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diff --git a/old/55068-0.txt b/old/55068-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 30c16c8..0000000 --- a/old/55068-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6353 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Notes on the Floridian Peninsula; its -Literary History, Indian Tribes and A, by Daniel G. Brinton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Notes on the Floridian Peninsula; its Literary History, Indian Tribes and Antiquities - -Author: Daniel G. Brinton - -Release Date: July 7, 2017 [EBook #55068] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NOTES ON THE FLORIDIAN *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif, Julia Miller and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - - - - NOTES - - ON THE - - FLORIDIAN PENINSULA; - - ITS - - LITERARY HISTORY, - - INDIAN TRIBES AND ANTIQUITIES. - - BY - - DANIEL G. BRINTON, A. B. - - - PHILADELPHIA: - PUBLISHED BY JOSEPH SABIN, - NO. 27 SOUTH SIXTH STREET, ABOVE CHESTNUT. - 1859. - - Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by - - DANIEL G. BRINTON, - - In the Clerk’s office of the District Court, in and for the - Eastern District of Pennsylvania. - - - KING & BAIRD, PRINTERS, PHILADA. - - - - - TO THE - - LOVERS AND CULTIVATORS - - OF THE - - HISTORY AND ARCHÆOLOGY OF OUR COUNTRY, - - THIS WORK - - IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, - - BY THE AUTHOR. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The present little work is the partial result of odd hours spent in the -study of the history, especially the ancient history--if by this term I -may be allowed to mean all that pertains to the aborigines and first -settlers--of the peninsula of Florida. In some instances, personal -observations during a visit thither, undertaken for the purposes of -health in the winter of 1856-57, have furnished original matter, and -served to explain, modify, or confirm the statements of previous -writers. - -Aware of the isolated interest ever attached to merely local history, I -have endeavored, as far as possible, by pointing out various analogies, -and connecting detached facts, to impress upon it a character of general -value to the archæologist and historian. Should the attempt have been -successful, and should the book aid as an incentive to the rapidly -increasing attention devoted to subjects of this nature, I shall feel -myself amply repaid for the hours of toil, which have also ever been -hours of pleasure, spent in its preparation. - - THORNBURY, PENNA., APRIL, 1859. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - -CHAPTER I. - -LITERARY HISTORY. - PAGE. -Introductory Remarks.--The Early Explorations.--The -French Colonies.--The First Spanish Supremacy.--The -English Supremacy.--The Second Spanish -Supremacy.--The Supremacy of the United States.--Maps -and Charts 13 - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE APALACHES. - -Derivation of the Name.--Earliest Notices of.--Visited -and Described by Bristock, in 1653.--Authenticity of -his Narrative.--Subsequent History and Final Extinction 92 - - -CHAPTER III. - -TRIBES OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - -§ 1. SITUATION AND SOCIAL CONDITION.--Caloosas.--Ais -and Tegesta.--Tocobaga.--Vitachuco.--Utina.--Soturiba.--Method -of Government. - -§ 2. CIVILIZATION.--Appearance.--Games.--Agriculture.--Construction -of Dwellings.--Clothing. - -§ 3. RELIGION.--General Remarks.--Festivals in Honor -of the Sun and Moon.--Sacrifices.--Priests.--Sepulchral -Rites. - -§ 4. LANGUAGES.--The Timuquana Tongue.--Words -Preserved by the French 111 - - -CHAPTER IV. - -LATER TRIBES. - -§ 1. Yemassees.--Uchees.--Apalachicolos.--Migrations -Northwards. - -§ 2. Seminoles 139 - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE SPANISH MISSIONS. - -Early Attempts.--Efforts of Aviles.--Later Missions.-- -Extent during the most Flourishing Period.--Decay 150 - - -CHAPTER VI. - -ANTIQUITIES. - -Mounds.--Roads.--Shell Heaps.--Old Fields 166 - - -APPENDIX I. - -The Silver Spring 183 - - -APPENDIX II. - -The Mummies of the Mississippi Valley 191 - - -APPENDIX III. - -The Precious Metals Possessed by the Early Floridian -Indians 199 - - - - -THE FLORIDIAN PENINSULA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -LITERARY HISTORY. - - Introductory Remarks.--The Early Explorations.--The French - Colonies.--The first Spanish Supremacy.--The English - Supremacy.--The second Spanish Supremacy.--The Supremacy of the - United States.--Maps and Charts. - - -In the study of special and local history, the inquirer finds his most -laborious task is to learn how much his predecessors have achieved. It -is principally to obviate this difficulty in so far as it relates to a -very interesting, because first settled portion of our country, that I -present the following treatise on the bibliographical history of East -Florida. A few words are necessary to define its limits, and to explain -the method chosen in collocating works. - -In reference to the latter, the simple and natural plan of grouping into -one section all works of whatever date, illustrating any one period, -suggests itself as well adapted to the strongly marked history of -Florida, however objectionable it might be in other cases. These periods -are six in number, and consequently into six sections a bibliography -naturally falls. The deeds of the early explorers, the settlement and -subsequent destruction of the French, the two periods when Spain wielded -the sovereign power, the intervening supremacy of England, and lastly, -since it became attached to the United States, offer distinct fields of -research, and are illustrated by different types of books. Such an -arrangement differs not materially from a chronological adnumeration, -and has many advantages of its own. - -Greater difficulty has been experienced in fixing the proper limits of -such an essay. East Florida itself has no defined boundaries. I have -followed those laid down by the English in the Definitive Treaty of -Peace of the 10th of February, 1763, when for the first time, East and -West Florida were politically distinguished. The line of demarcation is -here stated as “the Apalachicola or Chataouche river.” The Spaniards -afterwards included all that region lying east of the Rio Perdido. I am -aware that the bibliography of the Spanish settlement is incomplete, -unless the many documents relating to Pensacola are included, but at -present, this is not attempted. It has been deemed advisable to embrace -not only those works specially devoted to this region, but also all -others containing original matter appertaining thereto. Essays and -reviews are mentioned only when of unusual excellence; and a number of -exclusively political pamphlets of recent date have been designedly -omitted. - -As I have been obliged to confine my researches to the libraries of this -country, it will be readily understood that a complete list can hardly -be expected. Yet I do not think that many others of importance exist in -Europe, even in manuscript; or if so, they have escaped the scrutiny of -the laborious Gustav Haenel, whose _Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum_ I -have examined with special reference to this subject. It is proper to -add that the critical remarks are founded on personal examination in all -cases, except where the contrary is specified. - - -§ 1.--THE EARLY EXPLORATIONS. 1512-1562. - -No distinct account remains of the two voyages (1512, 1521,) of the -first discoverer and namer of Florida, Juan Ponce de Leon. What few -particulars we have concerning them are included in the general -histories of Herrera, Gomara, Peter Martyr, and of lesser writers. -However much the historian may regret this, it has had one -advantage,--the romantic shadowing that hung over his aims and -aspirations is undisturbed, and has given them as peculiar property to -the poet and the novelist. - -Of Pamphilo de Narvaez, on the contrary, a much inferior man, we have -far more satisfactory relations. His Proclamation to the Indians[1] has -been justly styled a curious monument of the spirit of the times. It was -occasioned by a merciful(!) provision of the laws of the Indies -forbidding war to be waged against the natives before they had been -formally summoned to recognize the authority of the Pope and His Most -Catholic Majesty. Should, however, the barbarians be so contumacious as -to prefer their ancestral religion to that of their invaders, or their -own chief to the Spanish king, then, says Narvaez, “With the aid of God -and my own sword I shall march upon you; with all means and from all -sides I shall war against you; I shall compel you to obey the Holy -Church and his Majesty; I shall seize you, your wives and your -children; I shall enslave you, shall sell you, or otherwise dispose of -you as His Majesty may see fit; your property shall I take, and destroy, -and every possible harm shall I work you as refractory subjects.” Thus -did cruelty and avarice stalk abroad in the garb of religion, and an -insatiable rapacity shield itself by the precepts of Christianity. - -Among the officers appointed by the king to look after the royal -interest in this expedition, holding the post of comptroller or factor -(Tesorero), was a certain Alvar Nuñez, of the distinguished family of -Cabeza de Vaca or the Cow’s Head; deriving their origin and unsonorous -name from Martin Alhaja, a mountaineer of Castro Ferral, who, placing -the bones of a cow’s head as a landmark, was instrumental in gaining for -the Christians the decisive battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), and -was ennobled in consequence. When war, disease, and famine had reduced -the force of Narvaez from three hundred to only half a dozen men, Alvar -Nuñez was one of these, and after seven years wandering, replete with -the wildest adventure, returned to Spain, there to receive the -government of a fleet and the appointment of Adelantado to the -unexplored regions around the Rio de la Plata. Years afterwards, when -his rapacity and reckless tyranny had excited a mutiny among his -soldiers and the animosity of his associates, or, as his defenders -maintain, his success their envy and ill-will, he was arraigned before -the council of the Indies in Spain. While the suit was pending, as a -stroke of policy in order to exculpate his former life and set forth to -the world his steadfast devotion to the interests of the king, in -conjunction with his secretary Pedro Fernandez he wrote and published -two works, one under his own supervision detailing his adventures in -Florida,[2] the other his transactions in South America. Twenty-seven -years had elapsed since the expedition of Narvaez, and probably of the -few that escaped, he alone survived. When we consider this, and the end -for which the book was written, what wonder that we find Alvar Nuñez -always giving the best advice which Narvaez never follows, and always at -hand though other men fail; nor, if we bear in mind the credulous spirit -of the age and nation, is it marvellous that the astute statesman -relates wondrous miracles, even to healing the sick and raising the -dead, that he performed, proving that it was, as he himself says, “the -visible hand of God” that protected him in his perilous roamings. Thus -it happens that his work is “disfigured by bold exaggerations and the -wildest fictions,” tasking even Spanish credulity to such an extent that -Barcia prefaced his edition of it with an _Examen Apologetico_ by the -erudite Marquis of Sorito, who, marshalling together all miraculous -deeds recorded, proves conclusively that Alvar Nuñez tells the truth as -certainly as many venerable abbots and fathers of the Church. However -much this detracts from its trustworthiness, it is invaluable for its -ethnographical data, and as the only extant history of the expedition, -the greatest miracle of all still remaining, that half a dozen -unprotected men, ignorant of the languages of the natives and of their -proper course, should have safely journeyed three thousand miles, from -the bay of Apalache to Sonora in Mexico, through barbarous hordes -continually engaged in internecine war. Of the many eventful lives that -crowd the stormy opening of American history, I know of none more -fraught with peril of every sort, none whose story is more absorbing, -than that of Cabeza de Vaca. - -The unfortunate termination of Narvaez’s undertaking had settled -nothing. Tales of the fabulous wealth of Florida still found credence in -Spain; and it was reserved for Hernando de Soto to disprove them at the -cost of his life and fortune. There are extant five original documents -pertaining to his expedition. - -First of these in point of time is his commission from the emperor -Charles V.[3] - -The next is a letter written by himself to the Municipality of -Santiago,[4] dated July 9, 1539, describing his voyage and -disembarkation. Besides its historical value, which is considerable as -fixing definitely the time and manner of his landing, it has additional -interest as the only known letter of De Soto; short as it is, it reveals -much of the true character of the man. The hopes that glowed in his -breast amid the glittering throng on the quay of San Lucar de Barrameda -are as bright as ever: “Glory be to God,” he exclaims, “every thing -occurs according to His will; He seems to take an especial care of our -expedition, which lives in Him alone, and Him I thank a thousand times.” -The accounts from the interior were in the highest degree encouraging: -“So many things do they tell me of its size and importance,” he says, -speaking of the village of Ocala, “that I dare not repeat them.” -Blissful ignorance of the old cavalier, over which coming misfortune -cast no presageful shadow! - -The position that Alvar Nuñez occupied under Narvaez was filled in this -expedition by Luis Hernandez de Biedma, and like Nuñez, he was lucky -enough to be among the few survivors. In 1544, shortly after his return, -he presented the king a brief account of his adventures.[5] He dwells on -no particulars, succinctly and intelligibly mentions their course and -the principal provinces through which they passed, and throws in -occasional notices of the natives. The whole has an air of honest truth, -differs but little from the gentleman of Elvas except in omission, and -where there is disagreement, Biedma is often more probable. - -When the enthusiasm for the expedition was at its height, and the flower -of Spanish chivalry was hieing to the little port of San Lucar of -Barrameda, many Portuguese of good estate sought to enroll themselves -beneath its banners. Among these, eight hidalgos sallied forth from the -warlike little town of Elvas (Evora) in the province of Alemtejo. -Fourteen years after the disastrous close of the undertaking, one of -their number published anonymously in his native tongue the first -printed account of it.[6] Now which it was will probably ever remain an -enigma. Because Alvaro Fernandes is mentioned last, he has been supposed -the author,[7] but unfortunately for this hypothesis, Alvaro was killed -in Apalache.[8] So likewise we have notices of the deaths of Andres de -Vasconcelo and Men Roiz Pereira (Men Rodriguez); it is not likely to -have been Juan Cordes from the very brief account of the march of Juan -de Añasco, whom this hidalgo accompanied; so it lies between Fernando -and Estevan Pegado, Benedict Fernandez, and Antonio Martinez Segurado. I -find very slight reasons for ascribing it to either of these in -preference, though the least can be objected to the latter. Owing to -this uncertainty, it is usually referred to as the Portuguese -Gentleman’s Narrative. Whoever he was, he has left us by all odds the -best history of the expedition. Superior to Biedma in completeness, and -to La Vega in accuracy, of a tolerably finished style and seasoned with -a dash of fancy, it well repays perusal even by the general reader. - -The next work that comes under our notice is in some respects the most -remarkable in Spanish Historical Literature. When the eminent critic and -historian Prescott awarded to Antonio de Solis the honor of being the -first Spanish writer who treated history as an art, not a science, and -first appreciated the indissoluble bond that should ever connect it to -poetry and belles-lettres, he certainly overlooked the prior claims of -Garcias Laso or Garcilasso de la Vega. Born in Cusco in the year -1539,[9] claiming by his mother the regal blood of the Incas, and by his -father that of the old Spanish nobility, he received a liberal education -both in Peru and Spain. With a mind refined by retirement, an -imagination attuned by a love of poetry and the drama, and with a vein -of delicate humor, he was eminently qualified to enter into the spirit -of an undertaking like De Soto’s. His Conquest of Florida[10] is a true -historical drama, whose catastrophe proves it a tragedy. He is said to -lack the purity of Mariana, and not to equal De Solis in severely -artistic arrangement; but in grace and fascination of style, in gorgeous -and vivid picturing, and in originality of diction--for unlike his -cotemporaries, La Vega modelled his ideas on no Procustean bed of -classical authorship--he is superior to either. None can arise from the -perusal of his work without agreeing with Southey, that it is “one of -the most delightful in the Spanish language.” But when we descend to the -matter of facts and figures, and critically compare this with the other -narratives, we find the Inca always gives the highest number, always -makes the array more imposing, the battle more furious, the victory more -glorious, and the defeat more disastrous than either. We meet with fair -and gentle princesses, with noble Indian braves, with mighty deeds of -prowess, and tales of peril, strange and rare. Yet he strenuously avers -his own accuracy, gives with care his authorities, and vindicates their -veracity. What then were these? First and most important were his -conversations with a noble Spaniard who had accompanied De Soto as a -volunteer. His name does not appear, but so thorough was his information -and so unquestioned his character, that when the Council Royal of the -Indies wished to inquire about the expedition, they summoned him in -preference to all others. What he related verbally, the Inca wrote down, -and gradually moulded into a narrative form. This was already completed -when two written memoirs fell into his hands. Both were short, -inelegant, and obscure, the productions of two private soldiers, Alonso -de Carmona and Juan Coles, and only served to settle with more accuracy -a few particulars. Though the narrative published at Elvas had been out -nearly half a century before La Vega’s work appeared, yet he had -evidently never seen it; a piece of oversight less wonderful in the -sixteenth century than in these index and catalogue days. They differ -much, and although most historians prefer the less ambitious statements -of the Portuguese, the Inca has not been left without defenders. - -Chief among these, and very favorably known to American readers, is -Theodore Irving.[11] When this writer was pursuing his studies at -Madrid, he came across La Vega’s Historia. Intensely interested by the -facts, and the happy diction in which they were set forth, he undertook -a free translation; but subsequently meeting with the other narratives, -modified his plan somewhat, aiming to retain the beauties of the one, -without ignoring the more moderate versions of the others. In the -preface and appendix to his History of Florida, he defends the veracity -of the Inca, and exhibits throughout an evident leaning toward his -ampler estimates. His composition is eminently chaste and pleasing, and -La Vega may be considered fortunate in having obtained so congenial an -admirer. Entering fully into the spirit of the age, thoroughly versed in -the Spanish character and language, and with such able command of his -native tongue, it is to be regretted that the duties of his position -have prevented Mr. Irving from further labors in that field for which he -has shown himself so well qualified. - -Many attempts have been made to trace De Soto’s route. Those of Homans, -Charlevoix, Guillaume de l’Isle and other early writers were foiled by -their want of correct geographical knowledge.[12] Not till the present -century was anything definite established. The naturalist Nuttall[13] -who had personally examined the regions along and west of the -Mississippi, and Williams[14] who had a similar topographical -acquaintance with the peninsula of Florida, did much toward determining -either extremity of his course, while the philological researches of -Albert Gallatin on the Choktah confederacy[15] threw much light on the -intermediate portion. Dr. McCulloh,[16] whose indefatigable labors in -the field of American archæology deserve the highest praise, combined -the labors of his predecessors and mapped out the march with much -accuracy. Since the publication of his work, Dr. J. W. Monette,[17] Col. -Albert J. Pickett,[18] Alexander Meek,[19] Theodore Irving,[20] Charles -Guyarre,[21] L. A. Wilmer,[22] and others have bestowed more or less -attention to the question. A very excellent resumé of most of their -labors, with an accompanying map, is given by Rye in his introduction to -the Hackluyt Society’s edition of the Portuguese Gentleman’s Narrative, -who also adds a tabular comparison of the statements of this and La -Vega’s account. - -From the failure of De Soto’s expedition to the settlement of the French -at the mouth of the St. John’s, no very active measures were taken by -the Spanish government in regard to Florida. - -A vain attempt was made in 1549 by some zealous Dominicans to obtain a -footing on the Gulf coast. A record of their voyage, written probably by -Juan de Araña, captain of the vessel, is preserved;[23] it is a confused -account, of little value. - -The Compte-Rendu of Guido de las Bazares,[24] who explored Apalache Bay -(Bahia de Miruelo) in 1559, to which is appended an epitome of the -voyage of Angel de Villafañe to the coasts of South Carolina in 1561, -and a letter from the viceroy of New Spain[25] relating to the voyage of -Tristan de Arellano to Pensacola Bay (Santa Maria de Galve), are of -value in verifying certain important dates in the geographical history -of our country; and as they indicate, contrary to the assertion of a -distinguished living historian,[26] that the Spaniards had _not_ wholly -forgotten that land, “the avenues to which death seemed to guard.” - -Much more valuable than any of these is the memoir of Hernando -D’Escalante Fontanedo.[27] This writer gives the following account of -himself: born of Spanish parents in the town of Carthagena in 1538, at -the age of thirteen he was sent to Spain to receive his education, but -suffering shipwreck off the Florida coast, was spared and brought up -among the natives, living with various tribes till his thirtieth year. -He adds that in the same ship with him were Don Martin de Guzman, -Hernando de Andino, deputy from Popayan, Alonso de Mesa, and Juan Otis -de Zarate. Now at least one of these, the last mentioned, was never -shipwrecked at any time on Florida, and in the very year of the alleged -occurrence (1551) was appointed captain in a cavalry regiment in Peru, -where he remained for a number of years;[28] nor do I know the slightest -collateral authority for believing that either of the others suffered -such a casuality. He asserts, moreover, that after his return to Spain -he sought the post of interpreter under Aviles, then planning his attack -on the Huguenots. But as this occurred in 1565, how could he have spent -from his thirteenth to his thirtieth year, beginning with 1551, a -prisoner among the Indians? In spite of these contradictions, there -remains enough to make his memoir of great worth. He boasts that he -could speak four Indian tongues, that there were only two with which he -was not familiar, and calls attention to what has since been termed -their “polysynthetic” structure. Thus he mentions that the phrase -_se-le-te-ga, go and see if any one is at the look-out_, is compounded -partially of _tejihue, look-out_; “but in speaking,” he observes, “the -Floridians abridge their words more than we do.” Though he did not -obtain the post of interpreter, he accompanied the expedition of Aviles, -and takes credit to himself for having preserved it from the traitorous -designs of his successful rival: “If I and a mulatto,” he says, “had not -hindred him, all of us would have been killed. Pedro Menendez would not -have died at Santander, but in Florida, where there is neither river nor -bay unknown to me.” For this service they received no reward, and he -complains: “As for us, we have not received any pay, and have returned -with broken health; we have gained very little therefore in going to -Florida, where we received no advancement.” Muñoz appended the following -note to this memoir: “Excellent account, though of a man unaccustomed to -writing, which is the cause of the numerous meaningless passages it -contains.” Ternaux-Compans adds: “Without finding, as Muñoz, this -account excellent, I thought it best to insert it here as containing -valuable notices of the geography of Florida. It is often -unintelligible; and notwithstanding all the pains I have taken in the -translation, I must beg the indulgence of the reader.” The geographical -notices are indeed valuable, particularly in locating the ancient Indian -tribes. The style is crude and confused, but I find few passages so -unintelligible as not to yield to a careful study and a comparison with -cotemporary history. The memoir is addressed, “Tres puissant Seigneur,” -and was probably intended to get its author a position. The date of -writing is nowhere mentioned, but as it was not long after the death of -Aviles (1574), we cannot be far wrong in laΔιονυσιαying it about 1580. - - -§ 2.--THE FRENCH COLONIES. 1562-1567. - -Several distinct events characterize this period of Floridian history. -The explorations and settlements of the French, their extirpation by the -Spaniards and the founding of St. Augustine, the retaliation of De -Gourgues ----, as they constitute separate subjects of investigation, so -they may be assumed as nuclei around which to group extant documents. -Compendiums of the whole by later writers form an additional class. - -First in point of time is Jean Ribaut’s report to Admiral Coligny. This -was never printed in the original, but by some chance fell into the -hands of an Englishman, who published it less than ten months after its -writer’s return.[29] “The style of this translation is awkward and -crude, but the matter is valuable, embracing many particulars not to be -found in any other account; and it possesses a peculiar interest as -being all that is known to have come from the pen of Ribault.”[30] - -René Laudonniére, Ribaut’s companion and successor in command, a French -gentleman of good education and of cultivated and easy composition, -devotes the first of his three letters to this voyage. For the -preservation of his writings we are indebted to the collector Basanier, -whose volume of voyages will be noticed hereafter. The two narratives -differ in no important particulars, and together convey a satisfactory -amount of information. - -The second letter of Laudonniére, this time chief in command, is the -principal authority on the next expedition of the French to Florida. It -is of great interest no less to the antiquarian than the historian, as -the dealings of the colonists continually brought them in contact with -the natives, and the position of Laudonniére gave him superior -opportunities for studying their manners and customs. Many of his -descriptions of their ceremonies are as minute and careful as could be -desired, though while giving them he occasionally pauses to excuse -himself for dealing with such trifles. - -Besides this, there is a letter from a volunteer of Rouen to his father, -without name or date.[31] Interior evidence, however, shows it was -written during the summer of 1564, and sent home by the return vessels -which left Florida on the 28th July of that year. This was the earliest -account of the French colony printed on the continent. Its contents -relate to the incidents of the voyage, the manners of the “sauvages,” -and the building of the fort, with which last the troops were busied at -the time of writing. - -This and Ribaut’s report made up the scanty knowledge of the colonies of -Coligny to be found in Europe up to the ever memorable year 1565; -memorable and infamous for the foulest crime wherewith fanaticism had -yet stained the soil of the New World; memorable and glorious, for in -that year the history of our civilization takes its birth with the first -permanent settlement north of Mexico. Two nations and two religions came -into conflict. Fortunately we are not without abundant statements on -each side. Five eyewitnesses lived to tell the world the story of -fiendish barbarity, or divine Nemesis, as they variously viewed it. - -On the former side, the third and last letter of Laudonniére is a brief -but interesting record. Simple, straightforward, it proves him a brave -man and worthy Christian. He lays much blame on the useless delay of -Ribaut, and attributes to it the loss of Florida. - -Much more complete is the pleasing memoir of N. C. Challeux (Challus, -Challusius.)[32] He tells us in his dedicatory epistle that he was a -native of Dieppe, a carpenter by trade, and over sixty years of age at -the time of the expedition. In another passage he remarks, “Old man as -I am, and all grey.”[33] He escaped with Laudonniére from Fort Caroline, -and depicts the massacre and subsequent events with great truth and -quaintness. He is somewhat of a poet, somewhat of a scholar, and not a -little of a moralizer. At the beginning of the first edition are verses -descriptive of his condition after his return, oppressed by poverty, -bringing nought from his long rovings but “a beautiful white staff in -his hand.” “The volume closes with another effusion of his muse, -expressing the joy he felt at again beholding his beloved city of -Dieppe.”[34] He is much given to diverging into prayers and pious -reflections on the ups and downs of life, the value of contentment, and -kindred subjects, seasoning his lucubrations with classical allusions. - -When Laudonniére was making up the complement of his expedition he did -not forget to include a cunning limner, so that the pencil might aid the -pen in describing the marvels of the New World he was about to visit. -This artist, a native of Dieppe, Jacques le Moyne de Morgues by name, -escaped at the massacre by the Spanish, returned with Laudonniére, and -with him left the ship when it touched the coast of England. Removing to -London he there married, and supported himself by his profession. During -the leisure hours of his after years he sketched from memory many scenes -from his voyage, adding in his native language a brief description of -each, aiding his recollection by the published narratives of Challeux -and Laudonniére, duly acknowledging his indebtedness.[35] These -paintings were familiar to Hackluyt, who gives it as one reason for -translating the collection of Basanier, that the exploits of the French, -“and diver other things of chiefest importance are lively drawn in -colours at your no smal charges by the skillful painter James Morgues, -sometime living in the Blackfryers in London.”[36] When the enterprising -engraver De Bry came to London in 1587, intent on collecting materials -for his great work the _Peregrinationes_, he was much interested in -these sketches, and at the death of the artist, which occurred about -this time, obtained them from his widow with their accompanying -manuscripts. They are forty-three in number, principally designed to -illustrate the life and manners of the natives, and, with a map, make up -the second part of De Bry’s collection. Each one is accompanied by a -brief, well-written explanation in Latin, and at the close a general -narrative of the expedition; together, they form a valuable addition to -our knowledge of the aboriginal tribes and the proceedings of the -Huguenots on the Riviére Mai. - -The Spanish accounts, though agreeing as regards the facts with those of -their enemies, take a very different theoretical view. In them, Aviles -is a model of Christian virtue and valor, somewhat stern now and then, -it is true, but not more so than the Church permitted against such stiff -necked heretics. The massacre of the Huguenots is excused with cogent -reasoning; indeed, what need of any excuse for exterminating this nest -of pestilent unbelievers? Could they be ignorant that they were breaking -the laws of nations by settling on Spanish soil? The Council of the -Indies argue the point and prove the infringement in a still extant -document.[37] Did they imagine His Most Catholic Majesty would pass -lightly by this taunt cast in the teeth of the devoutest nation of the -world? - -The best known witness on their side is Don Solis de Meras. His -_Memorial de todas las Jornadas y Sucesos del Adelantado Pedro Menendez -de Aviles_, has never been published separately, but all the pertinent -portions are given by Barcia in the _Ensayo Cronologico para la Historia -de la Florida_, with a scrupulous fidelity (sin abreviar su contexto, ni -mudar su estilo). It was apparently written for Aviles, from the -archives of whose family it was obtained by Barcia. It is an interesting -and important document, the work of a man not unaccustomed to using the -pen. - -Better than it, however, and entering more fully into the spirit of the -undertaking, is the memoir of Lopez de Mendoza Grajales,[38] chaplain to -the expedition, and a most zealous hater of heretics. He does not aim at -elegance of style, for he is diffuse and obscure, nor yet at a careful -historical statement, for he esteems lightly common facts, but he does -strive to show how the special Providence of God watched over the -enterprise, how divers wondrous miracles were at once proof and aid of -the pious work, and how in sundry times and places God manifestly -furthered the holy work of bloodshed. A useful portion of his memoir is -that in which he describes the founding of St. Augustine, entering into -the movements of the Spaniards with more detail than does the -last-mentioned writer. - -When the massacre of the 19th September, 1565, became known in Europe, -“the French were wondrously exasperated at such cowardly treachery, such -detestable cruelty.”[39] Still more bitterly were they aroused when they -learned the inexcusable butchery of Ribaut and his men. These had been -wrecked on the Floridian shore, and with difficulty escaped the waves -only to fall into the hands of more fell destroyers on land. When this -was heard at their homes, their “widows, little orphan children, and -their friends, relatives and connections,” drew up and presented to -Charles IXL., a petition,[40] generally known as the _Epistola_ -_Supplicatoria_, setting forth the facts of the case and demanding -redress. - -Though the weak and foolish monarch paid no marked attention to this, a -man arose who must ever be classed among the heroes of history. This was -Dominique de Gourgues, a high born Bourdelois, who, inspired with an -unconquerable desire to wreak vengeance on the perpetrators of the -bloody deed, sold his possessions, and by this and other means raised -money sufficient to equip an expedition. His entire success is well -known. Of its incidents, two, histories are extant, both by unknown -hands, and both apparently written some time afterwards. It is even -doubtful whether either writer was an eyewitness. Both, however, agree -in all main facts. - -The one first written and most complete lay a long time neglected in the -Bibliotheque du Roi.[41] Within the present century it has been twice -published from the original manuscript. It commences with the discovery -of America by Columbus; is well composed by an appreciative hand, and -has a pleasant vein of philosophical comment running throughout. The -details of the voyage are given in a careful and very satisfactory -manner. - -The other is found in Basanier, under the title “Le Quatrièsme Voyage -des François en la Floride, sous le capitaine Gourgues, en l’an 1567;” -and, except the Introduction, is the only portion of his volume not -written by Laudonniére. By some it is considered merely an epitome of -the former, but after a careful comparison I am more inclined to -believe it writen by Basanier himself, from the floating accounts of his -day or from some unknown relator. This seems also the opinion of his -late editor. - -The manuscript mentioned by Charlevoix as existing in his day in the -family of De Gourgues, was either a copy of one of these or else a third -of which we have no further knowledge. - -Other works may moulder in Spanish libraries on this part of our -narrative. We know that Barcia had access to certain letters and papers -(Cartas y Papeles) of Aviles himself, which have never been published, -and possessed the original manuscripts of the learned historiographer -Pedro Hernandez del Pulgar, among which was a _Historia de la Florida_, -containing an account of the French colonies written for Charles II. But -it is not probable that these would add any notable increment to our -knowledge. - -The Latin tract of Levinus Apollonius,[42] of extreme rarity, a copy of -which I have never seen, is probably merely a translation of Challeux or -Ribaut, as no other original account except the short letter sent to -Rouen had been printed up to the date of its publication. This -Apollonius, whose real name does not appear, was a German, born near -Bruges, and died at the Canary Islands on his way to America. He is -better known as the author of _De Peruviæ Inventione, Libri V., -Antwerpiæ_, 1567,[43] a scarce work, not without merit. On the fly-leaf -of the copy in the Yale College library is the following curious note: - -“Struvius in Bibl. Antiq. hunc librum laudibus affert; et inter raros -adnumerant David Clement, Bibl. Curieuse, Tom. I.; pag; 403, Jo. Vogt, -Catal; libror; rarior; pag; 40, Freytag in Analec; Literar; pag; 31.” - -Some hints of the life of Levinus may be found in his Epistola -Nuncupatoria to this work, and there is a scanty article on him in the -Biographie Universelle. - -A work of somewhat similar title[44] was published in 1578 by Vignon at -Geneva appended to Urbain Chauveton’s (Urbanus Calveton’s) Latin -translation of Benzoni. It is hardly anything more than a translation of -Challeux, whom indeed Chauveton professes to follow, with some details -borrowed from André Thevet which the latter must have taken from the -MSS. of Laudonniére. The first chapter and two paragraphs at the end are -his own. In the former he says “he had been chiefly induced to add this -short history to Benzoni’s work, in consequence of the Spaniards at the -time perpetrating more atrocious acts of cruelty in the Netherlands than -they had ever committed upon the savages.” - -Items of interest are also found in the general histories of De Thou, -(Thuanus,) a cotemporary, of L’Escarbot, of Charlevoix, and other -writers. - - * * * * * - -In our own days, what the elegant pen of Theodore Irving has -accomplished for the expedition of De Soto, has been done for the early -settlements on the St. Johns by the talented author of the Life of -Ribault.[45] He has no need of praise, whose unremitting industry and -tireless endeavors to preserve the memory of their forefathers are so -well known and justly esteemed by his countrymen as Jared Sparks. With -what thoroughness and nice discrimination he prosecutes his researches -can only be fully appreciated by him who has occasion to traverse the -same ground. His work is one of those finished monographs that leave -nothing to be desired either as respects style or facts in the field to -which it is devoted--a field “the most remarkable in the early history -of that part of America, now included in the United States and Canada, -as well in regard to its objects as its incidents.” Appended to the -volume is an “Account of the Books relating to the Attempts of the -French to found a Colony in Florida.” The reader will have seen that -this has been of service to me in preparing the analogous portion of -this essay; and I have had the less hesitation in citing Mr. Sparks’ -opinions, from a feeling of entire confidence in his judgment. - - * * * * * - -Before closing these two periods of bibliographical history, the labors -of the collectors Basanier and Ternaux Compans, to whom we owe so much, -should not pass unnoticed. The former is the editor of the letters of -Laudonniére, three in number, describing the voyage of Ribaut, the -building of Fort Caroline, and its destruction by the Spaniards, to -which he adds an introduction on the manners and customs of the Indians, -also by Laudonniére, and an account of the voyage of De Gourgues.[46] -In this he was assisted by Hackluyt, who speaks of him as “my learned -friend M. Martine Basanier of Paris,” and who translated and published -his collection the year after its first appearance. Little is known of -Basanier personally; mention is made by M. de Fétis in his Biographie -des Musiciens of a certain Martin Basanier who lived about this time, -and is probably identical. In the same year with his collection on -Florida he published a translation of Antonio de Espejo’s History of the -Discovery of New Mexico. The dedication of the “Histoire Notable” is to -the “Illustrious and Virtuous Sir Walter Raleigh.” According to the -custom of those days, it is introduced by Latin and French verses from -the pens of J. Auratus (Jacques Doré?), Hackluyt, and Basanier himself. -As a curious specimen of its kind I subjoin the anagram of the latter on -Walter Raleigh: - - “WALTER RALEGH. - - _La vertu l’ha à gré._ - - En _Walter_ cognoissant _la vertu_ s’estre enclose, - J’ay combiné _Ralegh_, pour y voir quelle chose - Pourroit à si beau nom convenir à mon gré; - J’ay trouvé que c’estoit; _la vertu l’ha à gré_.” - -The first edition is rare, and American historians are under great -obligations to the Parisian publishers for producing a second, and for -preserving the original text with such care. - -The labors of Ternaux Compans throughout the entire domain of early -American history, his assiduity in collecting and translating -manuscripts, and in republishing rare tracts, are too well known and -generally appreciated to need special comment. Among his volumes there -is one devoted to Florida, containing eleven scarce or inedited -articles, all of which are of essential importance to the historian.[47] -These have been separately considered previously, in connection with the -points of history they illustrate. - - -§ 3.--THE FIRST SPANISH SUPREMACY. 1567-1763. - -After the final expulsion of the French, Spain held the ascendancy for -nearly two hundred years. Her settlements extended to the south and -west, the natives were generally tractable, and at one period the colony -flourished; yet there is no more obscure portion of the history of the -region now included in the United States. Except the Chronological Essay -of Barcia, which extends over only a fraction of this period, the -accounts are few in number, meagre in information, and in the majority -of instances, quite inaccessible in this country. - -The verbal depositions of Pedro Morales and Nicolas Bourguignon,[48] -captives brought by Sir Francis Drake to London, from his attack on St. -Augustine, (1586,) are among the earliest notices we possess. They were -written out by Richard Hackluyt, and inserted in his collection as an -appendix to Drake’s Voyage. Both are very brief, neither filling one of -his folio pages; they speak of the Indian tribes in the vicinity, but in -a confused and hardly intelligible manner. Nicolas Bourguignon was a -Frenchman by birth, and had been a prisoner among the Spaniards for -several years. He is the “Phipher,” mentioned in Drake’s account, who -escaped from his guards and crossed over to the English, playing the -while on his fife the march of the Prince of Orange, to show his -nationality. - -Towards the close of the century, several works were published in Spain, -of which we know little but their titles. Thus, mention is made of a -geographical description of the country (_Descripcion y Calidades de la -Florida_) by Barrientes, Professor of the Latin language at the -University of Salamanca, about 1580. It is probably nothing more than an -extract from the _Cosmographia_, attributed by some to this writer. -Also, about the same time, Augustin de Padilla Davila, a Dominican, and -Bishop of St. Domingo, published an ecclesiastical history of the See of -Mexico and the progress of the faith in Florida.[49] Very little, -however, had been achieved that early in the peninsular and consequently -his work would in this respect interest us but little. The reports of -the proceedings of the Council of the Indies, doubtless contain more or -less information in regard to Florida; Barcia refers especially to those -published in 1596.[50] - -Early in the next century there appeared an account of the Franciscan -missionaries who had perished in their attempts to convert the savages -of Florida.[51] The author, Geronimo de Ore, a native of Peru, and who -had previously filled the post of Professor of Sacred Theology in Cusco, -was, at the time of writing, commissary of Florida, and subsequently -held a position in the Chilian Church, (deinde commissarius Floridæ, -demum imperialis civitatis Chilensis regni antistes.)[52] He was a man -of deep erudition, and wrote various other works “very learned and -curious,” (mui doctos y curiosos.[53]) - -Pursuing a chronological order, this brings us to the peculiarly -interesting and valuable literature of the Floridian aboriginal tongues. -Here, as in other parts of America, we owe their preservation mainly to -the labors of missionaries. - -As early as 1568, Padre Antonio Sedeño, who had been deputed to the -province of Guale, now Amelia Island, between the mouths of the rivers -St. Johns and St. Marys, drew up a grammar and catechism of the -indigenous language.[54] It was probably a scion of the Muskohge -family, but as no philologist ever examined Sedeño’s work--indeed, it is -uncertain whether it was ever published--we are unprepared to speak -decisively on this point. - -The only works known to be in existence are those of Franceso de -Pareja.[55] He was a native of the village of Auñon,[56] embraced the -Franciscan theology, and was one of the twelve priests dispatched to -Florida by the Royal Council of the Indies in 1592. He arrived there two -years afterwards, devoted himself to converting the natives for a series -of years, and about 1610 removed to the city of Mexico. Here he -remained till the close of his life, in 1638, (January 25, 0. S.,) -occupied in writing, publishing, and revising a grammar of the Timuquana -language, prevalent around and to the north of St. Augustine, and -devotional books for the use of the missionaries. They are several in -number, but all of the utmost scarcity. I cannot learn of a single copy -in the libraries of the United States, and even in Europe; Adelung, with -all his extensive resources for consulting philological works, was -obliged to depend altogether on the extracts of Hervas, who, in turn, -confesses that he never saw but one, and that a minor production of -Pareja. This is the more to be regretted, as any one in the slightest -degree acquainted with American philology must be aware of the absolute -dearth of all linguistic knowledge concerning the tribes among whom he -resided. His grammar, therefore, is second to none in importance, and no -more deserving labor could be pointed out than that of rendering it -available for the purposes of modern research by a new edition. - -A _Doctrina Cristiana_ and a treatise on the administration of the -Sacraments are said to have been written in the Tinqua language of -Florida by Fray Gregorio Morrilla, and published “the first at Madrid, -1631, and afterwards reprinted at Mexico, 1635, and the second at -Mexico, 1635.”[57] What nation this was, or where they resided is -uncertain. - -The manuscript dictionary and catechism of the Englishman Andrew Vito, -“en Lengua de Mariland en la Florida,” mentioned in Barcia’s edition of -Pinelo, and included by Ludewig among the works on the Timuquana -tongue, evidently belonged to a language far to the north of this, -probably to one spoken by a branch of the Lenni Lennapes. - -Throughout the seventeenth century notices of the colony are very rare. -Travellers the most persistent never visited it. One only, Francesco -(François) Coreal, a native of Carthagena in South America, who spent -his life in wandering from place to place in the New World, seems to -have recollected its existence. He was at St. Augustine in 1669, and -devotes the second chapter of his travels to the province.[58] It -derives its value more from the lack of other accounts than from its own -intrinsic merit. His geographical notions are not very clear at best, -and they are hopelessly confounded by the interpolations of his ignorant -editor. The authenticity of his production has been questioned, and even -his own existence disputed, but no reasonable doubts of either can be -entertained after a careful examination of his work. - -Various attempts were made by the Spanish to obtain a more certain -knowledge of the shores and islands of the Gulf of Mexico during this -period. A record of those that took place between 1685 and 1693[59] is -mentioned by Barcia, but whether it was ever published or not, does not -appear. - -About this time the Franciscan Juan Ferro Macuardo occupied the post of -inspector (Visitador General) of the church in Florida under the -direction of the bishop of Cuba. Apparently he found reason to be -displeased with the conduct of certain of the clergy there, and with the -general morality of the missions, and subsequently, in his memorial to -the king,[60] handled without gloves these graceless members of the -fraternity, telling truths unpleasant to a high degree. In consequence -of these obnoxious passages, its sale was prohibited by the church on -the ground that such revelations could result in no advantage.[61] -Whether this command was carried out or not,--and it is said to have -been evaded--the work is rare in the extreme, not being so much as -mentioned by the most comprehensive bibliographers. Its value is -doubtless considerable, as fixing the extent of the Spanish settlements, -at this, about the most flourishing period of the colony. The -_Respuesta_ which it provoked from the pen of Francisco de Ayeta, is -equally scarce. - -The next book that comes under our notice we owe to the misfortune of a -shipwreck. On the “twenty-third of the seventh month,” 1696, a bark, -bound from Jamaica to the flourishing colony of Philadelphia, was -wrecked on the Floridian coast, near Santa Lucea, about 27° 8´, north -latitude. The crew were treated cruelly by the natives and only saved -their lives by pretending to be Spaniards. After various delays and much -suffering they prevailed on their captors to conduct them to St. -Augustine. Here Laureano de Torres, the governor, received them with -much kindness, relieved their necessities, and furnished them with -means to return home. Among the passengers was a certain Jonathan -Dickinson a Quaker resident in Pennsylvania. On his arrival home, he -published a narrative of his adventures,[62] that attracted sufficient -attention to be reprinted in the mother country and translated into -German. It is in the form of a diary, introduced by a preface of ten -pages filled with moral reflections on the beneficence of God and His -ready help in time of peril. The style is cramped and uncouth, but the -many facts it contains regarding the customs of the natives and the -condition of the settlement give it value in the eyes of the historian -and antiquarian. Among bibliopolists the first edition is highly prized -as one of the earliest books from the Philadelphia press. The printer, -Reinier Jansen, was “an apprentice or young man” of William Bradford, -who, in 1688, published a little sheet almanac, the first printed matter -in the province.[63] After his return the author resided in Philadelphia -till his death, in 1722, holding at one time the office of Chief Justice -of Pennsylvania. He must not be confounded with his better known -cotemporary of the same name, staunch Presbyterian, and first president -of the College of New Jersey, of much renown in the annals of his time -for his fervent sermons and addresses. - -The growing importance of the English colonies on the north, and the -aggressive and irritable character of their settlers, gave rise at an -early period of their existence to bitter feelings between them and -their more southern neighbors, manifested by a series of attacks and -reprisals on both sides, kept alive almost continually till the cession -to England in 1763. So much did the Carolinians think themselves -aggrieved, that as early as 1702, Colonel Moore, then governor of the -province, made an impotent and ill-advised attempt to destroy St. -Augustine; for which valorous undertaking his associates thought he -deserved the fools-cap, rather than the laurel crown. An account of his -Successes,[64] or more properly Misfortunes, published in England the -same year; is of great rarity and has never come under my notice. Of his -subsequent expedition, undertaken in the winter of 1703-4, for the -purpose of wiping away the stigma incurred by his dastardly retreat, -so-called, from St. Augustine, we have a partial account in a letter -from his own pen to Sir Nathaniel Johnson, his successor in the -gubernatorial post. It was published the next May in the Boston News, -and has been reprinted by Carroll in his Historical Collections. The -precise military force in Florida at this time may be learned from the -instructions given to Don Josef de Zuñiga, Governor-General in 1703, -preserved by Barcia. - -Some years afterwards Captain T. Nairns, an Englishman, accompanied a -band of Yemassees on a slave hunting expedition to the peninsula. He -kept a journal and took draughts on the road, both of which were in the -possession of Herman Moll,[65] but they were probably never published, -nor does this distinguished geographer mention them in any of his -writings on his favorite science. - -Governor Oglethorpe renewed these hostile demonstrations with vigor. His -policy, exciting as it did much odium from one party and some discussion -in the mother country, gave occasion to the publication of several -pamphlets. Those that more particularly refer to his expedition against -the Spanish, are three in number,[66] and, together with his own letters -to his patrons, the Duke of Newcastle and Earl of Oxford,[67] and those -of Captain McIntosh, leader of the Highlanders, and for some time a -captive in Spain, which are still preserved in manuscript in the -Library of the Georgia Historical Society,[68] furnish abundant -information on the English side of the question; while the -correspondence of Manuel de Montiano, Captain-General of Florida, -extending over the years 1737-40, a part of which has been published by -Captain Sprague[69] and Mr. Fairbanks,[70] but the greater portion still -remaining inedited in the archives of St. Augustine, offers a full -exposition of the views of their opponents. - -A very important document bearing on the relations between the rival -Spanish and English colonies, is the Report of the Committee appointed -by the Commons House of Assembly of Carolina, to examine into the cause -of the failure of Oglethorpe’s expedition. In the Introduction[71] are -given a minute description of the town, castle and military condition of -St. Augustine, and a full exposition of the troubles between the two -colonies, from the earliest settlement of the English upon the coast. -Coming from the highest source, it deserves entire confidence. - -Besides these original authorities, the biographies of Governor -Oglethorpe, by W. B. O. Peabody, in Sparks’ American Biography, by -Thomas Spalding, in the publications of the Georgia Historical Society, -and especially that by the Rev. T. M. Harris, are well worthy of -comparison in this connection. - -In the catalogue of those who have done signal service to American -history by the careful collation of facts and publication of rare or -inedited works, must ever be enrolled among the foremost Andres Gonzales -Barcia. His three volumes of Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias -Occidentales, are well known to every one at all versed in the founts of -American history. His earliest work of any note, published many years -before this, is entitled A Chronological Essay on the History of -Florida.[72] He here signs himself, by an anagram on his real name, Don -Gabriel de Cardenas z Cano, and is often referred to by this assumed -title. In accordance with Spanish usage, under the term Florida, he -embraced all that part of the continent north of Mexico, and -consequently but a comparatively small portion is concerned with the -history of the peninsula. What there is, however, renders it the most -complete, and in many cases, the only source of information. The account -of the French colonies is minute, but naturally quite one-sided. He is -“in all points an apologist for his countrymen, and an implacable enemy -to the Heretics, the unfortunate Huguenots, who hoped to find an asylum -from persecution in the forests of the New World.”[73] The Essay is -arranged in the form of annals, divided into decades and years, -(Decadas, Años,) and extends from 1512 to 1723, inclusive. Neither this -nor any of his writings can boast of elegance of style. In some portions -he is even obscure, and at best is not readable by any but the professed -historian. Among writers in our own tongue, for indefatigability in -inquiry, for assiduity in collecting facts and homeliness in presenting -them, he may not inaptly be compared to John Strype, the persevering -author of the Ecclesiastical Memorials. - -His work was severely criticised at its appearance by Don Josef de -Salazar, historiographer royal to Philip V, “a man of less depth of -research and patient investigation than Barcia, but a more polished -composer.” He was evidently actuated in part by a jealousy of his -rival’s superior qualifications for his own post. The criticism repays -perusal. None of Salazar’s works are of any standing, and like many -another, he lives in history only by his abuse of a more capable man. - -In the preface to his History of Florida, Mr. Williams informs us that -he had in his possession “a rare and ancient manuscript in the Spanish -language, in which the early history of Florida was condensed, with a -regular succession of dates and events.” He adds, that the information -here contained about the Catholic missions and the extent of the Spanish -power had been “invaluable” to him. If this was an authentic manuscript, -it probably dated from this period. Williams obtained it from Mr. Fria, -an alderman of New York, and not understanding the language himself, had -it translated. It is to be regretted that he has not imparted more of -the “invaluable information” to his readers. The only passages which he -quotes directly, induce me to believe that he was imposed upon by a -forgery, or, if genuine, that the account was quite untrustworthy. Thus -it spoke of a successful expedition for pearls to Lake Myaco, or -Okee-chobee, which I need hardly say, is a body of fresh water, where -the _Mya margaratifera_ could not live. The extent of the Franciscan -missions is grossly exaggerated, as I shall subsequently show. Rome at -no time chartered a great religious province in Florida, whose principal -house was at St. Augustine;[74] nor does Mr. Williams’ work exhibit any -notable influx of previously unknown facts about the native tribes, -though he says on this point, his manuscript was especially copious. On -the whole, we need not bewail the loss, or lament the non-publication of -this record. - -The latest account of the Spanish colony during this period, is that by -Captain Robinson, who visited the country in 1754. It is only a short -letter, and is found appended to Roberts’ History of Florida. - -In the language of the early geographers, however, this name had a far -more extensive signification, and many books bear it on their title -pages which have nothing to do with the peninsula. Thus an interesting -tract in Peter Force’s collection entitled “A Relation of a Discovery -lately made on the Coast of Florida,” is taken up altogether with the -shores of South Carolina. The superficial and trifling book of Daniel -Coxe, insignificant in everything but its title, proposes to describe -the Province “by the Spaniards called Florida,” whereas the region now -bearing this name, was the only portion of the country east of the -Mississippi and south of the St. Lawrence _not_ included in the -extensive claim the work was written to defend. In the same category is -Catesby’s Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands. -This distinguished naturalist during his second voyage to America, -(1722) spent three years in Carolina, “and in the adjacent parts, which -the Spaniards call Florida, particularly that province lately honored -with the name of Georgia.” How much time he spent in the peninsula, or -whether he was there at all, does not appear. - - -§ 4.--THE ENGLISH SUPREMACY. 1763-1780. - -No sooner had England obtained possession of her new colony than a -lively curiosity was evinced respecting its capabilities and prospects. -To satisfy this, William Roberts, a professional writer, and author of -several other works, compiled a natural and civil history of the -country, which was published the year of the cession, under the -supervision of Thomas Jefferys, geographer royal.[75] It ran through -several editions, and though it has received much more praise than is -its proper due, it certainly is a useful summary of the then extant -knowledge of Florida, and contains some facts concerning the Indians not -found in prior works. The natural history of the country is mentioned -nowhere out of the title page; the only persons who paid any attention -worth speaking of to this were the Bartrams, father and son. Their works -come next under our notice. - -John Bartram was born of a Quaker family in Chester county, -Pennsylvania, in 1701. From his earliest youth he manifested that -absorbing love for the natural sciences, especially botany, that in -after years won for him from no less an authority than the immortal -Linnæus, the praise of being “the greatest botanist in the New World.” -He was also the first in point of time. Previously all investigations -had been prosecuted by foreigners in a vague and local manner. Bartram -went far deeper than this. On the pleasant banks of the Schuylkill, near -Philadelphia, he constructed the first botanic garden that ever graced -the soil of the New World; here to collect the native flora, he esteemed -no journey too long or too dangerous. After the cession, he was -appointed “Botanist to His Majesty for both the Floridas,” and though -already numbering over three-score years, he hastened to visit that land -whose name boded so well for his beloved science. Accompanied only by -his equally enthusiastic son William, he ascended the St. Johns in an -open boat as far as Lake George, daily noting down the curiosities of -the vegetable kingdom, and most of the time keeping a thermometrical -record. On his return, he sent his journal to his friends in England -under whose supervision, though contrary to his own desire, it was -published.[76] It makes a thin quarto, divided into two parts paged -separately. The first is a general description of the country, -apparently a reprint of an essay by the editor, Dr. Stork, a botanist -likewise, and member of the Royal Society, who had visited Florida. The -second part is Bartram’s diary, enriched with elaborate botanical notes -and an Introduction by the editor. It is merely the daily jottings of a -traveller and could never have been revised; but the matter is valuable -both to the naturalist and antiquary. - -The younger Bartram could never efface from his memory the quiet beauty -and boundless floral wealth of the far south. About ten years afterwards -therefore, when Dr. Fothergill and other patrons had furnished him the -means to prosecute botanical researches throughout the Southern States, -he extended his journey to Florida. He made three trips in the -peninsula, one up the St. Johns as far as Long Lake, a second from “the -lower trading house,” where Palatka now stands, across the savannas of -Alachua to the Suwannee, and another up the St. Johns, this time -ascending no further than Lake George. The work he left is in many -respects remarkable;[77] “it is written” said Coleridge “in the spirit -of the old travellers.” A genuine love of nature pervades it, a deep -religious feeling breathes through it, and an artless and impassioned -eloquence graces his descriptions of natural scenery, rendering them -eminently vivid and happy. With all these beauties, he is often turgid -and verbose, his transitions from the sublime to the common-place jar on -a cultivated ear, and he is too apt to scorn anything less than a -superlative. Hence his representations are exaggerated, and though they -may hold true to him who sees unutterable beauties in the humblest -flower, to the majority they seem the extravaganzas of fancy. He is -generally reliable, however, in regard to single facts, and as he was a -quick and keen observer of every remarkable object about him, his work -takes a most important position among our authorities, and from the -amount of information it conveys respecting the aborigines, is -indispensable to the library of every Indianologist. - -A very interesting natural history of the country is that written by -Bernard Romans.[78] This author, in his capacity of engineer in the -British service, lived a number of years in the territory, traversing it -in various directions, observing and noting with care both its natural -features and the manners and customs of the native tribes. On the latter -he is quite copious and is one of our standard authors. His style is -discursive and original though occasionally bombastic, and many of his -opinions are peculiar and bold. Extensive quotations from him are -inserted by the American translator in the Appendix to Volney’s View of -the United States. He wrote various other works, bearing principally on -the war of independence. A point of interest to the bookworm in his -History is that the personal pronoun I, is printed throughout as a small -letter. - -A work on a contested land title, privately printed in London for the -parties interested about the middle of this period,[79] might possess -some little interest from the accompanying plan, but in other respects -is probably valueless. There is a manuscript work by John Gerard -Williams de Brahm, preserved in the library of Harvard College, which -“contains some particulars of interest relative to Florida at the period -of the English occupation.”[80] Extracts from it are given by Mr. -Fairbanks, descriptive of the condition of St. Augustine from 1763 to -1771, and of the English in the province. This De Brahm was a government -surveyor, and spent a number of years on the eastern coasts of the -United States while a British province. - -Among the many schemes set in motion for peopling the colony, that of -Lord Rolls who proposed to transport to the banks of the St. Johns the -_cypriennes_ and degraded _femmes du pave_ of London,[81] and that of -Dr. Turnbull, are especially worthy of comment. The latter collected a -colony from various parts of the Levant,--from Greece, from Southern -Italy, and from the Minorcan Archipelago--and established his head -quarters at New Smyrna. The heartless cruelty with which he treated -these poor people, their birth-place and their fate, as well as the fact -that from them most of the present inhabitants of St. Augustine receive -their language, their character, and the general name of Minorcans, have -from time to time attracted attention to their history. Besides notices -in general works on Florida, Major Amos Stoddard in a work on -Louisiana[82] sketches the colony’s rise and progress, but he is an -inaccurate historian and impeachable authority. It is the only portion -of his chapter on the Floridas of any value. In 1827, an article upon -them was published in France by Mr. Mease,[83] which I have not -consulted, and a specimen of their dialect, the Mahonese, as it existed -in 1843, in the _Fromajardis_ or Easter Song, has been preserved by -Bryant, and is a curious relic.[84] - - -§ 5.--THE SECOND SPANISH SUPREMACY. 1780-1821. - -During this period few books were published on Florida and none whatever -in the land of the regainers of the territory. The first traveller who -has left an account of his visit thither is Johann David Schöpf,[85] a -German physician who had come to America in 1777, attached to one of the -Hessian regiments in the British service. At the close of the war he -spent two years (1783-4) in travelling over the United States previous -to returning home, a few weeks of which, in March, 1784, he passed in -St. Augustine. He did not penetrate inland, and his observations are -confined to a description of the town, its harbor and inhabitants, and -some notices of the botany of the vicinity--for it was to natural -history and especially medical botany that Schöpf devoted most of his -attention during his travels. The difficulties of Spain with the United -States in regard to boundaries gave occasion for some publications in -the latter country. As early as 1797, the President addressed a message -to Congress “relative to the proceedings of the Commissioner for running -the Boundary Line between the United States and East and West Florida,” -which contains a resumé of what had been done up to that date. - -Andrew Ellicott, Commissioner in behalf of the United States, was -employed five years in determining these and other boundaries between -the possessions of our government and those of His Catholic Majesty. He -published the results partially in the Transactions of the American -Philosophical Society, and more fully several years afterwards in a -separate volume.[86] They are merely the hasty notes of a surveyor, -thrown together in the form of a diary, without attempt at digestion or -connection; but he was an acute and careful observer, and his -_renseignements_ on the topography of East Florida are well worth -consulting. Among the notable passages is a vivid description of the -remarkable meteoric shower of November 12, 1799, which he encountered -off the south-western coast of Florida, and from which, conjoined with -the observations of Humboldt at Cumana, and others, the periodicity of -this phænomenon was determined by Palmer, of New Haven. - -A geographical account of Florida is said to have appeared at -Philadelphia about this time, from the pen of John Mellish,[87] but -unless it forms merely a part of the general geography of that author, I -have been able to find nothing of the kind in the libraries of that -city. - -The article on Florida in the important work on America of Antonio de -Alcedo,[88] derives some importance from the list of Spanish governors -it contains, which, however, is not very perfect; but otherwise is of -little service. - -Serious difficulties between the Seminole Indians[89] and the whites of -Georgia, occurred at an early date in this period arising from attempts -of the latter to recapture fugitive slaves. These finally resulted in -the first Seminole war, and attracted the attention of the general -government. The action taken in respect to it may be found in the Ex. -Doc. No. 119, 2d Session, XVth Congress, which contains “the official -correspondence between the War Department and General Jackson; also that -between General Jackson and General Gaines, together with the orders of -each, as well as the correspondence between the Secretary of the Navy -and Commodore Patterson, and the orders of the latter officer to -Sailing-Master Loomis, and the final report of Sailing-Master Loomis and -General Clinch;”[90] also in two messages of the President during 1818, -on the Seminole war, one of which contains the documents relative to -Arbuthnot and Ambruster, the Cherokees, Chocktaws, &c., and in the -speeches of the Hon. Robert Poindexter, and others. Dr. Monette and Mr. -Giddings, in their historical works, have also examined this subject at -some length. - -Two accounts of the fillibustering expeditions that resulted in the -forcible possession of Amelia Island by Captain MacGregor, have been -preserved; one, “the better of the two,” by an anonymous writer.[91] -They are both rare, and neither have come under my inspection. - -An important addition to our knowledge of East Florida during this -period, is contained in the entertaining Letters of Dr. William -Baldwin.[92] This gentleman, a surgeon in the United States Navy, and a -devoted lover of botany, compelled to seek safety from a pulmonary -complaint by taking refuge in a warm climate during the winter months, -passed portions of several years, commencing with 1811, in East Florida -and on the confines of Georgia, occupying himself in studying the floral -wealth of those regions. He recorded his observations in a series of -letters to Dr. Muhlenberg of Lancaster, and to the subsequent editor of -his Remains, Dr. William Darlington, of West Chester, Pa., well known -from his works on the local and historical botany of our country, and -whom I have already had occasion to advert to as the editor of the elder -Bartram’s Correspondence. While those to the former have no interest but -to the professed botanist, his letters to the latter are not less rich -in information regarding the condition of the country and its -inhabitants, than they are entertaining from the agreeable epistolary -style in which they are composed, and the thanks of the historian as -well as the naturalist are due to their editor for rescuing them from -oblivion. It was the expectation of Dr. Baldwin to give these -observations a connected form and publish them under the subjoined -title,[93] but the duties of his position and his untimely death -prevented him from accomplishing this design. As far as completed, -comprising eight letters, twenty pages in all, this work is appended to -the Reliquiæ. - -The cession of Florida to the United States, naturally excited -considerable attention, both in England and our own country, manifested -by the appearance of several pamphlets, the titles of two of the most -noteworthy of which are given below.[94] - -Numerous manuscripts pertaining to the history of the colony are said to -have been carried away by the Catholic clergy at the time of the -cession, many of which were deposited in the convents of Havana, and -probably might still be recovered. - - -§ 6.--THE SUPREMACY OF THE UNITED STATES. 1821-1858. - -No sooner had the United States obtained possession of this important -addition to her territory, than emigrants, both from the old countries -and from the more northern States, prepared to flock thither to test its -yet untried capabilities. Information concerning it was eagerly demanded -and readily supplied. In the very year of the cession appeared two -volumes, each having for its object the elucidation of its geography and -topography, its history, natural and civil. - -One of these we owe to William Darby,[95] an engineer of Maryland, not -unknown in our literary annals as a general geographer. It is but a -compilation, hastily constructed from a mass of previously known facts, -to satisfy the ephemeral curiosity of a hungry public. As far as is -known of his life, the author never so much as set foot in the country -whose natural history he proposes to give, and he will err widely who -hopes to find in it that which the pretentious title-page bids him -expect. - -A much superior work is that of James Grant Forbes.[96] This gentleman -was a resident of the territory, and had ample opportunities for -acquiring a pretty thorough knowledge of its later history, both from -personal experience and from unpublished documents. He is consequently -good authority for facts occurring during the British and later Spanish -administrations. Though at the time of publication the subject of -considerable praise, his work has since been denounced, though with -great injustice, as “a wretched compilation from old works.”[97] - -The next year a little book appeared anonymously at Charleston.[98] The -writer, apparently a physician, had travelled through Alachua county, -and ascended the St. Johns as far as Volusia. It consists of a general -description of the country, a diary of the journey through Alachua, and -an account of the Seminole Indians with a vocabulary of their language. -Some of his observations are not without value. - -The next work in chronological order was written by Charles Vignoles, a -“civil and topographical engineer,” and subsequently public translator -at St. Augustine. In the Introduction he remarks, “The following -observations on the Floridas have been collected during a residence in -the country; in which period several extensive journeys were made with a -view of obtaining materials for the construction of a new map, and for -the purpose now brought forward.” He notices the history, topography, -and agriculture, the climate and soil of the territory, gives a sketch -of the Keys, some account of the Indians, and is quite full on Land -Titles, then a very important topic, and adds to the whole a useful -Appendix of Documents relative to the Cession.[99] Vignoles is a dry and -uninteresting composer, with no skill in writing, and his observations -were rather intended as a commentary on his map than as an independent -work. - -Energetic attempts were shortly made to induce immigration. Hopes were -entertained that a colony of industrious Swiss might be persuaded to -settle near Tallahassie, where it was supposed silk culture and vine -growing could be successfully prosecuted. When General Lafayette visited -this country he brought with him a series of inquiries, propounded by an -intelligent citizen of Berne, relative to the capabilities and prospects -of the land. They were handed over to Mr. McComb of that vicinity. His -answers[100] are tinged by a warm fancy, and would lead us to believe -that in middle Florida had at last been found the veritable Arcadia. -Though for their purpose well suited enough, for positive statistics it -would be preferable to seek in other quarters. - -In 1826, there was an Institute of Agriculture, Antiquities, and Science -organized at Tallahassie. At the first (and, as far as I am aware, also -the last) public meeting of this comprehensive society, Colonel Gadsden -was appointed to deliver the opening address.[101] This was afterwards -printed and favorably noticed by some of the leading journals. -Apparently, however, it contained little at all interesting either to -the antiquarian or scientific man, but was principally taken up with -showing the prospect of a rapid agricultural developement throughout the -country. - -Neither were general internal improvements slighted. A project was set -on foot to avoid the dangerous navigation round the Florida Keys by -direct transportation across the neck of the peninsula--a design that -has ever been the darling hobby of ambitious Floridians since they -became members of our confederacy, and which at length seems destined to -be fulfilled. Now railroads, in that day canals were to be the means. As -early as 1828, General Bernard, who had been dispatched for the purpose, -had completed two levellings for canal routes, had sketched an accurate -map on an extended scale, and had laid before the general government a -report embracing a topographical and hydrographical description of the -territory, the result of his surveys, with remarks on the inland -navigation of the coast from Tampa to the head of the delta of the -Mississippi, and the possible and actual improvements therein.[102] -Notwithstanding these magnificent preparations, it is unnecessary to -add, the canal is still unborn. - -One great drawback to the progress of the territory was the uncertainty -of Land Titles. During the Spanish administration nearly the whole had -been parcelled out and conferred in grants by the king. Old claims, -dating back to the British regime, added to the confusion. Many of both -had been sold and resold to both Spanish and American citizens. In the -Appendix to Vignoles, and in Williams’ View of West Florida, many pages -are devoted to this weighty and very intricate subject. Some of these -claims were of enormous extent. Such was that of Mr. Hackley, which -embraced the whole Gulf coast of the peninsula and reached many miles -inland. This tract had been a grant of His Catholic Majesty to the Duke -of Alagon, and it was an express stipulation on the part of the United -States, acceded to by the king, that it should be annulled. But -meanwhile the Duke had sold out to Mr. Hackley and others, who claimed -that the king could not legally dispossess American citizens. A pamphlet -was published[103] containing all the documents relating to the -question, and the elaborate opinions of several leading lawyers, all but -one in favor of Mr. Hackley. After a protracted suit, the Gordian knot -was finally severed by an _ex post facto_ decree of His Majesty, that a -crown grant to a subject was in any case inalienable, least of all to a -foreigner. - -The work of Col. John Lee Williams just mentioned,[104] though -ostensibly devoted to West Florida takes a wider sweep than the title -page denotes. Its author went to Florida in 1820, and was one of the -commissioners appointed to locate the seat of government. While busied -with this, he was struck with the marked deficiency of all the then -published maps of the country, “and for my own satisfaction,” he adds, -“I made a minute survey of the coast from St. Andrew’s Bay to the -Suwannee, as well as the interior of the country in which Tallahassie is -situated.” A letter from Judge Brackenridge, alcalde of St. Augustine, -principally consisting of quotations from Roberts, is all that touches -on antiquities. Except this, and some accounts of the early operations -of the Americans in obtaining possession, and the statements concerning -Land Titles, the book is taken up with discussions of proposed internal -improvements of very local and ephemeral interest. - -All the details of any value that it contains he subsequently -incorporated in his Civil and Natural History of the Territory,[105] -published ten years later. Most of the intervening time he spent in -arduous personal researches; to quote his own words, “I have traversed -the country in various directions, and have coasted the whole peninsula -from Pensacola to St. Mary’s, examining with minute attention the -various Keys or Islets on the margin of the coast. I have ascended many -of the rivers, explored the lagoons and bays, traced the ancient -improvements, scattered ruins, and its natural productions by land and -by water.” Hence the chief value of the work is as a gazetteer. The -civil history is a mere compilation, collected without criticism, and -arranged without judgment; an entire ignorance of other languages, and -the paucity of materials in our own, incapacitated Williams from -achieving anything more. Nor can he claim to be much of a naturalist, -for the frequent typographical errors in the botanical names proclaim -him largely debtor to others in this department. His style is eminently -dry and difficult to labor through, and must ever confine the History to -the shelf as a work of reference, and to the closet of the painful -student. Yet with all its faults--and they are neither few nor -slight--this is the most complete work ever published concerning the -territory of Florida; it is the fruit of years of laborious -investigation, of absorbing devotion to one object, often of keen mental -and bodily suffering, and will ever remain a witness to the energy and -zeal of its writer. - -As little is recorded about this author pioneer, I may perhaps be -excused for turning aside to recall a few personal recollections. It had -long been my desire to visit and converse with him about the early days -of the state, and with this object, on the 9th of November, 1856, I -stopped at the little town of Picolati, near which he lived. A sad -surprise awaited me; he had died on the 7th of the month and had been -buried the day before my arrival. I walked through the woods to his -house. It was a rotten, ruinous, frame tenement on the banks of the St. -Johns, about half a mile below the town, fronted by a row of noble live -oaks and surrounded by the forest. Here the old man--he was over eighty -at the time of his death--had lived for twenty years almost entirely -alone, and much of the time in abject poverty. A trader happened to be -with him during his last illness, who told me some incidents of his -history. His mind retained its vigor to the last, and within a week of -his death he was actively employed in various literary avocations, among -which was the preparation of an improved edition of his History, which -he had very nearly completed. At the very moment the paralytic stroke, -from which he died, seized him, he had the pen in his hand writing a -novel, the scene of which was laid in China! His disposition was -uncommonly aimable and engaging, and so much was he beloved by the -Indians, that throughout the horrible atrocities of the Seminole war, -when all the planters had fled or been butchered, when neither sex nor -age was a protection, when Picolati was burned and St. Augustine -threatened, he continued to live unharmed in his old house, though a -companion was shot dead on the threshold. What the savage respected and -loved, the civilized man thought weakness and despised; this very -goodness of heart made him the object of innumerable petty impositions -from the low whites, his neighbors. In the words of my informant, “he -was too good for the people of these parts.” During his lonely old age -he solaced himself with botany and horticulture, priding himself on -keeping the best garden in the vicinity. “Come, and I will show you his -grave,” said the trader, and added with a touch of feeling I hardly -expected, “he left no directions about it, so I made it in the spot he -used to love the best of all.” He took me to the south-eastern corner of -the neat garden plot. A heap of fresh earth with rough, round, pine -sticks at head and foot, marked the spot. It was a solemn and impressive -moment. The lengthening shadows of the forest crept over us, the wind -moaned in the pines and whistled drearily through the sere grass, and -the ripples of the river broke monotonously on the shore. All trace of -the grave will soon be obliterated, the very spot forgotten, and the -garden lie a waste, but the results of his long and toilsome life “in -books recorded” will live when the marbles and monumental brasses of -many of his cotemporaries shall be no more. - -The next event that attracted general attention to Florida was the -bloody and disastrous second Seminole war, which for deeds of atrocious -barbarity, both on the part of the whites and red men, equals, if it -does not surpass, any conflict that has ever stained the soil of our -country. - -The earliest work relative to it was published anonymously in 1836, by -an officer in the army.[106] He gives an impartial account of the causes -that gave rise to the war, the manifold insults and aggressions that -finally goaded the Indians to desperation, and the incidents of the -first campaign undertaken to punish them for their contumacy. It is well -and clearly written, and coming from the pen of a participant in many of -the scenes described, merits a place in the library of the historian. - -The year subsequent, Mr. M. M. Cohen of Charleston, issued a notice of -the proceedings in the peninsula.[107] He was an “officer of the left -wing,” and had spent about five months with the army, during which time -it marched from St. Augustine to Volusia, thence to Tampa, and back -again to St. Augustine. The author tells us in his Preface, “our book -has been put to press in less than thirty days from its being -undertaken;” a statement no one will be inclined to doubt, as it is -little more than a farrago of vapid puns and stale witticisms, hurriedly -scraped together into a slim volume, and connected by a slender string -of facts. An account of the imprisonment of Oceola and the enslavement -of his wife, has been given by the same writer,[108] and has received -praise for its accuracy. - -In 1836, when the war was at its height, an Indian boy was taken -prisoner by a party of American soldiers near Newnansville. Contrary to -custom his life was spared, and the next year he was handed over to the -care of an English gentleman then resident in the country. From his own -account, drawn from him after long persuasion, his name was Nikkanoche, -his father was the unhappy Econchatti-mico, and consequently he was -nephew to the famous chief Oceola, (Ass-se-he-ho-lar, Rising Sun, -Powell.) His guardian removed with him to England in 1840, and the year -after his arrival there, published an account of the parentage, early -days, and nation of his ward,[109] the young Prince of Econchatti, as he -was styled. It forms an interesting and pleasant little volume, though I -do not know what amount of reliance can be placed on the facts asserted. - -An excellent article on the war, which merits careful reading from any -one desirous of thoroughly sifting the question, may be found in the -fifty-fourth volume of the North American Review, (1842,) prepared with -reference to Mr. Horace Everett’s remarks on the Army Appropriation Bill -of July 14, 1840, and to a letter from the Secretary of War on the -expenditure for supporting hostilities in Florida. - -Though the above memoirs are of use in throwing additional light on some -points, and settling certain mooted questions, the standard work of -reference on the Florida war is the very able, accurate, and generally -impartial History,[110] of Captain John T. Sprague, himself a -participant in many of its scenes, and officially concerned in its -prosecution. Few of our local histories rank higher than this. With a -praiseworthy patience of research he goes at length into its causes, -commencing with the cession in 1821, details minutely its prosecution -till the close in December, 1845, and paints with a vigorous and -skillful pen many of those thrilling adventures and affecting passages -that marked its progress. A map of the seat of war that accompanies it, -drawn up with care, and embracing most of the geographical discoveries -made by the various divisions of the army, adds to its value. - -Commencing his history with the cession, Captain Sprague does not touch -on the earlier troubles with the Seminoles. These were never properly -handled previous to the late work of the Hon. J. B. Giddings, entitled, -“The Exiles of Florida.”[111] These so-called exiles were runaway slaves -from the colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, who, quite early in the -last century, sought an asylum in the Spanish possessions, formed -separate settlements, and, increased by fresh refugees, became ever -after a fruitful source of broils and quarrels between the settlers of -the rival provinces. As they were often protected, and by marriage and -situation became closely connected with the Lower Creeks, they were -generally identified with them in action under the common name of -Seminoles. Thus the history of one includes that of the other. The -profound acquaintance with the transactions of our government acquired -by Mr. Giddings during a long and honorable public service, render his -work an able plea in the cause of the people whose wrongs and sufferings -have enlisted his sympathy; but unquestionably the fervor of his views -prevents him from doing full justice to their adversaries. He attaches -less weight than is right to the strict _legality_ of most of the claims -for slaves; and forgets to narrate the inhuman cruelties, shocking even -to the red men, wreaked by these maroons on their innocent captives, -which palliate, if they do not excuse, the rancorous hatred with which -they were pursued by the whites. Including their history from their -origin till 1853, the second Seminole war occupies much of his -attention, and the treatment both of it and the other topics, prove the -writer a capable historian, as well as an accomplished statesman. - -It is unnecessary to specify the numerous reports of the officers, the -official correspondence, the speeches of members of Congress, and other -public writings that illustrate the history of the war, which are -contained in the Executive Documents. But I should not omit to mention -that the troubles in Florida during the last few years have given -occasion to the publication of the only at all accurate description of -the southern extremity of the peninsula in existence.[112] It was issued -for the use of the army, from inedited reports of officers during the -second Seminole war, and lays down and describes topographically nine -routes to and from the principal military posts south of Tampa Bay. - -The works relating to St. Augustine next claim our attention. Of late -years this has become quite a favorite rendezvous for casual tourists, -invalids from the north, magazine writers, _et id omne genus_, whence to -indite letters redolent of tropic skies, broken ruins, balmy moonlight, -and lustrous-eyed beauties. Though it would be lost time to enumerate -these, yet among books of general travel, there are one or two of -interest in this connection. Among these is an unpretending little -volume that appeared anonymously at New York in 1839.[113] The author, a -victim of asthma, had visited both St. Augustine and Key West in the -spring of that year. Though written in a somewhat querulous tone, it -contains some serviceable hints to invalids expecting to spend a winter -in warmer climes. - -Neither ought we to pass by in silence the Floridian notes of the “Hon. -Miss Amelia M. Murray,”[114] who, it will be recollected, a few years -since took a contemptuous glance at our country from Maine to Louisiana, -weighed it in the balance of her judgment, and pronounced it wanting in -most of the elements of civilization. She went on a week’s scout into -Florida, found the charges exorbitant, the government wretchedly -conducted, and the people boors; was deeply disappointed with St. -Augustine and harbor because an island shut out the view of the ocean, -and at Silver Spring found nothing more worthy of her pen than the -anti-slavery remark of an inn-keeper,--who has himself assured me that -she entirely misconstrues even that. - -Two works devoted to the Ancient City, as its inhabitants delight to -style it, have been published. One of these is a pleasant little -hand-book, issued some ten years since by the Rev. Mr. Sewall, -Episcopalian minister there.[115] He prepared it “to meet the wants of -those who may desire to learn something of the place in view of a -sojourn, or who may have already come hither in search of health,” and -it is well calculated for this purpose. A view of the town from the -harbor, (sold also separately,) and sketches of the most remarkable -buildings increase its usefulness. A curious incident connected with -this book is worth relating for the light it throws on the character of -the so-called Minorcans of St. Augustine. In one part Mr. Sewall had -inserted a passage somewhat depreciatory of this class. When the edition -arrived and this became generally known, they formed a mob, surrounded -the store where it was deposited, and could only be restrained from -destroying the whole by a promise that the obnoxious leaf should be cut -from every volume in the package. This was done, and the copy I -purchased there accordingly lacks the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth -pages. An action on their part that calls to mind the ancient saw, -“’Tis the tight shoe that pinches.” - -Another and later work that enters into the subject more at length, has -recently appeared from the competent pen of G. R. Fairbanks,[116] a -resident of the spot, and a close student of the chronicles of the old -colony. The rise and progress of the settlements both French and Spanish -are given in detail and with general accuracy, and though his account of -the former is not so finished nor so thoroughly digested as that of -Sparks, consisting of little more than extracts linked together, we have -no other work in our language so full on the doings of the subjects of -His Catholic Majesty in Florida, and the gradual growth of the Ancient -City. It thus fills up a long standing hiatus in our popular historical -literature. - -Numerous articles on Florida have appeared in various American -periodicals, but so few of any value that as a class they do not merit -attention. Most of them are flighty descriptions of scenery, second-hand -morsels of history, and empty political disquisitions. Some of the best -I have referred to in connection with the points they illustrate, while -the Index of Mr. Poole, a work invaluable to American scholars, obviates -the necessity of a more extended reference. - -Those that have appeared in the serials of Europe, on the other hand, as -they mostly contain original matter, so they must not be passed over so -lightly. - -Though not strictly included among them, the article on Florida prepared -by Mr. Warden for that portion of _L’Art de Verifier les Dates_ called -Historical Chronology of America, will come under our notice here. In a -compendium parading such a pretentious title as this we have a right to -expect at least an average accuracy, but this portion bears on its face -obvious marks of haste, negligence, and a culpable lack of criticism, -and is redeemed by nothing but a few excerpts from rare books. - -Little attention has ever been paid to the natural history of the -country, least of all by Americans. The best observer of late years has -been M. de Castelnau, who, sent out by the Academie des Sciences to -collect and observe in this department, spent in Middle Florida one of -the seven years he passed in America. While the Seminole war was raging, -and a mutual slaughter giving over the peninsula once more to its -pristine wilderness, in the gloomy hammocks of the Suwannee and -throughout the lofty forests that stretch between this river and the -Apalachicola, this naturalist was pursuing his peaceful avocation -undisturbed by the discord around him. In April, 1842, after his return, -he submitted to the Academy a memoir on this portion of his -investigations.[117] It is divided into three sections, the first a -geographical description, the second treating of the climate, hygienic -condition, geology, and agriculture, while the third is devoted to -anthropology, as exhibited here in its three phases, the red, the white, -and the black man. In one passage,[118] speaking of the history of the -country, this author remarks that M. Lakanal “has, during his long -sojourn at Mobile, just on the confines of Florida, collected numerous -documents relative to the latter country; but the important labors of -our venerable colleague have not yet been published.” As far as I can -learn, these doubtless valuable additions to our history are still -inedited. - -The subjoined list of some other articles published in Europe is -extracted from Dr. W. Koner’s excellent catalogue.[119] - -1832. De Mobile, Excursion dans l’Alabama et les Florides. Revue des -Deux Mondes, T. I., p. 128. - -1835. Beitrage zur Näheren Kenntniss von Florida. Anal. der Erdkunde, B. -XII., s. 336. - -1836. Castelnau, Note sur la Source de la Riviére de Walkulla dans la -Floride. Soc. de Geographie, II. ser., T. XI., p. 242. - -1839. David, Aperçu Statistique sur la Floride Soc. de Geog., II., ser., -Tom. XIV., p. 144. - -1842. Castelnau, Note de deux Itineraires de Charleston à Tallahassie. -Soc. de Geog. T. XVIII., p. 241. - -1843. Castelnau, Essai sur la Floride du Milieu. Annales de Voyages, T. -IV., p. 129. - -1843. De Quatrefages, La Floride. Revue des Deux Mondes, nouv. ser., T. -I., p. 774. - - -§ 7.--MAPS AND CHARTS. - -Though the need of a good history of the most important maps and charts -of America, enriched by copies of the most interesting, cannot but have -been felt by every one who has spent much time in the study of its first -settlement and growth, such a work still remains a desideratum in our -literature. As a trifling aid to any who may hereafter engage in an -undertaking of this kind, and as an assistance to the future historian -of that portion of our country, I add a brief notice of those that best -illustrate the progress of geographical knowledge respecting Florida. - -On the earliest extant sketch of the New World--, that made by Juan de -Cosa in 1500--, a continuous coast line running east and northeast -connects the southern continent to the shores of the _Mar descubierta -por Ingleses_ in the extreme north. No signs of a peninsula are visible. - -Eight years later, on the _Universalior cogniti Orbis Tabula_, of -Johannes Ruysch found in the geography of Ptolemy printed at Rome under -the supervision of Marcus Beneventanus and Johannes Gotta, the whole of -North America is included in a small body of land marked Terra Nova or -Baccalauras,[120] joined to the countries of Gog and Magog and the -_desertum Lob_ in Asia. A cape stretching out towards Cuba is called -Cabo de Portugesi.[121] - -This brings us to the enigmatical map in the magnificent folio edition -of Ptolemy, printed at Venice in 1513. On this, North America is an -oblong parallelogram of land with an irregularly shaped portion -projecting from its south-eastern extremity, maintaining with general -correctness the outlines and direction of the peninsula of Florida. A -number of capes and rivers are marked along its shores, some of the -names evidently Portugese, others Spanish. Now as Leon first saw -Florida in 1512, and the report of his discovery did not reach Europe -for years, whence came this knowledge of the northern continent? -Santarem and Ghillany both confess that there were voyages to the New -World undertaken by Portuguese in the first decade of the century, about -which all else but the mere fact of their existence have escaped the -most laborious investigations; hence, probably to one of these unknown -navigators we are to ascribe the honor of being the first discoverer of -Florida, and the source of the information displayed by the editors of -this copy of Ptolemy.[122] - -The first outline of the coast drawn from known observation is the -_Traza de las Costas de Tierra Firme y de las Tierras Nuevas_, -accompanying the royal grant of those parts to Francisco de Garay in the -year 1521. It has been published by Navarrete, and by Buckingham Smith. -Contrary to the usual opinion of the day, which was not proved incorrect -till the voyages of Francesco Fernandez de Cordova (1517), and more -conclusively by that of Estevan Gomez (1525), the peninsula is attached -to the mainland. This and other reasons render it probable that it was -drawn up under the supervision of Anton de Alaminos, pilot of Leon on -his first voyage, who ever denied the existence of an intervening -strait.[123] I cannot agree with Mr. Smith that it points to any prior -discoveries unknown to us. - -On some early maps, as one in the quarto geography of Ptolemy of 1525, -the region of Florida is marked Parias. This name, originally given by -Columbus to an island of the West Indian archipelago, and so laid down -on the “figura ò pintura de la tierra,” which he forwarded to Ferdinand -the Catholic in 1499,[124] was quite wildly applied by subsequent -geographers to Peru, to the region on the shore of the Caribbean Sea, to -the whole of South America, to the southern extremity of North America -where Nicaragua now is, and finally to the peninsula of Florida. - -We have seen that early maps prove De Leon was not, as is commonly -supposed, the first to see and name the Land of Flowers (Terra Florida); -neither did his discoveries first expand a knowledge of it in Europe. -Probably all that was known by professed geographers regarding it for a -long time after was the product of later explorations, for not till -forty years from the date of his first voyage was there a chart -published containing the name he applied to the peninsula. This is the -one called _Novae Insulae_, in the Geographia Claudii Ptolemaei, -Basileae, 1552.[125] - -The only other delineation of the country dating from the sixteenth -century that deserves notice--for those of Herrera are quite -worthless--is that by Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, published in the -second volume of De Bry, which is curious as the only one left by the -French colonists, though geographically not more correct than others of -the day. Indeed, all of them portray the country very imperfectly. -Generally it is represented as a triangular piece of land more or less -irregular, indented by bays, divided into provinces Cautio, Calos, -Tegeste, and others, names which are often applied to the whole -peninsula. The southern extremity is sometimes divided into numerous -islands by arms of the sea, and the St. Johns, when down at all, rises -from mountains to the north, and runs in a southeasterly direction, -nearly parallel with the rivers supposed to have been discovered by -Ribaut, (La Somme, La Loire, &c.) - -Now this did not at all keep pace with the geographical knowledge common -to both French and Spanish towards the close of this period. The -colonists under Laudonniére and afterwards Aviles himself, ascended the -St. Johns certainly as far as Lake George, and knew of a great interior -lake to the south; Pedro Menendez Marquez, the nephew and successor of -the latter, made a methodical survey of the coast from Pensacola to near -the Savannah river (from Santa Maria de Galve to Santa Helena;) and -English navigators were acquainted with its general outline and the -principal points along the shore. - -Yet during the whole of the next century I am not aware of a single map -that displays any signs of improvement, or any marks of increased -information. That inserted by De Laet in his description of the New -World, called _Florida et Regiones Vicinæ_, (1633,) is noteworthy only -because it is one of the first, if not the first, to locate along his -supposed route the native towns and provinces met with by De Soto. Their -average excellence may be judged from those inserted in the elephantine -work of Ogilby on America, (1671,) and still better in its Dutch and -German paraphrases. The _Totius Americæ Descriptio_, by Gerhard a -Schagen in the latter, is a meritorious production for that age. - -No sooner, however, had the English obtained a firm footing in Carolina -and Georgia, and the French in Louisiana, than a more accurate knowledge -of their Spanish neighbors was demanded and acquired. The “New Map of -ye North Parts of America claimed by France under ye name of -Louisiana, Mississippi, Canada, and New France, with ye adjoining -Territories of England and Spain,” (London, 1720,) indicates -considerable progress, and is memorable as the first on which the St. -Johns is given its true course, information about which its designer -Herman Moll, obtained from the “Journals and Original Draughts” of -Captain Nairn. His map of the West Indies contains a “Draught of St. -Augustine and its Harbour,” with the localities of the castle, town, -monastery, Indian church, &c., carefully pointed out; previous to it, -two plans of this city had appeared, one, the earliest extant, engraved -to accompany the narrative of Drake’s Voyage and Descent in 1586, and -another, I know not by whose hand, representing its appearance in -1665.[126] - -On the former of these maps, “The South Bounds of Carolina,” are placed -nearly a degree south of St. Augustine, thus usurping all the best -portion of the Spanish territory. This is but an example of the great -confusion that prevailed for a long time as to the extent of the region -called Florida. The early writers frequently embraced under this name -the whole of North America above Mexico, distinguishing, as Herrera and -Torquemada, between Florida explored and unexplored, (Florida conocida, -Florida ignorada,) or as Christian Le Clerq, between Spanish and French -and English Florida. Taking it in this extended sense, Barcia includes -in his Chronology (Ensayo Cronologico de la Florida) not only the -operations of the Spanish and English on the east coast of the United -States, but also those of the French in Canada and the expeditions of -Vasquez Coronado and others in New Mexico. Nicolas le Fer, on the other -hand, ignoring the name altogether, styled the whole region Louisiana, -(1718,) while the English, not to be outdone in national rapacity, laid -claim to an equal amount as Carolina. De Laet[127] was the first -geographer who confined the name to the peninsula. In 1651 Spain -relinquished her claims to all land north of 36° 30´ north lat., but it -was not till the Definitive Treaty of Peace of 1763, that any political -attempt was made to define its exact boundaries, and then, not with such -entire success, but room was left for subsequent disputes between our -government and Spain, only finally settled by the surveys of Ellicott at -the close of the century. - -Neither Guillaume de l’Isle nor M. Bellin, both of whom etched maps of -Florida many years after the publication of that of Moll, seems to have -been aware of his previous labors, or to have taken advantage of his -more extensive information. In the gigantic _Atlas Nouveau_ of the -former, (Amsterdam, 1739,) are two maps of Florida, evidently by -different hands. The one, _Tabula Geographica Mexico et Floridæ_, gives -tolerably well the general contour of the peninsula, and situates the -six provinces of Apalacha mentioned by Bristock; the other, _Carte de la -Louisiane et du Cours du Mississippi_, is an enlarged copy with -additions of that published five years previous in the fifth volume of -the _Voyages au Nord_, on which is given the route of De Soto. Bellin’s -_Carte des Costes de la Nouvelle France suivant les premiéres -Decouvertes_ is found in Charlevoix’s _Nouvelle France_ and is of little -worth. - -The map of “Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands,” that accompanies -Catesby’s Natural History of those regions, is not so accurate as we -might expect from the opportunities he enjoyed. The peninsula is -conceived as a nearly equilateral triangle projecting about two hundred -and sixty miles towards the south. Like other maps of this period, it -derives its chief value from locating Indian and Spanish towns. - -The dangerous navigation of the Keys had necessitated their examination -at an early date. In 1718, Domingo Gonzales Carranza surveyed them, as -well as some portion of the northern coast, with considerable care. His -notes remained in manuscript, however, till 1740, when falling into the -hands of an Englishman, they were translated and brought out at London -under the title, “A Geographical Description of the Spanish West -Indies.” But how inefficient the knowledge of these perilous reefs -remained for many years is evident on examining the marine chart of the -Gulf of Mexico, by Tomas Lopez and Juan de la Cruz, in 1755. The -seafaring English, when they took possession of the country, made it -their first duty to get the most exact possible charts of these so -important points. No sooner had the treaty been signed than the Board of -Admiralty dispatched G. Gauld, a capable and energetic engineer to -survey the coasts, islands, and keys, east and south of Pensacola. In -this employment he spent nearly twenty years, from 1764 to 1781, when he -was taken prisoner by the Spanish, and shortly afterwards died. The -results were not made public till 1790, when they appeared under the -supervision of Dr. Lorimer, and, in connection with the Gulf Pilot of -Bernard Romans, and the sailing directions of De Brahm, both likewise -engineers in the British service, employed at the same time as Gauld, -constituted for half a century the chief foundation for the nautical -charts of this entrance to the Gulf. - -Among the writers of the last century who did good service to American -geography, Thomas Jefferys, Geographer to his Majesty, deserves -honorable mention. Besides his more general labors, he edited, in 1763, -the compilation of Roberts, and some years after the Journal of the -elder Bartram; to both he added a general map of the region under -consideration, “collected and digested with great care and labor from a -number of French and Spanish charts,” taken on prize ships, correct -enough as far as regards the shore, but the interior very defective; a -plan of Tampa Bay; and one of St. Augustine and harbor, giving the depth -of water in each, and on the latter showing the site of the sea wall. - -Besides those in the Atlas of Popple, of 1772, the following maps, -published during the last century, may be consulted with advantage: - -Carolinæ, Floridæ nec-non Insularum Bajamensium delineatio, Nuremberg, -1775. - -Tabulæ Mexicanæ et Floridæ, terrarum Anglicarum, anteriarum Americæ -insularum. Amstelodami, apud Petrum Schenck, circ. 1775. - -A Map of the Southern British Colonies, containing the Seat of War in -N. and S. Carolina, E. and W. Florida. By Bernard Romans. London, 1776. - -Plan of Amelia Island and Bar, surveyed by Jacob Blaney in 1775. London, -1776. - -Plan of Amelia Island and Bar. By Wm. Fuller. Edited by Thomas Jefferys. -London, 1776. - -Plano de la Ciudad y Puerto de San Augustin de la Florida. Por Tomas -Lopez. Madrid, 1783. - -Nothing was done of any importance in this department during the second -Spanish supremacy, but as soon as the country became a portion of the -United States, the energy both of private individuals and the government -rapidly increased the fund of geographical knowledge respecting it. - -The first map published was that of Vignoles, who, an engineer himself, -and deriving his facts from a personal survey of the whole eastern coast -from St. Marys river to Cape Florida, makes a very visible improvement -on his predecessors. - -The canal contemplated at this period from the St. Johns or St. Marys to -the Gulf gave occasion to levellings across the peninsula at two points, -valuable for the hypsometrical data they furnish. Annexed to the report -(February, 1829,) is a “Map of the Territory of Florida from its -northern boundary to lat. 27° 30´ N. connected with the delta of the -Mississippi,” giving the features of the country and separate plans of -the harbors and bays. - -The same year J. R. Searcy issued a map of the territory, “constructed -principally from authentic documents in the land office at Tallahassie,” -favorably mentioned at the time.[128] - -The map prefixed to his View of West Florida, and subsequently to his -later work, by Colonel Williams, largely based on his own researches, is -a good exposition of all certainly known at that period about the -geography of the country. Cape Romans is here first distinguished as an -island; Sharks river is omitted; and Lake Myaco or Okee-chobee is not -down, “simply,” says the author, “because I can find no reason for -believing its existence!” Unparalleled as such an entire ignorance of a -body of water with a superficies of twelve hundred square miles, in the -midst of a State settled nigh half a century before any other in our -Union, which had been governed for years by English, by Spanish, and by -Americans, may be, it well illustrates the impassable character of those -vast swamps and dense cypresses known as the Everglades; an -impenetrability so complete as almost to justify the assertion of the -State engineer, made as late as 1855: “These lands are now, and will -continue to be, nearly as much unknown as the interior of Africa or the -mountain sources of the Amazon.”[129] - -What little we know of this Terra Incognita, is derived from the notes -of officers in the Indian wars, and the maps drawn up for the use of the -army. Among these, that issued by the War Department at the request of -General Taylor, in 1837, embracing the whole peninsula, that prefixed to -Sprague’s History, which gives the northern portion with much -minuteness, and the later one, in 1856, of the portion south of Tampa -Bay, are the most important. The latter gives the topography of the -Everglades and Big Cypress as far as ascertained. - -While annual explorations are thus throwing more and more light on the -interior of the peninsula, the United States Coast Survey, now in -operation, will definitely settle all kindred questions relative to its -shores, harbors, and islands; and thus we may look forward to a not -distant day when its geographical history will be consummated. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE APALACHES. - - Derivation of the name.--Earliest notices of.--Visited and - described by Bristock in 1653.--Authenticity of his - narrative.--Subsequent history and final extinction. - - -Among the aboriginal tribes of the United States perhaps none is more -enigmatical than the Apalaches. They are mentioned as an important -nation by many of the early French and Spanish travellers and -historians, their name is preserved by a bay and river on the shores of -the Gulf of Mexico, and by the great eastern coast range of mountains, -and has been applied by ethnologists to a family of cognate nations that -found their hunting-grounds from the Mississippi to the Atlantic and -from the Ohio river to the Florida Keys; yet, strange to say, their own -race and place have been but guessed at. Intimately connected both by -situation and tradition with the tribes of the Floridian peninsula, an -examination of the facts pertaining to their history and civilization is -requisite to a correct knowledge of the origin and condition of the -latter. - -The orthography of the name is given variously by the older writers, -Apahlahche, Abolachi, Apeolatei, Appallatta, &c., and very frequently -without the first letter, Palaxy, Palatcy. Daniel Coxe, indeed, -fancifully considered this first vowel the Arabic article _a_, _al_, -prefixed by the Spaniards to the native word.[130] Its derivation has -been a _questio vexata_ among Indianologists; Heckewelder[131] -identified it with Lenape or Wapanaki, “which name the French in the -south as easily corrupted into _Apalaches_ as in the north to -_Abenakis_,” and other writers have broached equally loose hypothesis. -Adair[132] mentions a Chikasah town, Palacheho, evidently from the same -root; but it is not from this tongue nor any of its allies, that we must -explain its meaning, but rather consider it an indication of ancient -connections with the southern continent, and in itself a pure Carib -word. _Apáliché_ in the Tamanaca dialect of the Guaranay stem on the -Orinoco signifies _man_,[133] and the earliest application of the name -in the northern continent was as a title of the chief of a country, -_l’homme par excellence_,[134] and hence, like very many other Indian -tribes (Apaches, Lenni Lenape, Illinois,) his subjects assumed by -eminence the proud appellation of The Men. How this foreign word came to -be imported will be considered hereafter. Among the tribes that made up -the confederacy, probably only one partook of the warring and energetic -blood of the Caribs; or it may have been assumed in emulation of a -famous neighbor; or it may have been a title of honor derived from the -esoteric language of a foreign priesthood, instances of which are not -rare among the aborigines. - -In the writings of the first discoverers they uniformly hold a superior -position as the most polished, the most valorous, and the most united -tribe in the region where they dwelt. The fame of their intrepidity -reached to distant nations. “Keep on, robbers and traitors,” cried the -Indians near the Withlacooche to the soldiers of De Soto, “in Apalache -you will receive that chastisement your cruelty deserves.” When they -arrived at this redoubted province they found cultivated fields -stretching on either hand, bearing plentiful crops of corn, beans, -pumpkins, cucumbers, and plums,[135] whose possessors, a race large in -stature, of great prowess, and delighting in war, inhabited numerous -villages containing from fifty to three hundred, spacious and commodious -dwellings, well protected against hostile incursions. The French -colonists heard of them as distinguished for power and wealth, having -good store of gold, silver, and pearls, and dwelling near lofty -mountains to the north; and Fontanedo, two years a prisoner in their -power, lauds them as “_les meilleurs Indiens de la Floride_,” and -describes their province as stretching far northward to the snow-covered -mountains of Onagatano abounding in precious metals.[136] - -About a century subsequent to these writers, we find a very minute and -extraordinary account of a nation called Apalachites, indebted for its -preservation principally to the work of the Abbé Rochefort. It has been -usually supposed a creation of his own fertile brain, but a careful -study of the subject has given me a different opinion. The original -sources of his information may be entirely lost, but that they actually -existed can be proved beyond reasonable doubt. They were a series of -ephemeral publications by an “English gentleman” about 1656, whose name -is variously spelled Bristol, Bristok, Brigstock, and Bristock, the -latter being probably the correct orthography. He had spent many years -in the West Indies and North America, was conversant with several native -tongues, and had visited Apalacha in 1653. Besides the above-mentioned -fragmentary notes, he promised a complete narrative of his residence and -journeys in the New World, but apparently never fulfilled his intention. -Versions of his account are found in various writers of the age. The -earliest is given by Rochefort[137], and was translated with the rest of -the work of that author by Davies[138], who must have consulted the -original tract of Bristock as he adds particulars not found in the -Abbé’s history. Others are met with in the writings of the Geographus -Ordinarius, Nicolas Sanson d’ Abbeville[139], in the huge tomes of -Ogilby[140] and his high and low Dutch paraphrasers Arnoldus -Montanus[141] and Oliver Dapper,[142] in Oldmixon’s history,[143] quite -fully in the later compilation that goes under the name of Baumgarten’s -History of America,[144] and in our own days has been adverted to by the -distinguished Indianologist H. R. Schoolcraft in more than one of his -works. It consists of two parts, the one treating of the traditions, the -other of the manners and customs of the Apalachites. In order to place -the subject in the clearest light I shall insert a brief epitome of -both. - -The Apalachites inhabited the region called Apalacha between 33° 25´ and -37° north latitude. By tradition and language they originated from -northern Mexico, where similar dialects still existed.[145] The -Cofachites were a more southern nation, scattered at first over the vast -plains and morasses to the south along the Gulf of Mexico (Theomi), but -subsequently having been reduced by the former nation, they settled a -district called Amana, near the mountains of Apalacha, and from this -circumstance received the name Caraibe or Carib, meaning “bold, warlike -men,” “strangers,” and “annexed nation.” In after days, increasing in -strength and retaining their separate existence, they asserted -independence, refused homage to the king of Apalacha, and slighted the -worship of the sun. Wars consequently arose, extending at intervals over -several centuries, resulting in favor of the Cofachites, whose dominion -ultimately extended from the mountains in the north to the shores of the -Gulf and the river St. Johns on the south. Finding themselves too weak -to cope openly with such a powerful foe, the Apalachites had recourse to -stratagem. Taking advantage of a temporary peace, their priests used the -utmost exertions to spread abroad among their antagonists a religious -veneration of the sun and a belief in the necessity of an annual -pilgrimage to his sacred mountain Olaimi in Apalacha. So well did their -plan succeed, that when at the resumption of hostilities, the -Apalachites forbade the ingress of all pilgrims but those who would do -homage to their king, a schism, bitter and irreconcileable, was brought -about among the Cofachites. Finally peace was restored by a migration of -those to whom liberty was dearer than religion, and a submission of the -rest to the Apalachites, with whom they became amalgamated and lost -their identity. Their more valiant companions, after long wanderings -through unknown lands in search of a home, finally locate themselves on -the southern shore of Florida. Islanders from the Bahamas, driven -thither by storms, tell them of lands, fertile and abounding in game, -yet uninhabited and unclaimed, lying to the southwards; they follow -their advice and direction, traverse the Gulf of Florida, and settle the -island of _Ayay_, now Santa Cruz. From this centre colonies radiated, -till the majority of the islands and no small portion of the southern -mainland was peopled by their race. - -Such is the sum of Bristock’s singular account. It is either of no -credibility whatever, or it is a distorted version of floating, dim -traditions, prevalent among the indigenes of the West Indies and the -neighboring parts of North America. I am inclined to the latter opinion, -and think that Bristock, hearing among the Caribs rumors of a continent -to the north, and subsequently finding powerful nations there, who, in -turn, knew of land to the south and spoke of ancient wars and -migrations, wove the fragments together, filled up the blanks, and gave -it to the world as a veritable history. To support this view, let us -inquire whether any knowledge of each other actually existed between the -inhabitants of the islands and the northern mainland, and how far this -knowledge extended. - -The reality of the migration, though supported by some facts, must be -denied of the two principal races, the Caribs and Arowauks, who peopled -the islands at the time of their discovery. The assertions of Barcia, -Herrera, and others that they were originally settled by Indians from -Florida have been abundantly disproved by the profound investigations of -Alphonse D’Orbigny in South America.[146] On the other hand, that the -Cubans and Lucayans had a knowledge of the peninsula not only in the -form of myths but as a real geographical fact, even having specific -names in their own tongues for it (Cautio, Jaguaza), is declared by the -unanimous voice of historians. - -The most remarkable of these myths was that of the fountain of life, -placed by some in the Lucayos, but generally in a fair and genial land -to the north.[147] From the tropical forests of Central America to the -coral-bound Antilles the natives told the Spaniards marvellous tales of -a fountain whose magic waters would heal the sick, rejuvenate the aged, -and confer an ever-youthful immortality. It may have originated in a -confused tradition of a partial derivation from the mainland and -subsequent additions thence received from time to time, or more probably -from the adoration of some of the very remarkable springs abundant on -the peninsula, perchance that wonderful object the Silver Spring,[148] -round which I found signs of a dense early population, its virtues -magnified by time, distance, and the arts of priests. We know how -intimately connected is the worship of the sun with the veneration of -water; heat typifying the masculine, moisture the feminine principle. -The universality of their association in the Old World cosmogonies and -mythologies is too well-known to need specification, and it is quite as -invariable in those of the New Continent. That such magnificent springs -as occur in Florida should have become objects of special veneration, -and their fame bruited far and wide, and handed down from father to son, -is a most natural consequence in such faiths.[149] - -Certain it is that long before these romantic tales had given rise to -the expeditions of De Leon, Narvaez, and De Soto, many natives of the -Lucayos, of Cuba, even of Yucatan and Honduras,[150] had set out in -search of this mystic fount. Many were lost, while some lived to arrive -on the Floridian coast, where finding it impossible either to proceed or -return, they formed small villages, “whose race,” adds Barcia,[151] -writing in 1722, “is still in existence” (cuia generacion aun dura). -This statement, which the cautious investigator Navarrete confirms,[152] -seems less improbable when we reflect that in after times it was no -uncommon incident for the natives of Cuba to cross the Gulf of Florida -in their open boats to escape the slavery of the Spaniards,[153] that -the Lucayans had frequent communication with the mainland,[154] that the -tribes of South Florida, as early as 1695, carried on a considerable -trade with Havana,[155] that the later Indians on the Suwannee would on -their trading excursions not only descend this river in their large -cypress canoes, but proceed “quite to the point of Florida, and -sometimes cross the Gulph, extending their navigations to the Bahama -islands and even to Cuba,”[156] and finally that nothing was more common -to such a seafaring nation as the Caribs than a voyage of this -length.[157] - -Another remarkable myth, which certainly points for its explanation to -an early and familiar intercourse between the islands and the mainland, -is the singular geognostic tradition prevalent among the Lucayans, -preserved by Peter of Anghiera, to the effect that this archipelago was -originally united to the continent by firm land.[158] Doubtless it was -on such grounds that the Spaniards concluded that they owed their -original settlement to migrations from the Floridian peninsula. - -Turning our attention now to this latter land, we should have cause to -be surprised did we not find signs that such adventurous navigators as -the Caribs had planned and executed incursions and settlements there. -That these signs are so sparse and unsatisfactory, we owe not so much to -their own rarity as to the slight weight attached to such things by the -early explorers and discoverers. From the accounts we do possess, -however, there can be no doubt but that vestiges of the Caribbean -tongue, if not whole tribes identical with them in language and customs, -have been met with from time to time on the peninsula.[159] The striking -similarity in the customs of flattening the forehead, in poisoning -weapons, in the use of hollow reeds to propel arrows, in the sculpturing -on war clubs, construction of dwellings, exsiccation of corpses,[160] -burning the houses of the dead, and other rites, though far from -conclusive are yet not without a decided weight. It is much to be -regretted that Adair has left us no fuller information of those seven -tribes on the Koosah river, who spoke a different tongue from the -Muskohge and preserved “a fixed oral tradition that they formerly came -from South America, and after sundry struggles in defence of liberty -settled their present abode.”[161] - -Thus it clearly appears that the frame, so to speak, of the traditions -preserved by Bristock actually did exist and may be proved from other -writers. But we are still more strongly convinced that his account is at -least founded on fact, when we compare the manners and customs, of the -Apalachites, as he gives them, with those of the Cherokee, Choktah, -Chickasah, and Muskohge, tribes plainly included by him under this name, -and proved by the philological researches of Gallatin to have occupied -the same location since De Soto’s expedition.[162] We need have no -suspicion that he plagiarized from other authors, as the particulars he -mentions are not found in earlier writers; and it was not till 1661 that -the English settled Carolina, not till 1699 that Iberville built his -little fort on the Bay of Biloxi, and many years elapsed between this -latter and the general treaty of Oglethorpe. If then we find a close -similarity in manners, customs, and religions, we must perforce concede -his accounts, such as they have reached us, a certain degree of credit. - -He begins by stating that Apalacha was divided into six provinces; -Dumont,[163] writing from independent observation about three-fourths of -a century afterwards, makes the same statement. Their towns were -inclosed with stakes or live hedges, the houses built of stakes driven -into the ground in an oval shape, were plastered with mud and sand, -whitewashed without, and some of a reddish glistening color within from -a peculiar kind of sand, thatched with grass, and only five or six feet -high, the council-house being usually on an elevation.[164] If the -reader will turn to the authorities quoted in the subjoined note, he -will find this an exact description of the towns and single dwellings of -the later Indians.[165] The women manufactured mats of down and feathers -with the same skill that a century later astonished Adair,[166] and -spun like these the wild hemp and the mulberry bark into various simple -articles of clothing. The fantastic custom of shaving the hair on -one-half the head, and permitting the other half to remain, on certain -emergencies, is also mentioned by later travellers.[167] Their food was -not so much game as peas, beans, maize, and other vegetables, produced -by cultivation; and the use of salt obtained from vegetable ashes, so -infrequent among the Indians, attracted the notice of Bristock as well -as Adair.[168] Their agricultural character reminds us of the Choktahs, -among whom the men helped their wives to labor in the field, and whom -Bernard Romans[169] called “a nation of farmers.” In Apalache, says -Dumont,[170] “we find a less rude, more refined nation, peopling its -meads and fertile vales, cultivating the earth, and living on the -abundance of excellent fruit it produces.” - -Strange as a fairy tale is Bristock’s description of their chief temple -and the rites of their religion--of the holy mountain Olaimi lifting its -barren, round summit far above the capital city Melilot at its base--of -the two sacred caverns within this mount, the innermost two hundred feet -square and one hundred in height, wherein were the emblematic vase ever -filled with crystal water that trickled from the rock, and the “grand -altar” of one round stone, on which incense, spices, and aromatic shrubs -were the only offerings--of the platform, sculptured from the solid -rock, where the priests offered their morning orisons to the glorious -orb of their divinity at his daily birth--of their four great annual -feasts--all reminding us rather of the pompous rites of Persian or -Peruvian heliolatry than the simple sun worship of the Vesperic tribes. -Yet in essentials, in stated yearly feasts, in sun and fire worship, in -daily prayers at rising and setting sun, in frequent ablution, we -recognize through all this exaggeration and coloring, the religious -habits that actually prevailed in those regions. Indeed, the speculative -antiquarian may ask concerning Mount Olaimi itself, whether it may not -be identical with the enormous mass of granite known as “The Stone -Mountain” in De Kalb county, Georgia, whose summit presents an oval, -flat, and naked surface two or three hundred yards in width, by about -twice that in length, encircled by the remains of a mural construction -of unknown antiquity, and whose sides are pierced by the mouths of vast -caverns;[171] or with Lookout mountain between the Coosa and Tennessee -rivers, where Mr. Ferguson found a stone wall “thirty-seven roods and -eight feet in length,” skirting the brink of a precipice at whose base -were five rooms artificially constructed in the solid rock.[172] - -One of the most decisive proofs of the veracity of Bristock’s narrative -is his assertion that they mummified the corpses of their chiefs -previous to interment. Recent discoveries of such mummies leave us no -room to doubt the prevalence of this custom among various Indian tribes -east of the Mississippi. It is of so much interest to the antiquarian, -that I shall add in an Appendix the details given on this point by later -writers, as well as an examination of the origin of those mummies that -have been occasionally disinterred in the caves of Tennessee and -Kentucky.[173] - -One other topic for examination in Bristock’s memoir yet remains--the -scattered words of the language he mentions. The principal are the -following;[174] - -Mayrdock--the Viracocha of their traditions. - -Naarim--the month of March. - -Theomi--proper name of the Gulf of Mexico. - -Jauas--priests. - -Tlatuici--the mountain tribes. - -Paracussi--chief; a generic term. - -Bersaykau--vale of cedars. - -Akueyas--deer. - -Hitanachi--pleasant, beautiful. - -Tonatzuli--heavenly singer; the name of a bird sacred to the sun. - -Several of these words may be explained from tongues with which we are -better acquainted. - -_Jauas_ and _Pâracussi_ are words used in the sense they here bear in -many early writers; the derivation of the former will be considered -hereafter; that of the latter is uncertain. _Tlatuici_ is doubtless -identical with _Tsalakie_, the proper appellation of the Cherokee tribe. -_Akueyas_ has a resemblance, though remote, to the Seminole _ekko_ of -the same signification. In _hitanachi_ we recognize the Choktah -intensitive prefix _hhito_; and in _tonatzuli_ a compound of the Choktah -verb _taloa_, he sings, in one of its forms, with _shutik_, Muskohge -_sootah_, heaven or sky. A closer examination would doubtless reveal -other analogies, but the above are sufficient to show that these were no -mere unmeaning words, coined by a writer’s fancy. - -The general result of these inquiries, therefore, is strongly in favor -of the authenticity of Bristock’s narrative. Exaggerated and distorted -though it be, nevertheless it is the product of actual observation, and -deserves to be classed among our authorities, though as one to be used -with the greatest caution. We have also found that though no general -migration took place from the continent southward, nor from the islands -northward, yet there was considerable intercourse in both directions; -that not only the natives of the greater and lesser Antilles and -Yucatan, but also numbers of the Guaranay stem of the southern -continent, the Caribs proper, crossed the Straits of Florida and founded -colonies on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico; that their customs and -language became to a certain extent grafted upon those of the earlier -possessors of the soil; and to this foreign language the name Apalache -belongs. As previously stated, it was used as a generic title, applied -to a confederation of many nations at one time under the domination of -one chief, whose power probably extended from the Alleghany mountains on -the north to the shore of the Gulf; that it included tribes speaking a -tongue closely akin to the Choktah is evident from the fragments we have -remaining. This is further illustrated by a few words of “Appalachian,” -preserved by John Chamberlayne.[175] These, with their congeners in -cognate dialects, are as follows: - - _Apalachian._ _Choktah._ _Muskohge._ - Father kelke aunkky, unky ilkhy - Heaven hetucoba ubbah, - _intensitive_, - hhito - Earth ahan yahkna ikahnah - Bread pasca puska - -The location of the tribe in after years is very uncertain. Dumont -placed them in the northern part of what is now Alabama and Georgia, -near the mountains that bear their name. That a portion of them did live -in this vicinity is corroborated by the historians of South Carolina, -who say that Colonel Moore, in 1703, found them “between the head-waters -of the Savannah and Altamaha.”[176] De l’Isle, also, locates them -between the _R. des Caouitas ou R. de Mai_ and the _R. des Chaouanos ou -d’Edisco_, both represented as flowing nearly parallel from the -mountains. - -According to all the Spanish authorities on the other hand, they dwelt -in the region of country between the Suwannee and Apalachicola -rivers--yet must not be confounded with the Apalachicolos. Thus St. -Marks was first named San Marco de Apalache, and it was near here that -Narvaez and De Soto found them. They certainly had a large and -prosperous town in this vicinity, said to contain a thousand warriors, -whose chief was possessed of much influence.[177] De l’Isle makes this -their original locality, inscribing it “_Icy estoient cy devant les -Apalaches_,” and their position in his day as one acquired subsequently. -That they were driven from the Apalachicola by the Alibamons and other -western tribes in 1705, does not admit of a doubt, yet it is equally -certain that at the time of the cession of the country to the English, -(1763,) they retained a small village near St. Marks, called San -Juan.[178] I am inclined to believe that these were different branches -of the same confederacy, and the more so as we find a similar -discrepancy in the earliest narratives of the French and Spanish -explorers. - -In the beginning of the eighteenth century they suffered much from the -devastations of the English, French, and Creeks; indeed, it has been -said, though erroneously, that the last remnant of their tribe “was -totally destroyed by the Creeks in 1719.”[179] About the time Spain -regained possession of the soil, they migrated to the West and settled -on the Bayou Rapide of Red River. Here they had a village numbering -about fifty souls, and preserved for a time at least their native -tongue, though using the French and Mobilian (Chikasah) for common -purposes.[180] Breckenridge,[181] who saw them here, describes them as -“wretched creatures, who are diminishing daily.” Probably by this time -the last representative of this once powerful tribe has perished. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -PENINSULAR TRIBES OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - -§ 1. SITUATION AND SOCIAL CONDITION.--Caloosas.--Tegesta and -Ais.--Tocobaga.--Vitachuco.--Utina.--Soturiba.--Method of Government. - -§ 2. CIVILIZATION.--Appearance.--Games.--Agriculture.--Construction of -Dwellings.--Clothing. - -§ 3. RELIGION.--General Remarks.--Festivals in honor of the Sun and -Moon.--Sacrifices.--Priests.--Sepulchral Rites. - -§ 4. LANGUAGES.--Timuquana Tongue.--Words preserved by the French. - - -§ 1.--SITUATION AND SOCIAL CONDITION. - -When in the sixteenth century the Europeans began to visit Florida they -did not, as is asserted by the excellent bishop of Chiapa, meet with -numerous well ordered and civilized nations,[182] but on the contrary -found the land sparsedly peopled by a barbarous and quarrelsome race of -savages, rent asunder into manifold petty clans, with little peaceful -leisure wherein to better their condition, wasting their lives in -aimless and unending internecine war. Though we read of the cacique -Vitachuco who opposed De Soto with ten thousand chosen warriors, of -another who had four thousand always ready for battle,[183] and other -such instances of distinguished power, we must regard them as the -hyperbole of men describing an unknown and strange land, supposed to -abound in marvels of every description. The natural laws that regulate -the increase of all hunting tribes, the analogy of other nations of -equal civilization, the nature of the country, and lastly, the adverse -testimony of these same writers, forbid us to entertain any other -supposition. Including men, women, and children, the aboriginal -population of the whole peninsula probably but little exceeded at any -one time ten thousand souls. At the period of discovery these were -parcelled out into villages, a number of which, uniting together for -self-protection, recognized the authority of one chief. How many there -were of these confederacies, or what were the precise limits of each, as -they never were stable, so it is impossible to lay down otherwise than -in very general terms, dependent as we are for our information on the -superficial notices of military explorers, who took an interest in -anything rather than the political relations of the nations they were -destroying. - -Commencing at the south, we find the extremity of the peninsula divided -into two independent provinces, one called Tegesta on the shores of the -Atlantic, the other and most important on the west or Gulf coast -possessed by the Caloosa tribe. - -The derivation of the name of the latter is uncertain. The French not -distinguishing the final letter wrote it Calos and Callos; the -Spaniards, in addition to making the same omission, softened the first -vowel till the word sounded like Carlos, which is their usual -orthography. This suggested to Barcia and others that the country was so -called from the name of its chief, who, hearing from his Spanish -captives the grandeur and power of Charles of Spain (Carlos V), in -emulation appropriated to himself the title. Doubtless, however, it is a -native word; and so Fontanedo, from whom we derive most of our knowledge -of the province, and who was acquainted with the language, assures us. -He translates it “_village cruel_,”[184] an interpretation that does not -enlighten us much, but which may refer to the exercise of the sovereign -power. As a proper name, it may be the Muskohge _charlo_, trout, -assumed, according to a common custom, by some individual. It is still -preserved in the Seminole appellation of the Sanybal river, -Carlosa-hatchie and Caloosa-hatchie, and in that of the bay of Carlos, -corrupted by the English to Charlotte Harbor, both on the southwestern -coast of the peninsula near north latitude 26° 40´. - -According to Fontanedo, the province included fifty villages of thirty -or forty inhabitants each, as follows: “Tampa, Tomo, Tuchi, Sogo, No -which means beloved village, Sinapa, Sinaesta, Metamapo, Sacaspada, -Calaobe, Estame, Yagua, Guayu, Guevu, Muspa, Casitoa, Tatesta, Coyovea, -Jutun, Tequemapo, Comachica, Quisiyove, and two others; on Lake Mayaimi, -Cutespa, Tavaguemme, Tomsobe, Enempa, and twenty others; in the Lucayan -Isles, Guarunguve and Cuchiaga.” Some of these are plainly Spanish -names, while others undoubtedly belong to the native tongue. Of these -villages, Tampa has given its name to the inlet formerly called the bay -of Espiritu Santo[185] and to the small town at its head. Muspa was the -name of a tribe of Indians who till the close of the last century -inhabited the shores and islands in and near Boca Grande, where they are -located on various old maps. Thence they were driven to the Keys and -finally annihilated by the irruptions of the Seminoles and -Spaniards.[186] Guaragunve, or Guaragumbe, described by Fontanedo as the -largest Indian village on Los Martires, and which means “the village of -tears,” is probably a modified orthography of Matacumbe and identical -with the island of Old Matacumbe, remarkable for the quantity of lignum -vitæ there found,[187] and one of the last refuges of the Muspa Indians. -Lake Mayaimi, around which so many villages were situated, is identical -with lake Okee-chobee, called on the older maps and indeed as late as -Tanner’s and Carey’s, Myaco and Macaco. When Aviles ascended the St. -Johns, he was told by the natives that it took its origin “from a great -lake called Maimi thirty leagues in extent,” from which also streams -flowed westerly to Carlos.[188] In sound the word resembles the Seminole -_pai-okee_ or _pai-hai-o-kee_, grassy lake, the name applied with great -fitness by this tribe to the Everglades.[189] When travelling in -Florida I found a small body of water near Manatee called lake Mayaco, -and on the eastern shore the river Miami preserves the other form of the -name. - -The chief of the province dwelt in a village twelve or fourteen leagues -from the southernmost cape.[190] The earliest of whom we have any -account, Sequene by name, ruled about the period of the discovery of the -continent. During his reign Indians came from Cuba and Honduras, seeking -the fountain of life. He was succeeded by Carlos, first of the name, who -in turn was followed by his son Carlos. In the time of the latter, -Francesco de Reinoso, under the command of Pedro Menendez de Aviles, the -founder of St. Augustine and Adelantado of Florida, established a colony -in this territory, which, however, owing to dissensions with the -natives, never flourished, and finally the Cacique was put to death by -Reinoso for some hostile demonstration. His son was taken by Aviles to -Havana to be educated and there baptized Sebastian. Every attempt was -made to conciliate him, and reconcile him to the Spanish supremacy but -all in vain, as on his return he became “more troublesome and barbarous -than ever.” This occurred about 1565-1575.[191] Not long after his death -the integrity of the state was destroyed, and splitting up into lesser -tribes, each lived independent. They gradually diminished in number -under the repeated attacks of the Spaniards on the south and their more -warlike neighbors on the north. Vast numbers were carried into captivity -by both, and at one period the Keys were completely depopulated. The -last remnant of the tribe was finally cooped up on Cayo Vaco and Cayo -Hueso (Key West), where they became notorious for their inhumanity to -the unfortunate mariners wrecked on that dangerous reef. Ultimately, at -the cession of Florida, to England in 1763, they migrated in a body to -Cuba, to the number of eighty families, since which nothing is known of -their fate.[192] - -Of the province of Tegesta, situate to the west of the Caloosas, we have -but few notices. It embraced a string of villages, the inhabitants of -which were famed as expert fishers, (grandes Pescadores,) stretching -from Cape Cañaveral to the southern extremity.[193] The more northern -portion was in later times called Ais, (Ays, Is) from the native word -_aïsa_, deer, and by the Spaniards, who had a post here, Santa -Lucea.[194] The residence of the chief was near Cape Cañaveral, probably -on Indian river, and not more than five days journey from the chief town -of the Caloosas. - -At the period of the French settlements, such amity existed between -these neighbors, that the ruler of the latter sought in marriage the -daughter of Oathcaqua, chief of Tegesta, a maiden of rare and renowned -beauty. Her father, well aware how ticklish is the tenure of such a -jewel, willingly granted the desire of his ally and friend. Encompassing -her about with stalwart warriors, and with maidens not a few for her -companions, he started to conduct her to her future spouse. But alas! -for the anticipations of love! Near the middle of his route was a lake -called Serrope, nigh five leagues about, encircling an island, whereon -dwelt a race of men valorous in war and opulent from a traffic in dates, -fruits, and a root “so excellent well fitted for bread, that you could -not possibly eat better,” which formed the staple food of their -neighbors for fifteen leagues around. These, fired by the reports of her -beauty and the charms of the attendant maidens, waylay the party, rout -the warriors, put the old father to flight, and carry off in triumph the -princess and her fair escort, with them to share the joys and wonders of -their island home. - -Such is the romantic story told Laudonniére by a Spaniard long captive -among the natives.[195] Why seek to discredit it? May not Serrope be the -beautiful Lake Ware in Marion county, which flows around a fertile -central isle that lies like an emerald on its placid bosom, still -remembered in tradition as the ancient residence of an Indian -prince,[196] and where relics of the red man still exist? The dates, -_les dattes_, may have been the fruit of the Prunus Chicasaw, an exotic -fruit known to have been cultivated by the later Indians, and the bread -a preparation of the coonta root or the yam. - -North of the province of Carlos, throughout the country around the -Hillsboro river, and from it probably to the Withlacooche, and easterly -to the Ocklawaha, all the tribes appear to have been under the -domination of one ruler. The historians of De Soto’s expedition called -the one in power at that period, Paracoxi, Hurripacuxi, and -Urribarracuxi, names, however different in orthography, not unlike in -sound, and which are doubtless corruptions of one and the same word, -otherwise spelled Paracussi, and which was a generic appellation of the -chiefs from Maryland to Florida. The town where they found him residing, -is variously stated as twenty, twenty-five, and thirty leagues from the -coast,[197] and has by later writers been located on the head-waters of -the Hillsboro river.[198] In later times the cacique dwelt in a village -on Old Tampa Bay, twenty leagues from the main, called Tocobaga or -Togabaja,[199] (whence the province derived its name,) and was reputed -to be the most potent in Florida. A large mound still seen in the -vicinity marks the spot. - -This confederacy waged a desultory warfare with their southern -neighbors. In 1567, Aviles, then superintending the construction of a -fort among the Caloosas, resolved to establish a peace between them, and -for this purpose went himself to Tocobaga. He there located a garrison, -but the span of its existence was almost as brief as that of the peace -he instituted. Subsequently, when the attention of the Spaniards became -confined to their settlements on the eastern coast, they lost sight of -this province, and thus no particulars of its after history are -preserved. - -The powerful chief Vitachuco, who is mentioned in the most extravagant -terms by La Vega and the Gentleman of Elvas, seems, in connection with -his two brothers, to have ruled over the rolling pine lands and broad -fertile savannas now included in Marion and Alachua counties. Though his -power is undoubtedly greatly over-estimated by these writers, we have -reason to believe, both from existing remains and from the capabilities -of the country, that this was the most densely populated portion of the -peninsula, and that its possessors enjoyed a degree of civilization -superior to that of the majority of their neighbors. - -The chief Potavou mentioned in the French accounts, residing about -twenty-five leagues, or two days’ journey from the territory of Utina, -and at war with him, appears to have lived about the same spot, and may -have been a successor or subject of the cacique of this province.[200] - -The rich hammocks that border the upper St. Johns and the flat pine -woods that stretch away on either side of this river, as far south as -the latitude of Cape Cañaveral,[201] were at the time of the first -settlement of the country under the control of a chief called by the -Spanish Utina, and more fully by the French Olata Ouæ Outina. His -stationary residence was on the banks of the river near the northern -extremity of Lake George, in which locality certain extensive -earthworks are still found, probably referable to this period. So wide -was his dominion that it was said to embrace more than forty subordinate -chiefs,[202] which, however, are to be understood only as the heads of -so many single villages. It is remarkable, and not very easy of -satisfactory explanation, that among nine of these mentioned by -Laudonniére,[203] two, Acquera and Moquoso, are the names of villages -among the first encountered by De Soto in his march through the -peninsula, and said by all the historians of the expedition to be -subject to the chief Paracoxi. - -Soturiba (Sotoriva, Satouriona) was a powerful chief, claiming the -territory around the mouth of the St. Johns, and northward along the -coast nearly as far as the Savannah. Thirty sub-chiefs acknowledged his -supremacy, and his influence extended to a considerable distance inland. -He showed himself an implacable enemy to the Spaniards, and in 1567, -assisted Dominique de Gourgues to destroy their settlements on the St. -Johns. His successor, Casicola, is spoken of by Nicolas Bourguignon as -the “lord of ten thousand Indians,” and ruler of all the land “between -St. Augustine and St. Helens.” - -The political theories on which these confederacies were based, differed -singularly in some particulars from those of the Indians of higher -latitudes. Among the latter the chief usually won his position by his -own valor and wisdom, held it only so long as he maintained this -superiority, and dying, could appoint no heir to his pre-eminence. His -counsel was sought only in an emergency, and his authority coerced his -fellows to no subjection. All this was reversed among the Floridians. -The children of the first wife inherited the power and possessions of -their father,[204] the eldest getting the lion’s share; the sub-chiefs -paid to their superior stated tributes of roots, games, skins, and -similar articles;[205] and these superiors held unquestioned and -absolute power over the persons, property, and time of their -subjects.[206] Among the Caloosas, indeed, the king was considered of -divine nature, and believed to have the power to grant or withhold -seasons favorable to the crops, and fortune in the chase; a superstition -the shrewd chief took care to foster by retiring at certain periods -almost unattended to a solitary spot, ostensibly to confer with the gods -concerning the welfare of the nation.[207] In war the chief led the van -with a chosen body guard for his protection,[208] and in peace daily -sate in the council house, there both to receive the homage of his -inferiors, and to advise with his counsellors on points of national -interest. The devotion of the native to their ruler, willingly losing -their lives in his defence, is well illustrated in the instance of -Vitachuco, killed by De Soto. So scrupulously was the line of -demarcation preserved between them and their subjects, that even their -food was of different materials.[209] - - -§ 2.--CIVILIZATION. - -The Floridians were physically a large, well proportioned race, of that -light shade of brown termed by the French _olivâtre_. On the southern -coast they were of a darker color, caused by exposure to the rays of the -sun while fishing, and are described by Herrera as “of great stature and -fearful to look upon,” (de grandes cuerpos y de espantosa vista). What -rendered their aspect still more formidable to European eyes was the -habit of tattooing their skin, practiced for the double purpose of -increasing their beauty, and recording their warlike exploits. Though -this is a perfectly natural custom, and common wherever a warm climate -and public usage permits the uncivilized man to reject clothing a -portion of the year, instances are not wanting where it has been made -the basis of would-be profound ethnological hypotheses. - -In their athletic sports they differed in no notable degree from other -tribes. A favorite game was that of ball. In playing this they erected a -pole about fifty feet in height in the centre of the public square; on -the summit of this was a mark, which the winning party struck with the -ball.[210] The very remarkable “pillar” at the Creek town of Atasse on -the Tallapoosa river, one day’s journey from the Coosa, which puzzled -the botanist Bartram,[211] and which a living antiquarian of high -reputation has connected with phallic worship,[212] was probably one of -these solitary trunks, or else the “red painted great war-pole” of the -southern Indians,[213] usually about the same height. - -In some parts they had rude musical instruments, drums, and a sort of -flute fashioned from the wild cane,[214] the hoarse screeching of which -served to testify their joy on festive occasions. A primitive pipe of -like construction, the earliest attempt at melody, but producing -anything but sounds melodious, was common among the later Chicasaws[215] -and the Indians of Central America.[216] - -Their agriculture was of that simple character common to most North -American tribes. They planted twice in the year, in June or July and -March, crops of maize, beans, and other vegetables, working the ground -with such indifferent instruments as sticks pointed, or with fish bones -and clam-shells adjusted to them.[217] Yet such abundant return rewarded -this slight toil that, says De Soto,[218] the largest army could be -supported without exhausting the resources of the land. In accordance -with their monarchical government the harvests were deposited in public -granaries, whence it was dispensed by the chief to every family -proportionately to the number of its members. When the stock was -exhausted before the succeeding crop was ripe, which was invariably the -case, forsaking their fixed abodes, they betook themselves to the -woods, where an abundance of game, quantities of fish and oysters, and -the many esculent vegetables indigenous in that latitude, offered them -an easy and not precarious subsistence. - -Their dwellings were collected into a village, circular in form, and -surrounded with posts twice the height of a man, set firmly in the -ground, with interfolding entrance. If we may rely on the sketches of De -Morgues, taken from memory, the houses were all round and the floors -level with the ground, except that of the chief, which occupied the -centre of the village, was in shape an oblong parallelogram, and the -floor somewhat depressed below the surface level.[219] In other parts -the house for the ruler and his immediate attendants was built on an -elevation either furnished by nature or else artificially constructed. -Such was the “hie mount made with hands,” described by the Portuguese -Gentleman at the spot where De Soto landed, and which is supposed by -some to be the one still seen in the village of Tampa. Some of these -were of sufficient size to accommodate twenty dwellings, with roads -leading to the summits on one side, and quite inaccessible on all -others. - -Most of the houses were mere sheds or log huts thatched with the leaf of -the palmetto, a plant subservient to almost as many purposes as the -bread-fruit tree of the South Sea Islands. Occasionally, however, the -whole of a village was comprised in a single enormous habitation, -circular in form, from fifty to one hundred feet in diameter. Into its -central area, which was sometimes only partially roofed, opened -numerous cabins, from eight to twelve feet square, arranged around the -circumference, each the abode of a separate family. Such was the edifice -seen by Cabeza de Vaca “that could contain more than three hundred -persons” (que cabrian mas de trecientas personas);[220] such that found -by De Soto in the town of Ochile on the frontiers of the province of -Vitachuco; such those on the north-eastern coast of the peninsula -described by Jonathan Dickinson.[221] - -The agreeable temperature that prevails in those latitudes throughout -the year did away with much of the need of clothing, and consequently -their simple wardrobe seems to have included nothing beyond deerskins -dressed and colored with vegetable dyes, and a light garment made of the -long Spanish moss (_Tillandsia usneoides_), the gloomy drapery of the -cypress swamps, or of the leaves of the palmetto. A century and a half -later Captain Nairn describes them with little or no clothing, “all -painted,” and with no arms but spears, “harpoos,” pointed with fish -bones. - - -§ 3.--RELIGION. - -It is usual to consider the religion and mythology of a nation of -weighty import in determining its origin; but to him, who regards these -as the spontaneous growth of the human mind, brought into existence by -the powers of nature, nourished by the mental constitution of man, and -shaped by external circumstances, all of which are “everywhere -different yet everywhere the same,” general similarities of creed and of -rite appear but deceptive bases for ethnological theories. The same -great natural forces are eternally at work, above, around and beneath -us, producing similar results in matter, educing like conceptions in -mind. He who attentively compares any two mythologies whatever, will -find so many points of identity and resemblance that he will readily -appreciate the capital error of those who deduce original unity of race -from natural conformity of rite. Such is the fallacy of those who would -derive the ancient population of the American continent from a fragment -of an insignificant Semitic tribe in Syria; and of the Catholic -missionaries, who imputed variously to St. Thomas and to Satan the many -religious ceremonies and legends, closely allied to those of their own -faith, found among the Aztecs and Guatemalans. - -In investigations of this nature, therefore, we must critically -distinguish between the local and the universal elements of religions. -Do we aim by analysis to arrive at the primal theistic notions of the -human mind and their earliest outward expression? The latter alone can -lead us. Or is it our object to use mythology only as a handmaid to -history, an index of migrations, and a record of external influence? The -impressions of local circumstances are our only guides. - -The tribes of the New World, like other early and uncivilized nations, -chose the sun as the object of their adoration; either holding it to be -itself the Deity, as did most of the indwellers of the warm zones, or, -as the natives of colder climes, only the most august object of His -creation, a noble emblem of Himself. Intimately connected with both, -ever recurring in some one of its Protean forms, is the worship of the -reciprocal principle. - -The Floridian Indians belonged to the first of these classes. They -worshipped the sun and moon, and in their honor held such simple -festivals as are common in the earlier stages of religious development. -Among these the following are worthy of specification. - -After a successful foray they elevated the scalps of their enemies on -poles decked with garlands, and for three days and three nights danced -and sang around them.[222] The wreaths here probably had the same -symbolical significance as those which adorned the Athenian Hermes,[223] -or which the Maypures of the Orinoco used at their weddings, or those -with which the northern tribes ornamented rough blocks of stone. - -Their principal festival was at the first corn-planting, about the -beginning of March. At this ceremony a deer was sacrificed to the sun, -and its body, or according to others its skin stuffed with fruits and -grain, was elevated on a tall pole or tree stripped of its branches, an -object of religious veneration, and around which were danced and sung -the sacred choruses;[224] a custom also found by Loskiel among the -Delawares,[225] and which, recognizing the deer or stag as a solar -emblem, surmounting the phallic symbol, the upright stake, has its -parallel in Peruvian heliolatry and classical mythology. - -The feast of Toya, though seen by the French north of the peninsula and -perhaps peculiar to the tribes there situate, presents some remarkable -peculiarities. It occurred about the end of May, probably when the green -corn became eatable. Those who desired to take part in it, having -apparelled themselves in various attire, assembled on the appointed day -in the council house. Here three priests took charge of them, and led -them to the great square, which they danced around thrice, yelling and -beating drums. Suddenly at a given signal from the priests they broke -away “like unbridled horses” (comme chevaux débridez), plunging into the -thickest forests. Here they remained three days without touching food or -drink, engaged in the performance of mysterious duties. Meanwhile the -women of the tribe, weeping and groaning, bewailed them as if dead, -tearing their hair and cutting themselves and their daughters with sharp -stones; as the blood flowed from these frightful gashes, they caught it -on their fingers, and, crying out loudly three times _he Toya_, threw it -into the air. At the expiration of the third day the men returned; all -was joy again; they embraced their friends as though back from a long -journey; a dance was held on the public square; and all did famous -justice to a bounteous repast spread in readiness.[226] The analogy that -these rites bear to the Διονυσια and similar observances of the ancients -is very striking, and doubtless they had a like significance. The -singular predominance of the number three, which we shall also find -repeated in other connections, cannot escape the most cursory reader. -Nor is this a rare or exceptional instance where it occurs in American -religions; it is bound up in the most sacred myths and holiest -observances all over the continent.[227] Obscure though the reason may -be, certain it is that the numbers three, four, and seven, are hallowed -by their intimate connection with the most occult rites and profoundest -mysteries of every religion of the globe, and not less so in America -than in the older continent. - -In the worship of the moon, which in all mythologies represents the -female principle, their rites were curious and instructive. Of those -celebrated at full moon by the tribes on the eastern coast, Dickinson, -an eyewitness, has left us the following description:--“The moon being -up, an Indian who performeth their ceremonies, stood out, looking full -at the moon, making a hideous noise and crying out, acting like a -mad-man for the space of half an hour, all the Indians being silent till -he had done; after which they all made a fearful noise, some like the -barking of a dogg or wolf, and other strange sounds; after this one gets -a logg and setts himself down; holding the stick or logg upright on the -ground, and several others getting about him, made a hideous noise, -singing to our amazement.” This they kept up till midnight, the women -taking part.[228] - -On the day of new moon they placed upright in the ground “a staff almost -eight foot long having a broad arrow on the end thereof, and thence -half-way painted red and white, like unto a barber’s-pole; in the middle -of the staff is fixed a piece of wood, like unto the thigh, legg, and -foot of a man, and the lower part thereof is painted black.” At its -base was placed a basket containing six rattles; each taking one and -making a violent noise, the six chief men of the village including the -priest danced and sang around the pole till they were fatigued, when -others, painted in various devices, took their place; and so on in turn. -These festivities continued three days, the day being devoted to rest -and feasting, the night to the dance and fasting; during which time no -woman must look upon them.[229] How distinctly we recognize in this the -worship of the reciprocal principle!--that ever novel mystery of -reproduction shadowed forth by a thousand ingenious emblems, by a myriad -strange devices, all replete with a deep significance to him who is -versed in the subtleties of symbolism. Even among these wretched savages -we find the colors black, white, and red, retain that solemn import so -usual in oriental mythi. - -The representation of a leg used in this observance must not be -considered a sign of idolatry, for, though the assertion, advanced, by -both Adair[230] and Klemm,[231] that no idols whatever were worshipped -by the hunting tribes, is unquestionably erroneous and can be disproved -by numerous examples, in the peninsula of Florida they seem to have been -totally unknown. The image of a bird, made of wood, seen at the village -where De Soto first landed, cannot be regarded as such, but was a -symbol common among several of the southern tribes, and does not appear -to have had any special religious meaning. - -Human sacrifice, so rare among the Algic nations, was not unknown, -though carried to by no means such an appalling extent as among the -native accolents of the Mississippi. The chief of the Caloosas immolated -every year one person, usually a Christian, to the principle of evil (al -Demonio)[232], as a propitiary offering; hence on one old map, that of -De L’Isle, they are marked “Les Carlos Antropophages.” Likewise around -the St. Johns they were accustomed to sacrifice the firstborn son, -killing him by blows on the head;[233] but it is probable this only -obtained to a limited observance. In all other cases their offerings -consisted of grains and fruits. - -The veneration of the serpent, which forms such an integral part of all -nature religions, and relics of which are retained in the most -perfected, is reported to have prevailed among these tribes. When a -soldier of De Gourgues had killed one, the natives cut off its head and -carried it away with great care and respect (avec vu grand soin et -diligence).[234] The same superstitious fear of injuring these reptiles -was retained in later days by the Seminoles.[235] - -The priests constituted an important class in the community. Their -generic appellation, _javas_, _jauas_, _jaruars_, _jaovas_, _jaonas_, -_jaiias_, _javiinas_,--for all these and more orthographies are -given--has been properly derived by Adair from the meaningless -exclamation _yah-wah_, used as name, interjection, and invocation by the -southern Indians. It is not, however, an etymon borrowed from the Hebrew -as he and Boudinot argue, but consists of two slightly varied -enunciations of the first and simplest vowel sound; as such, it -constitutes the natural utterance of the infant in its earliest wail, -and, as the easiest cry of relief of the frantic devotee all over the -world, is the principal constituent of the proper name of the deity in -many languages. Like the medas of the Algonquins and the medicine men of -other tribes, they united in themselves the priest, the physician, and -the sorcerer. In sickness they were always ready with their bag of herbs -and simples, and so much above contempt was their skill in the healing -art that not unfrequently they worked cures of a certain troublesome -disease sadly prevalent among the Indians and said by some to have -originated from them. Magicians were they of such admirable subtlety as -to restore what was lost, command the unwilling rain from heaven in time -of drought, and foretell the position of an enemy or the result of a -battle. As priests, they led and ordered festivals, took part in grave -deliberations, and did their therapeutic art fail to cure, were ready -with spiritual power to console, in the emergencies of pain and death. - -Their sepulchral rites were various. Along the St. Johns, when a chief -died they interred the corpse with appropriate honors, raised a mound -two or three feet high above the grave, surrounded it with arrows fixed -in the ground, and on its summit deposited the conch, _le hanap_, from -which he was accustomed to drink. The tribe fasted and mourned three -days and three nights, and for six moons women were employed to bewail -his death, lamenting loudly thrice each day at sunrise, at mid-day, and -at sunset.[236] All his possessions were placed in his dwelling, and the -whole burnt; a custom arising from a superstitious fear of misfortune -consequent on using the chattels of the dead, a sentiment natural to the -unphilosophic mind. It might not be extravagant to suppose that the -shell had the same significance as the urn so frequent in the tombs of -Egypt and the sepulchres of Magna Græcia, “an emblem of the hope that -should cheer the dwellings of the dead.”[237] The burial of the priests -was like that of the chiefs, except that the spot chosen was in their -own houses, and the whole burnt over them, resembling in this a practice -universal among the Caribs, and reappearing among the Natchez, Cherokees -and Arkansas, (Taencas). - -Among the Caloosas and probably various other tribes, the corpses were -placed in the open air, apparently for the purpose of obtaining the -bones when the flesh had sufficiently decomposed, which, like the more -northern tribes, they interred in common sepulchres, heaping dirt over -them so as to form mounds. It was as a guard to watch over these exposed -bodies, and to prevent their desecration by wild beasts, that Juan -Ortiz, the Spaniard of Seville, liberated by De Soto, had been employed -while a prisoner among the nations of the Gulf Coast. - - -§ 4.--LANGUAGE. - -A philological examination of the Floridian tribes, which would throw so -much light on their origin, affiliation, and many side-questions of -general interest, must for the present remain unattempted, save in a -very inadequate manner. Not but that there exists material, ample and -well-arranged material, but it is not yet within reach. I have already -spoken of the works of the Father Pareja, the learned and laborious -Franciscan, and of the good service he did the missionaries by his works -on the Timuquana tongue. Not a single copy of any of these exists in the -United States, and till a republication puts them within reach of the -linguist, little can be done towards clearing up the doubt that now -hangs over the philology of this portion of our country. What few -extracts are given by Hervas, hardly warrant a guess as to their -classification. - -The name Timuquana, otherwise spelled Timuaca, Timagoa, and Timuqua, in -which we recognize the Thimogona of the French colonists, was applied to -the tongue prevalent in the immediate vicinity of St. Augustine and -toward the mouth of the St. Johns. It was also held in estimation as a -noble and general language, a sort of _lingua franca_, throughout the -peninsula. Pareja remarks, “Those Indians that differ most in words and -are roughest in their enunciation (mas toscos), namely those of -Tucururu[238] and of Santa Lucea de Acuera, in order to be understood -by the natives of the southern coast, who speak another tongue, use the -dialect of Moscama, which is the most polished of all (la mas politica), -and that of Timuquana, as I myself have proved, for they understood me -when I preached to them.”[239] - -This language is remarkable for its singularly numerous changes in the -common names of individuals, dependent on mutual relationship and the -varying circumstances of life, which, though not the only instance of -the kind in American tongues, is here extraordinarily developed, and in -the opinion of Adelung seems to hint at some previous, more cultivated -condition (in gewissen Hinsicht einen cultivirteren Zustand des Volks -anzeigen möchte).[240] For example, _iti_, father, was used only during -his life; if he left descendants he was spoken of as _siki_, but if he -died without issue, as _naribica-pasano_: the father called his son -_chiricoviro_, other males _kie_, and all females _ulena_. Such -variations in dialect, or rather quite different dialects in the same -family, extraordinary as it may seem to the civilized man, were not very -uncommon among the warlike, erratic hordes of America. They are -attributable to various causes. The esoteric language of the priests of -Peru and Virginia might have been either meaningless incantations, as -those that of yore resounded around the Pythian and Delphic shrines, or -the _disjecta membra_ of some ancient tongue, like the Dionysiac songs -of Athens. When as among the Abipones of Paraguay, the Natchez of -Louisiana, and the Incas of Peru, the noble or dominant race has its -own peculiar tongue, we must impute it to foreign invasion, and a -subsequent rigorous definition of the line of cast and prevention of -amalgamation. Another consequence of war occurs when the women and -children of the defeated race are alone spared, especially should the -males be much absent and separated from the females; then each sex has -its peculiar language, which may be preserved for generations; such was -found to be the case on some of the Caribbee islands and on the coast of -Guiana. Also certain superstitious observances, the avoidance of evil -omens, and the mere will of individuals, not seldom worked changes of -this nature. In such cases these dialects stand as waymarks in the -course of time, referring us back to some period of unity, of strife, or -of migration, whence they proceeded, and as such, require the greatest -caution to be exercised in deducing from them any general ethnographical -inferences. - -What we are to judge in the present instance is not yet easy to say. -Hervas does not hesitate to assert that abundant proof exists to ally -this with the Guaranay (Carib) stock. Besides a likeness in some -etymons, he takes pains to lay before the reader certain similar rites -of intermarriage, quotes Barcia to show that Carib colonies actually did -land on Florida, and adds an ideal sketch of the _Antigua configuracion -del golfo Mexicano y del mar Atlantico_, thereon proving how readily in -ancient ages, under altered geological conditions, such a migration -could have been effected. - -Without altogether differing from the learned abbé in his position, for -it savors strongly of truth, it might be well, with what material we -have at hand, to see whether other analogies could be discovered. The -pronominal adjectives and the first three numerals are as follows;-- - - na mine mile our - ye thine yaye your - mima his lama their - minecotamano one - naiuchanima two - nakapumima three - -Now, bearing in mind that the pronouns of the first and second persons -and the numerals are primitive words, and that in American philology it -is a rule almost without exception that personal pronouns and pronominal -adjectives are identical in their consonants,[241] we have five -primitive words before us. On comparing them with other aboriginal -tongues, the _n_ of the first person singular is found common to the -Algonquin Lenape family, but in all other points they are such contrasts -that this must pass for an accidental similarity. A resemblance may be -detected between the Uchee _nowah_, two, _nokah_, three, and -_naiucha_-mima, _naka_-pumima. Taken together, _iti-na_, my father, -sounds not unlike the Cherokee _etawta_, and Adelung notices the slight -difference there is between _niha_, eldest brother, and the Illinois -_nika_, my brother. But these are trifling compared to the affinities to -the Carib, and I should not be astonished if a comparison of Pareja with -Gilü and D’Orbigny placed beyond doubt its relationship to this family -of languages. Should this brief notice give rise to such an -investigation, my object in inserting it will have been accomplished. - -The French voyagers occasionally noted down a word or two of the -tongues they encountered, and indeed Laudonniére assures us that he -could understand the greater part of what they said. Such were _tapagu -tapola_, little baskets of corn, _sieroa pira_, red metal, _antipola -bonnasson_, a term of welcome meaning, brother, friend, or something of -that sort (qui vaut autant à dire comme frère, amy, ou chose -semblable).[242] Albert Gallatin[243] subjected these to a critical -examination, but deciphered none except the last. This he derives from -the Choktah _itapola_, allies, literally, they help each other, while -“in Muskohgee, _inhisse_, is, his friends, and _ponhisse_, our friends,” -which seems a satisfactory solution. It was used as a friendly greeting -both at the mouth of the St. Johns and thirty leagues north of that -river; but this does not necessarily prove the natives of those -localities belonged to the Chahta family, as an expression of this sort -would naturally gain wide prevalence among very diverse tribes. - -Fontanedo has also preserved some words of the more southern languages, -but none of much importance. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -LATER TRIBES. - -§ 1. Yemassees.--Uchees.--Apalachicolos.--Migrations northward. - -§ 2. Seminoles. - - -§ 1.--YEMASSEES AND OTHER TRIBES. - -About the close of the seventeenth century, when the tribes who -originally possessed the peninsula had become dismembered and reduced by -prolonged conflicts with the whites and between themselves, various -bands from the more northern regions, driven from their ancestral homes -partly by the English and partly by a spirit of restlessness, sought to -fix their habitations in various parts of Florida. - -The earliest of these were the Savannahs or Yemassees (Yammassees, -Jamasees, Eamuses,) a branch of the Muskogeh or Creek nation, who -originally inhabited the shores of the Savannah river and the low -country of Carolina. Here they generally maintained friendly relations -with the Spanish, who at one period established missions among them, -until the arrival of the English. These purchased their land, won their -friendship, and embittered them against their former friends. As the -colony extended, they gradually migrated southward, obtaining a home by -wresting from their red and white possessors the islands and mainland -along the coast of Georgia and Florida. The most disastrous of these -inroads was in 1686, when they drove the Spanish colonists from all the -islands north of the St. Johns, and laid waste the missions and -plantations that had been commenced upon them. Subsequently, spreading -over the savannas of Alachua and the fertile plains of Middle Florida, -they conjoined with the fragments of older nations to form separate -tribes, as the Chias, Canaake, Tomocos or Atimucas, and others. Of these -the last-mentioned were the most important. They dwelt between the St. -Johns and the Suwannee, and possessed the towns of Jurlo Noca, Alachua, -Nuvoalla, and others. At the devastation of their settlements by the -English and Creeks in 1704, 1705 and 1706, they removed to the shores of -Musquito Lagoon, sixty-five miles south of St. Augustine, where they had -a village, long known as the Pueblo de Atimucas. - -A portion of the tribe remained in Carolina, dwelling on Port Royal -Island, whence they made frequent attacks on the Christian Indians of -Florida, carrying them into captivity, and selling them to the English. -In April, 1715, however, instigated as was supposed by the Spanish, they -made a sudden attack on the neighboring settlements, but were repulsed -and driven from the country. They hastened to St. Augustine, “where they -were received with bells ringing and guns firing,”[244] and given a spot -of ground within a mile of the city. Here they resided till the attack -of Colonel Palmer in 1727, who burnt their village and destroyed most of -its inhabitants. Some, however, escaped, and to the number of twenty -men, lived in St. Augustine about the middle of the century. Finally, -this last miserable remnant was enslaved by the Seminoles, and sunk in -the Ocklawaha branch of that tribe.[245] - -Originating from near the same spot as the Yemassees were the Uchees. -When first encountered by the whites, they possessed the country on the -Carolina side of the Savannah river for more than one hundred and fifty -miles, commencing sixty miles from its mouth, and, consequently, just -west of the Yemassees. Closely associated with them here, were the -Palachoclas or Apalachicolos. About the year 1716, nearly all the -latter, together with a portion of the Uchees, removed to the south -under the guidance of Cherokee Leechee, their chief, and located on the -banks of the stream called by the English the Flint river, but which -subsequently received the name of Apalachicola. - -The rest of the Uchees clung tenaciously to their ancestral seats in -spite of the threats and persuasion of the English, till after the -middle of the century, when a second and complete migration took place. -Instead of joining their kinsmen, however, they kept more to the east, -occupying sites first on the head-waters of the Altamaha, then on the -Santilla, (St. Tillis,) St. Marys, and St. Johns, where we hear of them -as early as 1786. At the cession to the United States, (1821,) they had -a village ten miles south of Volusia, near Spring Gardens. At this -period, though intermarrying with their neighbors, they still maintained -their identity, and when, at the close of the Seminole war in 1845, two -hundred and fifty Indians embarked at Tampa for New Orleans and the -West, it is said a number of them belonged to this tribe, and probably -constituted the last of the race.[246] - -Both on the Apalachicola and Savannah rivers this tribe was remarkable -for its unusually agricultural and civilized habits, though of a tricky -and dishonest character. Bartram[247] gives the following description of -their town of Chata on the Chatauchee:--“It is the most compact and best -situated Indian town I ever saw; the habitations are large and neatly -built; the walls of the houses are constructed of a wooden frame, then -lathed and plastered inside and out, with a reddish, well-tempered clay -or mortar, which gives them the appearance of red brick walls, and these -houses are neatly covered or roofed with cypress bark or shingles of -that tree.” This, together with the Savanuca town on the Tallapoosa or -Oakfuske river, comprised the whole of the tribe at that time resident -in this vicinity. - -Their language was called the Savanuca tongue, from the town of that -name. It was peculiar to themselves and radically different from the -Creek tongue or Lingo, by which they were surrounded; “It seems,” says -Bartram, “to be a more northern tongue;” by which he probably means it -sounded harsher to the ear. It was said to be a dialect of the -Shawanese, but a comparison of the vocabularies indicates no connection, -and it appears more probable that it stands quite alone in the -philology of that part of the continent. - -While these movements were taking place from the north toward the south, -there were also others in a contrary direction. One of the principal of -these occurred while Francisco de la Guerra was Governor-General of -Florida, (1684-1690,) in consequence of an attempt made by Don Juan -Marquez to remove the natives to the West India islands and enslave -them. We have no certain knowledge how extensive it was, though it seems -to have left quite a number of missions deserted.[248] - -What has excited more general attention is the tradition of the -Shawnees, (Shawanees, Sawannees, Shawanos,) that they originally came -from the Suwannee river in Florida, whose name has been said to be “a -corruption of Shawanese,” and that they were driven thence by the -Cherokees.[249] That such was the origin of the name is quite false, as -its present appellation is merely a corruption of the Spanish _San -Juan_, the river having been called the Little San Juan, in -contradistinction to the St. Johns, (el rio de San Juan,) on the eastern -coast.[250] Nor did they ever live in this region, but were scions of -the Savannah stem of the Creeks, accolents of the river of that name, -and consequently were kinsmen of the Yemassees. - - -§ 2.--THE SEMINOLES. - -The Creek nation, so called says Adair from the number of streams that -intersected the lowlands they inhabited, more properly Muskogeh, -(corrupted into Muscows,) sometimes Western Indians, as they were -supposed to have come later than the Uchees,[251] and on the early maps -Cowetas (Couitias,) and Allibamons from their chief towns, was the last -of those waves of migration which poured across the Mississippi for -several centuries prior to Columbus. Their hunting grounds at one period -embraced a vast extent of country reaching from the Atlantic coast -almost to the Mississippi. After the settlement of the English among -them, they diminished very rapidly from various causes, principally wars -and the ravages of the smallpox, till about 1740 the whole number of -their warriors did not exceed fifteen hundred. The majority of these -belonged to that branch of the nation, called from its more southern -position the Lower Creeks, of mongrel origin, made up of the fragments -of numerous reduced and broken tribes, dwelling north and northwest of -the Floridian peninsula.[252] - -When Governor Moore of South Carolina made his attack on St. Augustine, -he included in his complement a considerable band of this nation. After -he had been repulsed they kept possession of all the land north of the -St. Johns, and, uniting with certain negroes from the English and -Spanish colonies, formed the nucleus of the nation, subsequently called -_Ishti semoli_, wild men,[253] corrupted into Seminolies and Seminoles, -who subsequently possessed themselves of the whole peninsula and still -remain there. Others were introduced by the English in their subsequent -invasions, by Governor Moore, by Col. Palmer, and by General Oglethorpe. -As early as 1732, they had founded the town of Coweta on the Flint -river, and laid claim to all the country from there to St. -Augustine.[254] They soon began to make incursions independent of the -whites, as that led by Toonahowi in 1741, as that which in 1750, under -the guidance of Secoffee, forsook the banks of the Apalachicola, and -settled the fertile savannas of Alachua, and as the band that in 1808 -followed Micco Hadjo to the vicinity of Tallahassie. They divided -themselves into seven independent bands, the Latchivue or Latchione, -inhabiting the level banks of the St. Johns, and the sand hills to the -west, near the ancient fort Poppa, (San Francisco de Pappa,) opposite -Picolati, the Oklevuaha, or Oklewaha on the river that bears their name, -the Chokechatti, the Pyaklekaha, the Talehouyana or Fatehennyaha, the -Topkelake, and a seventh, whose name I cannot find. - -According to a writer in 1791,[255] they lived in a state of frightful -barbarity and indigence, and were “poor and miserable beyond -description.” When the mother was burdened with too many children, she -hesitated not to strangle the new-born infant, without remorse for her -cruelty or odium among her companions. This is the only instance that I -have ever met in the history of the American Indians where infanticide -was in vogue for these reasons, and it gives us a fearfully low idea of -the social and moral condition of those induced by indolence to resort -to it. Yet other and by far the majority of writers give us a very -different opinion, assure us that they built comfortable houses of logs, -made a good, well-baked article of pottery, raised plenteous crops of -corn, beans, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, tobacco, swamp and upland rice, -peas, melons and squashes, while in an emergency the potatoe-like roots -of the china brier or red coonta, the tap root of the white coonta,[256] -the not unpleasant cabbage of the palma royal and palmetto, and the -abundant game and fish, would keep at a distance all real want.[257] - -As may readily be supposed from their vagrant and unsettled mode of -life, their religious ideas were very simple. Their notion of a God was -vague and ill-defined; they celebrated certain festivals at corn -planting and harvest; they had a superstition regarding the -transmigration of souls and for this purpose held the infant over the -face of the dying mother;[258] and from their great reluctance to -divulge their real names, it is probable they believed in a personal -guardian spirit, through fear of offending whom a like hesitation -prevailed among other Indian tribes, as well as among the ancient -Romans, and, strange to say, is in force to this day among the lower -class of Italians.[259] They usually interred the dead, and carefully -concealed the grave for fear it should be plundered and desecrated by -enemies, though at other times, as after a battle, they piled the slain -indiscriminately together, and heaped over them a mound of earth. One -instance is recorded[260] where a female slave of a deceased princess -was decapitated on her tomb to be her companion and servant on the -journey to the land of the dead. - -A comparison of the Seminole with the Muskogeh vocabulary affords a most -instructive lesson to the philologist. With such rapidity did the former -undergo a vital change that as early as 1791 “it was hardly understood -by the Upper Creeks.”[261] The later changes are still more marked and -can be readily studied as we have quite a number of vocabularies -preserved by different writers. - -Ever since the first settlement of these Indians in Florida they have -been engaged in a strife with the whites,[262] sometimes desultory and -partial, but usually bitter, general, and barbarous beyond precedent in -the bloody annals of border warfare. In the unanimous judgment of -unprejudiced writers, the whites have ever been in the wrong, have ever -enraged the Indians by wanton and unprovoked outrages, but they have -likewise ever been the superior and victorious party. The particulars of -these contests have formed the subjects of separate histories by able -writers, and consequently do not form a part of the present work. - -Without attempting a more minute specification, it will be sufficient to -point out the swift and steady decrease of this and associated tribes by -a tabular arrangement of such censual statistics as appear most worthy -of trust. - - CENSUAL STATISTICS OF THE LOWER CREEKS AND - SEMINOLES. - - _Date._ _Number._ _Authority._ _Remarks._ - - 1716 1000 Roberts[263] L. Creek war. on Flint river. - 1734 1350 Anon.[264] Lower Creek warriors. - 1740 1000 Anon.[265] “ “ “ - 1774 2000 Wm. Bartram[266] Lower Creeks. - 1776 3500 Romans[267] Gun-men of U. and L. Creeks. - 1820 1200 Morse[268] “Pure blooded Seminoles.” - 1821 5000 J. H. Bell[269] All tribes in the State. - 1822 3891 Gad Humphreys[270] Seminoles E. of Apalachicola - 1823 4883 Pub. Docs.[271] All tribes in the State. - 1836 1660 Sprague[272] Serviceable warriors. - 1843 42 Sprague[273] Pure Seminole warriors. - 1846 70 Sprague[274] “ “ “ - 1850 70 Sprague[275] “ “ “ - 1856 150 Pub. papers Mixed warriors. - 1858 30 Pub. papers “ “ - -Probably within the present year (1859) the last of this nation, the -only free representatives of those many tribes east of the Mississippi -that two centuries since held undisturbed sway, will bid an eternal -farewell to their ancient abodes, and leave them to the quiet possession -of that race that seems destined to supplant them. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE SPANISH MISSIONS. - - Early Attempts.--Efforts of Aviles.--Later Missions.--Extent during - the most flourishing period.--Decay. - - -It was ever the characteristic of the Spanish conqueror that first in -his thoughts and aims was the extension of the religion in which he was -born and bred. The complete history of the Romish Church in America -would embrace the whole conquest and settlement of those portions held -originally by France and Spain. The earliest and most energetic -explorers of the New and much of the Old World have been the pious -priests and lay brethren of this religion. While others sought gold they -labored for souls, and in all the perils and sufferings of long journeys -and tedious voyages cheerfully bore a part, well rewarded by one convert -or a single baptism. With the same zeal that distinguished them -everywhere else did they labor in the unfruitful vineyard of Florida, -and as the story of their endeavors is inseparably bound up with the -condition of the natives and progress of the Spanish arms, it is with -peculiar fitness that the noble toils of these self-denying men become -the theme of our investigation. - -The earliest explorers, De Leon, Narvaez, and De Soto, took pains to -have with them devout priests as well as bold lancers, and remembered, -which cannot be said of all their cotemporaries, that though the -natives might possess gold, they were not devoid of souls. The latter -included in his complement no less than twelve priests, eight lay -brethren, and four clergymen of inferior rank; but their endeavors seem -to have achieved only a very paltry and transient success. - -The first wholly missionary voyage to the coast of Florida, and indeed -to any part of America north of Mexico, was undertaken by Luis Cancel de -Balbastro, a Dominican friar, who in 1547 petitioned Charles I. of Spain -to fit out an armament for converting the heathen of that country. A -gracious ear was lent to his proposal, and two years afterwards, in the -spring of 1549, a vessel set sail from the port of Vera Cruz in Mexico, -commanded by the skillful pilot Juan de Arana, and bearing to their -pious duty Luis Cancel with three other equally zealous brethren, Juan -Garcia, Diego de Tolosa, and Gregorio Beteta. Their story is brief and -sad. Going by way of Havana they first struck the western coast of the -peninsula about 28° north latitude the day after Ascension day. After -two months wasted in fruitless efforts to conciliate the natives in -various parts, when all but Beteta had fallen martyrs to their devotion -to the cause of Christianity, the vessel put back from her bootless -voyage, and returned to Vera Cruz.[276] - -Some years afterwards (1559), when Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano -founded the colony of Santa Maria de Felipina near where Pensacola was -subsequently built, he was accompanied by a provincial bishop and a -considerable corps of priests, but as his attempt was unsuccessful and -his colony soon disbanded, they could have made no impression on the -natives.[277] - -It was not till the establishment of a permanent garrison at St. -Augustine by the Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles, that the Catholic -religion took firm root in Floridian soil. In the terms of his outfit is -enumerated the enrollment of four Jesuit priests and twelve lay -brethren. Everywhere he displayed the utmost energy in the cause of -religion; wherever he placed a garrison, there was also a spiritual -father stationed. In 1567 he sent the two learned and zealous -missionaries Rogel and Villareal to the Caloosas, among whom a -settlement had already been formed under Francescso de Reinoso. At their -suggestion a seminary for the more complete instruction of youthful -converts was established at Havana, to which among others the son of the -head chief was sent, with what success we have previously seen. - -The following year ten other missionaries arrived, one of whom, Jean -Babtista Segura, had been appointed Vice Provincial. The majority of -these worked with small profit in the southern provinces, but Padre -Antonio Sedeño settled in the island of Guale,[278] and is to be -remembered as the first who drew up a grammar and catechism of any -aboriginal tongue north of Mexico; but he reaped a sparse harvest from -his toil; for though five others labored with him, we hear of only seven -conversions, and four of these infants _in articulo mortis_. Yet it is -also stated that as early as 1566 the Adelantado himself had brought -about the conversion of these Indians _en masse_. A drought of eight -months had reduced them to the verge of starvation. By his advice a -large cross was erected and public prayer held. A tremendous storm -shortly set in, proving abundantly to the savages the truth of his -teachings. But they seem to have turned afresh to their wallowing in the -mire. - -In 1569, the Padre Rogel gave up in despair the still more intractable -Caloosas; and among the more cultivated nations surrounding San Felipe, -north of the Savannah river, sought a happier field for his efforts. In -six months he had learned the language and at first flattered himself -much on their aptness for religious instruction. But in the fall, when -the acorns ripened, all his converts hastened to decamp, leaving the -good father alone in his church. And though he followed them untiringly -into woods and swamps, yet “with incredible wickedness they would learn -nothing, nor listen to his exhortations, but rather ridiculed them, -jeopardizing daily more and more their salvation.” With infinite pains -he collected some few into a village, gave them many gifts, and -furnished them food and mattocks; but again they most ungratefully -deserted him “with no other motive than their natural laziness and -fickleness.” Finding his best efforts thrown away on such stiff-necked -heathen, with a heavy heart he tore down his house and church, and, -shaking the dust off his feet, quitted the country entirely. - -At this period the Spanish settlements consisted of three colonies: St. -Augustine, originally built south of where it now stands on St. Nicholas -creek, and changed in 1566, San Matteo at the mouth of the river of the -same name, now the St. Johns,[279] and fifty leagues north of this San -Felipe in the province of Orista or Santa Helena, now South Carolina. In -addition to these there were five block-houses, (casas fuertes), two, -Tocobaga and Carlos, on the western coast, one at its southern -extremity, Tegesta, one in the province of Ais or Santa Lucea, and a -fifth, which Juan Pardo had founded one hundred and fifty leagues inland -at the foot of certain lofty mountains, where a cacique Coava ruled the -large province Axacàn.[280] There seem also to have been several minor -settlements on the St. Johns. - -Such was the flourishing condition of the country when that “terrible -heretic and runaway galley slave,” as the Spanish chronicler calls him, -Dominique de Gourgues of Mont Marsain, aided by Pierre le Breu, who had -escaped the massacre of the French in 1565, and the potent chief -Soturiba, demolished the most important posts (1567). Writers have -over-rated the injury this foray did the colony. In reality it served -but to stimulate the indomitable energy of Aviles. Though he himself was -at the court of Spain and obliged to remain there, with the greatest -promptness he dispatched Estevan de las Alas with two hundred and -seventy-three men, who rebuilt and equipped San Matheo, and with one -hundred and fifty of his force quartered himself in San Felipe. - -With him had gone out quite a number of priests. The majority of these -set out for the province of Axacàn, under the guidance of the brother of -its chief, who had been taken by Aviles to Spain, and there baptized, in -honor of the viceroy of New Spain, Don Luis de Velasco. His conversion, -however, was only simulation, as no sooner did he see the company -entirely remote from assistance, than, with the aid of some other -natives, he butchered them all, except one boy, who escaped and returned -to San Felipe. Three years after (1569), the Adelantado made an attempt -to revenge this murder, but the perpetrators escaped him. - -Notwithstanding these drawbacks, at the time of the death of Aviles, a -firm and extensive foundation had been laid for the Christian religion, -though it was by no means professed, as has been asserted, “by all the -tribes from Santa Helena, on the north, to Boca Rattones, on the south, -and from the Atlantic to the Gulf of Mexico.”[281] - -After his death, under the rule of his nephew, Pedro Menendez Marquez, a -bold soldier but a poor politician, the colony seems to have dwindled to -a very insignificant point. Spanish historians speak vaguely of many -nations reduced by him, but such accounts cannot be trusted. At the time -of the destruction of St. Augustine by Drake, in 1586, this town was -built of wood, and garrisoned by one hundred and fifty men.[282] And if -we may believe the assertions of the prisoners he brought to England, -the whole number of souls, both at this place and at Santa Helena, did -not exceed two hundred.[283] Only six priests were in the colony; and as -to the disposition of the Indians, it was so hostile and dangerous, that -for some time subsequent the soldiers dared never leave the fort, even -to hunt or fish.[284] Yet it was just about this time (1584), that -Williams,[285] on the authority of his ancient manuscript, states that -“the Spanish authorities were acknowledged as far west as the river -Mississippi (Empalazada), and north one hundred and forty leagues to the -mountains of Georgia!” - -As early as 1566, fourteen women had been introduced by Sancho de -Arminiega; but we read of no increase, and it is probable that for a -long series of years the colony was mainly supported by fresh arrivals. - -It was not till 1592, when, in pursuance of an ordinance of the Council -of the Indies, twelve Franciscans were deputed to the territory, that -the missions took a new start. They were immediately forwarded to -various quarters of the province, and for a while seem to have been -quite successful in their labors. It is said that in 1594 there were “no -less than twenty mission houses.” One of these priests, Pedro de Corpa, -superior of the mission of Tolemato (Tolemaro) near the mouth of the St. -Marys river, by his unsparing and harsh rebukes, excited the anger of -the natives to such a degree that, headed by the chief of Guale, they -rose _en masse_, and murdered him at the foot of the altar. Nor did this -glut their vengeance. Bearing his dissevered head upon a pole as a -trophy and a standard, they crossed to the neighboring island of Guale, -and there laid waste the missions Topiqui, Asao, Ospo, and Assopo. The -governor of St. Augustine lost no time in hastening to the aid of the -sufferers; and, though the perpetrators of the deeds could nowhere be -found, by the destruction of their store-houses and grain fields, -succeeded by a long drought, “which God visited upon them for their -barbarity,” such a dreadful famine fell upon them that their tribe was -nearly annihilated (1600). - -In 1602, Juan Altimirano, bishop of Cuba, visited this portion of his -diocess, and was much disheartened by the hopeless barbarity of the -natives. So much so, indeed, that years afterwards, when holding -discussion with the bishop of Guatemala concerning the query, “Is God -known by the light of Nature?” and the latter pressing him cogently with -Cicero, he retorted, “Ah, but Cicero had not visited Florida, or he -would never have spoken thus.” - -This discouraging anecdote to the contrary, the very next year, in the -general assembly that met at Toledo, Florida, in conjunction with Havana -and Bahama, was constituted a Custodia of eleven convents, and in 1612, -they were elevated into an independent Provincia, under the name of -Santa Helena, with the head convent at Havana, and Juan Capillas -appointed first Provincial Bishop.[286] An addition of thirty-two -Franciscans, partly under Geronimo de Ore in 1612, and partly sent out -by Philip III., the year after, sped the work of conversion, and for a -long time subsequent, we find vague mention of nations baptized and -churches erected. - -About the middle of the century, (1649,) the priests had increased to -fifty, and the episcopal revenue amounted to four hundred dollars. At -this time St. Augustine numbered “more than three hundred inhabitants.” -So great had been the success of the spiritual fathers, that in 1655, -Diego de Rebolledo, then Governor and Captain-General, petitioned the -king to erect the colony into a bishopric; a request which, though -favorably viewed, was lost through delay and procrastination. Similar -attempts, which were similarly frustrated, were made by his successors -Juan Marquez in 1682, and Juan Ferro in 1689. - -Notwithstanding these indications of a lively energy, a very different -story is told by the traveller of Carthagena, François Coreal, who -visited the peninsula in 1669. He mentions no settlements but San -Augustine and San Matheo,--indeed, expressly states that there were -none,[287]--and even these were in a sorry plight enough, (assez -degarnies.) Either he must have been misinformed, or the work of -conversion proceeded with great and sudden rapidity after his visit, as -less than twenty years afterwards, (1687,) when by the attempts of Juan -Marquez to remove the natives to the West India Islands, many forsook -their homes for distant regions, they left a number of missions -deserted, as San Felipe, San Simon, Sapola, Obaldiqui, and others. This -marked increase was largely owing to a subsidy of twenty-four -Franciscans under Alonzo de Moral in 1676, and the energetic action of -the Bishop of Cuba, who spared no pains to facilitate the advent of -missionaries to all parts.[288] - -In pursuance of the advice of Pablo de Hita, Governor-General, attempts -were renewed in 1679 to convert the nations of the southern extremity of -the peninsula, and in 1698, there were fourteen Franciscans employed -among them. These Indians are described as “idolaters and given to all -abominable vices,” and not a few of the missionaries suffered martyrdom -in their efforts to reclaim them.[289] - -Towards the close of the century, (1696,) the condition of St. Augustine -is described by Jonathan Dickinson[290] as follows:--“It is about -three-quarters of a mile in length, not regularly built, the houses not -very thick, they having large orchards, in which are plenty of -_oranges_, _lemmons_, _pome-citrons_, _lymes_, _figgs_, and _peaches_: -the houses, most of them, are old buildings, and not half of them -inhabited. The number of men that belong to government being about three -hundred, and many of them are kept as sentinalls at their lookouts. At -the north end of the town stands a large fortification, being a -quadrangel with bastions. Each bastion will contain thirteen guns, but -there is not passing two-thirds of fifty-two mounted.... The wall of the -fortification is about thirty foot high, built of sandstone sawed -[coquina rock].... The fort is moated round.” - -The colony of Pensacola or Santa Maria de Galve, founded by Andres de -Pes in 1693, gradually increasing in importance and maintaining an -overland connection with St. Augustine, naturally gave rise to -intermediate settlements, for which the fertile, wide-spread savannas of -Alachua, the rich hammocks along the Suwannee, and the productive -limestone soil of Middle Florida offered unrivalled advantages. - -The tractable Apalaches and their neighbors received the missionaries -with much favor, and it is said that almost all the former were -converted;[291] a statement which we must confine, however, to that -small portion of the confederated tribes included under this title, that -lived in Middle Florida. When Colonel Moore invaded their country in -1703-4, he found them living in villages, each having its parish church, -subsisting principally by agriculture, and protected by a garrison of -Spanish soldiers.[292] The open well-cleared character of their country, -and the marks of their civilized condition were long recalled in -tradition by the later Indians.[293] So strong a hold did Catholicism -take upon them that more than a century subsequent, when the nation was -reduced to an insignificant family on the Bayou Rapide, they still -retained its forms, corrupted by admixture with their ancient -heliolatry.[294] - -On the Atlantic coast, there were besides St. Augustine the towns of San -Matheo, Santa Cruce, San Juan, Santa Maria, and others. The Indians of -these missions Dickinson[295] describes as scrupulous in their -observance of the Catholic rites, industrious and prosperous in their -worldly relations, “having plenty of hogs and fowls, and large crops of -corn;” and each hamlet presided over by “Fryars,” who gave regular -instruction to the native children in school-houses built for the -purpose. All these were north of St. Augustine; to the south the savages -were more perverse, and in spite of the earnest labors of many pious -priests, some of whom fell martyrs to their zeal, they clung tenaciously -to heathendom. - -Nothing definite is known regarding the settlements on and near the -Gulf, but in all probability they were more extensive than those on the -eastern shore, peopling the coast and inland plains with a race of -civilized and Christian Indians. Cotemporary geographers speak of “the -towns of Achalaque, Ossachile, Hirritiqua, Coluna, and some others of -less note,”[296] as founded and governed by Spaniards, while numerous -churches and villages are designated on ancient charts, with whose size -and history we are totally unacquainted. Many of these doubtless refer -to native hamlets, while the Spanish names affixed to others point to -settlements made by that nation. How much the Church of Rome had at -heart the extension and well-being of this portion of her domain, may be -judged from the fact that she herself bore half the expense of the -military kept in the province for its protection.[297] - -Such was the condition of the Spanish missions of Florida at their most -flourishing period. Shortly after the commencement of the eighteenth -century, foes from the north destroyed and drove out the colonists, -demolishing in a few years all that the life, and the blood, and the -toil of so many martyrs during two centuries had availed to construct. -About the middle of the century we have a tolerably accurate knowledge -of the country through English writers; and then so few and -insignificant were the Spanish settlements, that only one occurred -between St. Marks and St. Augustine, while, besides the latter, the only -post on the Atlantic coast was a wretched “hut” on the south bank of the -St. Johns at its mouth.[298] - -Undoubtedly it is to the close of the seventeenth century therefore that -we must refer those vestiges of an extensive and early inhabitation that -occasionally meet our notice in various parts. Sometimes in the depth of -forests of apparently primeval growth the traveller has been astonished -to find rusting church bells, half buried brass cannon, mouldering -walls, and the decaying ruins of once stately edifices. Especially -numerous are these in middle Florida, along the old Spanish highway from -St. Augustine to Pensacola, on the banks of the St. Johns, and on Amelia -island. The Indians informed the younger Bartram[299] that near the -Suwannee, a few miles above Manatee Spring, the Spaniards formerly had -“a rich, well cultivated, and populous settlement, and a strong -fortified post, as they likewise had at the savanna and field of -Capola,” east of the Suwannee, between it and the Alachua plains; but -that these were far inferior to those on the Apalachian Old Fields -“where yet remain vast works and buildings, fortifications, temples, -&c.” The elder Bartram[300] speaks of similar remarkable antiquities on -the St. Johns, Bernard Romans[301] in various parts of the interior, -Williams,[302] Brackenridge,[303] and others[304] in middle Florida, and -I may add the numerous Spanish Old Fields which I observed throughout -the peninsula, the extensive coquina quarries on Anastasia (St. Estaca, -Fish’s) Island, and the deserted plantations on Musquito and Indian -river Lagoons, as unequivocal proofs of a much denser population than is -usually supposed to have existed in those regions. - -The easy conquest these settlements offered to the English and the -rapidity with which they melted away were partly owing to the -insufficient force kept for their protection. Colonel Daniels, who led -the land force of Governor Moore’s army in 1702, and took possession of -St. Augustine, apparently met with no noticeable opposition on his -march; while we have it on official authority that the year after there -were only three hundred and fifty-three soldiers in the whole province -of whom forty-five were in Apalache, seven in Timuqua, nineteen in -Guale, and the rest in St. Augustine. - -The incursion of the English in 1702-1706, and of the Creeks (Alibamons) -in 1705, were very destructive to the monastic establishments of the -north, and though Juan de Ayala, minister of the interior, devoted -himself earnestly to restoring them, his labor was destined to yield -small profit. The destruction of Pensacola by Bienville in 1719, the -ravages of Colonel Palmer eight years later, the second demolition of -the settlements in Apalache, between Tallahassie and St. Marks, by a -marauding party of English and Indians in 1736, the inroad of Governor -Oglethorpe four years subsequent, and another incursion of the English -in 1745--these following in quick succession, it may be readily -conceived rendered of no avail the efforts of the Franciscans to -re-establish their missions on Floridian soil. - -Previous to the cession to England the settlements had become reduced to -St. Josephs, Pensacola, and St. Marks on the Gulf, Picolati on the St. -Johns, and St. Augustine on the Atlantic. When the English took -possession, the latter town numbered nine hundred houses and five -thousand seven hundred inhabitants including a garrison of two thousand -five hundred men.[305] There was a well-built church here as also at -Pensacola, while at St. Marks there were two convents, one of Jesuits -the other of Franciscans.[306] At this time but very few of the Indians, -who are described as “bigotted idolators worshipping the sun and moon,” -and “noted for a bold, subtile, and deceitful people,”[307] seem to have -been in the fold of the Catholic Church. - -Harassed and worn out as the colony was by long wars, and apparently -soon to die a natural death, it is not a matter of wonder that in the -tripartite Definitive Treaty of Peace signed at Versailles, February -10th, 1763, Spain was glad to relinquish her right to its soil in -consideration of the far superior island of Cuba.[308] Though it was -stipulated that all who desired to remain should enjoy their -property-rights, and religion, very few availed themselves of the -privilege, little loth to forsake a country that had been one continued -scene of war and tumult for more than half a century. - -With this closes the history of the conversion of the Indians as during -the English regime they were lost sight of in other issues, and when the -Spanish returned to power such a scene of unquiet turmoil and ceaseless -wrangling awaited them as effectually to divert their attention from the -moral condition of the aboriginal tribes. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -ANTIQUITIES. - -Mounds.--Roads.--Shell Heaps.--Old Fields. - - -The descriptions left by the elder and younger Bartram of the magnitude -and character of the Floridian antiquities, had impressed me with a high -opinion of their perfection, and induced large expectations of the light -they might throw on the civilization of the aborigines of the peninsula; -but a personal examination has convinced me that they differ little from -those common in other parts of our country, and are capable of a similar -explanation. Chief among them are the mounds. These are not infrequent -upon the rich lowlands that border the rivers and lakes; and so -invariably did their builders choose this position, that during the long -journeys I made in the prairies and flat pine woods east of the St. -Johns as well as over the rolling and fertile country between this river -and the Gulf, as far south as Manatee, I never saw one otherwise -located. An enumeration and description of some of the most noteworthy -will suffice to indicate their character and origin. - -On Amelia island, some half a mile east of Fernandina new town, there is -an open field, containing some thirty acres, in shape an isosceles -triangle, clothed with long grass and briary vines, bounded on all sides -by dense thickets of myrtle, live-oak, palmetto, yellow pine and cedar. -About midway of the base of this triangle, stands a mound thrown up on -the extremity of a natural ridge, which causes its height to vary from -twenty to five-and-thirty feet on the different sides. It is composed of -the common surface sand, obtained from the east side, close to the base, -where an excavation is visible. A few live-oaks and pines grow upon it, -the largest of which, at the time of my visit (1856), measured seventeen -inches in diameter. There is a fine view from the summit, embracing on -the west the vast marshes between Amelia island and the mainland, with a -part of St. Mary’s sound, across which, northward, lie the woody shores -of Cumberland island, projected in dark relief against the glittering -surf of the Atlantic, which stretches away in a brilliant white line to -the north-east, loosing itself in the broad expanse of ocean that bounds -the eastern horizon. Hence, one of its uses was, doubtless, as a -look-out or watch-tower; but from excavations, made by myself and -others, it proved, like every similar mound I examined, or heard of as -examined, in Florida, to be, in construction, a vast tomb. Human bones, -stone axes, darts, and household utensils, were disinterred in -abundance. Quantities of rudely marked fragments of pottery, and broken -oyster, clam, and conch shells, were strewed over the field. I was -informed of a second mound, smaller in size, somewhat south of -Fernandina light-house; but owing to the brevity of my stay, and the -incredible swarms of musquitoes that at that season infested the woods, -I did not visit it. I could learn nothing of the two large tumuli on -this island, known as the “Ogeechee Mounts,” mentioned by the younger -Bartram.[309] - -On Fleming’s Island, at the mouth of Black Creek, identified by Sparks -with the “extremely beautiful, fertile, and thickly inhabited” Edelano -of the French colonists, and on Murphy’s Island, eight miles above -Pilatka, are found mounds of moderate size, and various other vestiges -of their ancient owners. But far more remarkable than these are the -large constructions on the shores and islands at the southern extremity -of Lake George, first visited and described as follows, by John -Bartram,[310] in 1766: “About noon we landed at Mount Royal, and went to -see an Indian tumulus, which was about one hundred yards in diameter, -nearly round, and twenty foot high. Found some bones scattered on it. It -must be very ancient, as live-oak are growing upon it three foot in -diameter; directly south from the tumulus is an avenue, all the surface -of which has been taken off and thrown on one side, which makes a bank -of about a rood wide and a foot high, more or less, as the unevenness of -the ground required, for the avenue is as level as a floor from bank to -bank, and continues so for three quarters of a mile, to a pond of water -about one hundred yards wide and one hundred and fifty long, north and -south,--seemed to be an oblong square, and its banks four foot -perpendicular, gradually sloping every way to the water, the depth of -which we do not say, but do not imagine it deep, as the grass grows all -over it; by its regularity it seems to be artificial; if so, perhaps the -sand was carried from thence to raise the tumulus.” - -A description of this mound is also given by Wm. Bartram, who visited it -both with his father, and fifteen years later.[311] In summing up the -antiquities, he saw in Florida, this author says,[312] “from the river -St. Juans southerly to the point of the peninsula of Florida are to be -seen high pyramidal mounts with spacious and extensive avenues leading -from them out of the town to an artificial lake or pond of water. The -great mounts, highways, and artificial lakes up St. Juans on the east -shore, just at the entrance of the great Lake George; one on the -opposite shore, on the bank of the Little lake, another on Dunn’s -island, a little below Charlotteville, and one on the large beautiful -island just without the Capes of Lake George, in sight of Mount Royal, -and a spacious one on the West banks of Musquitoe river near New Smyrna, -are the most remarkable of this sort that occurred to me.” - -The artificial lakes in this account are the excavations made in -obtaining material, since filled with water. The highways, which, in -another passage, the above quoted writer describes as “about fifty yards -wide, sunk a little below the common level, and the earth thrown up on -each side, making a bank of about two feet high,”[313] seem, from both -French and Spanish accounts to have been not unusual among the natives. -Laudonniére mentions one of great beauty that extended from the village -of Edelano to the river some three hundred paces in length,[314] and -another still more considerable at the head quarters of the powerful -chief Utina,[315] which must have been very near if not identical with -that at Mount Royal. La Vega, in his remarkable chapter on the -construction of the native villages,[316] speaks of such broad passages -leading from the public square at the base to the house of the chief on -the summit of the mound that the natives were accustomed to throw up for -its site. What we are to understand by the royal highways, _Caminos -Reales_, near Tampa Bay, that lead from one town to another, (que van de -un Pueblo al otro,)[317] an expression that would not be applicable to -mere trails, is not very evident. - -Six miles by water above Lake Monroe, near the shore of a small lagoon -on the left bank of the river, stands an oval mound of surface soil -filled with human bones of so great an age, and so entirely decomposed, -that the instrument with which I was digging passed through them with as -much ease as through the circumjacent earth. Yet, among these ancient -skeletons, I discovered numerous small blue and large white glass beads, -undoubtedly inhumed at the formation of the tumulus. The bodies were all -of adults and no special order in their deposition seemed to have been -observed. Previous to my visit, I was informed that small earthenware -articles had been disinterred, some of which were simply pyramids of -triangular bases, whose use had much puzzled the finder. We know that -this form, sacred in the mythologies of the old world to the worship of -the productive power, had also a strong religious significance among the -Natchez, and many other aboriginal tribes,[318] and probably in -connection with the burial of the dead, it possessed among the -Floridians, as it did among the ancients and orientals,[319] a -symbolical connection with the immortality of the soul and the life -after death. - -In the rich hammock half a mile below Lake Harney on the left bank of -the St. Johns, is a large oval mound, its transverse diameter at base -forty yards, and thirty feet in height. It is surrounded by a ditch -whence the soil of which it is constructed was taken. An extremely -luxuriant vegetation covers the whole hammock and the mound itself, -though few of the trees indicate a great age. On the same side of the -river twenty miles above the lake, is another similar mound. They are -abundant on the rich lands of Marion and Alachua counties, and in the -hammocks of the Suwannee, and are found at least as far south as -Charlotte’s Harbor and the Miami river. There is one on the government -reserve in Tampa, another at the head of Old Tampa Bay, and a third on -Long Key, Sarasota Bay. A portion of the latter has been washed away by -the waters of the gulf and vast numbers of skeletons exposed, some of -which I was assured by an intelligent gentleman of Manatee, who had -repeatedly visited the spot and examined the remains, were of -astonishing size and must have belonged to men seven or eight feet in -height. This statement is not so incredible as it may appear at first -sight. Various authors report instances of equally gigantic stature -among the aborigines of our country. The chiefs of the province of -Chicora, a portion of what is now South Carolina, were famous for their -height, which was supposed to prove their royal blood;[320] some -inhabitants of the province of Amichel on the Gulf of Mexico were not -less remarkable in this respect;[321] and Beverly found among certain -human bones religiously preserved in a temple of the Virginian Indians -an _os femoris_, measuring two feet nine inches in length;[322] while in -our own days, Schoolcraft saw a humerus at Fort Hill, New York,[323] and -Lanman, sundry bones in a cave in Virginia[324] that must have belonged -to men compared to whom ours is but a race of dwarfs. - -On the opposite banks of Silver Spring run, respectively a quarter of a -mile and a mile and a half below the head, there are two tumuli. -Pottery, axes, and arrow-heads abound in the vicinity, and every sign -goes to show that this remarkable spot was once the site of a populous -aboriginal settlement. - -What now are the characteristics of this class of Floridian mounds? In -summing up the whole available knowledge respecting them, we arrive at -the conclusion that to whatever purpose they may have subsequently been -applied, they were originally constructed as vast cemeteries. Mount -Royal tumulus is but a heap of bones covered with earth, and none have -as yet been opened but disclosed the same contents. They are very simple -in construction. I saw no well-defined terraces, no groups of mounds, -none with rectangular or octagonal bases, no ditches but those made in -excavating material, no covered ways, no stratification; in short, none -of those signs of a comparatively advanced art that distinguish the -earthworks of Ohio. Their age is not great. Some indeed are covered with -trees of large size, and in one case the annual rings were said to count -back to the year 1145,[325] (a statement, however, that needs -confirmation,) but the rapid growth of vegetation in that latitude -requires but a few years to produce a forest. The plantation of Lord -Rolles, deserted some fourscore years since, is now overgrown with pines -a foot in diameter, and I have seen old fields still bearing the marks -of cultivation covered with lofty forests, and a spot of cleared land, -forsaken for ten years, clothed with a thriving growth of palmetto and -oak. Moreover, savage and civilized, all men agree in leaving nature to -adorn the resting places of the dead, and hence it is an egregious error -to date the passing away of a nation from the oldest tree we find on its -graves. Rather, when we recollect that from the St. Lawrence to the -Pampas, many tribes did religious homage to certain trees, and when we -remember how universal a symbol they are of birth and resurrection, -should we be surprised were they not cultivated and fostered on the -sepulchres of the departed.[326] - -We need no fanciful hypotheses to explain the reason and designate the -time of these constructions. The bare recountal of the burial rites that -prevailed among the aborigines is all sufficient to solve the riddle of -bone-mounds both as they occur in Florida and all other States. The -great feature of these rites was to preserve the bones of the dead, a -custom full of significance in nature-worship everywhere. For this -purpose the corpses were either exposed or buried till sufficient -decomposition had ensued to permit the flesh to be easily removed. The -bones were then scraped clean, and either carried to private dwellings, -or deposited in public charnel-houses; such were the “Templos que -servian de Entierros y no de Casas de Oracion,” seen by De Soto at Tampa -Bay,[327] and the “Osarios,” bone-houses, in Cofachiqui, among the -Cherokees.[328] Finally, at stated periods, they were collected from all -quarters, deposited in some predetermined spot, and there covered with -soil heaped into the shape of a cone. Annual additions to the same -cemetery gave rise to the extraordinary dimensions that some attained; -or several interments were made near the same spot, and hence the groups -often seen.[329] - -As the Natchez, Taencas, and other southern tribes were accustomed to -place the council-house and chief’s dwelling on artificial elevations, -both to give them an air of superior dignity, to render them easy of -defence, and in some localities to protect from inundations,[330] so -the natives of Florida, in pursuance of the same custom, either erected -such tumuli for this purpose, or more probably, only took advantage of -those burial mounds that the vicissitudes of war had thrown in their -hands, or a long period of time deprived of sacred associations. In the -town of Ucita, where De Soto landed, “The Lordes house stoode neere the -shore upon a very hie mounte made by hande for strength,”[331] and La -Vega gives in detail their construction. - -While this examination of their sepulchral rites, taken in connection -with the discovery of glass beads _in situ_, leaves no doubt but that -such remains were the work of the people who inhabited the peninsula at -its discovery by Europeans, it is not probable that the custom was -retained much after this period. The Lower Creeks and Seminoles, so far -from treating their dead thus, took pains to conceal the graves, and -never erected mounds save in one emergency. This was in the event of a -victorious battle, when they collected the dead into one vast pile, and -covered them with earth,[332] simply because it was the most convenient -way to pay those last and mournful duties that humanity demands at our -hands. - -Another class of burial mounds, tallying very nearly with those said by -the French to have been raised over their dead by the early Indians of -the St. Johns, are not unusual in the hammocks along this river. They -are only a few feet in height, resembling in appearance the hillocks of -humus left by the roots of uprooted trees, from which they can be -distinguished by their general range, (N., S.,) by the hollows on each -side whence the earth was obtained, and by their construction. They are -sometimes distinctly stratified, presenting layers of sand, ashes and -charcoal, and clay. Bones, arrow-heads, axes, and pottery are found in -them, but as far as my own observations extended, and those of a -Norwegian settler bearing the classic name of Ivon Ericson, who assured -me he had examined them frequently on the Upper St. Johns, in no case -were beads or other articles indicating a familiarity with European -productions discovered. - -The utensils, the implements of war and the chase exhumed from the -mounds, and found in their vicinity, do not differ from those in general -use among the Indians of all parts at their first discovery,[333] and go -to corroborate the opinion that all these earthworks--and I am inclined -to assert the same of the whole of those in the other Atlantic States, -and the majority in the Mississippi valley--were the production, not of -some mythical tribe of high civilization in remote antiquity, but of the -identical nations found by the whites residing in these regions. - -An equally interesting and more generally distributed class of -antiquities are the beds and heaps of shells. These are found with more -or less frequency on the shores of every State from Connecticut -southward along the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico. Some of them are of -enormous extent, covering acres of ground, and of a singular height. For -a long time it was a debateable point whether they belonged to the -domain of the geologist or antiquarian; later researches have awarded -them to both, by distinguishing between those of natural and artificial -origin.[334] The latter are recognized by the presence of darts, -pottery, charcoal, &c., in _original connection_ with the shells and -debris throughout the mass, by the presence of surface soil, roots, and -stumps, _in situ_ beneath the heap, by nearness to an open fishing -shore, and finally by the valves of the shell fish being asunder and -their edges factured or burnt; on the other hand, whole closed shells as -at Easton in Maryland, fragments of older fossils in original -connection, distinct stratification,[335] and remoteness from any known -oyster bed, as those of northern Texas, northern Georgia, and perhaps of -Cumberland county, New Jersey, are convincing proofs of their natural -deposition. - -Examples in Florida are numerous and striking. At Fernandina new town on -Amelia island, a layer extends along the face of the bluff for one -hundred and fifty yards and inland a quarter of a mile, sometimes three -feet in depth, composed almost wholly of shells of the esculent oyster -though with clams and conches sparsely intermixed. The valves are all -separate, the shells in some places rotten, fractured and mixed with -sand, charcoal, and pottery, while in others as clean and sound as if -just from the hands of the oysterman. - -Similar deposits are found in various parts of the island; on the main -land opposite; on both sides of the entrance to the St. Johns; on -Anastasia island; and every where along the coast both of the Atlantic -and the Gulf. One of the most remarkable is Turtle Mound on Musquito -Lagoon, near New Smyrna. “It is thirty feet high, composed almost -altogether of separate oyster shells, it being rare to find an entire -one; there are also some conch and clam shells, both of which are, -however, exceedingly scarce. That it is artificial there is no doubt on -my mind. Some eight or ten years since we experienced a gale in this -section of the country, from the northwest, which caused that portion of -the mound facing the river, the steepest part, to wash and fall -considerably; being there a few days afterwards, I took considerable -pains to examine the face of it, and found as low as the bottom and as -high up as I could observe, numberless pieces of Indian pottery, and -quantities of bones principally of fish, but no human ones; also -charcoal and beds of ashes. The one on which I reside, opposite New -Smyrna, is precisely of the same formation. Having had occasion some -time back to dig a hole six or eight feet deep, I found precisely the -same contents that I have described at Turtle Mound, with the addition -of some few flint arrowheads.” - -For this interesting description from the pen of a gentleman of the -vicinity I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. F. L. Dancy, State -Geologist of Florida; he adds from his own observation an account of one -on Chrystal river, on the Gulf coast, four miles from its mouth. “The -marsh of the river at that point is some twenty yards wide to the firm -land, at which point this mound commences to rise; it is on all sides -nearly perpendicular, the faces covered with brush and trees to which -the curious have to cling to effect an ascent. It is about forty feet in -height, the top surface nearly level, about thirty feet across, and -covered with magnolia, live-oak, and other forest trees, some of them -four feet in diameter. Its form is that of a truncated cone, and as far -as can be judged from external appearance, it is composed exclusively of -oyster shells and vegetable mould. These shells are all separated. The -mound was evidently thrown up by the Indians for a lookout, as the Gulf -can be distinctly seen from its summit. There are no oysters growing at -this time within four or five miles of it.” - -Other shell heaps are met with along the coast but none equalling in -magnitude that seen by Sir Charles Lyell[336] on Cannon’s Island at the -mouth of the Altamaha, covering ten acres of ground, “elevated in some -places ten feet and on an average five feet above the general level,” -and which this eminent geologist attributes exclusively to the Indians, -or the vast beds of _Gnathodon Cuneatus_, on Mobile Bay, described by -Mr. Hale,[337] which, however, are probably of natural formation, though -containing quantities of human bones, pottery, images, &c. - -It is strange that we find no notices of the formation of these heaps by -the early travellers; I do not remember to have met with any except a -line in Cabeza de Vaca, where, speaking of a tribe on the Gulf, he says -their houses were “built of mats on heaps of oyster shells.”[338] - -Along Manatee river I noticed numerous small heaps of conches, -attributable to the later Indians, and in the post-pliocene shellbluffs -at the mouth of this river, nearly twenty feet in height composed -largely of a species of _Pyrula_,[339] I found numerous fragments of a -coarse, ill-marked, pottery, not, however, where the shells were -unbroken and clean, but where they were fragmentary, mixed with -charcoal, ashes and dirt, and never more than three feet below the -surface. The singular hillocks, whose formation is a geological enigma -not readily solved, so frequent along the St. Johns, vast aggregations -of Helices with some Unios and other fresh water shells in connection, -without admixture of earth, in some cases thirty feet high, and -irregularly stratified, are not to be mistaken for those of artificial -construction, though from the frequency of Indian relics found in them, -they seem to have been a chosen place of burial for the aboriginal -tribes. - -Among the relics dating from a later period are the “Indian Old Fields.” -These are portions of land once cleared and cultivated by the Seminoles, -and are found wherever the fertility of the soil promised favorably for -agriculture. They are very abundant in Alachua, where, says -Bartram,[340] “almost every step discovers traces of ancient human -habitation,” reminding us of the time “when the Indians could assemble -by thousands at ball play and other juvenile diversions and athletic -exercises on these then happy fields and green plains.” Such is the -tenacity of the soil for retaining impressions, that the marks of -tillage by which these are distinguished from the Spanish old fields are -easily seen and readily discriminated, even after they are covered by a -dense growth of trees. - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -THE SILVER SPRING. - - -The geological formation of Florida gives rise to springs and fountains -of such magnitude and beauty, that they deserve to be ranked with the -great freshwater lakes, the falls of Niagara, and the Mississippi river, -as grand hydrographical features of the North American continent. The -most remarkable are the Wakulla, twelve miles from Tallahassie, of great -depth and an icy coldness, which is the best known, and has been -described by the competent pen of Castlenau and others, the Silver -Spring and the Manatee Spring. The latter is on the left bank of the -Suwannee, forty-five miles from its mouth, and is so named from having -been a favorite haunt of the sea-cow, (_Trichechus Manatus_,) whose -bones, discolored by the sulphuret of iron held in solution by the -water, are still found there. - -The Silver Spring, in some respects the most remarkable of the three, is -in the centre of Marion county, ten miles from the Ocklewaha, into which -its stream flows, and six miles from Ocala, the county seat. In -December, 1856, I had an opportunity to examine it with the aid of -proper instruments, which I did with much care. It has often been -visited as a natural curiosity, and is considered by tourists one of the -lions of the State. To be appreciated in its full beauty, it should be -approached from the Ocklewaha. For more than a week I had been tediously -ascending this river in a pole-barge, wearied with the monotony of the -dank and gloomy forests that everywhere shade its inky stream,[341] when -one bright morning a sharp turn brought us into the pellucid waters of -the Silver Spring Run. A few vigorous strokes and we had left behind us -the cypress swamps and emerged into broad, level savannas, that -stretched miles away on either hand to the far-off pine woods that, like -a frame, shut in the scene. In the summer season these prairies, clothed -in the luxuriance of a tropical vegetation, gorgeously decked with -innumerable flowers, and alive with countless birds and insects of -brilliant hues, offer a spectacle that once seen can never be forgotten. - -But far more strangely beautiful than the scenery around is that -beneath--the subaqueous landscape. At times the bottom is clothed in -dark-green sedge waving its long tresses to and fro in the current, now -we pass over a sunken log draperied in delicate aquatic moss thick as -ivy, again the scene changes and a bottom of greyish sand throws in -bright relief concentric arcs of brilliantly white fragments of shells -deposited on the lower side of ripple marks in a circular basin. Far -below us, though apparently close at hand, enormous trout dash upon -their prey or patiently lie in wait undisturbed by the splash of the -poles and the shouts of the negroes, huge cat-fish rest sluggishly on -the mud, and here and there, every protuberance and bony ridge -distinctly visible, the dark form of an alligator is distended on the -bottom or slowly paddles up the stream. Thus for ten miles of an almost -straight course, east and west, is the voyager continually surprised -with fresh beauties and unimagined novelties. - -The width of the stream varies from sixty to one hundred and twenty-five -feet, its average greatest depth about twenty, the current always quite -rapid. For about one mile below its head, forests of cypress, maple, -ash, gum, and palmetto adorn the banks with a pleasing variety of -foliage. The basin itself is somewhat elliptical in form, the exit being -at the middle of one side; its transverse diameter measures about one -hundred and fifty yards, (N. E., S. W.,) its conjugate one hundred -yards. Easterly it is bordered by a cypress swamp, while the opposite -bank is hidden by a dense, wet hammock. A few yards from the brink -opposite the exit runs a limestone ridge of moderate elevation covered -with pine and jack-oak. - -The principal entrance of the water is at the northeastern extremity. -Here a subaqueous limestone bluff presents three craggy ledges, between -the undermost of which and the base is an orifice, about fifteen feet in -length by five in height, whence the water gushes with great violence. -Another and smaller entrance is at the opposite extremity. The maximum -depth was at the time of my visit forty-one feet. The water is -tasteless, presents no signs of mineral matter in solution, and so -perfectly diaphanous that the smallest shell is entirely visible on the -bottom of the deepest portion. Slowly drifting in a canoe over the -precipice I could not restrain an involuntary start of terror, so -difficult was it, from the transparency of the supporting medium for the -mind to appreciate its existence. When the sunbeams fall full upon the -water, by a familiar optical delusion, it seems to a spectator on the -bank that the bottom and sides of the basin are elevated, and over the -whole, over the frowning crags, the snow-white shells, the long sedge, -and the moving aquatic tribes, the decomposed light flings its rainbow -hues, and all things float in a sea of colors, magnificent and -impressive beyond description. What wonder that the untaught children of -nature spread the fame of this marvellous fountain to far distant -climes, and under the stereoscopic power of time and distance came to -regard it as the life-giving stream, whose magic waters washed away the -calamities of age and the pains of disease, round whose fortunate shores -youths and maidens ever sported, eternally young and eternally joyous! - -During my stay I took great pains to ascertain the exact temperature of -the water and from a number of observations made at various hours of the -day obtained a constant result of 73.2°, Fahrenheit. This is higher than -the mean annual temperature of the locality, which, as determined by a -thermometrical record kept at Fort King near Ocala for six years, is -70.00°; while it is lower than that of the small mineral springs so -abundant throughout the peninsula, which I rarely found less than 75°. -It is probable, however, that this is not a fixed temperature but varies -with the amount of water thrown out. Competent observers, resident on -the spot, informed me that a variation of three feet in the vertical -depth of the basin had been known to occur in one year, though this was -far greater than usual. The time of highest water is shortly after the -rainy season, about the month of September, a fact that indicates the -cause of the change. - -Visiting the spring when at a medium height I enjoyed peculiar -advantages for calculating the amount of water given forth. The method I -used was the convenient and sufficiently accurate one of the log and -line, the former of three inches radius, the latter one hundred and two -feet in length. In estimating the size of the bed I chose a point about -a quarter of a mile from the basin. The results were calculated -according to the formulæ of Buat. After making all possible allowance -for friction, for imperfection of instruments, and inaccuracy of -observation, the average daily quantity of water thrown out by this -single spring reaches the enormous amount of more than three hundred -million gallons! - -Numbers such as this are beyond the grasp of the human intellect, -bewildering rather than enlightening the mind. Let us take another unit -and compare it with the most stupendous hydrographical works of man that -have been the wonders of the world. Most renowned of these are the -aqueducts of Rome. In the latter half of the first century, when -Frontinus was inspector, the public register indicated a daily supply of -fourteen thousand and eighteen quinaria, about one hundred and -ninety-six million gallons. Or we can choose modern instances. The city -of London is said to require forty million gallons every twenty-four -hours, New York about one-third, and Philadelphia one-quarter as much. -Thus we see that this one fount furnishes more than enough water to have -satisfied the wants of Rome in her most imperial days, to supply -plenteously eight cities as large as London, a score of New Yorks, or -thirty Philadelphias. By the side of its stream the far-famed aqueduct -of Lyons, yielding one million two hundred and nine thousand six hundred -gallons daily, or the Croton aqueduct, whose maximum diurnal capacity is -sixty million gallons, seems of feeble importance, while the stateliest -canals of Solomon, Theodoric, or the Ptolemies dwindle to insignificant -rivulets. - -Neither is this the emergence of a sunken river as is the case with the -Wakulla fountain, but is a spring in the strictest sense of the word, -deriving its sustenance from the rains that percolate the porous -tertiary limestone that forms the central ridge of the peninsula. - -There are many other springs both saline, mineral, and of pure water, -which would be looked upon as wonders in any country where such wonders -were less abundant. Such are the Six Mile Spring (White Spring, Silver -Spring), and the Salt Spring on the western shore of Lake George, a -sulphur spring on Lake Monroe, one mile from Enterprise, another eight -miles from Tampa on the Hillsboro’ river, Gadsden’s spring in Columbia -county, the Blue spring on the Ocklawaha, Orange Springs in Alachua -county, the Oakhumke the source of the Withlacooche, and numberless -others of less note.[342] Besides these, the other hydrographical -features of the peninsula are unique and instructive, well deserving a -thorough and special examination; such are the intermittent lakes, -which, like the famous Lake Kauten in Prussia, the Lugea Palus or -Zirchnitzer See in the duchy of Carniola, and the classical Lake -Fucinus, have their regular periods of annual ebb and flow; while the -sinking rivers Santa Fe, Chipola, Econfinna, Ocilla and others offer no -less interesting objects of study than their analogues in the secondary -limestone of Styria, in Istria, Carniola, Cuba, and other regions. - -When we ponder on the cause of these phenomena we are led to the most -extraordinary conclusions. To explain them we are obliged to accept the -opinion--which very many associated facts tend to substantiate--that the -lower strata of the limestone formation of the peninsula have been -hollowed out by the action of water into vast subterranean reservoirs, -into enormous caverns that intersect and ramify, extending in some cases -far under the bed of the adjacent ocean, through whose sunless corridors -roll nameless rivers, and in whose sombre halls sleep black lakes. -During the rainy season, gathering power in silence deep in the bowels -of the earth, they either expend it quietly in fountains of surprising -magnitude, or else, bursting forth in violent eruptions, rend asunder -the overlying strata, forming the “lime sinks,” and “bottomless lakes,” -common in many counties of Florida; or should this occur beneath the -ocean, causing the phenomenon of “freshening,” sometimes to such an -extent as to afford drinkable water miles from land, as occurred some -years ago off Anastasia Island, and in January, 1857, near Key West. - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -THE MUMMIES OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. - - -A number of years ago considerable curiosity was excited by the -discovery of mummies in Tennessee and Kentucky, and many theories were -promulged regarding their origin, but I believe neither that nor their -age has, as yet, been satisfactorily determined. - -Some were found as early as 1775, near Lexington, Kentucky, but we have -no definite account of any before those exhumed September 2, 1810, in a -copperas cave in Warren county, Tennessee, on the Cany fork of the -Cumberland river, ten miles below the Falls. These were described in the -Medical Repository by Mr. Miller, whose article was followed by another -in the same periodical, illustrated by a sketch, in support of the view -that this discovery indicated the derivation of the Indians from the -Malays and Tartars. The same pair was also described by Breckenridge and -Flint a few years later. - -Shortly previous to 1813, two mummies were found in the Gothic avenue of -the Mammoth Cave, and not long afterwards, (1814,) another in the -Audabon avenue. - -The same year, several more were discovered in a nitre cave near -Glasgow, Kentucky, by Thomas Monroe, who forwarded one to the American -Antiquarian Society, described by Dr. Mitchell in the first volume of -the publications of that body. - -Again, in 1828, two more were found in a complete state of preservation -in a cave of West Tennessee, mentioned in the American Journal of -Science, (Vol. xxii. p. 124.) - -With that zest for the wonderful, for which antiquarians are somewhat -famous, the idea that these remains could belong to tribes with whom the -first settlers were acquainted, was rejected, and recourse was had to -Malays, South Sea Islanders, and the antipodes generally, for a more -_reasonable_ explanation. It was said that the envelopes of the bodies -(all of which bore close resemblance among themselves) pointed to a -higher state of the arts than existed among the Indians of the -Mississippi Valley, and that the physical differences, the color of the -hair, &c., were irreconcileable. I think, however, it may be shown that -these objections are of no weight, and that the bodies in question were -interred at a comparatively late period. - -The wrappings consisted usually of deer skins, dressed and undressed, -mats of split canes, some as much as sixty yards long, and a woven stuff -called “blankets,” “sheets,” and “cloth;” this was often either bordered -with feathers of the wild turkey and other birds, or covered with them -in squares and patterns. Their ages, as guessed from appearances, varied -from ten years to advanced life. In several cases the mark of a severe -blow on the head was seen, which must have caused the individual’s -death. Their stature was usually in conformity to their supposed -age;[343] the weight of one, as given by Flint, six or eight pounds; in -all cases but one the hair of a “sorrel,” “foxy,” “yellow” or “sandy” -color; and they were usually found five or six feet below the surface. - -First, then, in our examination, the question arises, did the Indians of -the Mississippi Valley, when first met by the whites, possess the art of -manufacturing woven stuff of the kind mentioned? In answer we have the -express words of the Inca,[344] “These mantles the Indians of Florida -make of a certain herb-like mallows, (malvas,) which has fibres like -flax, (que tiene hebra, como lino,) and from the same they make thread, -to which they give colors which remain most firmly.” The next explorer -was La Salle; in Tonty’s account of his expedition,[345] he remarks that -he saw in a council lodge of the Taencas, “sixty old men clothed in -large white cloaks, which are made by the women from the bark of the -mulberry tree.” Still more to our purpose are the words of later -writers, who mention the interweaving of feathers. Not only, says -Dumont,[346] do the Indian women make garters and ribbons of the wool of -the buffalo, (du laine du beuf,) but also a sort of mat of threads -obtained from the bark of the linden, (tilleul,) “qu’elles couvrent de -plumes de cigne des plus fines, attachèes une à une sur cet toil.” -Dupratz[347] mentions similar cloaks of mulberry bark covered “with the -feathers of swans, turkeys, and India ducks,” the fibres of the bark -being twisted “about the thickness of packthread,” and woven “with a -wrought border around the edges.” Of the Indians of North Carolina, -Lawson says,[348] “Their feather match-coats are very pretty, especially -some of them which are made extraordinary charming, containing several -pretty figures, wrought in feathers, making them seem like a fine flower -Silk-Shag.” Other examples might be given, but these are sufficient. - -The cane mat was an article of daily use among the tribes wherever the -cane grew, and was bartered to those where it did not. The Arkanzas, -Taencas, Cenis, Natchez, and Gulf tribes, used it to cover their -huts;[349] hence a piece even sixty yards long was no uncommon matter; -while in one instance at least,[350] we know that the eastern tribes -rolled their dead in them, tying them fast at both ends. All the minor -articles of ornament and dress, the bone and horn needles, the vegetable -beads, &c., can be shown with equal facility to have been in general use -among the natives.[351] - -It has usually been supposed that these bodies were preserved by the -chemical action of the nitriferous soil around them; but this does not -account for their perfection and extreme desiccation, inclosed as they -were in such voluminous envelopes. Yet it is quite certain that the -viscera were never absent, nor has any balm or gum been found upon -them.[352] Hence, if artificially prepared, it must have been by -protracted drying by fire, in a manner common among the ancient -inhabitants of the Caroline islands, the Tahitians, the Guanches of -Teneriffe, and still retained in some convents in the Levant. It is well -known that in America the Popayans, the Nicaraguans, and the Caribs of -the West Indies had this custom;[353] but I believe that attention has -not been called to the fact, that this very mode of preserving the dead -was used more or less by the Indians of the Mississippi Valley. The -southern tribes of Mississippi and Alabama dried the corpse of their -chief over a slow fire, placed it in the temple as an object of -adoration till the death of his successor, and then transferred it to -the bottom or cellar (fond) of the building.[354] Analogous usages, -modifications of this and probably derived from it, prevailed among the -tribes of North Carolina, Virginia, and the Pacific coast,[355] while we -have seen that Bristock asserts the same of the Apalachites. That a cave -should be substituted for a temple, or that the bodies should be -ultimately inhumed, cannot excite our surprise when we recall how -subject the Indians were to sudden attacks, how solicitous that their -dead should not be disturbed,[356] and how caves were ever regarded by -them as natural temples for their gods and most fit resting places for -their dead.[357] - -The rarity of the mummies may be easily accounted for as only the bodies -of the chiefs were thus preserved. Yet it is a significant fact that a -body is rarely, if ever, found alone. Moreover, in every case of which -we have special description, these are of different sexes, and one, the -female, and the youngest, sometimes apparently not more than twelve or -fourteen years of age, evidently died by violence. How readily these -seemingly unconnected facts take place and order, and how intelligible -they become, when we learn that at the death of a ruler the Indians -sacrificed and buried with him one or two of his wives, and in some -tribes the youngest was always the chosen victim of this cruel -superstition.[358] - -The light color of the hair is doubtless caused by the nitriferous soil -with which it had been so long surrounded; a supposition certified by -one instance, where, in consequence of the unusually voluminous -wrappings, and perhaps a later interment, it retained the black color of -that of the true Indian.[359] - -Though most of these references relate to nations not dwelling -immediately in the area of country where the mummies are found, it is -quite unnecessary for me to refer in this connection to those numerous -and valid arguments, derived both from tradition and archæology, that -prove beyond doubt that this tract, and indeed the whole Ohio valley, -had changed masters shortly before the whites explored it, and that its -former possessors when not destroyed by the invaders, had been driven -south. - -Hence we may reasonably infer, that as no article found upon the mummies -indicates a higher degree of art than was possessed by the southern -Indians, as the physical changes are owing to casual _post mortem_ -circumstances, as we have positive authority that certain tribes were -accustomed to preserve the corpses of their chiefs; and lastly, as we -have many evidences to show that such tribes, or those closely -associated with them, once dwelt further north than they were first -found, consequently the deposition of the mummies must be ascribed to a -race who dwelt near the region where they occur, at the time of its -exploration by Europeans. - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -THE PRECIOUS METALS POSSESSED BY THE EARLY FLORIDIAN INDIANS. - - -The main idea that inspired the Spanish expeditions to Florida was the -hope of discovering riches there, equal to the gorgeous opulence of Peru -and Mexico. Although the country was supposed to be north of the -auriferous zone--in accordance with which geological notion in his map -of the world (1529) Diego de Ribero inscribes on the land marked “Tierra -de Garay,” north of the Gulf of Mexico, now West Florida, “This land is -poor in gold, as it lies too far from the tropic of Cancer”[360]--yet an -abiding faith in its riches was kept alive by Spanish traders obtaining -from time to time morsels of gold from the natives. As early as the -first voyage of De Leon (1512), they possessed and used it as an article -of barter in small quantities.[361] The later explorers, Narvaez, De -Soto, Ribaut, and Laudonniére, report both gold and silver, but never, -as far as their own observations went, in any abundance. The savages -were always eagerly questioned as to its origin and always returned one -of two answers; either that they had pilfered it from the wrecks of -vessels driven on their coasts, or else they referred the inquirer to a -distant and mountainous country to the north, known both to the nations -on the Gulf of Mexico, those at the extreme south of the peninsula, and -those on the Atlantic coast as far north as the Savannah river, as -Apalache. Here, said the rumors, the men wore cuirasses of gold and -shields of burnished silver, while the women were impeded in their -dancing by the weight of their golden ornaments and strings of pearls. -We have seen that this name was at one period applied to a large area of -country, and hence have no difficulty in appreciating the error that -Narvaez committed when he supposed the small town of that name east of -the Apalachicola to contain the major part of the nation. Fontanedo, -whose long residence among the Indians renders him one of our best -authorities on certain points, says expressly that the snowy mountains -of Onagatano whence the gold was obtained were the _furthermost -possessions of Apalache_.[362] - -There is a general similarity in the accounts of the direction and -remoteness of the mines. The coast tribes north of the St. Johns river -had pieces of _sieroa pira_, red metal, which was tested by a goldsmith -who accompanied Laudonniére and found to be pure gold. When asked where -this was obtained they pointed to the north. Another chief who gave them -slips of silver said it came from a country at the foot of lofty -mountains ten long days’ journey inland, towards the north. A third had -small grains of gold, silver, and copper, procured, according to his own -account, by washing the sands of a creek that flowed at the base of -lofty mountains five or six days journey in a northwesterly direction. -The artist Le Moyne de Morgues, drawing somewhat on his imagination, -represents in his forty-first sketch this method of cleaning it. Hence -on some maps of a very early period the southern Alleghanies bear the -name _Apalatcy Montes Auriferi_. Years afterwards, rumors derived from -the Indians were rife among the Spanish colonists of a “very rich and -exceeding great city, called La Grand Copal, among the mountains of Gold -and Chrystal,” fifteen or twenty days journey northwest of St. -Augustine.[363] - -Now as the gold mines of Georgia and Carolina lie about three hundred -miles north or northwest of Florida, such accounts as these can leave no -reasonable doubt but that they were known to the Indians, and to a -certain extent worked before the arrival of the white man. Indeed, may -we not impute to them the ancient and unrecorded mining operations, -signs of which are occasionally met with in the gold country of Georgia? -Such are the remains of what are called “furnaces,” the marks of -excavations, various rude metallurgical instruments, the buried log -houses, and other tokens of a large population in some remote past, -found from time to time in the vicinity of Dahlonega and various parts -of the Nacooche valley.[364] These were referred by the finders to De -Soto, who offers a favorite and ready explanation for any construction -of unknown age, in that part of our country; thus I have been told that -the bone mounds in Florida were the burial places of his soldiers, and -on one occasion a post pliocene bank of shells on Tampa Bay was pointed -out to me as the ruins of one of his forts. It is unnecessary to add -that the soldiers under this ill-fated leader spent no time in digging -gold either in north Georgia or anywhere else. - -That in the course of barter small quantities of the metals here -obtained--for we must ascribe to shipwrecks the “lumps of gold several -pounds in weight” said to have been found in modern times on the shores -of Florida and Carolina[365]--should have gradually proceeded to the -nations on the shores of the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, and even -to the Caloosas in South Florida, four hundred miles from their starting -point, will not astonish any one acquainted with the extent to which the -transportation of metals was carried by the aborigines in other portions -of the continent. - -END. - - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1] Sommation à faire aux Habitants des Contrees et Provinces qui - s’étendent depuis la Riviére des Palmes et le cap de la Floride. - Extrait du livre des copies des Provinces de la Floride, Seville - Chambre du Commerce, 1527. It is the first piece in Ternaux-Compans’ - _Recueil des Pièces sur la Floride_. - - [2] Naufragios de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca en la Florida, - Valladolid, 1555; republished by Barcia, in the Historiadores - Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales, Tomo II., Madrid, 1749; - translated by Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., Venetia, 1556, from which - Purchas made his abbreviated translation, Vol. IV., London, 1624; - translated entire, with valuable notes and maps by Buckingham Smith, - Washington, 1851. French translation by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837. - - [3] Asiento y capitulacion hecho por el capitan Hernando de Soto, con - el Emperador Carlos V., para la Conquista y Poblacion de la Provincia - de la Florida, y encomienda de la Gobernacion de la Isla de Cuba, - 1537. Printed in 1844, in the preface to the Portuguese Gentleman’s - Narrative, by the Lisbon Academy of Sciences, from the manuscript in - the Hydrographical Bureau of Madrid. - - [4] Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, au Corps Municipal de la - Ville de Santiago, de l’Isle de Cuba. In Ternaux-Compans’ Recueil des - Pieces sur la Floride. - - [5] Relation de ce que arriva pendant le Voyage du Capitaine Soto, et - Details sur la Nature des pays qu’il parcourut, par Luis Hernandez - de Biedma; first printed in Ternaux-Compan’s _Recueil_; Eng. trans. - by Rye, appended to the Hackluyt Society’s edition of the Portuguese - Gentleman’s Narrative, London, 1852. - - [6] Relacão Verdadeira dos Trabalhos [=q] ho Gouernador dō Fernādo - d’ Souto y certos Fidalgos Portugueses passarom no d’ scobrimēto da - provincia da Frolida. Agora nouamēte feita per hū Fidalgo Deluas, - 8vo., Evora, 1557; reprinted, 8vo., Lisboa, 1844, by the Academia - Real das Sciencias, with a valuable preface. It was “contracted” by - Purchas, vol. IV., London, 1624; translated entire by Hackluyt, under - the title, “Virginia richly valued by the Description of Florida, her - next Neighbor,” published both separately and in his Collections, vol. - V., and subsequently by Peter Force, Washington, 1846, and by the - Hackluyt Society, with a valuable introduction by J. T. Rye, London, - 1852; another “very inferior” translation from the French, London, - 1686. French trans. by M. D. C. (M. de Citri de la Guette), 12mo., - Paris, 1685, and again in two parts, 1707-9. Dutch trans. in Van der - Aa’s Collection, 8vo., 1706, with “schoone kopere Platen,” and a map. - - [7] Buckingham Smith, Translation of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 126. - - [8] Herrera, Dec. VII., cap. x., p. 16. - - [9] Ticknor, in his History of Spanish Literature, says 1540; the - Biographie Universelle, 1530; errors that may be corrected from the - Inca’a own words: “Yo nasci el año mil y quinientes y treinta y - nueve.” Commentarios Reales, Parte Segunda, Lib. II., cap. xxv. - - [10] La Florida del Inca; Historia del Adelantado Hernando de Soto, - Governador y Capitan General del Reino de la Florida, y de otros - Heroicos Caballeros, Españoles y Indios; 4to, Lisbona, 1605; folio, - Madrid, 1723; 12mo., Madrid, 1803. French trans. by St. Pierre - Richelet, Paris, 1670, and 1709; Leyde, 1731; La Haye, 1735; by J. - Badouin, Amsterdam, 1737. German trans. from the French, by H. S. - Meier, Zelle, 1753; Nordhausen, 1785. Fray Pedro Abiles in the Censura - to the second Spanish edition, speaks of a garbled Dutch translation - or imitation, under the title (I retain his curious orthography), _Der - West Indis che Spiegel Durch Athanasium Inga, Peruan von Cusco, T. - Amsterdam, by Broer Jansen, 1624_. - - [11] The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto, 2 vols. 8vo., - Philadelphia, 1835; revised edition, 1 vol., 8vo., New York, 1851, - with a map of De Soto’s route. - - [12] Charlevoix’ scheme may be found in his Histoire de la Nouvelle - France; De l’Isle’s in the fifth volume of the Voyages au Nord, and - in his Atlas Nouveau; Homans’ is quoted by Warden in the Chronologie - Historique de l’Amerique; all in the first half of the eighteenth - century. - - [13] Travels into the Arkansa Territory, in 1819, Phila., 1821. - - [14] Natural and Civil History of Florida. - - [15] Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. II. - - [16] Antiquarian Researches. - - [17] History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the - Mississippi, New York, 1846, vol. I. - - [18] History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, - vol. I. - - [19] Southern Monthly Magazine and Review for Jan., 1839. - - [20] History of the Conquest of Florida. - - [21] History of Louisiana. - - [22] Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand de Soto, 8vo., - Philadelphia, 1858; an excellent popular compend.--Mr. Schoolcraft, in - the third volume of the History of the Indian Tribes, has described - from personal examination the country in the vicinity of the Ozark - mountains, with reference to the westernmost portion of De Soto’s - route. - - [23] Relation de la Floride pour l’ Illustrissime Seigneur, Vice Roi - de la Nouvelle Espagne, apporté par Frére Gregorio de Beteta; in - Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. - - [24] Compte Rendu par Guido de las Bazares, du voyage qu’il fait pour - découvrir les ports et les baies qui sont sur la côte de la Floride; - in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. - - [25] Lettre du vice-roi de la Nouvelle Espagne, Don Luis de Velasco, - à sa Sacrée Majesté, Catholique et Royale, sur les affaires de la - Floride. De Mexico, le 24 Septembre, 1559; in Ternanx-Compans’ - _Recueil_. - - [26] Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. I, p. 60. - - [27] Memoire sur la Floride, ses Côtes et ses Habitants, qu’ aucun de - ceux qui l’ont visité ont su d’écrire; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. - - [28] Herrera, Dec. VIII., lib. IX., cap. xviii. - - [29] The whole and true Discoverye of Terra Florida, (Englished, The - Flourishing Land) conteyning as well the wonderful straunge Natures - and Manners of the People, with the merveylous Commodities and - Treasures of the Country; as also the pleasant Portes and Havens and - Wayes thereunto, never found out before the last year, 1562. Written - in French, by Captain Ribauld, the fyrst that whollye discovered the - same, and now newly set forthe in Englishe, the xxx. of May, 1563. - Reprinted by Hackluyt, in his small black letter volume of 1583, but - not in the folio collection. - - [30] Jared Sparks, Life of Jean Ribault, American Biography, vol. - VII., p. 147. - - [31] Coppie d’vne Lettre venant de la Floride, envoyée à Rouen, et - depuis au Seigneur d’Eueron, ensemble le Plan et Portraict du Fort que - les François y out faict. Paris, 1565; reprint, without the “Plan et - Portraict,” in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. - - [32] Histoire Memorable du dernier Voyage aux Indes, Lieu appellée - la Floride, fait par le capitaine Jean Ribaut et entrepris par - comandement du Roi en l’an 1565, Lyons, 1566; another edition at - Dieppe the same year, with the title “Discours de l’Histoire de la - Floride,” &c. Sparks says, “At least three editions were published - the same year.” Ternaux-Compans republished the Lyons edition in his - _Recueil_, which differs somewhat from that of Dieppe. - - [33] “Pour vieillard que je suis et tout gris;” Sparks, mistaking the - last word for _gros_, rather ludicrously translates this, “Old man as - he was and very corpulent.”--Life of Jean Ribault, p. 148. - - [34] Sparks, ibid., p. 149. - - [35] Brevis Narratio eorum quæ in Floridâ Americæ Provinciâ, Gallis - acciderunt, secundâ in illam Navigatione, Duce Renato de Laudonniere - Classis præfecto: Anno MDLXIIII., Francofurti ad Mœnum, 1591. - - [36] Epistle Dedicatorie, Vol. III., p. 364. - - [37] This seems to have escaped the notice of Mr. Sparks. It is in - Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil des Pièces sur la Floride_, appended to the - Compte-Rendu of Guido de las Bazares, without a distinct title. - - [38] Memoire de l’heureux résultat et du bon Voyage que Dieu notre - Seigneur a bien voulu accorder à la flotte qui partit de la Ville de - Cadiz pour se rendre à la Côte et dans la Province de la Floride, et - dont était général l’illustre Seigneur Pedro Menendez de Aviles; in - Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. - - [39] “Les François furent merveilleusement oultrez d’une silasche - trahison, et d’une si detestable cruaulté. La Reprinse de la Floride; - Ternaux-Compans” _Recueil_, p. 306. - - [40] Une Requête au Roi, faite en forme de Complainte par les Femmes - Veufues, petits Enfans Orphelins, et autres leurs Amies, Parents et - Alliez, de ceux qui out été cruellement envahis par les Espagnoles en - la France Antharctiques dite la Floride, Mai 22, 1566: it is printed - “in one of the editions of Challeux _Discours_, and also at the end of - Chauveton’s French translation of Benzoni, Geneva, 1579. There are two - Latin translations, one by Chauveton appended to his Brevis Historia, - and also to the sixth part of De Bry; the other by an unknown hand - contained in the second part. These are free translations, but they - accord in the essential points.” Jared Sparks, Appendix to Life of - Ribaut, American Biography, vol. VII., pp. 153-4. - - [41] La Reprinse de la Floride par le capitaine Gourgues; Revue - Retrospective, seconde série, Tome II.; Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. - The latter was not aware of the prior publication in the Revue. - - [42] De Navigatione Gallorum in Terram Floridam, deque clade an. 1565 - ab Hispanis acceptâ. Antwerpiæ, 1568, 8vo. Barcia erroneously adds a - second edition of 1583. - - [43] Rich (Bibliotheca Americana) incorrectly states 1565. - - [44] De Gallorum Expeditione in Floridam et clade ab-Hispanis non - minus iniusté quam immaniter ipsis illata, Anno MDLXV. Brevis - Historia; Calveton, Novæ Novi Orbis Historiæ, Genevæ, 1578; De Bry, - Peregrinationes, Pars VI.; French trans. in Chauveton’s French trans. - of Benzoni, 1579. For the notice of this work I am principally - indebted to Sparks. - - [45] Life of John Ribault, comprising an account of the first Attempts - of the French to found a Colony in North America, Boston, 1845; in - Vol. VII. of Sparks’ American Biography. - - [46] L’Histoire Notable de la Floride située es Indes Occidentales; - Contenant les troys Voyages faits en icelle par certains Capitaines - et Pilotes François, descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniére, qui y a - commandé l’espace d’un an troys moys; à laquelle a esté adjousté un - quatriesme voyage par le Capitaine Gourgues. Mise en lumière par M. - Basanier, Gentil-homme François Mathematicien. Paris, 1586, 8vo., - 124 pp; reprinted Paris, 1853, with an _Avertissement_. Eng. trans. - London, 4to, 1586, by R. H. (Richard Hackluyt,) who included it in his - folio of 1600, reprinted in 1812. - - [47] Voyages, Relations, et Memoires Originaux pour servir à - l’Histoire de l’Amerique; seconde série; Recueil des Pieces sur la - Floride, Paris, 1841. - - [48] The Relation of Pedro Morales, a Spanyard which Sir Francis Drake - brought from St. Augustines in Florida, where he remayned sixe yeeres, - touching the state of those partes, taken from his mouth by Richard - Hackluyt, 1586. - - The relation of Nicholas Bourgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom Sir Francis - Drake brought from St. Augustine, also in Florida, where he had - remayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriot’s hearing. Voyages, - Vol. III., pp. 432-33. - - [49] Varia Historia de la Nueva España y la Florida; Madrid, 1596; - Valladolid, 1634. - - [50] Cedulas y Provisiones Reales de las Indias; Varios Informes y - Consultos de differentes Ministros sobre las Cosas de la Florida; 4to - Madrid, 1596. - - [51] Relacion de los Martires que ha avido en la Florida; 4to, - (Madrid?) 1604. - - [52] Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. II., p. 43, and - Compare “Garcilasso, Commentarios Reales, Parte II., lib. VII.” - - [53] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 181. - - [54] “En breve tiempo hizó (Padre Antonio Sedeño) Arte para - aprenderla, y Catecismo para enseñar la Doctrina Cristiana à los - Indios.” Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 138. His labors have escaped - the notice of Ludewig in his Literature of American Aboriginal - Languages. Though they are the first labors, before him the French - on the St. Lawrence had obtained lists of words in the native tongue - which still remain, and Laudonniére, on the first voyage of Ribaut, - (1562,) says of the Indians near the Savannah river, “cognoissans - l’affection que j’avois de sçavoir leur langage, ils m’ invitoient - après à leur demander quelque chose. Tellement que mettant par escrit - les termes et locutions indiennes, je pouvois entendre la plus - grande part de leur discours.” Hist. Notable de la Floride, p. 29. - Unfortunately, however, he did not think these worthy of publication. - - [55] Confessionario en Lengua Castellana y Timuquana. Impreso con - licencia en Mexico, en la Emprenta de la viuda de Diego Lopez Daualos; - Año de 1613, 12mo., 238 leaves. Nicolas Antonio says 1612, 8vo., but - this is probably a mistake. - - Grammatica de la Lengua Timuquana, 8vo., Mexico, 1614; not mentioned - by Ludewig. - - Catecismo y Examen para los que comulgan, 8vo., Mexico, 1614; - reprinted “en la imprenta de Juan Ruyz,” 8vo., 1627. - - [56] Ludewig says Toledo; Torquemada calls him “Natural de - Castro-Urdiales,” but Nicolas Antonio says expressly, “Franciscus - de Pareja, Auñonensis (Toletanæ dioecesis Auñon oppidum est).” - Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. I., p. 456. Besides this writer, see - for particulars of the life of Pareja, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, - Lib. XIX., cap. xx, p. 350, and Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, pp. 167, - 195, 203. - - [57] Ludewig, Literature of American Aboriginal Languages, p. 242. - - [58] Voiages aux Indes Occidentales; traduits de l’Espagnol; - Amsterdam, 1722. Dutch trans. the same year. Another edition under the - title, Recueil de Voyages dans l’Amerique Meridionale, Paris, 1738, - which Brunet does not notice. - - [59] Relacion de los Viages que los Españoles han hecho a las Costas - del Seno Mexicano y la Florida desde el año de 1685 hasta el de 1693, - con una nueva Descripcion de sus Costas. - - [60] Memorial en Derecho al Rei sobre la Visita à la Florida y otras - Cosas, folio, Madrid, 1690. - - [61] “Solo sirven de dar Escandalo al Vulgar en los Excesos impatados - à unos y otros Individuos,” Barcia, Ensayo Chronologico, p. 300. - - [62] God’s Protecting Providence Man’s Surest Help and Defence, In the - times of the greatest difficulty and most Imminent danger, Evidenced - in the Remarkable Deliverance of divers Persons from the devouring - Waves of the Sea, amongst which they suffered Shipwrack, And also - from the more cruelly devouring jawes of the inhumane Cannibals of - Florida. Faithfully related by one of the Persons concerned therein. - Philadelphia, 1699, 1701, and a _fourth_ edition, 1751. London, 1700. - German trans. Erstaunliche Geschichte des Schiffbruches den einige - Personen im Meerbusen von Florida erlitten, Frankfort, 1784, and - perhaps another edition at Leipzic. - - [63] Thomas, History of Printing in America, vol. II. p. 25. - - [64] The Successes of the English in America, by the March of Colonel - Moore, Governor of South Carolina, and his taking the Spanish Town of - St. Augustine near the Gulph of Florida. And by our English Fleete - sayling up the River Darian, and marching to the Gold Mines of Santa - Cruz de Cana, near Santa Maria. London, 1702; reprinted in an account - of the South Sea Trade, London, 1711. _Bib. Primor. Amer._ - - [65] See the note on his New Map of the North Parts of America, - London, 1720, headed “Explanation of an Expedition in Florida Neck by - Thirty Three Iamasee Indians, Accompany’d by Capt. T. Nairn.” - - [66] A voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735, by Francis Moore; - London, 1741; reprinted in the Collection of the Georgia Historical - Society, Vol. I. - - An Impartial Account of the Expedition against St. Augustine under the - command of General Oglethorpe; 8vo., London, 1742. (_Rich._) - - Journal of an Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine in Florida, - conducted by General Oglethorpe. By G. L. Campbell; 8vo., London, - 1744. (_Watts._) - - [67] They are in the Rev. George White’s Historical Collections of - Georgia, pp. 462, sqq., and in Harris’s Memorials of Oglethorpe. - - [68] An extract may be found in Fairbank’s History and Antiquities of - St. Augustine. - - [69] History of the Florida War. Ch. viii. - - [70] History of St. Augustine. Ch. xiv. - - [71] Statements made in the Introduction to a Report on General - Oglethorpe’s Expedition to St. Augustine. In B. R. Carroll’s Hist. - Colls. of South Carolina, Vol. II., New York, 1836. Various papers - in the State Paper Office, London, mentioned in the valuable list in - the first volume of the Colls. of the S. Car. Hist. Soc. (Charleston, - 1857) which further illustrate this portion of Floridian history, I - have, for obvious reasons, omitted to recapitulate here. - - [72] Ensayo Cronologico para la Historia General de la Florida, fol. - Madrid, 1723. - - [73] Jared Sparks, Life of Ribaut, p. 155. - - [74] Nat. and Civil Hist. of Fla., p. 175. - - [75] An Account of the First Discovery and Natural History of - Florida, with a Particular Detail of the several Expeditions made on - that Coast. Collected from the best Authorities by William Roberts. - Together with a Geographical Description of that Country, by Thomas - Jefferys. 4to, London, 1763, pp. 102. - - [76] A description of East Florida. A Journal upon a Journey from St. - Augustine up the River St. Johns as far as the Lakes. 4to., London, - 1766; 1769; and a third edition whose date I do not know. Numerous - letters interchanged between John Bartram and Peter Collinson relative - to this botanical examination of Florida, embracing some facts not - found in his Journal, are preserved in the very interesting and - valuable Memorials of John Bartram and Humphrey Marshall, by Dr. Wm. - Darlington, p. 268, sqq. (8vo. Phila., 1849.) - - [77] Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West - Florida, and the Cherokee Country, Phila., 1791; 1794. London, 1792. - Dublin, 1793. French trans. by P. V. Benoist, Voyage dans les Parties - Sud de l’Amerique, Septentrionale, Paris, 1801; 1807. - - [78] A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida. New - York printed: sold by R. Aitken, Bookseller, opposite the London - Coffee-House, Front Street, 1776. - - [79] The case of Mr. John Gordon with respect to the Title to certain - Lands in East Florida, &c. With an Appendix and Plan. 4to, pp. 76, - London, 1772. (_Rich._) - - [80] Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, p. 164, seq. - - [81] He did not meet with that success which attended a similar - experiment in Canada, so amusingly described by Baron de La Hontan. - For some particulars of interest consult Bartram, Travels, p. 94, - seq., Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, p. 73. - - [82] Sketches, Historical and Descriptive, of Louisiana, vol. I, 8vo., - Ch. II. Philadelphia, 1812. - - [83] Notice sur le Colonie Greque établie à New Smyrna (Floride) dans - l’année, 1768. Societe de Geographie, T. VII., p. 31. (_Koner._) - - [84] G. R. Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, Ch. XVIII. - See also for other particulars, Bartram, Travels, p. 144, and note, - Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, p. 72, J. D. Schöpf, Reise---nach, - Ost-Florida, B. II., s. 363, 367, seq., who knew Turnbull personally - and defends him. - - [85] Reise durch einige der mitlern und südlichen Vereinigten - Nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und der Bahama-Inseln. 2 - Th., 8vo., Erlangen, 1788. - - [86] The Journal of an Expedition during the years 1796-1800, - for determining the Boundaries between the United States and the - Possessions of his Catholic Majesty in America, 4to., Philadelphia, - 1814. - - [87] A Description of East and West Florida and the Bahama Islands, 1 - Vol. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1813. (_Bib. Univ. des Voyages._) - - [88] Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West - Indies; translated, with valuable additions, by G. R. Thompson, 5 - vols., 4to, London, 1812. - - [89] An account of this tribe by Major C. Swan, who visited them in - 1791, has been published by Schoolcraft in the fifth volume of the - Hist. and Statistics of the Indian Tribes. - - [90] Giddings, Exiles of Florida, p. 39, note. - - [91] Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish Main by the ship Two - Friends, the Occupation of Amelia Island by McGregor, Sketches of the - Province of East Florida, and Anecdotes of the Manners of the Seminole - Indians, 8vo., London, 1819. - - Memoir of Gregor McGregor, comprising ---- a Narrative of the - Expedition to Amelia Island. By M. Rafter. 8vo., Stockdale, 1820. - (_Rich._) - - [92] Reliquiæ Baldwinianæ; Selections from the Correspondence of the - late Wm. Baldwin, M. D., compiled by Wm. Darlington, M. D. 12mo. - Phila., 1843. - - [93] Notices of East Florida, and the Sea Coast of the State of - Georgia; in a series of Letters to a Friend in Pennsylvania. With an - Appendix, containing a Register of the Weather, and a Calendarium - Floræ. The friend here referred to was Dr. Wm. Darlington. The - materials for the Calendarium are preserved in the letters to Dr. - Muhlenberg. - - [94] J. L. Rattenbury. Remarks on the Cession of Florida to the United - States of America, and on the necessity of acquiring the Island of - Cuba by Great Britain. Second edition, with considerable additions, - printed exclusively in the Pamphleteer. London, 1819. - - Memoir upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United States, - which led to the Treaty of 1819; with a Statistical Notice of Florida, - 8vo., Washington, 1821. - - [95] A Memoir of the Geography, and Natural and Civil History of East - Florida, 8vo., Philadelphia, 1821. - - [96] Sketches of the History and Topography of Florida, 8vo., New - York, 1821. - - [97] Compare the North Am. Review, Vol. XIII., p. 98, with the same - journal, Vol. XXVI., p. 482. (_Rich._) - - [98] Notices of East Florida, with an Account of the Seminole Nation - of Indians. By a recent Traveller in the Province. Printed for the - Author. 8vo. Charleston, 1822. pp. 105. - - [99] Observations on the Floridas. 8vo. New York, 1823. pp. 197. - - [100] Answers of David B. McComb, Esq., with an accompanying Letter of - General Lafayette. 8vo. Tallahassie, 1827. See the North Am. Review, - Vol. XXVI., p. 478. - - [101] Oration delivered by Colonel James Gadsden to the Florida - Institute of Agriculture, Antiquities and Science, at its first Public - Anniversary, Thursday, Jan. 4th, 1827. See the North Am. Review, Vol. - XXV., p. 219. - - [102] Message of the President in relation to the Survey of a Route - for a Canal between the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic Ocean; with - the Report of the Board of Internal Improvement on the same, with a - general map annexed, February 28, 1829. A flowery article of ten pages - may be found on this in the Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410. - - [103] Titles and Legal Opinions on Lands in East Florida belonging to - Richard S. Hackley, 8vo., Fayetteville, (N. Car.,) 1826, pp. 71. See - the North American Review, Vol. XXIII., p. 432. Hackley’s grant is - laid down on Williams’ Map. - - [104] A View of West Florida, embracing its Topography, Geography, - &c., with an Appendix treating of its Antiquities, Land Titles, and - Canals, and containing a Chart of the Coast, a Plan of Pensacola, and - the Entrance of the Harbor. 8vo. Phila., 1827, pp. 178. - - [105] The Territory of Florida; or Sketches of the Topography, Civil - and Natural History of the Country, the Climate and the Indian Tribes, - from the First Discovery to the Present Time. 8vo. New York, 1837. - - [106] The War in Florida; being an Exposition of its Causes and an - accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Gaines, Clinch and - Scott. By a late Staff Officer. 8vo. Baltimore, 1836, pp. 184. - - [107] History of the Florida Campaigns. 12mo. Charleston, 1837. - - [108] In the Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine. (Giddings, Exiles of - Florida, p. 99, note.) - - [109] A Narrative of the Early Days and Remembrances of Oceola - Nikkanoche, Prince of Econchatti, a young Seminole Indian. Written by - his Guardian. 8vo. London, 1841, pp. 228. - - [110] The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War. 8vo. - New York, 1848. - - [111] The Exiles of Florida; or, the Crimes Committed by our - Government against the Maroons, who fled from South Carolina and other - Slave States, seeking Protection under Spanish Laws. 8vo. Columbus, - (Ohio,) 1858. - - [112] Memoir to accompany a Military Map of Florida South of Tampa - Bay, compiled by Lieutenant J. C. Ives, Topographical Engineer. War - Department, April, 1856. 8vo. New York, 1856, pp. 42. - - [113] A Winter in Florida and the West Indies. 12mo. New York, 1839. - - [114] Letters from the United States, Canada and Cuba. New York, 1856. - - [115] Sketches of St. Augustine, with a View of its History and - Advantages as a Resort for Invalids. By R. K. Sewall. 8vo. New York, - 1848, pp. 69. - - [116] The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, - Florida, comprising some of the most Interesting Portions of the Early - History of Florida. 8vo. New York, 1858. - - [117] Memoire sur la Floride du Milieu, Comptes-Rendus, T. XIV., p. - 518; T. XV., p. 1045. - - [118] Comptes Rendus, XV., p. 1047. - - [119] Repertorium ueber die ---- auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte - erscheinenen Aufsätze, u. s. w. Berlin, 1852. - - [120] _Bacalaos_, the Spanish word for codfish. - - [121] See A. v. Humboldt’s Introduction to Dr. T. W. Ghillany’s - Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, s. 2-5, in which work - these two maps are given. - - [122] Many of the names on this map are also on the land called Terra - de Cuba, north-west of the island Isabella, Cuba proper, on the globe - of Johann Schoner, Nuremburg, 1520. A copy of a portion of the globe - is given by Ghillany in the work just mentioned. For an inspection of - the original maps of Ptolemy of 1508 and 1513, I am indebted to the - kindness of Peter Force, of Washington. - - [123] Otros conocieron ser tierra firme; y de este parecer fue - siempre Anton de Alaminos, Piloto, que fue con Juan Ponce. Barcia, - Introduccion al Ensayo Chronologico. - - [124] Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. I., cap. iii., p. 91. - - [125] For a description of this and other maps of America during the - sixteenth century, see Dr. Ghillany, ubi suprà, p. 58, Anmerk. 17. - - [126] See G. R. Fairbanks, History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, - pp. 113, 130, for descriptions of the two latter. A “Geog. Description - of Florida” is said to have appeared at London, in 1665. Possibly it - is the account of Captain Davis’ attack upon St. Augustine. - - [127] Descriptio Indiæ Occidentalis, Lib. IV., cap. xiii. (Antwerpt, - 1633.) - - [128] Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410, seq. - - [129] Report of F. L. Dancy, State Engineer and Geologist, in the - Message of the Governor of Florida, with Accompanying Documents, for - 1855, App., p. 9. - - [130] A Description of the Province of Carolina, p. 2, London, 1727. - - [131] Trans. Hist. and Lit. Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc., Vol. I., p. - 113. - - [132] Hist. of the American Indians, p. 358. - - [133] Gilii’ Saggio di Storia Americana, Tomo III., p. 375. - - [134] Rex qui in hisce Montibus habitabat, Ao. 1562, dicabatur - Apalatcy; ideoque ipsi montes eodem nomine vocantur, is written on the - map of the country in Dapper’s Neue und Unbekaute Welt (Amsterdam, - 1673,) probably on the authority of Ribaut. - - [135] The plums mentioned by these writers were probably the fruit - of the Prunus Chicasaw. This was not an indigenous tree, but was - cultivated by the Southern tribes. During his travels, the botanist - Bartram never found it wild in the forests, “but always in old - deserted Indian plantations.” (Travels, p. 38.) - - [136] See Appendix III. - - [137] Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Illes Antilles de l’Amerique, - Liv. II., pp. 331-353. Rotterdam, 1658. - - [138] History of the Caribby Islands, London, 1666. - - [139] Geographia Exactissima, oder Beschreibung des 4 Theil der ganzen - Welt mit Geographischen und Historischen Relationen, Franckfort am - Mayn, 1679. This is a German translation of D’Abbeville’s geographical - essays. I have not been able to learn when the last part, which - contains Bristock’s narrative, was published in French. - - [140] America. London, 1671. - - [141] De Nieuwe en Onbekeende Weereld. Amsterdam, 1671. - - [142] Die Unbekante Neue Welt. Amsterdam, 1673. - - [143] The British Empire in America, Vol. I. London, 1708. - - [144] Geschichte von Amerika, B. H. Halle, 1753. The articles in - these volumes were selected with much judgment, and translated by - J. F. Geyfarts and J. F. Schrœter, Baumgarten merely writing the - bibliographical introductions. It contains a curious map entitled - _Gegend der Provinz Bemarin im Königreich Apalacha_. - - [145] The Chikasah asserted for themselves the same origin, and even - their Mexican relatives were said to visit them from time to time. - (Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 195.) - - [146] Numerous references showing the prevalence of this error are - adduced by D’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, Tom. II., p. 275, et seq. - Among later authors who have been misled by such authorities are - Humboldt, (“Reise nach dem Tropen, B. V., s. 181,”) and the eminent - naturalist F. J. F. Meyen, (Ueber die Ur-Eingebornen von Peru, s. 6, - in the Nov. Act. Acad. Cæsar. Leopold. Carolin. Nat. Cur. Vol. XVII., - Sup. I.) - - [147] Writers disagree somewhat as to the situation of this - fountain. Hackluyt (Vol. V., p. 251) and Gomara (Hist. de las Indias - Occidentales, Cap. XLV., pp. 31, 35) locate it on the island Boiuca - or Agnaneo, 125 leagues north of Hispaniola. Some placed it on the - island Bimini,--which, says Oviedo, is 40 leagues west of Bahama (Pt. - I., lib. xix., cap. xv., quoted in Navarrete,)--a name sometimes - applied to Florida itself, as on the Chart of Cristobal de Topia - given in the third volume of Navarrete. Herrera, La Vega, Fontanedo, - Barcia, Navarrete and most others agree in referring it to Florida. - Fontanedo confuses it with the river Jordan and the Espiritu Santo or - Mississippi. Gomara (ubi suprà, p. 31) gives a unique interpretation - to this myth and one quite in accordance with the Spanish character, - namely, that it arose from the rare beauty of the women of that - locality, which was so superlative that old men, gazing upon it, would - feel themselves restored to the vigor of youth. In this he is followed - by Ogilby. (America, p. 344.) - - [148] See Appendix I. The later Indians of Florida seem to have - preserved certain relics of a superstitious veneration of the aqueous - element. Their priests had a certain holy water, sanctified by blowing - upon it and incantation, thought to possess healing virtues (Nar. of - Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 141;) Coacooche said that when the spirit of - his twin-sister came to him from the land of souls, she offered him a - cup of pure water, “which she said came from the spring of the Great - Spirit, and if I should drink of it, I should return and live with her - for ever.” (Sprague, Hist. Florida War, p. 328.) - - [149] Parallel myths are found in various other nations. Sir John - Maundeville speaks of the odoriferous fountain of youth near the river - Indus, and Ellis mentions “the Hawaiian account of the voyage of - Kamapiikai to the land where the inhabitants enjoy perpetual health, - where the _wai ora_ (life-giving fountain) removed every internal - malady and external deformity or decrepitude from those who were - plunged beneath its salutary waters.” (Polynesian Researches, Vol I., - p. 103.) - - [150] Fontanedo, Memoire, pp. 17, 18, 19, 32, 39. Gomara, Hist. de las - Indias, cap. XLI., p. 31. - - [151] Intro. to the Ensay. Cron.; Fontanedo makes the same statement. - - [152] Despues de establecido los Españoles en las Islas de Santo - Domingo, Cuba, y Puerto Rico, averiguaron que los naturales - conservaban algunas ideas vagas de tierras situadas à la parte - septentrional, donde entre otras cosas maravillosas referian la - existencia de cierta fuente y rio, cuyas aguas remozaban à los - viejos que en ella se bañaban; preocupacion tan añeja y arraigada en - los Indios, que aun antes de la llegada de los españoles los habia - conducido à establecer allì una colonia. Viages y Descubrimientos, - Tomo III., p. 50. - - [153] L’Art de Verifier les Dates, Chronologie Historique de - l’Amerique, Tome VIII., p. 185. - - [154] Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI., p. 249. - - [155] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., Año 1698, p. 317, Careri, Voyage round the - World, in Churchill’s Coll. Vol. IV., p. 537. - - [156] William Bartram, Travels, p. 227. - - [157] See Labat, Voyage aux Isles de l’Amerique, Tome I., p. 136, and - Hughes, Nat. Hist. of Barbadoes, p. 5. - - [158] Jucaias a conjecturis junctas fuisse quondam reliquis magnis - insulis nostri arbitrantur, et ita fuisee a suis majoribus creditum - incolæ fatentur. Sed vi tempestate paulatim absorpta tellure alterne - secessisse, pelago interjecto uti de messenensi freto est autorum - opinio Siciliam ab Italia dirimente, quod una esset quondam contigua. - De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. II., p. 468, Editio Hackluyti, Parisiis, - 1587. - - [159] On this topic consult Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. - II., s. 583; Jefferys, Hist. of the French Dominion in America, Pt. - II., p. 181; Adelung, Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, Th. II., Ab. II., s. - 681; Barton, New Views of the Tribes of America, p. lxxi.; Hervas, - Catalogo de las Lenguas conocidas, Tomo I., p. 387. - - [160] See Appendix II. - - [161] Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 267. - - [162] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc. Vol. II., p. 103 seq. Bossu found the - tradition of De Soto’s invasion rife among the Alibamons (Creeks) of - his day. (Nouv. Voyages aux Indes Occident. I’t. II., pp. 34, 35. - Paris, 1768.) - - [163] Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301. - - [164] The Cherokees plastered their houses both roofs and walls inside - and out with clay and dried grass, and to compensate for the lowness - of the walls excavated the floor as much as three or four feet. From - this it is probable they were the “Indi delle Vacche” of Cabeza de - Vaca “tra queste case ve ne havea alcune che erano di terra, e tutte - l’altre sono di stuore.” (Di Alvaro Nunnes Relatione in Ramusio, - Viaggi, Tom. III., fol. 327, B.) A similar construction was noticed by - Biedma in Acapachiqui where the houses “etaient creusées sous terre - et rassemblaient à des cavernes,” (Relation, pp. 60, 61,) by the - Portuguese Gentlemen in Capachiqui, (Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 498.) and - by La Vega among the Cofachiqui, (Conq. de la Florida, Lib. III., cap. - XV., p. 131.) Hence the Cherokees are identical with the latter and - not with the Achalaques, as Schoolcraft erroneously advances. (Thirty - Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 595.) I suppose it was from this - peculiar style of building that the Iroquois called them _Owaudah_, a - people who live in caves. (Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 163.) - - [165] Adair, Hist. of the N. Am. Inds., pp. 413, 420, 421; Wm. - Bartram, Travels, pp. 367, 388; Le Page Dupratz, Hist. of Louisiana, - Vol. II., pp. 351-2. - - [166] Hist. N. Am. Inds., pp. 422-3. - - [167] François Coreal, Voyages, Tome I., p. 31; Catesby, Account of - Florida and the Bahama Islands, p. viii. - - [168] Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 116. - - [169] Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Florida, pp. 71, 83. - - [170] Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301. - - [171] George White, Hist. Colls. of Georgia, p. 423. It has also been - described to me by a gentleman resident in the vicinity. - - [172] See the Christian Advocate and Journal for 1832, and the almost - unintelligible abstract of the article in Josiah Priest’s American - Antiquities, pp. 169, 170, (third edition, Albany, 1833.) Though - the account is undoubtedly exaggerated, it would merit further - investigation. - - [173] See Appendix II. - - [174] I give these according to the orthography of Baumgarten, who may - differ slightly from other writers. - - [175] Oratio Dominica Polyglotta, Amstelædami, 1715. He does not state - where he obtained them. - - [176] Hewitt, History of South Carolina, Vol. I. p 156. - - [177] El Cacique principal de Apalache, Superior de muchos Caciques, - Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 323. - - [178] Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 14. - - [179] Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, Vol. V. p. 259. - - [180] Schermerhorn, Report on the Western Indians in Mass. Hist. - Colls. Vol. II. (2 ser.,) p. 26; Alcedo, Hist. and Geog. Dict. of - America, Vol. I., p. 82. - - [181] Views of Louisiana, p. 150. - - [182] Trovarono terre grandi piene di genti molto ben disposte, savie, - politiche, e ben’ ordinate. Bartolome de las Casas, Istoria della - Distruttione dell’ Indie Occidentali, p. 108. Venetia, 1626. - - [183] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 71. - - [184] Memoire, p. 13. - - [185] At what time or by whom Tampa Bay was first so called I have - not been able to learn. Its usual name in early narratives is Baia de - Espiritu Santo, which was given by De Soto; sometimes from separate - discoveries it was called Bahia Honda (Deep Bay,) El Lago de San - Bernardo, Baie de St. Louis, and by the Indiana Culata (Barcia, - Ensayo Cron. p. 342, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. I., Cap. - VI.) Herrera in his map of the Audiencia de la Española marks it “B. - de tampa,” and after him Gerard a Schaagen in the Nov. et Accurat. - Americæ Descriptio. - - [186] Williams, Hist. of Florida, pp. 36, 212. Ellicott’s Journal, p. - 247. Robert’s Hist. of Florida, p. 17. - - [187] Guaicum officinale; the _el palo_ or _el palo santo_ of the - Spaniards. - - [188] Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1566. - - [189] See Prior’s Journal in Williams’ Florida, p. 299. The name Miami - applied to a tribe in Ohio, and still retained by two rivers in that - State, properly Omaumeg, is said to be a pure Algic word, meaning, - People who live on the peninsula. (Amer. Hist. Mag. Vol. III., p. - 90.) We are, however, not yet prepared to accept this explanation as - applicable to the word as it appears in Florida. - - [190] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 49, and compare the Hist. Notable, p. - 134. - - [191] For these facts see Fontanedo’s Memoire, _passim_, and Barcia, - Años 1566, 1567. - - [192] Bernard Romans, pp. 291-2. - - [193] Desde los Martires al Cañaveral, Herrera, Dec. IV., Lib., IV., - cap. VII. - - [194] Barcia (En. Cron. p. 118) says Ais commences twenty leagues up - the St. Johns river; but distances given by the Spanish historians - were often mere guesses, quite untrustworthy. - - [195] Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 133-4. - - [196] Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, pp. 74-5. - - [197] Biedma, Relation, p. 53; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, V., p. - 492; La Vega, Lib. II., cap. x., p. 38. - - [198] Irving’s Conquest of Fla., p. 84, note. - - [199] Barcia, Año 1567; Fontanedo, pp. 20, 35. - - [200] Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 190-1, 108-9, 140 sq. - - [201] Jusqu’à Mayajuaca, dans la contrée de Ais, vers _le lieu planté - de roseaux_. Fontanedo, Memoire, p. 35. Cañaveral is a Spanish word - signifying the same as the expression I have italicised. - - [202] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 90. - - [203] Ibid. - - [204] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 8. - - [205] Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 492, Fontanedo, p. 15. - - [206] Les Floridiens ne sement, ne plantent, ne prennent rien ni à la - chasse, ni à la pêche, qui ne soit à la disposition de leurs chefs, - qui distribuent, et donnent, comme il leur plait, etc. François - Coreal, Voiages, Tome I., p. 44. The chiefs on the Bahamas possessed - similar absolute power. (Peter Martyr, De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. - I., p. 467.) - - [207] Basanier, Hist. Not., p. 132. - - [208] Basanier, pp. 9, 141. - - [209] Fontanedo, pp. 10, 11. - - [210] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 7. - - [211] Travels, p. 456. - - [212] E. G. Squier, Aborig. Mon. of N. Y., App. pp. 135-7; Serpent - Symbol, pp. 90, 94, 95. - - [213] Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 205. - - [214] They came to meet Narvaez playing on such flutes, “tañendo unas - Flautas de Caña,” Cabeza de Vaca, Naufragios, cap. V. - - [215] Bernard Romans, p. 62. - - [216] Francisco Ximenez, Origen de los Indios de Guatemala, p. 179. - - [217] De Morgues, Brevis Historia, Tab. XXI. - - [218] Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, etc., p. 46. - - [219] Brevia Historia, Tab. XXX., and compare the Histoire Memorable, - p. 261. - - [220] Naufragios, cap. III. - - [221] God’s Protecting Providence, p. 62. This style of building was - common among the Caribs, and may have been derived from them. - - [222] Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 8, 101. - - [223] See Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 143, note - 152, and authorities there quoted. - - [224] Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXV.; Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, - B. I., s. 87. - - [225] Klemm, Culturgeschichte der Menscheit, B. II, s. 179. - - [226] Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 43 sqq. - - [227] On the Trinity in aboriginal American religions, see Count - Stolberg in the Wiener Yahrbücher der Literatur, B. XVI., s. 278. - - [228] God’s Protecting Providence, p. 12. - - [229] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 38, 39. - - [230] Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 22. He embraces all tribes - “from Hudson Bay to the Mississippi,” and adds that they had no - lascivious or Priapean images or rites, in which he is equally at - fault. - - [231] Man hat weder bei den Sudamericanern noch bei den Nördlichen - eigentliche Götzenbilder oder I dole bemerkt. Culturgeschichte - der Menschheit, B. II., s. 172. This is confined of course to the - “Yägervolker.” - - [232] Barcia, Ensayo Cron. Año 1566, p. 94; the Port. Gent. in - Hackluyt, Vol. V. p. 491, mentions this as existing among the tribes - near Tampa Bay. - - [233] Moris apud illos est primogenitum masculum Regi victimum - offerre, etc. Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXIV. - - [234] La Reprinse de la Floride, p. 264. - - [235] Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 263, and compare Adair, Hist. of the - North Am. Inds. pp. 238-9. - - [236] Brevis Historia, Tab. XL. Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 10, 11. - - [237] Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 129. - - [238] Tucururu or Tacatacuru was on the Atlantic coast south of St. - Augustine, between it and Santa Lucea. (Barcia, En. Cron., p. 121.) - - [239] Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas de las naciones conocidas, Tom. - I. p. 387. Madrid, 1800-1805. - - [240] Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, B. III., s. 285. - - [241] Gallatin, Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 178. - - [242] Basanier, Hist. Not. pp. 67, 69, 72; Coppie d’une Lettre venant - de la Floride, p. 244. - - [243] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 106. - - [244] Hewitt, Hist. of S. Car., Vol. I., p. 222. He gives 1714 as the - date of this occurrence. But see Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., - Vol. II., p. 353. - - [245] On the Yemassees consult Hewitt, ubi suprà; Barcia, En. Cron. - Año 1686; the tracts in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., - pp. 106, 246, 353, 355; Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 15; Notices of - E. Florida, by a recent traveller, p. 57. - - [246] On the migrations of this tribe consult the Colls. of the - Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. I., pp. 145-6; Vol. II., pp. 61, 71; John - Filson; The Disc., Settlement, and Pres. State of Kentucké, App. - 3, p. 84; Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., pp. 84, - 95; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 59; Narrative of - Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 70 et seq.; Moll’s Map of the Northern Parts of - America, and Sprague’s Hist. of the Florida War. - - [247] Travels, pp. 388-9, and see p. 486. - - [248] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Año 1686, p. 287. - - [249] Jedediah Morse, Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 93, Archæol-Amer., - Vol. I., p. 273, and others. - - [250] Other forms of the same are Little St. Johns, Little Savanna, - Seguano, Suannee, Swannee. It was also called the Carolinian river. - - [251] H. R. Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 161. Adair, - however, says they recorded themselves to be _terræ filii_. (Hist. N. - Am. Inds., p. 257, but compare p. 195.) - - [252] For the individual nations composing the confederacy see Romans, - Hist. of Fla., p. 90; Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 13, and Adair, p. 257. - - [253] Giddings (Exiles of Florida, p. 3) gives the incorrect - translation “runaways,” and adds, “it was originally used in reference - to the Exiles long before the Seminole Indians separated from the - Creeks.” The Upper Creeks called them Aulochawan. (American State - Papers, Vol. V., p. 813.) - - [254] Establishment of the Colony of Georgia, pp. 10, 12, in Peter - Force’s Historical Tracts, Vol. I. - - [255] Major C. Swan, in Schoolcraft’s Hist. of the Indian Tribes. Vol. - V., pp. 260, 272. - - [256] _Smilax_, _China_, and _Zamia pumila_. - - [257] On the civilization of the Seminoles, consult Wm. Bartram, - Travels, pp. 192-3, 304, the American Jour. of Science, Vol. IX., - pp. 133, 135, and XXXV., pp. 58-9; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent - Traveller, and the works on the Florida War. - - [258] Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 75. The author supposed this - was to receive the injunctions of the dying mother, but more probably - it sprang from that belief in a _metasomatosis_ which prevailed, and - produced analogous customs in other tribes. See La Hontan, Voiages, - Tome I., p. 232; “Brebeuf, Relation de la Nouv. France pour l’an 1636, - ch. IX.” Pedro de Cieza, Travs. in Peru, ch. XXXII., p. 86 in Steven’s - Collection. - - [259] Notices of East Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 79. For the - extent and meaning of this singular superstition, see Schoolcraft, - Oneota, pp. 331, 456; Algic Researches, Vol. I., p. 149, note; Hist. - of the Indian Tribes, Vol. III., p. 66; Gregg, Commerce of the - Prairies, Vol. II., p. 271; Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 415; - Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. I., p. 146, and note^{15}. - - [260] Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 77. - - [261] C. Swan in Schooloraft’s His. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 260. - - [262] By the whites I refer to the descendants of the English of - the northern states. While under the Spanish government, up to the - first Seminole war, their nation was said to be “numerous, proud - and wealthy.” (Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, App., p. 215.) This - was owing to the Spanish laws which gave them equal privileges with - white and free colored persons, and drew the important distinction - that they could hold land _individually_, but not _nationally_. How - different these beneficent regulations from the decree of the Florida - Legislature in 1827, that any male Indian found out of the reservation - “shall receive not exceeding thirty-nine stripes on his bare back, - and his gun be taken away from him.” (Laws relating to Inds. and Ind. - Affairs, p. 247, Washington, 1832,) and similar enactments. - - [263] Roberts, First Disc. of Fla., p. 90. - - [264] Collections of Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. II., p. 318. - - [265] Ibid., p. 73. - - [266] Travels, p. 211. - - [267] Nat. History, p. 91. - - [268] Report on Indian Affairs, p. 33. - - [269] Cohen, Notices of Florida, p. 48. - - [270] Sprague, Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 19. - - [271] American State Papers, Vol. VI., p. 439. - - [272] Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 97. - - [273] Ibid., p. 409. - - [274] Ibid., p. 512. - - [275] Ibid. - - [276] Relation de la Floride apportée par Frère Gregorio de Beteta, in - Ternaux’s _Recueil_. They did not touch the coast beyond the Bay of - Apalache nor much south of Tampa Bay. Both Barcia (En. Cron. Año 1549) - and Herrera (Dec. VIII., Lib. V., cap. XIV., XV.) say they entered the - latter, but this cannot be, as the supposed description is entirely - inapplicable. For other particulars see Eden’s translation of Peter - Martyr, (fol. 319, Londini, 1555.) - - [277] The authority for this, as well as most of the facts in this - chapter where other references are not given, is Barcia’s Ensayo - Cronologico. - - [278] Sometimes called Santa Maria or St. Marys; now Amelia Island, - so named, from the beauty of its shores, by Gov. Oglethorpe in 1736. - (Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, in Ga. Hist. Soc.’s Colls. Vol. I., - p. 124) - - [279] Called by the natives Ylacco or Walaka, the river of many lakes; - by the French Rivière Mai, as Ribaut entered it on the first of that - month; by the Spaniards Rio Matheo, Rio Picolato, on some charts by - mistake Rio San Augustin, Rio Matanca and Rio Caouita, and not till - much later Rio San Juan, which the English changed to St. Johns, and - St. Whan. - - [280] Barcia, p. 123, and cf., p. 128. - - [281] Williams, Florida, p. 175. - - [282] Though Drake left nothing but the fort, and the dwellings were a - second time destroyed by Col. Palmer, in 1727, yet Stoddard (Sketches - of Louisiana, p. 120) says houses were standing in his time bearing - the date 1571! - - [283] Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432. Pedro Morales adds, “The greatest - number of Spanyards that have beene in Florida these sixe yeeres, was - 300.” - - [284] Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350. - - [285] Nat. and Civ. Hist. of Fla., p. 175. - - [286] Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350; - Barcia, Años 1603 and 1612. - - [287] L’interieur, non plus que les parties de l’ouest et du Nord - n’est pas en notre pouvoir. Voiages aux Indes Occidentales, T. I., p. - 27. - - [288] He published two Cedulas Reales for this purpose, bearing the - dates Oct. 20, 1680, and Sept. 30, 1687. - - [289] Barcia, p. 317; Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s - Coll., Vol. IV., p. 537. - - [290] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 77-8. - - [291] Maintenant ils sont presque touts Chrètiens. Louys Morery, Le - Grand Dictionnaire Historique, ou le Melange Curieux, Vol. I., Art. - _Apalaches_. (Amsterdam and La Haye, 1702.) - - [292] See the Report on Oglethorpe’s Expedition, and Col. Moore’s - Letter to the Governor, in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. C., Vol. II. - - [293] Williams, View of W. Fla., p. 107. - - [294] Alcedo, Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 81. - - [295] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 68-9. - - [296] Herman Moll, Thesaurus Geographus, Pt. II, p. 211, 4th ed. - London, 1722. - - [297] Dickinson, God’s Protecting Prov., p. 63. - - [298] Roberts, Hist, of Fla., p. 15, and Francis Moore’s Voyage to - Georgia. - - [299] Travels, p. 233. - - [300] Travels in E. Fla., p. 32, Darlington, Mems. of Bartram and - Marshall, p. 284. - - [301] Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 277-8. - - [302] Nat. and Civil Hist. Fla. Preface and p. 175. - - [303] See his letter on the Antiquities of the State in Williams’ View - of W. Fla., pp. 105-110. - - [304] The War in Fla., by a late Staff Officer, p. 5; see also, the - account of Black Hoof in Morse’s Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 98, and - cf. Archæol. Am., Vol. I. p. 273. - - [305] Dr. Stork, Des. of E. Fla., p. 8. - - [306] Capt. Robinson, in Roberts, p. 97. - - [307] Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 5. - - [308] Parliamentary History, Vol. XV., Col. 1301, Art. XX. - - [309] Travels, p. 65. - - [310] Jour. of Travels in E. Fla., p. 25. - - [311] Travels, p. 99. - - [312] Ibid., p. 521. - - [313] Travels, p. 99. - - [314] Au sorty du village d’Edelano, pour venir au port de la rivière - il faut passer par une allée, longue environ de trois cens pas et - large de quinze, aux deux costez de laquelle sont plantez de grands - arbres, &c. Hist. Notable, p. 138. - - [315] Il y a au sortir du village une grande allée de trois à quatre - cens pas, laquelle et recouverte de grands arbres des deux costez. - Hist. Not. pp. 164-5. - - [316] Conq. de la Florida, Lib. II., P. I, cap. ult. - - [317] La Vega, Ibid., Lib. I., cap. V., pp. 30-1. - - [318] Lafitau in Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 71; - Schoolcraft, Algic Researches, Vol. II., pp. 52, 190. - - [319] Knight, Anc. Art. sect. 162; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, - Vol I., p. 198, note^{28}; Montfaucon, Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 235; - Görres, Mythengeschichte, B. I., s. 171. - - [320] Real Cedula que contiene el asiento capitulado con Lucas Vasquez - de Aillon, in Navarrete Viages, Tom. III. p. 153; Basanier, Hist. - Notable, p. 29, and comp, p. 78. - - [321] Real cedula dando facultad à Francisco de Garay para poblar la - Provincia de Amichel, in Navarrete, Tom. III., p. 148. The account - says they were “de diez à once palmos en alto.” - - [322] Histoire de la Virginie, Liv. III., p. 259, (Orleans, 1707.) - - [323] Notes on the Iroquois, p. 482. - - [324] Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, Let. XX. p. 162. - - [325] Archæologia Americana, Vol. I. - - [326] On the _rôle_ of trees in primitive religions consult Guigniaut, - Religions de l’Antiquitè, T. I., pp. 81, 150, note, 391, 406. - - [327] La Vega, Conq. de la Florida, Lib. I., cap. IV., p. 5. - - [328] Ibid. Lib. III., cap. XIV., p. 129. cap. XV., p. 131, et sq. - - [329] For descriptions of this mode of interment, essentially the same - in most of the tribes from the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence, and - very widely prevalent in South America, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, - p. 516; Romans, Nat. Hist. Fla., pp. 88-90; Adair, Hist. N. Am. - Inds., p. 183; Lawson, New Account of Carolina, p. 182, in Stevens’ - Collection; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, pp. 259-62; Baumgarten, - Ges. von Amerika, B. I., s. 470; Colden, Hist. of the Five Nations, p. - 16, and many others. - - [330] See an instructive notice from Pere le Petit in the Lettres - Edifiantes et Curieuses, T. IV., pp. 261-2, and the Inca, Lib. II., - pp. 69-70; Lib. IV., p. 188; Lib. V., pp. 202, 231, &c. - - [331] Port. Gent, in Hackluyt, V., p. 489. - - [332] Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, pp. 71-2. The author speaks of one - “that must have covered two acres of ground,” but this is probably a - misapprehension. - - [333] I am aware that Mr. Schoolcraft places the pottery of Florida - intermediate between the coarse work of the northern hunter tribes, - and the almost artistic manufactures of Yucatan and Mexico, (see - an article on the Antiquities of Florida, in the Hist. of the Ind. - Tribes, Vol. III.;) but the numerous specimens obtained in various - parts of the peninsula that I had opportunities to examine, never - seemed to indicate a civilization so advanced. - - [334] There is an excellent paper on this topic by the well-known - geologist, Lardner Vanuxem, in the Trans. Am. Assoc. Geol. and - Naturalists, for 1840-42, p. 21. sq. - - [335] This is not an invariable proof however; see Tuomey, Geol. - Survey of S. Car., p. 199, note. - - [336] Second Visit to the United States, Vol. I., p. 252. - - [337] Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. XI., (2 ser.) pp. 164-74. - - [338] Le case loro sono edificate di stuore sopra scorze d’ostriche, e - sopra di esse dormono sopra cuoi d’animali. Relatione que fece Alvaro - Nunez, detto Capo di Vaca, Ramusio, Viaggi, T. III., fol. 317., E. - - [339] On the geology of these bluffs, see the articles by Mr. Allen, - in the first, and Mr. Conrad in the second volume of the Am. Jour. - Science. (Second series.) - - [340] Travels, p. 198. - - [341] The peculiar hue of the whole St. Johns system of streams has - been termed by various travellers a light brown, light red, coffee - color, rich umber, and beer color. In the sun it is that of a weak - lye, but in the shade often looks as black as ink. The water is quite - translucent and deposits no sediment. The same phenomenon is observed - in the low country of Carolina, New Jersey, and Lake Superior, and on - a large scale in the Rio Negro, Atababo, Temi, and others of South - America. In the latter, Humboldt (Ansichten der Natur, B. I., p. - 263-4) ascribes it “to a solution of carburetted hydrogen, to the - luxuriance of a tropical vegetation, and to the quantity of plants and - herbs on the ground on which they flow.” In Florida, the vast marshes - and hammocks, covered the year round with water from a few inches to - two feet in depth, yet producing such rank vegetation as to block up - the rivers with floating islands, are doubtless the main cause. The - Hillsboro, Suwannee, and others, flowing through the limestone lands - into the Gulf, are on the other hand remarkable for the clarity of - their streams. I have drank this natural decoction when it tasted and - smelt so strongly of decayed vegetable matter as almost to induce - nausea. A fact not readily explained is that while the dark waters of - other regions are marked by a lack of fish and crocodiles, a freedom - from stinging musquitoes, a cooler atmosphere and greater salubrity, - nothing of the kind occurs on these streams. - - [342] For particulars concerning some of these, see Wm. Bartram, - Travels, pp. 145, 165, 206, 230; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent - Trav., pp. 28, 44; American Journal of Science, Vol. XXV., p. 165, I., - (2 ser.) p. 39. - - [343] Flint, (Travels, Let. XVI., p. 172,) says that neither of those - found in 1810 measured more than four feet. This is an error. He only - saw the female, whose age was not over fourteen, and the squatting - position in which the body was, deceived him. - - [344] Conq. de la Florida, Lib. V., P. II., cap. VIII. - - [345] In French’s Hist. Coll. of La., Pt. I., p. 61. - - [346] Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I., pp. 154-5. - - [347] Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 230. - - [348] A New Account of Carolina, p. 191. - - [349] Joutel, Jour. Hist., p. 218; Mems. of Sieur de Tonty, p. 61; - Dupratz, V. II., p. 22; Cabeza de Vaca. in Ramusio, T. III., fol. 317, - E. - - [350] Lawson, ubi suprà, p. 180. - - [351] It was remarked of the mummy found in the Mammoth cave, “In - the making of her dress there is no evidence of the use of any other - machinery than bone and horn needles.” (Collin’s Kentucky, p. 257.) - - [352] Archæologia Americana, Vol. I., p. 230. - - [353] Whence the French verb _boucaner_, and the English _buccaneer_. - Possibly the custom may have been introduced among the tribes of the - northern shore of the Gulf by the Caribs. - - [354] Dumont, Mems., Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I, p. 240. - - [355] De Bry, Peregrinationes in America, P. I., Tab. XXII.; Beverly, - Hist. de la Virginie, Liv. III., pp. 285-6; Lawson, Acc’t of Carolina, - p. 182; Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 693. - - [356] See the Inca, Lib. IV., caps. VIII., IX. - - [357] See the Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. I., p. 429; Vol. XXII., p. - 124; Collin’s Kentucky, pp. 177, 448, 520, 541; Bradford, Am. Antiqs., - Pt. I., p. 29. - - [358] Dumont, Mems. Hist. T. II., pp. 178, 238; Dupratz, Vol. II., p. - 221, and for the latter fact, Mems. of the Sieur de Tonty, p. 61. - - [359] Medical Repository, Vol. XVI., p. 148. This opinion is endorsed - by Bradford, Am. Antiqs., p. 31. - - [360] Humboldt, Krit. Untersuch. ueber die Hist. Entwickelung der - Geog. Kentnisse der neuen Welt, B. I., s. 322; the same reason is - given by De Laet, Descrip. Ind. Occident. Lib. IV., cap. XIV. - - [361] “Guañines de oro,” Navarrete, Viages, Tom. III., p. 52; Herrera, - Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI. - - [362] Mais on n’y trouve pas d’or, parce qu’elle est eloignè des - mines d’Onagatono, situées dans les montagnes neigeuses d’Onagatono - dernieres possessions d’Abolachi, Memoire, p. 32. - - [363] Pedro Morales, in Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432. - - [364] See Lanman’s Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, pp. 9, 26, - 27; White, Hist. Coll. of Georgia, pp. 487-8. - - [365] Humboldt, Island of Cuba, p. 131, note. - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Notes on the Floridian Peninsula; its -Literary History, Indian Tribes and A, by Daniel G. 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