nearkhos, whenever he was seen among the troops, was decorated by them
-with garlands and pelted with flowers. There also both Nearkhos and
-Leonnatos were crowned by Alexander with golden diadems—Nearkhos for
-the safety of the expedition by sea, and Leonnatos for the victory
-which he had gained over the +Oreitai+ and the neighbouring
-barbarians. It was thus that the expedition which had begun its voyage
-from the mouths of the Indus was brought in safety to Alexander.
-
-XLIII. Now[112] the parts which lie to the right of the
-+Erythræan[113] Sea+ beyond the realms of Babylonia belong
-principally to +Arabia+, which extends in one direction as far
-as the sea that washes the shores of +Phœnikia+ and +Syrian
-Palestine+, while towards sunset it borders on the Egyptians in
-the direction of the +Mediterranean Sea+. Egypt is penetrated
-by a gulf which extends up from the great ocean, and as this ocean
-is connected with the +Erythræan Sea+, this fact proves that a
-voyage could be made all the way from +Babylon+ to +Egypt+ by
-means of this gulf. But, owing to the heat and utter sterility of the
-coast, no one has ever made this voyage, except, it may be, some chance
-navigator. For the troops belonging to the army of +Kambysês+,
-which escaped from +Egypt+, and reached +Sousa+ in safety,
-and the troops sent by +Ptolemy+, the son of Lagos, to +Seleukos
-Nikatôr+ to +Babylon+, traversed the Arabian isthmus in eight
-days altogether.[114] It was a waterless and sterile region, and they
-had to cross it mounted on swift camels carrying water, travelling
-only by night, the heat by day being so fierce that they could not
-expose themselves in the open air. So far are the parts lying beyond
-this region, which we have spoken of as an isthmus extending from
-the +Arabian Gulf+ to the +Erythræan Sea+ from being
-inhabited, that even the parts which run up further to the north are
-a desert of sand. Moreover, men setting forth from the +Arabian
-Gulf+ in +Egypt+, after having sailed round the greater part of
-+Arabia+ to reach the sea which washes the shores of +Persis+
-and +Sousa+, have returned, after sailing as far along the
-coast of Arabia as the water they had on board lasted them, and no
-further. The exploring party again which +Alexander+ sent from
-+Babylon+ with instructions to sail as far as they could along the
-right-hand coast of the +Erythræan Sea+, with a view to examine
-the regions lying in that direction, discovered some islands lying
-in their route, and touched also at certain points of the mainland
-of +Arabia+. But as for that cape which Nearkhos states to have
-been seen by the expedition projecting into the sea right opposite to
-+Karmania+, there is no one who has been able to double it and
-gain the other side. But if the place could possibly be passed, either
-by sea or by land, it seems to me that Alexander, being so inquisitive
-and enterprising, would have proved that it could be passed in both
-these ways. But again +Hanno+ the +Libyan+, setting out
-from +Carthage+, sailed out into the ocean beyond the Pillars of
-+Hercules+, having +Libya+ on his left hand, and the time
-until his course was shaped towards the rising sun was five-and-thirty
-days; but when he steered southward he encountered many difficulties
-from the want of water, from the scorching heat, and from streams of
-fire that fell into the sea. +Kyrênê+, no doubt, which is situated
-in a somewhat barren part of +Libya+, is verdant, possessed of a
-genial climate, and well watered, has groves and meadows, and yields
-abundantly all kinds of useful animals and vegetable products. But
-this is only the case up to the limits of the area within which the
-fennel-plant can grow, while beyond this area the interior of Kyrênê is
-but a desert of sand.
-
-So ends my narrative relating to +Alexander+, the son of Philip
-the Makedonian.
-
-
-
-
-INDEX.
-
-CHIEFLY GEOGRAPHICAL.
-
-_Abbreviations._—B. Bay, C. Cape, G. Gulf, Is. Island or Islands, M.
-Mountain, R. River.
-
-Common names are printed in Italics. Many proper names which in the
-usual orthography begin with C, will be found under K.
-
-
- A Page
-
- Abalitês, 51, 54, 55, 57
-
- Aberia or Abiria, 113
-
- Abhira, 114
-
- _Abolla_, 38
-
- Abu-Fatima C., 43
-
- Abu-Shahr, _see_ Bushire.
-
- Acharê, 129
-
- Adel, 53
-
- Aden, _see_ Eudaimôn-Arabia.
-
- Adouli, 12-39 _passim_, 45-49
-
- Adramitae, 87
-
- Agbor R., 177 n.
-
- Aginis, 161, 220, 221 n.
-
- Agriophagoi, 43
-
- Agrisa, _see_ Agrispolis.
-
- Agrispolis, 194 n.
-
- Abile C., 59
-
- Ahwaz, 161
-
- Aigialos, 126
-
- Aigidioi, 130
-
- Aii, 134, 139
-
- Akabah G., 74
-
- Akabarou, 127
-
- Akannai, 21, 54, 58, 59
-
- Akesinês R. (Chenâb R.), 150, 170, 171
-
- Alabagium C., _see_ Alambator.
-
- _Alabaster_, 34
-
- Alalaiou Is., 48, 49
-
- Alambator C., 191 n.
-
- Alexander, Port of, _see_ Karâchi.
-
- Alexander the Great, _passim_.
-
- Alexandria, 76
-
- _Aloes_, 15, 93, 94
-
- Anamis R., 159 n., 202 n., 207
-
- Ananis R., _see_ Anamis R.
-
- Andanis R., _see_ Anamis R.
-
- Angediva Is., 130
-
- Anger Is., 210 n.
-
- Annesley B., 45, 48, 49
-
- Antarah C., 68
-
- Antigonê, 41
-
- Aparântikâ, 113
-
- Apokopa, 62, 65, 66, 67
-
- Apollodotos, 121
-
- Apollophanês, 182 n.
-
- Apologos, 10-38 _passim_., 103, 104
-
- Apostana, 212 n., 213
-
- Arabah C. & B., 106, 187
-
- Arabii, 177 n.
-
- Arakhosioi, 121, 186, 208 n.
-
- Arâstrâs or Aratti, 121
-
- Aratrioi, 120
-
- Arbitae, 106
-
- Areôn R., 213 n.
-
- Argalou, 14, 29, 140
-
- Argaric G., 142
-
- Argeirou, 142
-
- Argyre Is., 147
-
- Ariakê, 13-39 _passim_., 52, 64, 112, 114
-
- Ariakê Sadinôn, 127
-
- Arii, 121, 186
-
- Arkhias, 169, 191, 192
-
- Armagara, 129
-
- Aroatis R., _see_ Arosis R.
-
- Arômata C., 59, 62, 91, 138
-
- Arômata (a mart), 59
-
- Arosapes R., 183 n.
-
- Arosis R., 160, 216 n., 218
-
- _Arsenic_, 30
-
- Arsinoê (Suez), 39, 40
-
- Arsinoê (in Barbaria), 50
-
- Arusaces R., _see_ Arosapes R.
-
- Asaboi M., 102, 103
-
- Asîdah C., 86
-
- Asikh, 98
-
- Asir C., 58-60
-
- Asmak, 46
-
- Astakapra, 115, 117
-
- Astola or Ashtola Is., 188 n.
-
- Atramitae, _see_ Adramitae.
-
- Attanae, 84, 85
-
- Aualités, 12-37 _passim_., 50, 53, 83
-
- Aurangâbâd, 125
-
- Ausera, 95
-
- Auxumê, 46
-
- Axum, _see_ Auxumê.
-
- Axumitae, 5, 48
-
- Azania (Ajan), 1-144 _passim_.
-
- Azania, Courses of, 62, 66, 67
-
-
- B
-
- Bab-el Mandab Straits, 83
-
- Babylon, 219, 221 n., 222
-
- Badera or Bodera, _see_ Barna.
-
- Badis, 181, 200
-
- Baghwar Dasti R., 193 n.
-
- Bagia C., 193
-
- Bagisara, 106, 187
-
- Bagradas R., 212 n., 213 n., 215 n.
-
- Bahar R., 179 n.
-
- Bahrein Is., 103
-
- Baiônês Is., 116
-
- Bakare, 131, 134
-
- Bakkar, 109
-
- Baktria, 12, 148
-
- Baktrianoi, 121
-
- Ba-l-hâf C., 87
-
- Balita, 140
-
- Balômon, 190
-
- Baltipatna, 129
-
- Bammala, 140
-
- Bandâ R., 129
-
- Bandar Barthe, 58
-
- Bandel-caus C., 62
-
- Bankut, 129
-
- Banna, 63
-
- Barakê G., 111, 112
-
- Barbara, _see_ Berbera.
-
- Barbarei, 108
-
- Barbaria, 42, 43, 62
-
- Barbarikon, 12-38 _passim_, 108, 115
-
- Bargusoi, 145
-
- Baricaza, 57
-
- Barna, 190
-
- Barousai, 145
-
- Barugaza, 10, 39 _passim_, 64, 78, 88, 96, 116-120
-
- Barugaza G., 112, 117
-
- Basra, 103
-
- Batinah, 100, 101
-
- _Bdellium_, 16
-
- Becare, 131, 134
-
- Bênda R., 128
-
- Berbera, 58
-
- Berenîkê, 1, 3, 9, 41, 42, 74, 75, 78
-
- Berenîkê (in Barbaria), 50
-
- Betel, 23, 25
-
- Bharoch, _see_ Barugaza.
-
- Bhaunagar, 115
-
- Bhusâl R., _see_ Tomêros R.
-
- Bibakta Is., 159, 177
-
- Biblos Is., _see_ Bibakta Is.
-
- Binagara, _see_ Minnagar.
-
- Birkeh, 100
-
- Bombarak C., 200
-
- Bonah, 59
-
- Bore (of rivers), 119, 120, 157
-
- Boshavir R., _see_ Kisht.
-
- Boukephalos Alexandreia, 121
-
- _Brass_, 31
-
- Brisoana R., 214 n., 215 n.
-
- Brizana R., 216 n.
-
- Brokt Is., 202 n.
-
- Bubian Is., 219
-
- Bunah Is., 218
-
- Bunth R., 194 n.
-
- Burnt Island, 78
-
- Busheab Is., 212 n.
-
- _Butter_, 12
-
- Buzantion, 127, 129
-
-
- C
-
- Cael, 141
-
- Caelobothras, 6, 131
-
- Calaeou Insulae, 101
-
- Calcutta, 20
-
- _Cannibals_, 146
-
- Canary Is., 20
-
- Carfouna, 57
-
- Carthage, 223
-
- Ceylon, _see_ Taprobanê.
-
- Chaubar B., 193 n.
-
- Chauggan, 148
-
- Chaul, 113, 128
-
- Chênval, 128
-
- Chewabad, _see_ Churber.
-
- Chimûla, 128 n.
-
- China, 188 n.
-
- Choaspes R., 220 n.
-
- Choda R., 129
-
- Chryse Is., 147
-
- _Chrysolite_, 37
-
- Churber B., 190 n.
-
- _Cinnabar_, 15, 19, 94
-
- _Cinnamon_, 18, 19
-
- Coast Little and Great, 66
-
- Colcis Indorum, 141
-
- Comorin C., 125, 137, 139
-
- _Copper_, 32
-
- Cottonara, 131
-
-
- D
-
- Dabil, 110
-
- Dagasira, 194
-
- Dahra Ahbân, 212 n.
-
- Dakhan, 124
-
- Dakhinabadês, 124
-
- Dakshinâpatha, 124
-
- Damirike, 126
-
- Damnia Is., 160
-
- Daphnôn, 59
-
- Daphnous, 53, 61
-
- Debal, 129
-
- Deirê or Dêrê, 51, 54, 60
-
- Deimakhos, 154
-
- Delgado C., 73
-
- Dendrobosa, 190
-
- Ḍeri Is., 218 n.
-
- Desarênê, 12, 145
-
- Dêvagiri or Deogarh, 125
-
- Deymâniyeh Is., 100
-
- Dhafur or Dofar, 80, 81, 97
-
- _Diamonds_, 33
-
- Dimurikê, 12-29 _passim_. 94, 96, 121, 126
-
- Djerun Is., _see_ Ormus Is.,
-
- Diodôros, Is., 47, 48
-
- Diodôrus Is., _Perim_, 57, 82, 83
-
- Dioskoridês Is., 15, 26, 27, 29, 91-93
-
- Diospolis, 27, 34, 50, 53
-
- Dîsâ, 16
-
- Diset Is., _see_ Diodôros Is.
-
- Domai Is., 178 n.
-
- Dorak R., 218 n.
-
- Dôsarôn R., 145
-
- _Drachmai_, 121, 122
-
- _Dragon’s-Blood_, 94
-
- Drangiani, 186
-
-
- E
-
- Eden, 84
-
- Eirinon G., 111
-
- Eiros M., 158, 177, 178 n.
-
- Elanitic Gulf, 9, 47, 74
-
- El Bab Straits, 102
-
- Eleazos, 87
-
- Elephant C., 58
-
- Elephant M., 54, 58, 61
-
- Elephant R., 59
-
- Elephantinê, 45
-
- Elephantophagoi, 44, 51
-
- Elisarôn, 81
-
- El Kilhat, 101
-
- Elurâ, 125
-
- Epideirês, 57
-
- Epiodôros, 14, 140, 142
-
- _Epiphi_ (July), 64, 110, 124, 138
-
- Er-rib Is., 44
-
- Erythræan Sea—its extent, 1, 209 n., 222 n.,
- why so called, 209 n.
-
- Erythrês, 202 n., 209
-
- Esan, 88
-
- Essina, 67
-
- Esvautgadh, 129
-
- _Etesian Winds_, 138, 174 n.
-
- Eudaimôn-Arabia (Aden), 6, 84-86, 138
-
- Eulæus R., 103, 220 n., 161
-
- Eumenês, Grove of, 57
-
- Euphrates R., 10, 219, 220
-
- Eynounah, 75
-
-
-
-
- F
-
- Fartak C., 10, 91, 95
-
- Felix or Felles M., _see_ Elephant M.
-
- Filik C., 58
-
- Fillam C., 101
-
- _Fluor-spath_, 34, 35
-
- Foul Bay, 42
-
- _Frankincense_, 21, 90, 97
-
- Fuggem C., 194 n.
-
-
- G
-
- Galla, 66
-
- Gandarioi, 121
-
- Gangê, 14, 23, 25, 146
-
- Ganges R., 146
-
- Gaza (Bandar Gazim), 57
-
- Gedrosia, 10, 16, 186, 199
-
- Gêrsappa, Falls of, 130
-
- Ghalla or Cella, 84
-
- Ghâra R., 176 n.
-
- Ghodabandar, 129
-
- Ghubet-al-Kamar, 86
-
- Ghunse C., 191
-
- Girishk, 194 n.
-
- _Glass_, 36, 37
-
- Goa, 129
-
- Goaris R., 127
-
- Godâvarî R., 144
-
- Godem C., 194 n.
-
- Gôgana, 213 n.
-
- _Gold_, 33
-
- _Gold-stone_, 33, 122
-
- Govind R., _see_ Juba R.
-
- _Graai_ (_Alligators_), 108
-
- Granis R., 215 n.
-
- Guadel C., 106, 191
-
- Guardafui C., 9, 10, 58
-
- Guesele, 57
-
- Gujarât, 34, 113, 114
-
- Gwattar B., 193 n.
-
-
- H
-
- Hadâs R., 48
-
- Hadhramaut, 21, 87
-
- Hafûn C., 64, 65
-
- Haidarâbâd, 156
-
- Halanî Is., 87
-
- Hanfelah B., 35, 49
-
- Hanjam Is., _see_ Angar Is.
-
- Hanno, 223
-
- Harkânâ, 181 n.
-
- Harmozeia, 159, 202 n.
-
- Hâsek, 98, 99
-
- Hassani Is., 75
-
- Hastakavapra, _see_ Astakapra.
-
- Hâthab, _see_ Astakapra.
-
- Hauara, 75
-
- Haur, 177 n.
-
- Hazine (Ajan), 65, 66
-
- Hejid, 77
-
- Heroöpolite Gulf, 40
-
- Heptanêsia, 130
-
- Heratemis, 214
-
- Hercules, Pillars of, 223
-
- Herônê, 117
-
- Hieratis, 214
-
- Himaryi, 80
-
- Hingal R., _see_ Tomêros R.
-
- Hippalos, 5, 7, 10, 131, 135, 138
-
- Hîppioprosôpoi, 146
-
- Hippokoura, 128
-
- Hisn Ghorab, 87, 88, 91
-
- Homerites, 80, 81
-
- Homnae, 84, 104
-
- Honâvar or Onore, 130
-
- Horitai, _see_ Oreitai.
-
- Hormara B., _see_ Arabah B.
-
- Hutemi, 77
-
- Hwen-Thsang, 181 n.
-
- _Hyacinth_, 36
-
- Hydaspês R., 156, 168, 171
-
- Hydrakês, 189
-
- Hydriaces R., 193
-
- Hydriakus, 189 n.
-
- _Hyenas_, 124
-
-
- I
-
- Iambe, 41
-
- _Ibis_, 61
-
- Ikhthyophagi _passim_.
-
- Ikhthyophagi of Mekran described, 195
-
- Ila, 212
-
- Inderabia Is., 212 n.
-
- _Indigo_, 17
-
- Indo-Skythia, 10, 25, 107
-
- Indôr, 114
-
- Indus R., 107 and _passim_.
-
- _Iron_, 31
-
- Isis R., 61
-
- Istabel Antai, 75
-
-
- J
-
- _Jacinth_, 36
-
- Jahsseb, 80
-
- Jask C., 189, 199 n.
-
- Jaygaḍh, 129
-
- Jebel Sanâm M., 219 n.
-
- Jerd Hafûn, 60
-
- Jerim, 80
-
- Jibba, 101
-
- Jibûs Is., 87
-
- Jifâtin Is., 40
-
- Juba R., 66, 68, 70
-
- Junnar, 125
-
-
- K
-
- Kabana, 181
-
- Kabolitai, 123
-
- Kâbul, 20, 123
-
- Kachh, Gulf of, 111
-
- Kaḍattanâḍu, 28, 132
-
- Kaes or Keesh Is., 211 n.
-
- Kaikander Is., 212 n.
-
- Kaineitai, 130
-
- Kakee R., _see_ Sitakos R.
-
- Kalaiou Is., 100, 101
-
- Kalama, 187
-
- Kalami R., 180 n., 188 n., 189
-
- Kalat C., 194 n.
-
- Kalliena, 127
-
- Kalon M., 101, 102
-
- Kalpê, Straits of, 83
-
- Kaltis, 147
-
- Kalyâṇa, 127
-
- Kalybi, _see_ Karbine.
-
- Kamara, 141, 143
-
- Kammôni, 117
-
- Kanasis, 194
-
- Kanate, 194
-
- Kanê, 1-39 _passim_, 86, 88, 138
-
- Kannettri, 131, 134
-
- Kanraîtai, 77
-
- Kanthatis, 200
-
- Kara-Agach R., 160, 214 n.
-
- Karâchi, 158, 176 n.
-
- Karbinê, 188 n., 199 n.
-
- Karbis, 189
-
- Karmana, _see_ Kirman.
-
- Karmania, 10, 35, 86, 199 n.
-
- Karoura, 133
-
- _Karpasos_, 18
-
- Karpella C., 200
-
- Karûn R., 103
-
- Karun, 202 n.
-
- Karûn R., 220
-
- Kâśmîr, 20
-
- Kaspian Sea, 148
-
- Kassia, 18, 19
-
- Kataderbis, 218 n.
-
- Kataia Is., 211 n., 212 n.
-
- Kâṭhiâvâḍ, 16
-
- Kaumana, 158
-
- Kaveripattam, 143
-
- Kavery R., 143
-
- Kâyal C., 141
-
- Kenjan-fu, 148
-
- Kenn Is., _see_ Kataia.
-
- Kêprobotres, 6, 132
-
- Kêrala, 131
-
- Keralaputra, 132
-
- Kerazi C., 200
-
- Keroot, _see_ Kerazi C.
-
- Keshin, 90
-
- Kesmacoran (Mekran), 99
-
- Khabêris, 143
-
- Khabêros R., 143
-
- Khambhât G., 95, 112, 116
-
- Kharibaël, 7, 39, 80, 82
-
- Khartan Is., 90
-
- Kheil C., 65
-
- Khersonêsos, the Golden., 15, 143, 146
-
- Khersonêsos, in India, 129, 130
-
- Khori R., 58
-
- Kholaibos, 79
-
- Khrusê Is., 146
-
- Kilwa (Quiloa), 62, 72
-
- Killouta Is., 157
-
- Kirrhadia, 23, 145
-
- Kirkê, 199
-
- Kirman, 199 n.
-
- Kissa, 189
-
- Kishm Is., 202 n.
-
- Kisht R., 215 n.
-
- Kobê, 54
-
- Koiamba, 180 n., 181 n.
-
- Kôkala, 159, 182
-
- _Kolandiophonta_, 142, 143
-
- Kolatta-nâḍu, 132
-
- Kôlis, 142
-
- Kolkei, 144
-
- Kolkhoi, 14, 138, 141
-
- Kolöê, 48
-
- Kolta, 187 n.
-
- Kolum, 134
-
- Komar C., 139
-
- Kommana, 194 n.
-
- Komta, 130
-
- Konkan or Kanoun, 213 n.
-
- Kôphas, 189 n., 191
-
- Koppa C., _see_ Kôphas.
-
- Koptos, 41, 42, 76
-
- Koreatis, 158, 175
-
- Korodamon C., 100
-
- Korû C., 142
-
- Kossaeans, 217
-
- _Kostus_, 20
-
- Koṭi, 142
-
- Kottonara, 28, 132
-
- Creophagoi, 60
-
- Krishnâ R., 144
-
- Krôkala Is., 158, 176
-
- Kumârî (Durga), 140, 141
-
- Kungoun, 194 n.
-
- Kunokephali, 61
-
- Kurmut R., 180 n.
-
- Kurya Murya Is., 92, 99
-
- Kyêneion, 48
-
- Kyiza, 191, 193 n., 196
-
- Kysa, _see_ Kissa.
-
- Kyros, 213 n.
-
- Kyrênê, 223, 229
-
-
- L
-
- _Lac_, 13
-
- Lamnaios R. (Narmadâ R.), 116
-
- Lamou Is., 68
-
- Laccadive Is., 15
-
- Lar-Desa, _see_ Larikê.
-
- Larikê, 113
-
- Laristan, 199 n.
-
- Laurel Grove, the Little, 58
-
- Laurel Grove, the Great, 59
-
- Las, 177 n.
-
- _Lead_, 31
-
- Leukê (White) Is., 127, 130
-
- Leukê Kômê, 7-9, 74, 76
-
- Licha, 60
-
- Limyrikê, _see_ Dimyrikê.
-
- _Lycium_, 22
-
- Lykia, 22
-
-
- M
-
- Mabber C., 65
-
- _Macer_, 22
-
- _Madara_, 105
-
- Madeira Is., 20
-
- Mahi R., _see_ Mais R.
-
- Maiôtic Lake, 148
-
- Mais R., 116
-
- Maisôlos R., 144
-
- Makalleh, 91
-
- Makdashû (Magadoxo), 67
-
- Maklow R., _see_ Tomêros R.
-
- Makroprosôpoi, 140
-
- Malabar, 10, 95, 137, 143
-
- _Malabathrum_ (_Betel_), 22, 149
-
- Malacca, 147
-
- Malana, 154, 185, 187
-
- Malaô, 17-39 _passim_, 54, 55
-
- Malava, 171 n.
-
- Maleus M., 185 n.
-
- Malikhos, 8
-
- Malin C., 185
-
- Malli, 171
-
- Manaar G., 141, 142
-
- Mand R., _see_ Sitakos.
-
- Manda Is., 68
-
- Mandagora, 127, 129
-
- Mangalur, 130
-
- Manora, 158, 178
-
- Manpalli, 140
-
- Mansura, 109
-
- Mapharitis, 7
-
- Mardians, 217
-
- Margastana Is., 218
-
- Mariabo, 189
-
- Markah, 158
-
- Markari, 134
-
- Martan Is., 98
-
- Masalia, 144, 145
-
- Masawwâ, 45, 48
-
- Masira, 99
-
- Maskat, 73, 95, 97, 100
-
- Maṭhurâ, 133
-
- Mazênês, 209
-
- Medina, 75
-
- Megasthenês, 154, 208
-
- Mekran, 186
-
- Meligeizara, 127, 129
-
- _Melilot_, 24
-
- Menander, 121
-
- Menhabery, 109
-
- Menouthias Is., 15, 62, 69-71
-
- Mensureh R., 218
-
- Meroê, 45, 46, 186
-
- Mesembria, 160, 215 n., 216 n.
-
- Mesha, 79
-
- Mesopotamia, 220
-
- Mete C., 57, 59
-
- Methora, 134
-
- Mharras, _see_ Mopharitis.
-
- Minâb R., 159, 202 n.
-
- Minnagar, 108-110, 114
-
- Mirjan, 130
-
- Modura, 127, 131, 133
-
- Moghostan, 199 n.
-
- Moinanokalû C., 72
-
- Mokhâ, 78
-
- Mombaros, 113
-
- Momfia Is., 69, 71
-
- Monedes, 186 n.
-
- Monze C., 106, 178 n.
-
- Mopharitis, 72, 74, 79
-
- Moran C., _see_ Malin C.
-
- Morontobara, 178 n., 180 n.
-
- Mosarna, 189
-
- Moskha, 17, 21, 29, 95, 96
-
- Moskhophagoi, 43, 49
-
- Mossylon, 12-39, _passim_. 54
-
- Moundou, 17-39, _passim_. 54, 57
-
- Mouza, 9, 38, _passim_. 54-82, _passim_.
-
- Mouziris, 6-39 _passim_. 131
-
- Mowilah, 75
-
- Muâri C., 178 n.
-
- Muhammarah, 103
-
- Muhani R., 193 n.
-
- Multân, 20, 171 n.
-
- Murghâb, 213 n.
-
- _Muslin_, 26
-
- Mussendom or Mesandum C., 102, 200 n., 212 n.
-
- Muyiri, 131
-
- Myos Hormos, 9, 40-42, 74, 75
-
- _Myrrh_, 24, 25, 29
-
-
- N
-
- Nabathaea, 7, 74, 75
-
- Nabend C., 199
-
- Nabend or Naban R., 212 n., 213 n.
-
- Nakb-el-Hajar, 88
-
- Namades R., _see_ Narmadâ R.
-
- Nammadios R., _see_ Narmadâ R.
-
- Nanagouna R., 129
-
- Naoura, 13, 127, 130
-
- _Nard_, 25, 122
-
- Narmadâ (Nerbada) R., 10, 107, 114, 117, 127
-
- Nausari, 127
-
- Nausaripa, 127
-
- Neacyndon, 131
-
- Nebaioth, _see_ Nabathaea.
-
- Neiloptolemaios, 58
-
- Neilospotamia, 58
-
- Nelkynda, 10-39 _passim_. 131-135
-
- Neoptana, 202
-
- Nepâl, 23 n.
-
- Nereid, story of a, 198
-
- Nikobar Is., 145
-
- Nikôn, 62, 66
-
- Nineveh, 220
-
- Nirankol, 156
-
- Nitra or Nitria, 129-131
-
- Nosala Is., 188 n., 198, 199 n.
-
- Notou Keras (South Horn) C., 60, 61
-
-
- O
-
- Oarakta Is., 202 n., 209
-
- Oboleh (Obolegh), 10, 103
-
- Ogyris Is., 99, 202 n.
-
- Okêlis, 54, 83, 84, 131
-
- Okhos M., 212, 213 n.
-
- Omana (Oman), 12-38 _passim_. 88, 92, 95, 98, 104, 105
-
- Omana, 194 n.
-
- Onne, 75
-
- Onore, 130
-
- _Onyx_, 34
-
- Ophir, 114, 127
-
- Opônê, 15-31 _passim_. 62-64
-
- Opsian or Obsidian Stone, 35, 36, 49
-
- Oraia, 27, 106
-
- Oreinê Is., 46-48
-
- Oreitai, 107, 177, 181 n.
-
- Orfui C., 63
-
- Organa Is., 202 n., 209
-
- Ormus, Straits of, 200
-
- Ormus Is., 202 n., 209 n.
-
- Orneôn Is., 87
-
- Oroatis R., 160
-
- Ozênê (Ujjain), 25, 26, 29, 34, 114, 122
-
-
- P
-
- Pab M., 178 n.
-
- Padargos R., 214
-
- Pagala, 181
-
- Paithana, 34, 125
-
- Palaipatmai, 127, 129
-
- Palaisimoundou (Ceylon), 4, 143
-
- Palk Bay, 142
-
- Pallacopas R., 160, 219 n.
-
- Pandæ, 133
-
- Pandiôn, 6, 131, 133, 135, 139
-
- Panôn Kômê, 63, 64
-
- Papias Is., 101, 102
-
- Papikê C., 115, 117
-
- _Papyrus_, 61
-
- Parada, _see_ Parthians.
-
- Paragôn B., 106
-
- Paralaoi Is., 62
-
- Paralia, 139
-
- Parsidai, 105
-
- Parthians, 110
-
- Pasargada, 213 n.
-
- Pasinou Kharax, _see_ Spasinou Kharax.
-
- Pasira, 106, 187
-
- Pasirees, 106, 187
-
- Pasitigris R., 103, 161, 220
-
- Passence C., 188 n., 189
-
- Pattala, 156
-
- _Pearl Fisheries_, 102, 103, 141, 178, 212
-
- Pegada, _see_ Pagala.
-
- Pekhely, 121
-
- Pemba Is., 69
-
- _Pepper_, 27, 28, 132
-
- Peram Is., 116
-
- Perim Is., 82
-
- Persian Gulf, aspect of, 209 n.
-
- Persis, Climates of, 216, 217
-
- Persis, Coast of, 86, 88, 212
-
- Peshawar, 121
-
- Petra, 75, 76
-
- Phagiaura, 180 n.
-
- Pharan C., 74
-
- Phœnikia, 222
-
- Pirate Coast, 129
-
- _Pirates_, 95, 130, 131, 177, 188
-
- Piti R., 176 n.
-
- Plocamus, 7, 8
-
- Podoukê, 141, 143
-
- Polior Is., 211 n.
-
- Polymita, 39
-
- Pondicherry, 143
-
- Pontos, 148
-
- _Porcelain_, _see_ _Fluor-spath_.
-
- Poulipoula, 127
-
- Pouna C., 72
-
- Prasii, 24
-
- Prasum C., 73
-
- Proklaïs, 20, 121, 122
-
- Psammêtikḥos, 45
-
- Pseudokêlis, 184
-
- Psygmus, 61
-
- Ptolemaïs Thêrôn, 12, 15, 13, 45
-
- Ptolemy Euergetês, 47
-
- Ptolemy Lagos, 41
-
- Ptolemy Philadelphos, 40, 41, 44
-
- Puduchchêri, 143
-
- Pulikât, 143
-
- Purâli R., 177 n.
-
- Puthangelos, Chase of, 51
-
- Pythangelus, 61
-
- Pylora Is., 211 n.
-
- Puralaoi Is., 68
-
- Pytholaus, 61
-
-
- R
-
- Râjapur, 129
-
- Rambakia, 106
-
- Râmeśvaram C., 142
-
- Ran, _see_ Eirinon.
-
- Ras-al-Sair C., 96
-
- Ras-el-Had C., 10, 90, 95, 99, 100
-
- Regh, 215 n.
-
- Rhapsioi, 73
-
- Rhapta, 9, 62, 71
-
- Rhaptum C., 72, 73
-
- Rhapua, 187 n.
-
- _Rhinoceros_, 14
-
- Rhinokoloura, 76
-
- Rhizana, 180 n.
-
- Rhogonis R., 215 n.
-
- _Rice_, 27, 64
-
- Rizophagoi, 43
-
- Rumrah R., _see_ Kurmut R.
-
- Rangpur, 23
-
-
- S
-
- Sabæa, 10, 11
-
- Sabæans, 81, 86
-
- Sabaïtai, 80
-
-
- Sabbatha, 87-89
-
- Saber M., 79
-
- Sabota, _see_ Sabbatha.
-
- Saghar, 91
-
- Saimur, 113
-
- Śâka, 107
-
- Śâkâbda, 110
-
- Sakala, 178
-
- Sakhalitis Regio, 97
-
- Sakhalîtes G., 90
-
- Sakhlê, 91
-
- Salama C., _see_ Mussendom C.
-
- Salikê (Ceylon), 4
-
- Salour, 142
-
- Salsette Is., 125
-
- _Sandalwood_, 28
-
- Sandanes, 128
-
- _Sandarakê_, 28
-
- Sangada, 177 n.
-
- Sangadip Is., 188 n.
-
- Sangara, 142, 143
-
- San Pedro R., 58, 59
-
- Sauê, 79, 80
-
- Saugra C., 90
-
- Saphar, 80
-
- _Sapphire_, 36
-
- Saraganes, 127, 128
-
- Saranga, 178
-
- Śarâvatî R., 130
-
- Sawa, 89
-
- Schevar, 212 n.
-
- Seger M., 95
-
- Semiramis M., 102, 103
-
- Semulla, 127, 128, 129
-
- Sephar, 97
-
- Serapiôn, 62, 67
-
- Serapis Is., 15, 99
-
- Sesatai, 23, 148
-
- Sêsekreienai Is., 129, 130
-
- Sesostris, 83
-
- _Shadows_, 85 n.
-
- Shat-el-Arab R., 220 n.
-
- Shamba, 70
-
- Sheba, 82, 89
-
- Shehr, 93
-
- Shenarif C., 60
-
- Shi-Hwengti, 148
-
- Shiraz, 213 n.
-
- Sibyrtios, 208
-
- Sigerus, 129
-
- Sijan M., 83
-
- Sikkah Is., 87
-
- Simulla, 128
-
- Sinai (Chinese), 148
-
- Sindhu, _see_ Sinthos.
-
- Sindhudrug, 129
-
- Sinthos (Indus R.), 107
-
- Sisidone, 211 n.
-
- Sitakos R., 160, 214 n.
-
- Sitioganas R., _see_ Sitakos R.
-
- Skythia, 88, 107, 122, 138
-
- Soal R., 57
-
- Sohar, 104
-
- Sokotra Is., _see_ Dioskoridês Is.
-
- Somâli, 66
-
- Sonmiyâni, 177 n., 179 n., 180 n.
-
- Sôpatma, 141, 143
-
- Sôphir, 127
-
- Soupara, 127
-
- Sous M., 98
-
- Sousa, 220, _passim_.
-
- Sousis, Coast of, 218
-
- Spasinou Kharax, 103, 104
-
- Spermatophagoi, 43
-
- _Spikenard_, _see_ _Nard_.
-
- _Stadium, length of_, 162 n.
-
- St. George Is., 130
-
- Stibium, 32
-
- _Storax_, 30
-
- Stoura, 158, 175
-
- Strongylê M., 102
-
- Suari, 106 n.
-
- Subaha M., 98
-
- Suche, 44
-
- Sudich R., 194 n.
-
- _Sugar_, 11, 23, 65
-
- Sumatra Is., 134
-
- Supârâ, 127
-
- Surat, 127, 209 n.
-
- Suagros C., 10, 21, 90, 91, 95
-
- Surastrênê, 113, 114
-
-
- T
-
- Taaes, 79
-
- Tâb R., 160, 216 n.
-
- Tabai, 16-31 _passim_. 62
-
- Tabis M., 147
-
- Tagara, 26, 125, 126
-
- Talmena, 193
-
- Tamil, 126, 127
-
- Taôkê, 215 n.
-
- Tapatêgê, 58
-
- Tapharon, _see_ Sapphar.
-
- Taprobanê, 7-33 _passim_., 143, 144
-
- Tarphara, _see_ Sapphar.
-
- Tarsia, 211
-
- Tejureh G., 52, 55
-
- Tellicherry, 132
-
- Terabdôn B., 106
-
- Terêdôn, _see_ Diridôtis.
-
- Thaṇa, 113
-
- Tḥaṭha, 109, 156
-
- Thibet, 124
-
- Thîna (China), 147, 148
-
- Thînai, 12, 14, 23
-
- _Thôth_, 52, 82
-
- Thurbot Ali C., 96
-
- Tigre, 46
-
- Tigris R., 160
-
- Tiashanes (Chashtana), 115
-
- Timoula, 128
-
- _Tin_, 31
-
- Tinnevelly, 139, 144
-
- Tirakal R., 129
-
- Tisa, 193 n.
-
- Tiz, 193 n.
-
- Tlepolemos, 208
-
- Tombo Is., 210 n.
-
- Tomêros R., 183 n.
-
- Tonikê, 67
-
- Topazas Is., 28
-
- Toperon, 127
-
- Torra or Torre, 68
-
- Touag, 215 n.
-
- Travancore, 134, 139
-
- Troglodytes, 45, 47
-
- Troisi, 194 n.
-
- Trombay Is., 128
-
- Troullas Is., 87
-
- Tuna, 144
-
- Tutikorin, 138, 141
-
- Tybi, 52
-
- Tyndis, 13, 129, 131
-
- Turanosboas, 127
-
-
-
-
- U
-
- Ujjain, _see_ Ozênê.
-
- Ulai R., 161
-
- Ulûlah Bandar, 59
-
- Urmara C., _see_ Arabah C.
-
- Uxians, 216
-
-
- V
-
- Valabhi, 115
-
- Vasâï, 127
-
- Vatrachitis R., 215 n.
-
- Veneris Portus, 41
-
- Vijayadrug, 129
-
- Vikramâditya, 110
-
- Vingorla Rocks, 130
-
- Vrokt Is., _see_ Brokt Is.
-
-
- W
-
- Wadi Meifah, 88
-
- Wejh, 75
-
- _Whales_, 196, 215
-
- _Wheat_, 28
-
- _Wine_, 27
-
-
- Y
-
- Yemen, 78, 80
-
- Yenbo, 74
-
- Yeukaotschin, 110
-
-
- Z
-
- Za-Hakale, 5
-
- Zalegh, 55
-
- Zanzibar Is., 69, 71
-
- Zapphar, _see_ Sapphar.
-
- Zarotis R., 216 n.
-
- Zeyla, 54
-
- Zeyla G., 52
-
- Zenobios Is., 98, 99
-
- Zhafâr, 97
-
- Zoskalês, 5, 49
-
- Zouileh, 55
-
-
-BOMBAY: PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY’S PRESS.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] The Introduction and Commentary embody the main substance of
-Müller’s Prolegomena and Notes to the _Periplûs_, and of Vincent’s
-_Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients_ so far as it relates
-specially to that work. The most recent authorities accessible have,
-however, been also consulted, and the result of their inquiries noted.
-I may mention particularly Bishop Caldwell’s Dravidian Grammar, to
-which I am indebted for the identification of places on the Malabar and
-Coromandel coasts.
-
-[2] The enumeration is Vincent’s, altered and abridged.
-
-[3] The numerals indicate the sections of the _Periplûs_ in which the
-articles are mentioned.
-
-[4] Bhagvânlâl Indraji Pâṇḍit points out that the colour is called
-_alaktaka_, Prakrit _alito_: it is used by women for dying the nails
-and feet,—also as a dye. The _gulalî_ or pill-like balls used by women
-are made with arrowroot coloured with _alito_, and cotton dipped in it
-is sold in the bazars under the name of _pothi_, and used for the same
-purposes. He has also contributed many of the Sanskṛit names, and some
-notes.
-
-[5] Sans. _Guggula_, Guj. _Gûgal_, used as a tonic and for skin and
-urinary diseases.—B. I. P.
-
-[6] Mahuwâ oil (Guj. _doliuṅ_, Sans. _madhuka_) is much exported from
-Bharoch.—B. I. P.
-
-[7] May not some of these be the fragrant root of the kusâ, grass,
-_Andropogon calamus_—_aromaticus_?—J. B.
-
-[8] A similar gum is obtained from the _Pâlâśa_ (Guj. _khâkhara_), the
-_Dhâka_ of Râjputâna.—B. I. P.
-
-[9] What the Brâhmans call _kuṇḍaru_ is the gum of a tree called the
-_Dhûpa-salai_; another sort of it, from Arabia, they call _Isêsa_, and
-in Kâṭhiâvâḍ it is known as _Sesagundar_.—B. I. P.
-
-[10] More likely from Nepâl, where it is called _tejapât_.—B. I. P.
-
-[11] Obtained from the root of _Nardostachys jatamansi_, a native of
-the eastern Himâlayas.—J. B.
-
-[12] It is brought now from the Eastern Archipelago.—B. I. P.
-
-[13] In early times it was obtained chiefly from _Styrax officinalis_,
-a native of the same region.—J. B.
-
-[14] Nero gave for one 300 talents = £58,125. They were first seen at
-Rome in the triumphal procession of Pompey. [May these not have been of
-emerald, or even ruby?—J. B.]
-
-[15] Possibly the Lapis Lazuli is meant.—J. B.
-
-[16] There was another Arsinoe between Ras Dh’ib and Ras Shukhair,
-lat. 28° 3´ N. The few geographical indications added by Mr. Burgess
-to these comments as they passed through the press are enclosed in
-brackets. []
-
-[17] Bruce, _Travels_, vol. III., p. 62.—J. B.
-
-[18] From the Tamil _ariśi_, rice deprived of the husk.—_Caldwell._
-
-[19] Meaning _white village_.
-
-[20] “This” (Mons Pulcher) says Major-General Miles, “is Jebel Lahrim
-or Shaum, the loftiest and most conspicuous peak on the whole cape
-(Mussendom), being nearly 7,000 feet high.”—_Jour. R. As. Soc._ (N.S.)
-vol. X. p. 168.—ED.
-
-[21] “The city of Omana is Ṣoḥar, the ancient capital of Omana, which
-name, as is well known, it then bore, and Pliny is quite right in
-correcting _former writers_ who had placed it in Caramania, on which
-coast there is no good evidence that there was a place of this name.
-Nearchus does not mention it, and though the author of the _Periplûs
-of the Erithræan Sea_ does locate it in Persia, it is pretty evident
-he never visited the place himself, and he must have mistaken the
-information he obtained from others. It was this city of Ṣoḥar most
-probably that bore the appellation of Emporium Persarum, in which,
-as Philostorgius relates, permission was given to Theophilus, the
-ambassador of Constantine, to erect a Christian church.” The Homna
-of Pliny may be a repetition of Omana or Ṣoḥar, which he had already
-mentioned.—Miles in _Jour. R. As. Soc._ (N. S.) vol. X. pp. 164-5.—ED.
-
-[22] _Ind. Ant._ vol. I. pp. 309-310.
-
-[23] Written in the Ionic dialect.
-
-[24] See infra, note 35.
-
-[25] Geog. of Anc. India, p. 279 sqq.
-
-[26] See Arrian’s Anab. VI. 19. Καὶ τοῦτο οὔπω πρότερον εγνωκόσι τοῖς
-ἀμφ' Ἀλέξανδρον ἔκπληξιν μὲν καὶ αὐτὸ οὐ σμικρὰν παρέσχε.
-
-[27] See Arrian, ib.
-
-[28] See id. VI. 23, and Strab. xv. ii. 3, 4.
-
-[29] Strab. ib. 5.
-
-[30] This may perhaps be represented by the modern Khâu, the name of
-one of the western mouths of the Indus.
-
-[31] See infra, p. 176, note 17.
-
-[32] The Olympic stadium, which was in general use throughout Greece,
-contained 600 Greek feet = 625 Roman feet, or 606 English feet. The
-Roman mile contained eight stadia, being about half a stadium less
-than an English mile. Not a few of the measurements given by Arrian
-are excessive, and it has therefore been conjectured that he may have
-used some standard different from the Olympic,—which, however, is
-hardly probable. See the subject discussed in Smith’s Dictionary of
-Antiquities, S. V. _Stadium_.
-
-[33] This list does not specify those officers who performed the
-voyage, but such as had a temporary command during the passage down
-the river. The only names which occur afterwards in the narrative are
-those of Arkhias and Onêsikritos. Nearkhos, by his silence, leaves it
-uncertain whether any other officers enumerated in his list accompanied
-him throughout the expedition. The following are known not to have
-done so: Hephaistion, Leonnatos, Lysimakhos, Ptolemy, Krateros,
-Attalos and Peukestas. It does not clearly appear what number of ships
-or men accompanied Nearkhos to the conclusion of the voyage. If we
-suppose the ships of war only fit for the service, 30 galleys might
-possibly contain from two to three thousand men, but this estimation is
-uncertain.
-
-See Vincent, I. 118 sqq.
-
-[34] So also Plutarch in the Life of Alexander (C. 66) says that in
-returning from India Alexander had 120,000 foot and 15,000 cavalry.
-
-[35] Sansk. Malava. The name is preserved in the modern Moultan.
-
-[36] Anab. VI. 11.
-
-[37] The general effect of the monsoon Nearkhos certainly knew; he
-was a native of Crete, and a resident at Amphipolis, both which lie
-within the track of the annual or Etesian winds, which commencing
-from the Hellespont and probably from the Euxine sweep the Egêan sea,
-and stretching quite across the Mediterranean to the coast of Africa,
-entered through Egypt to Nubia or Ethiopia. Arrian has accordingly
-mentioned the monsoon by the name of the Etesian winds; his expression
-is remarkable, and attended with a precision that does his accuracy
-credit. These Etesian winds, says he, do not blow from the north in
-the summer months as with us in the Mediterranean, but from the South.
-On the commencement of winter, or at latest on the setting of the
-Pleiades, the sea is said to be navigable till the winter solstice
-(Anab. VI. 21-1) Vincent I. 43 sq.
-
-[38] The date here fixed by Arrian is the 2nd of October 326 B.C., but
-the computation now generally accepted refers the event to the year
-after to suit the chronology of Alexander’s subsequent history (see
-Clinton’s F. Hell. II. pp. 174 and 563, 3rd ed.). There was an Archon
-called Kephisidoros in office in the year B.C. 323-322; so Arrian has
-here either made a mistake, or perhaps an Archon of the year 326-325
-may have died during his tenure of office, and a substitute called
-Kephisidôros been elected to fill the vacancy. The _lacuna_ marked by
-the asterisks has been supplied by inserting the name of the Makedonian
-month Dius. The Ephesians adopted the names of the months used by the
-Makedonians, and so began their year with the month Dius, the first
-day of which corresponds to the 24th of September. The 20th day of
-Boedromion of the year B.C. 325 corresponded to the 21st of September.
-
-[39] Regarding the sunken reef encountered by the fleet after leaving
-Koreatis, Sir Alexander Burnes says: “Near the mouth of the river we
-passed a rock stretching across the stream, which is particularly
-mentioned by Nearchus, who calls it _a dangerous rock_, and is the
-more remarkable since there is not even a stone below Tatta in any
-other part of the Indus.” The rock, he adds, is at a distance of six
-miles up the Pitti. “It is vain,” says Captain Wood in the narrative
-of his _Journey to the Source of the Oxus_, “in the delta of such a
-river (as the Indus), to identify existing localities with descriptions
-handed down to us by the historians of Alexander the Great ... (but)
-Burnes has, I think, shown that the mouth by which the Grecian fleet
-left the Indus was the modern +Piti+. The ‘dangerous rock’
-of Nearchus completely identifies the spot, and as it is still in
-existence, without any other within a circle of many miles, we can
-wish for no stronger evidence.” With regard to the canal dug through
-this rock, Burnes remarks: “The Greek admiral only availed himself
-of the experience of the people, for it is yet customary among the
-natives of Sind to dig shallow canals, and leave the tides or river
-to deepen them; and a distance of five stadia, or half a mile, would
-call for not great labour. It is not to be supposed that sandbanks will
-continue unaltered for centuries, but I may observe that there was a
-large bank contiguous to the island, between it and which a passage
-like that of Nearchus might have been dug with the greatest advantage.”
-The same author thus describes the mouth of the Piti:—“Beginning from
-the westward we have the Pitti mouth, an embouchure of the Buggaur,
-that falls into what may be called the Bay of Karachi. It has no bar,
-but a large sandbank, together with an island outside prevent a direct
-passage into it from the sea, and narrow the channel to about half a
-mile at its mouth.”
-
-[40] All inquirers have agreed in identifying the Kolaka of Ptolemy,
-and the sandy island of Krokola where Nearchus tarried with his fleet,
-for one day, with a small island in the bay of Karâchi. Krôkala is
-further described as lying off the mainland of the Arabii. It was 150
-stadia, or 17¼ miles, from the western mouth of the Indus,—which agrees
-exactly with the relative positions of Karâchi and the mouth of the
-Ghâra river, if, as we may fairly assume, the present coast-line has
-advanced five or six miles during the twenty-one centuries that have
-elapsed since the death of Alexander. The identification is continued
-by the fact that the district in which Karâchi is situated is called
-+Karkalla+ to this day. Cunningham _Geog. of An. India_, I. p. 306.
-
-[41] The name of the Arabii is variously written,—Arabitæ, Arbii,
-Arabies, Arbies, Aribes, Arbiti. The name of their river has also
-several forms,—Arabis, Arabius, Artabis, Artabius. It is now called
-the +Purâli+, the river which flows through the present district
-of Las into the bay of Soumiyâni. The name of the Oreitai in Curtius
-is Horitæ. Cunningham identifies them with the people on the Aghor
-river, whom he says the Greeks would have named Agoritæ or Aoritæ, by
-the suppression of the guttural, of which a trace still remains in
-the initial aspirate of ‘Horitæ.’ Some would connect the name with
-+Haur+, a town which lay on the route to Firabaz, in Mekran.
-
-[42] This name Sangada, D’Anville thought, survived in that of a race
-of noted pirates who infested the shores of the gulf of Kachh, called
-the +Sangadians+ or Sangarians.
-
-[43] “The pearl oyster abounds in 11 or 12 fathoms of water all
-along the coast of Scinde. There was a fishery in the harbour of
-Kurrachee which had been of some importance in the days of the native
-rulers.”—_Wanderings of a Naturalist in India_, p. 36.
-
-[44] This island is not known, but it probably lay near the rocky
-headland of Irus, now called +Manora+, which protects the port of
-Karâchi from the sea and bad weather.
-
-[45] “The name of Morontobara,” says Cunningham, “I would identify with
-Muâri, which is now applied to the headland of Râs Muâri or Cape Monze,
-the last point of the Pab range of mountains. _Bâra_, or _Bâri_, means
-roadstead or haven; and Moranta is evidently connected with the Persian
-_Mard_ a man, of which the feminine is still preserved in Kâśmîrî as
-_Mahrin_ a woman. From the distances given by Arrian, I am inclined to
-fix it at the mouth of the +Bahar+ rivulet, a small stream which
-falls into the sea about midway between Cape Monze and Sonmiyâni.”
-_Women’s Haven_ is mentioned by Ptolemy and Ammianus Marcellinus. There
-is in the neighbourhood a mountain now called +Mor+, which may be
-a remnant of the name Morontobari. The channel through which the fleet
-passed after leaving this place no longer exists, and the island has of
-course disappeared.
-
-[46] The coast from Karâchi to the Purâli has undergone considerable
-changes, so that the position of the intermediate places cannot be
-precisely determined. “From Cape Monze to Sonmiyâni,” says Blair, “the
-coast bears evident marks of having suffered considerable alterations
-from the encroachments of the sea. We found trees which had been washed
-down, and which afforded us a supply of fuel. In some parts I saw
-imperfect creeks in a parallel direction with the coast. These might
-probably be the vestiges of that narrow channel through which the Greek
-galleys passed.”
-
-[47] Ptolemy and Marcian enumerate the following places as lying
-between the Indus and the Arabis: Rhizana, Koiamba, Women’s Haven,
-Phagiaura, Arbis. Ptolemy does not mention the Oreitai, but extends the
-Arabii to the utmost limit of the district assigned to them in Arrian.
-He makes, notwithstanding, the river Arabia to be the boundary of the
-Arabii. His Arabis must therefore be identified not with the _Pârâli_,
-but with the _Kurmut_, called otherwise the _Rumra_ or _Kalami_, where
-the position of Arrian’s Kalama must be fixed. Pliny (vi. 25) places
-a people whom he calls the Arbii between the Oritae and Karmania,
-assigning as the boundary between the Arbii and the Oritae the river
-Arbis.
-
-[48] The +Arabis+ or +Purâli+ discharges its waters into the
-bay of Sonmiyâni. “Sonmiyâni,” says Kempthorne, “is a small town or
-fishing village situated at the mouth of a creek which runs up some
-distance inland. It is governed by a Sheikh, and the inhabitants appear
-to be very poor, chiefly subsisting on dried fish and rice. A very
-extensive bar or sandbank runs across the mouth of this inlet, and none
-but vessels of small burden can get over it even at high water, but
-inside the water is deep.” The inhabitants of the present day are as
-badly off for water as their predecessors of old. “Everything,” says
-one who visited the place, “is scarce, even water, which is procured
-by digging a hole five or six feet deep, and as many in diameter, in
-a place which was formerly a swamp; and if the water oozes, which
-sometimes it does not, it serves them that day, and perhaps the next,
-when it turns quite brackish, owing to the nitrous quality of the
-earth.”
-
-[49] Strabo agrees with Arrian in representing the Oreitai as
-non-Indian. Cunningham, however, relying on statement made by Curtius,
-Diodorus and the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, a most competent
-observer, considers them to be of Indian origin, for their customs,
-according to the Pilgrim, were like those of the people of Kachh,
-and their written characters closely resembled those of India, while
-their language was only slightly different. The Oreitai as early as
-the 6th century B.C. were tributary to Darius Hystaspes, and they were
-still subject to Persia nearly 12 centuries later when visited by Hwen
-Thsang.—_Geog. of An. Ind._ pp. 304 sqq.
-
-[50] Another form is Pegadæ, met with in Philostratos, who wrote a work
-on India.
-
-[51] To judge from the distances given, this place should be near the
-stream now called Agbor, on which is situated +Harkânâ+. It is
-probably the Koiamba of Ptolemy.
-
-[52] “In vessels like those of the Greeks, which afforded neither space
-for motion, nor convenience for rest, the continuing on board at night
-was always a calamity. When a whole crew was to sleep on board, the
-suffering was in proportion to the confinement.”—Vincent, I. p. 209
-note.
-
-[53] In another passage of Arrian (Anab. VI. 27, 1,) this Apollophanês
-is said to have been deposed from his satrapy, when Alexander was
-halting in the capital of Gedrosia. In the Journal Arrian follows
-Nearkhos, in the History, Ptolemy or Aristobûlus.—Vincent.
-
-[54] From the distances given, the Tomêros must be identified with the
-+Maklow+ or +Hingal+ river; some would, however, make it the
-+Bhusâl+. The form of the name in Pliny is +Tomberus+, and in
-Mela—+Tubero+. These authors mention another river in connection
-with the Tomêros,—the +Arosapes+ or +Arusaces+.
-
-[55] Similar statements are made regarding this savage race by
-Curtius IX. 10, 9; Diodôros XVII. 105; Pliny VI. 28; Strabo p. 720;
-Philostratos V. Ap. III., 57. Cf. Agatharkhides passim.—_Müller._
-
-[56] Its modern representative is doubtless +Râs Malin+, Malen or
-Moran.
-
-[57] Such a phenomenon could not of course have been observed at
-Malana, which is about 2 degrees north of the Tropic, and Nearkhos,
-as has been already noticed (Introd. p. 155), has on account mainly
-of this statement been represented as a mendacious writer. Schmieder
-and Gosselin attempt to vindicate him by suggesting that Arrian in
-copying his journal had either missed the meaning of this passage,
-or altered it to bring it into accordance with his own geographical
-theories. Müller, however, has a better and probably the correct
-explanation to offer. He thinks that the text of Nearkhos which Arrian
-used contained passages interpolated from Onêsikritos and writers of
-his stamp. The interpolations may have been inserted by the Alexandrian
-geographers, who, following Eratosthenes, believed that India lay
-between the Tropics. In support of this view it is to be noted that
-Arrian’s account of the shadow occurs in that part of his work where
-he is speaking of Malana of the Oreitai, and that Pliny (VIII. 75)
-gives a similar account of the shadows that fall on a mountain of a
-somewhat similar name in the country of that very people. His words
-are: _In Indiae gente Oretam Mons est Maleus nomine, juxta quem umbrae
-aestate in Austrum, hieme in Septemtrionem_ _jaciuntur_. Now Pliny was
-indebted for his knowledge of Mons Maleus to Baeton, who places it
-however not in the country of the Oreitai but somewhere in the lower
-Gangetic region among the Suari and Monedes. It would thus appear
-that what Baeton had said of _Mount Maleus_ was applied to _Malana_
-of the Oreitai, no doubt on account of the likeness of the two names.
-Add to this that the expression in the passage under consideration,
-_for the people beyond this (Malana) are not Indians_, is no doubt an
-interpolation into the text of the Journal, for it makes the Oreitai
-to be an Indian people, whereas the Journal had a little before made
-the Arabies to be the last people of Indian descent living in this
-direction.
-
-[58] This country, which corresponds generally to +Mekran+,
-was called also Kedrosia, Gadrosia, or Gadrusia. The people were an
-Ârianian race akin to the Arakhosii, Arii, and Drangiani.
-
-[59] Bagisara, says Kempthorne, “is now known by the name of
-+Arabah+ or +Hormarah+ Bay, and is deep and commodious
-with good anchorage, sheltered from all winds but those from the
-southward and eastward. The point which forms this bay is very high
-and precipitous, and runs out some distance into the sea. A rather
-large fishing village is situated on a low sandy isthmus about one mile
-across, which divides the bay from another.... The only articles of
-provision we could obtain from the inhabitants were a few fowls, some
-dried fish, and goats. They grew no kind of vegetable or corn, a few
-water-melons being the only thing these desolate regions bring forth.
-Sandy deserts extend into the interior as far as the eye can reach,
-and at the back of these rise high mountains.” The +Rhapua+ of
-Ptolemy corresponds to the Bagisara or +Pasira+ of Arrian, and
-evidently survives in the present name of the bay and the headland of
-+Araba+.
-
-[60] +Kolta.+—A place unknown. It was situated on the western side
-of the isthmus which connects +Râs Araba+ with the mainland.
-
-[61] A different form is Kaluboi. Situated on the river now called
-+Kalami+, or Kumra, or Kurmut, the Arabis of Ptolemy, who was
-probably misled by the likeness of the name to Karbis as the littoral
-district was designated here.
-
-[62] Other forms—+Karnine+, Karmina. The coast was probably called
-Karmin, if Karmis is represented in +Kurmat+. The island lying
-twelve miles off the mouth of the Kalami is now called +Astola+ or
-+Sangadip+, which Kempthorne thus describes:—“Ashtola is a small
-desolate island about four or five miles in circumference, situated
-twelve miles from the coast of Mekran. Its cliffs rise rather abruptly
-from the sea to the height of about 300 feet, and it is inaccessible
-except in one place, which is a sandy beach about one mile in extent
-on the northern side. Great quantities of turtle frequent this island
-for the purpose of depositing their eggs. Nearchus anchored off it,
-and called it Karnine. He says also that he received hospitable
-entertainment from its inhabitants, their presents being cattle and
-fish; but not a vestige of any habitation now remains. The Arabs come
-to this island, and kill immense numbers of these turtles,—not for
-the purpose of food, but they traffic with the shell to China, where
-it is made into a kind of paste, and then into combs, ornaments, &c.,
-in imitation of tortoise-shell. The carcasses caused a stench almost
-unbearable. The only land animals we could see on the island were rats,
-and they were swarming. They feed chiefly on the dead turtle. The
-island was once famous as the rendezvous of the Jowassimee pirates.”
-Vincent quotes Blair to this effect regarding the island:—“We were
-warned by the natives at Passence that it would be dangerous to
-approach the island of Asthola, as it was enchanted, and that a ship
-had been turned into a rock. The superstitious story did not deter us;
-we visited the island, found plenty of excellent turtle, and saw the
-rock alluded to, which at a distance had the appearance of a ship under
-sail. The story was probably told to prevent our disturbing the turtle.
-It has, however, some affinity to the tale of Nearchus’s transport.” As
-the enchanted island mentioned afterwards (chap. xxxi.), under the name
-of Nosala, was 100 stadia distant from the coast, it was probably the
-same as Karnine.
-
-[63] Another form of the name is Kysa.
-
-[64] The place according to Ptolemy is 900 stadia distant from the
-Kalami river, but according to Marcianus 1,300 stadia. It must have
-been situated in the neighbourhood of Cape Passence. The distances here
-are so greatly exaggerated that the text is suspected to be corrupt or
-disturbed. From Mosarna to Kophas the distance is represented as 1,750
-stadia, and yet the distance from Cape Passence to Râs +Koppa+
-(the Kophas of the text) is barely 500 stadia. According to Ptolemy
-and Marcian Karmania begins at Mosarna, but according to Arrian much
-further westward, at Badis near Cape Jask.
-
-[65] “From the name given to this pilot I imagine that he was an
-inhabitant of Hydriakos, a town near the bay of Churber or Chewabad....
-Upon the acquisition of Hydrakês or the Hydriakan two circumstances
-occur, that give a new face to the future course of the voyage, one
-is the very great addition to the length of each day’s course; and
-the other, that they generally weighed during the night: the former
-depending upon the confidence they acquired by having a pilot on board;
-and the latter on the nature of the land breeze.”—Vincent I., p. 244.
-
-[66] This place is called in Ptolemy and Marcianus Badera or Bodera,
-and may have been situated near the Cape now called Chemaul Bunder. It
-is mentioned under the form Balara by Philostratos (Vit. Apoll. III.
-56), whose description of the place is in close agreement with Arrian’s.
-
-[67] τῇσι κvμῇσιν. Another reading, not so good however, is, τῇσι
-κωμήτῇσιν _for the village women_, but the Greeks were not likely
-to have indulged in such gallantry. Wearing chaplets in the hair on
-festive occasions was a common practice with the Greeks. Cf. our
-author’s Anab. V. 2. 8.
-
-[68] In Ptolemy a place is mentioned called Derenoibila, which may
-be the same as this. The old name perhaps survives in the modern
-+Daram+ or Durum, the name of a highland on part of the coast
-between Cape Passence and Cape Guadel.
-
-[69] The name appears to survive in a cognominal Cape—Râs Coppa. The
-natives use the same kind of boat to this day; it is a curve made of
-several small planks nailed or sewn together in a rude manner with cord
-made from the bark of date trees and called _kair_, the whole being
-then smeared over with dammer or pitch.—_Kempthorne._
-
-[70] According to Ptolemy and Marcianus this place lay 400 stadia to
-the west of the promontory of Alambator (now Râs Gnadel). Some trace of
-the word may be recognized in +Râs Ghunse+, which now designates
-a point of land situated about those parts. Arrian passes Cape Guadel
-without notice. “We should be reasonably surprised at this,” says
-Vincent (I. 248), “as the doubling of a cape is always an achievement
-in the estimation of a Greek navigator; but having now a native pilot
-on board, it is evident he took advantage of the land-breeze to give
-the fleet an offing. This is clearly the reason why we hear nothing in
-Arrian of Ptolemy’s Alabagium, or Alambateir, the prominent feature of
-this coast.”
-
-[71] _The little town attached by Nearchus_ lay on Gwattar Bay. The
-promontory in its neighbourhood called +Bagia+ is mentioned by
-Ptolemy and Marcianus, the latter of whom gives its distance from Kyiza
-at 250 stadia, which is but half the distance as given by Arrian. To
-the west of this was the river Kaudryaces or Hydriaces, the modern
-Baghwar Dasti or Muhani river, which falls into the Bay of Gwattar.
-
-[72] A name not found elsewhere. To judge by the distance assigned,
-it must be placed on what is now called Chaubar Bay, on the shores of
-which are three towns, one being called +Tiz+,—perhaps the modern
-representative of Tisa, a place in those parts mentioned by Ptolemy,
-and which may have been the Talmena of Arrian.
-
-[73] The name is not found elsewhere. It must have been situated on a
-bay enclosed within the two headlands Râs Fuggem and Râs Godem.
-
-[74] +Kanate+ probably stood on the site of the modern
-+Kungoun+, which is near +Râs Kalat+, and not far from the
-river +Bunth+.
-
-[75] Another and the common form is Troisi. The villages of the Taoi
-must have been where the Sudich river enters the sea. Here Ptolemy
-places his Kommana or Nommana and his follower Marcian his Ommana. See
-ante p. 104 note.
-
-[76] The place in Ptolemy is called Agrispolis,—in Marcianus, Agrisa.
-The modern name is +Girishk+.
-
-[77] Schmieder suggests that instead of the common reading here ἀπὸ
-τούταν ἔλαιον ποιέουσιν Arrian may have written ἀπὸ θύννων ε. π. _they
-make oil from thunnies_, i. e. use the fat for oil.
-
-[78] “This description of the natives, with that of their mode of
-living and the country they inhabit, is strictly correct even to the
-present day.”—Kempthorne.
-
-[79] Strabo (XV. ii. 12, 13) has extracted from Nearkhos the same
-passage regarding whales. See Nearchi fragm. 25. Cf. Onesikritos (fr.
-30) and Orthagoras in Aelian, N. An. XVII. 6; Diodor. XVII. 106;
-Curtius X. 1, 11.
-
-[80] The story of the Nereid is evidently an Eastern version of the
-story of the enchantress Kirkê. The island here called Nosala is that
-already mentioned under the name of Karbine, now Asthola.
-
-[81] +Karmania+ extended from Cape Jask to Râs Nabend, and
-comprehended the districts now called Moghostan, Kirman, and Laristan.
-Its metropolis, according to Ptolemy, was +Karmana+, now
-+Kirman+, which gives its name to the whole province. The first
-port in Karmania reached by the expedition was in the neighbourhood
-of Cape Jask, where the coast is described as being very rocky, and
-dangerous to mariners on account of shoals and rocks under water.
-Kempthorne says: “The cliffs along this part of the coast are very
-high, and in many places almost perpendicular. Some have a singular
-appearance, one near Jask being exactly of the shape of a quoin or
-wedge; and another is a very remarkable peak, being formed by three
-stones, as if placed by human hands, one on the top of the other. It is
-very high, and has the resemblance of a chimney.”
-
-[82] Badis must have been near where the village of Jask now stands,
-beyond which was the promontory now called Râs Kerazi or Keroot or
-Bombarak, which marks the entrance to the Straits of Ormus. This
-projection is the Cape Karpella of Ptolemy. Badis may be the same as
-the Kanthatis of this geographer.
-
-[83] Maketa is now called Cape Mesandum in Oman. It is thus described
-by Palgrave in the Narrative of his Travels through Central and Eastern
-Arabia (Vol. II. pp. 316-7). The afternoon was already far advanced
-when we reached the headland, and saw before us the narrow sea-pass
-which runs between the farthest rooks of Mesandum and the mainland
-of the Cape. This strait is called the “Bab” or “gate:” it presents
-an imposing spectacle, with lofty precipices on either side, and the
-water flowing deep and black below; the cliffs are utterly bare and
-extremely well adapted for shivering whatever vessels have the ill luck
-to come upon them. Hence and from the ceaseless dash of the dark waves,
-the name of “Mesandum” or “Anvil,” a term seldom better applied. But
-this is not all, for some way out at sea rises a huge square mass of
-basalt of a hundred feet and more in height sheer above the water; it
-bears the name of “Salâmah” or “safety,” a euphemism of good augury
-for “danger.” Several small jagged peaks, just projecting above the
-surface, cluster in its neighbourhood; these bear the endearing name of
-“Benât Salâmah,” or “Daughters of Salamah.”
-
-[84] This place is not mentioned elsewhere, but must have been situated
-somewhere in the neighbourhood of the village of Karun.
-
-[85] The +Anamis+, called by Pliny the Ananis, and by Ptolemy and
-Mela the Andanis, is now the Minâb or Ibrahim River.
-
-[86] Other forms—Hormazia, Armizia regio. The name was transferred
-from the mainland to the island now called +Ormus+, when the
-inhabitants fled thither to escape from the Moghals. It is called by
-Arrian +Organa+ (chap. xxxvii.) The Arabians called it Djerun, a
-name which it continued to bear up to the 12th century. Pliny mentions
-an island called Oguris, of which perhaps Djerun is a corruption. He
-ascribes to it the honour of having been the birthplace of Erythrés.
-The description, however, which he gives of it is more applicable to
-the island called by Arrian (chap. xxxvii.) Oârakta (now Kishm) than
-to Ormus. Arrian’s description of Harmozia is still applicable to the
-region adjacent to the Mînâb. “It is termed,” says Kempthorne, “the
-Paradise of Persia. It is certainly most beautifully fertile, and
-abounds in orange groves, orchards containing apples, pears, peaches,
-and apricots, with vineyards producing a delicious grape, from which
-was made at one time a wine called Amber rosolia, generally considered
-the white wine of Kishma; but no wine is made here now.” The old name
-of Kishma—Oârakta—is preserved in one of its modern names, Vrokt or
-Brokt.
-
-[87] Diodôros (XVII. 106) gives quite a different account of the visit
-of Nearkhos to Alexander.
-
-[88] The preceding satrap was Sibyrtios, the friend of Megasthenês. He
-had been transferred to govern the Gadrosians and the Arakhotians.
-
-[89] As stated in Note 64, Organa is now _Ormuz_, and Oarakta, _Kishm_.
-Ormuz, once so renowned for its wealth and commerce, that it was said
-of it by its Portuguese occupants, that if the world were a golden
-ring, Ormuz would be the diamond signet, is now in utter decay. “I have
-seen,” says Palgrave (II. 319), “the abasement of Tyre, the decline of
-Surat, the degradation of Goa: but in none of those fallen seaports is
-aught resembling the utter desolation of Ormuz.” A recent traveller
-in Persia (Binning) thus describes the coast: “It presents no view
-but sterile, barren, and desolate chains of rocks and hills: and the
-general aspect of the Gulf is dismal and forbidding. Moore’s charming
-allusions to Oman’s sea, with its ‘banks of pearl and palmy isles’
-are unfortunately quite visionary; for uglier and more unpicturesque
-scenery 1 never beheld.”—_Two Years’ Travel in Persia_, I. pp. 136, 137.
-
-[90] For the legend of Erythrês see Agatharkhides De Mari Eryth. I.
-1-4 and Strabo XVI. iv. 20. The Erythræan Sea included the Indian
-Ocean, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea, the last being called
-also the Arabian Gulf, when it was necessary to distinguish it from
-the Erythræan in general. It can hardly be doubted that the epithet
-_Erythræan_ (which means _red_, Greek ἐρυθρὸς) first designated the
-Arabian Gulf or Red Sea, and was afterwards extended to the seas beyond
-the Straits by those who first explored them. The Red Sea was so
-called because it washed the shores of Arabia, called _the Red Land_
-(Edom), in contradistinction to Egypt, called _the Black Land_ (Kemi),
-from the darkness of the soil deposited by the Nile. Some however
-thought that it received its name from the quantity of red coral found
-in its waters, especially along the eastern shores, and Strabo says
-(loc. cit.): “Some say that the sea is red from the colour arising
-from reflexion either from the sun, which is vertical, or from the
-mountains, which are red by being scorched with intense heat; for the
-colour it is supposed may be produced by both of these causes. Ktesias
-of Knidos speaks of a spring which discharges into the sea a red and
-ochrous water.”—Cf. Eustath. Comment. 38.
-
-[91] This island is that now called +Angar+, or +Hanjam+,
-to the south of Kishm. It is described as being nearly destitute of
-vegetation and uninhabited. Its hills, of volcanic origin, rise to a
-height of 300 feet. The other island, distant from the mainland about
-300 stadia, is now called the Great Tombo, near which is a smaller
-island called Little Tombo. They are low, flat, and uninhabited. They
-are 25 miles distant from the western extremity of Kishm.
-
-[92] The island of +Pylora+ is that now called Polior.
-+Sisidone+ appears in other forms—Prosidodone, pro-Sidodone, pros
-Sidone, pros Dodone. Kempthorne thought this was the small fishing
-village now called +Mogos+, situated in a bay of the same name.
-The name may perhaps be preserved in the name of a village in the same
-neighbourhood, called Dnan Tarsia—now +Râs-el-Djard+—described as
-high and rugged, and of a reddish colour.
-
-[93] +Kataia+ is now the island called +Kaes+ or +Kenn+.
-Its character has altered, being now covered with dwarf trees, and
-growing wheat and tobacco. It supplies ships with refreshment, chiefly
-goats and sheep and a few vegetables. “At morning,” says Binning (I.
-137), “we passed Polior, and at noon were running along the South side
-of the Isle of Keesh, called in our maps Kenn; a fertile and populous
-island about 7 miles in length. The inhabitants of this, as well as
-of every other island in the Gulf, are of Arab blood—for every true
-Persian appears to hate the very sight of the sea.”
-
-[94] The boundary between Karmania and Persis was formed by a range of
-mountains opposite the island of +Kataia+. Ptolemy, however, makes
-Karmania extend much further, to the river +Bagradas+, now called
-the +Naban+ or +Nabend+.
-
-[95] +Kaikander+ has the other forms—Kekander, Kikander,
-Kaskandrus, Karkundrus, Karskandrus, Sasækander. This island, which
-is now called +Inderabia+, or +Andaravia+, is about four or
-five miles from the mainland, having a small town on the north side,
-where is a safe and commodious harbour. The other island mentioned
-immediately after is probably that now called Busheab. It is, according
-to Kempthorne, a low, flat island, about eleven miles from the
-mainland, containing a small town principally inhabited by Arabs, who
-live on fish and dates. The harbour has good anchorage even for large
-vessels.
-
-[96] The pearl oyster is found from Ras Musendom to the head of the
-Gulf. There are no famed banks on the Persian side, but near Bushire
-there are some good ones.
-
-[97] +Apostana+ was near a place now called +Schevar+. It
-is thought that the name may be traced in +Dahra+ +Ahbân+,
-an adjacent mountain ridge of which Okhos was probably the southern
-extremity.
-
-[98] This bay is that on which +Naban+ or +Nabend+ is now
-situated. It is not far from the river called by Ptolemy the Bagradas.
-The place abounds with palm-trees as of old.
-
-[99] +Gôgana+ is now +Konkan+ or +Konaun+. The bay lacks
-depth of water; a stream still falls into it—the Areôn of the text.
-To the north-west of this place in the interior lay +Pasargada+,
-the ancient capital of Persia, and the burial-place of Kyros, in the
-neighbourhood of Murghâb, a place to the N. E. of Shiraz (30° 24´ N.
-56° 29´ E.).
-
-[100] The Sitakos has been identified with the Kara Agach, Mand, Mund
-or Kakee river, which has a course of 300 miles. Its source is near
-Kodiyan, which lies N. W. of Shiraz. At a part of its course it is
-called the Kewar River. The meaning of its name is _black wood_. In
-Pliny it appears as the Sitioganus. _Sitakon_ was probably the name
-as Nearkhos heard it pronounced, as it frequently happens that when
-a Greek writer comes upon a name like an oblique case in Greek, he
-invents a nominative for it. With regard to the form of the name in
-Pliny, ‘g’ is but a phonetic change instead of ‘k’. The ‘i’ is probably
-an error in transcription for ‘t’. The Sitakos is probably the Brisoana
-of Ptolemy, which can have no connexion with the later-mentioned
-Brizana of our author. See _Report on the Persian Gulf_ by Colonel
-Ross, lately issued. Pliny states that from the mouth of the Sitioganus
-an ascent could be made to Pasargada, in seven days; but this is
-manifestly an error.
-
-[101] The changes which have taken place along the coast have been so
-considerable that it is difficult to explain this part of the narrative
-consistently with the now existing state of things.
-
-[102] The peninsula, which is 10 miles in length and 3 in breadth, lies
-so low that at times of high tide it is all but submerged. The modern
-+Abu-Shahr+ or +Bushir+ is situated on it.
-
-[103] Nearkhos, it is probable, put into the mouth of the river now
-called by some the +Kisht+, by others the Boshavir. A town exists
-in the neighbourhood called +Gra+ or +Gran+, which may have
-received its name from the Granis. The royal city (or rather palace),
-200 stadia distant from this river, is mentioned by Strabo, xv. 3, 3,
-as being situate on the coast. Ptolemy does not mention the Granis. He
-makes Taökê to be an inland town, and calls all the district in this
-part Taôkênê. Taokê may be the Touag mentioned by Idrisi, which is now
-represented by Konar Takhta near the Kisht.
-
-[104] +Rhogonis.+—It is written Rhogomanis by Ammianus
-Marcellinus, who mentions it as one of the four largest rivers in
-Persia, the other three being the Vatrachitis, Brisoana, and Bagrada.
-It is the river at the mouth of which is Bender-Righ or Regh, which
-is considered now as in the days of Nearkhos to be a day’s sail from
-Bushire.
-
-[105] “The measures here are neglected in the Journal, for we have only
-800 stadia specified from Mesambria to Brizana, and none from Brizana
-to the Arosis; but 800 stadia are short of 50 miles, while the real
-distance from Mesambria (Bushir) to the Arosis with the winding of the
-coast is above 140. In these two points we cannot be mistaken, and
-therefore, besides the omission of the interval between Brizana and
-the Arosis, there must be some defect in the Journal for which it is
-impossible now to account.”—Vincent, 1. p. 405.
-
-[106] Another form of the name of this river is the Aroatis. It answers
-to the Zarotis of Pliny, who states that the navigation at its mouth
-was difficult, except to those well acquainted with it. It formed the
-boundary between Persis and Susiana. The form Oroatis corresponds to
-the Zend word _aurwat_ ‘swift.’ It is now called the Tâb.
-
-[107] On this point compare Strabo, bk. xv. 3, 1.
-
-[108] It has been conjectured that the text here is imperfect.
-Schmieder opines that the story about the ambassadors is a fiction.
-
-[109] The bay of Kataderbis is that which receives the streams of the
-+Mensureh+ and +Dorak+; at its entrance lie two islands,
-Bunah and Ḍeri, one of which is the Margastana of Arrian.
-
-[110] +Diridôtis+ is called by other writers Terêdon, and is said
-to have been founded by Nabukhodonosor. Mannert places it on the island
-now called +Bubian+; Colonel Chesney, however, fixes its position
-at +Jebel Sanâm+, a gigantic mound near the Pallacopas branch
-of the Euphrates, considerably to the north of the embouchure of the
-present Euphrates. Nearkhos had evidently passed unawares the stream
-of the Tigris and sailed too far westward. Hence he had to retrace his
-course, as mentioned in the next chapter.
-
-[111] This is the Eulæus, now called the +Karûn+, one arm of
-which united with the Tigris, while the other fell into the sea by an
-independent mouth. It is the +Ulai+ of the prophet Daniel. _Pas_
-is said to be an old Persian word, meaning _small_. By some writers the
-name +Pasitigris+ was applied to the united stream of the Tigris
-and Euphrates, now called the +Shat-el-Arab+. The courses of the
-rivers and the conformation of the country in the parts here have all
-undergone great changes, and hence the identification of localities
-is a matter of difficulty and uncertainty. The following extract from
-Strabo will illustrate this part of the narrative:—
-
-Polycletus says that the +Choaspes+, and the +Eulæus+, and
-the +Tigris+ also enter a lake, and thence discharge themselves
-into the sea; that on the side of the lake is a mart, as the rivers do
-not receive the merchandize from the sea, nor convey it down to the
-sea, on account of dams in the river, purposely constructed; and that
-the goods are transported by land, a distance of 800 stadia, to Susis:
-according to others, the rivers which flow through Susis discharge
-themselves by the intermediate canals of the Euphrates into the single
-stream of the Tigris, which on this account has at its mouth the name
-of Pasitigris. According to Nearchus, the sea-coast of Susis is swampy,
-and terminates at the river Euphrates; at its mouth is a village
-which receives the merchandize from Arabia, for the coast of Arabia
-approaches close to the mouths of the Euphrates and the Pasitigris;
-the whole intermediate space is occupied by a lake which receives
-the Tigris. On sailing up the Pasitigris 150 stadia is a bridge of
-rafts leading to Susa from Persis, and is distant from Susa 60 (600?)
-stadia; the Pasitigris is distant from the Oroatis about 2,000 stadia;
-the ascent through the lake to the mouth of the Tigris is 600 stadia;
-near the mouth stands the Susian village Aginis, distant from Susa 500
-stadia; the journey by water from the mouth of the Euphrates up to
-Babylon, through a well-inhabited tract of country, is a distance of
-more than 3,000 stadia.—Book xv. 3, _Bohn’s trans._
-
-[112] The 3rd part of the _Indika_, the purport of which is to prove
-that the southern parts of the world are uninhabitable, begins with
-this chapter.
-
-[113] Here and subsequently meaning the Persian Gulf.
-
-[114] It is not known when or wherefore Ptolemy sent troops on this
-expedition.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Transcriber's Notes
-
-Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations
-in hyphenation, spelling, accents and punctuation remain unchanged.
-
-Italics are represented thus _italic_ and geapertt thus +gespertt+.
-
-In the original, with one exception, Tamil is spelt with the diacritic
-.. beneath the l. As this symbol is not available, the reader is asked
-to imagine it.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Commerce and Navigation of the
-Erythraean Sea, by Anonymous
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